ELECTION UPDATE SOUTH AFRICA 2014 ELECTION UPDATE SOUTH AFRICA October 2014

Home , Alvin Botes, Andile Lili, Andrew Louw (politician), Andries Tatane, Bantu Holomisa, Cassel Mathale

Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa Published by EISA 14 Park Road, Richmond Johannesburg South Africa

PO Box 740 Auckland park 2006 South Africa Tel: +27 011 381 6000 Fax: +27 011 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] www.eisa.org.za

ISBN: 978-1-920446-45-1

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA.

First published 2014

EISA acknowledges the contributions made by the EISA staff, the regional researchers who provided invaluable material used to compile the Updates, the South African newspapers and the Update readers for their support and interest.

Printing: Corpnet, Johannesburg CONTENTS

PREFACE 7 ______

ELECTIONS IN 2014 – A BAROMETER OF SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICS AND 9 SOCIETY? Professor Dirk Kotze ______

1. PROCESSES ISSUE 19 Ebrahim Fakir and Waseem Holland

LEGAL FRAMEWORK 19

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN ELECTORAL LAW 21

ELECTION TIMETABLE 24

ELECTORAL AUTHORITY 25

NEGATIVE PERCEPTIONS OF ELECTORAL AUTHORITY 26

ELECTORAL SYSTEM 27

VOTING PROCESS 28

WORKINGS OF ELECTORAL SYSTEM 29

COUNTING PROCESS 30

2014 NATIONAL AND PROVINCIAL ELECTIONS – VOTER REGISTRATION 32 STATISTICS AND PARTY REGISTRATION ______

2. SA ELECTIONS 2014: CONTINUITY, CONTESTATION OR CHANGE? 37

THE PATH OF THE PAST: SOUTH AFRICAN DEMOCRACY TWENTY YEARS ON 37 Professor Steven Friedman

KWAZULU-NATAL 44

NORTH WEST 48

LIMPOPO 55

FREE STATE 59

WESTERN CAPE 64

MPUMALANGA 74

GAUTENG 77 ______

3 3. SA ELECTIONS 2014: STICKS & STONES - POLITICAL INTOLERANCE, 87 VIOLENCE & INTIMIDATION

THE FIRST TO DEFEND THE RIGHTS OF OTHER PARTIES? – THE ANC AND 87 THE PROBLEM OF INTIMIDATION IN SOUTH AFRICA David Bruce

KWAZULU-NATAL 95

GAUTENG 97

NORTH WEST 102

MPUMALANGA 106

LIMPOPO 108

EASTERN CAPE 110

FREE STATE 112

WESTERN CAPE 114 ______

4. SA ELECTIONS 2014: POLITICAL OPPOSITION -COHESION, FRACTURE OR 119 FRAGMENTATION?

FRAGMENTATION AND FRACTURE – THE LOSS OF TRUST AND CONFIDENCE 119 IN POLITICAL PARTIES Ebrahim Fakir

FIGMENT OR FRAGMENTATION? – FOCUS ON THE GOVERNING ALLIANCE 122 AND POLITICAL OPPOSITION Aubrey Matshiqi

FREE STATE 126

NORTH WEST 128

GAUTENG 133

EASTERN CAPE 136

LIMPOPO 138

NORTHERN CAPE 140

MPUMALANGA 143

WESTERN CAPE 146

KWAZULU-NATAL 151 ______

5. RESOURCES: STATE AND PRIVATE – USE OR ABUSE? 155

UNREGULATED PRIVATE FUNDING OF POLITICAL PARTIES: LINKING MONEY, 155 POWER AND CORRUPTION Gregory Solik

NORTH WEST 161

GAUTENG 162

KWA-ZULU NATAL 164 4 LIMPOPO 165 EASTERN CAPE 167

MPUMALANGA 169

NORTHERN CAPE 170

FREE STATE 172

WESTERN CAPE 173 ______

6. SA ELECTIONS 2014: POST ELECTION PROVINCIAL REVIEW 177

FREE STATE 177

MPUMALANGA 179

KWAZULU NATAL 181

GAUTENG 183

NORTH WEST 186

EASTERN CAPE 189

NORTHERN CAPE 192

WESTERN CAPE 193

LIMPOPO 197 ______

7. SA ELECTIONS 2014: THE PROBLEMS OF UNREGULATED PRIVATE 199 FUNDING OF POLITICAL PARTIES - PROTESTS AND THE PROVINCIAL RESULTS PATTERNS

A DETECTIVE STORY: FOLLOWING THE MONEY TO UNDERSTAND THE 199 INFLUENCE OF SECRET POLITICAL PARTY FUNDING ON THE 2014 ELECTIONS Karabo Rajuili

GAUTENG 205

NORTH WEST 209

NORTHERN CAPE 212

LIMPOPO 213

EASTERN CAPE 215

FREE STATE 216

KWAZULU NATAL 218

WESTERN CAPE 220 ______

5 8. SA ELECTIONS 2014: THE MEDIA AND PROVINCIAL CABINET 227 COMPOSITION

IS THERE A GOOD STORY TO TELL ABOUT THE SOUTH AFRICAN MEDIA 227 COVERAGE OF THE COUNTRY’S 2014 NATIONAL AND PROVINCIAL ELECTIONS? Wellington Radu and William Bird

WESTERN CAPE 236

NORTH WEST 239

EASTERN CAPE 242

GAUTENG 246

MPUMALANGA 247

NORTHERN CAPE 250

FREE STATE 252

KWAZULU NATAL 254 ______

9. SA ELECTIONS 2014: THE FINAL ISSUES – PRIVATE FUNDING OF 257 POLITICAL PARTIES, YOUTH PARTICIPATION AND NEW POLITICAL ENTRANTS

PARTY POLITICAL FINANCE AND MULTI-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH 257 AFRICA’S 2014 ELECTION Ivor Sarakinsky

SOUTH AFRICAN YOUTH: POLITICALLY APATHETIC? Elnari Potgieter and 262 Barend F Lutz

SA ELECTIONS 2014: PERFORMANCE OF NEW PARTIES Sithembile Mbete 274 ______

RECCOMENDATIONS 281 ______

ALPHABETICAL INDEX 283

6 ELECTION UPDATE 2014

• provide critical information PREFACE and analysis to all electoral stakeholders on the electoral and political process; and Since 1999 EISA has produced • serve as a historical record of a series of Election Updates for the electoral process. every South African election, detailing and documenting the de- For these reasons, the Election velopments of the pre-election, Update series has become an in- election day, and post-election dispensable resource on the po- period in each of South Africa’s litical and electoral process as it nine provinces. These updates unfolds in South Africa. are circulated to a broad group of local and international electoral Over a series of nine issues, we stakeholders, including local and aim to have brought timely and international observer missions, relevant insights into the elector- local civil society organisations, al and political process through political parties, academics and providing information, data and universities as well as a broader analysis on selected themes ger- international audience interested mane to the political, electoral in developments in South Africa. and democratisation process. The Election Update provides in-depth insight into the elector- The updates were produced in al and political process and pro- three phases, the immediate pre – vides an account of the extent to election phase, the elections days which democracy in South Africa phase, and a post elections phase is taking root after twenty years which provided a documentation of political transition. It aims to and analysis of the process and reflect on the past two decades of the results. This compendium democracy in South Africa, and edition, thus provides an extant examine potential issues impact- record and documentation of the ing on the 7 May 2014 elections. overall political and electoral Specifically, the Election Update process, with the unique feature aims to: of providing data, information and analysis from each of South • contribute to voter education Africa’s nine provinces and will aimed at promoting an in serve as a useful documentary formed choice by the elector guide of record, on the South Af- ate; rican electoral process in 2014. • promote national dialogue on elections and in the process This would not have been possi- inculcate a culture of political ble without the commitment and tolerance; dedication of the researchers and • influence policy debates and EISA staff. electoral reform efforts through published material;

7 8 ELECTIONS IN 2014 – A BAROMETER OF SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY?

Dirk Kotzé – Professor; Department of Political Sciences, University of South Africa, Pretoria

1. Introduction relatively small in number, but ca. The main challenge in South well established. The research Africa is, however, to proceed EISA has published nine issues approach they follow is mainly beyond the seasonal interest in of Election Update during 2014 qualitative-empirical in nature individual elections to more sys- to record and reflect on prepara- with very few examples of quan- tematic, thematic and compara- tions for and the conduct of the titative studies, similar to those of tive electoral studies. national and provincial elections Pippa Norris’ Electoral Integrity on 7 May 2014 throughout South project1. Robert Mattes (UCT) is The main foci of attention over Africa. This event was not only one of the few exceptions to this the years in the South African the fifth national/provincial elec- rule. studies have been firstly, the pre- tions but also concluded the first dominance of results’ analysis in two decades after introduction All the elections between 1994 terms of party-race alignments of constitutional democracy in and 2014 have been thoroughly (or elections as “racial census- South Africa. It raises the expec- researched and numerous pub- es”), the regional/provincial con- tation that South Africa should lications on them are available. centration of opposition parties have “become of age” with this The 1994 election was the focus (epitomized by the IFP), Kwa- election. At the same time it is of books by Andrew Reynolds2, Zulu-Natal and the Western Cape worthwhile to compare it with Peter Harris3, and RW Johnson as the two exceptional provinces countries at the same stage of & Lawrence Schlemmer4. One where the ANC has not always their history: Zimbabwe in 2000, of the books on the 1999 election been in the majority, the excep- Namibia in 2010 or Mozambique was edited by Yvonne Muthien5 tional nature of local government in 2014. At this point in South and another one compiled by elections in terms of its electoral Africa’s development the ques- Tom Lodge6, while Susan Booy- system, much lower voter turn- tion can be asked: how advanced sen7 edited a publication on the outs than the other elections, is South Africa in improving the 2011 local government election. proportionally to provincial gov- quality of its democracy? These Roger Southall & John Daniel ernments a much higher instance questions will not be directly be edited a book on the 2009 elec- of coalition governments, and answered here, but arguably an tion8 and the latest publication on the relative success of local or election is a valuable barometer the 2014 election has been edited civic organisations as contenders of the general state of politics and by Collette Shulz-Herzenberg & against national parties. Another the burning contemporary issues Roger Southall9. EISA’s Election perennial issue in South African in a society. Therefore the 2014 Updates during earlier elections elections over the years has been election was not only about par- were also consolidated in pub- the ANC’s success to constituting ty political contestation, but also lications while journals like the a single-dominant party regime about the state of South African Journal of African Elections or and the opposition parties’ inabil- politics twenty years into its con- Politeia, dedicated issues specifi- ity to contest its hegemonic sta- stitutional democracy. cally to some of the elections. tus. Substantive matters like policy debates are not yet prominent EISA is one of the leading institu- Dedicated research on electoral foci of attention while leadership tions which promoting electoral matters is undertaken at the Uni- personalities are increasingly studies in South Africa, and at the versity of Cape Town in the form emphasized as an electoral phe- same time serves as a knowledge of the South African National nomenon. and training source on elections. Election Study and at UNISA by In South Africa the cohort of re- the Wiphold-Brigalia Bam Chair searchers on electoral matters is in Electoral Democracy in Afri-

9 The discussion that follows con- A second theme amongst the con- its campaign. The Sidikiwe! Vu- centrates on the main themes tributions was a search for clari- kani! campaign by ANC veter- which emerged from the contri- ty on the impact of local public ans Ronnie Kasrils and Nozizwe butions in the Election Updates, protests on elections. Up to the Madlala-Routledge calling for a followed by a brief look at the 2011 election the standard inter- protest vote against the ANC or main issues associated with the pretation of these protests (which for any smaller party except the 2014 election, then an overview became prominent in 2004) has DA, was also a form of faction- of the national and provincial been that they articulate a wide alism though it did not affect the election results, and concluded spectrum of frustrations but were election outcome significantly, by a summary of the challenge to mainly focused on service de- but did erode the ANC’s credibil- the IEC’s presentation of the vot- livery. They were, however, not ity. The newly-formed Economic er turn-out in this election. oppositional in nature, because Freedom Fighters is effectively at the time of elections in most a break-away faction from the 2. Thematic trends in instances the protestors still vot- ANC, joined by former COPE Election Updates ed for the ANC10. In respect of supporters and other small par- the 2014 election the authors ties. Its impact on the ANC in The first theme in several of the attached a spectrum of interpre- Gauteng, Limpopo and the North contributions is the strategies tations to what the protests ar- West was substantial. More dif- followed by the parties in their ticulate, ranging from service ficult to determine – and there- election campaigns. As a gen- delivery matters to a quest for fore not developed by the authors eralization the observation was better quality democracy or citi- – was the impact of COSATU’s made that opposition parties con- zenship questions. The protests in factionalism (especially NUM- centrated mainly on the ANC and Bekkersdal in particular, but also SA) on the ANC’s electoral per- on governance problems such as in Limpopo and the North West formance. A fourth general theme service delivery while they ne- province (Zeerust, Bloemhof, in several of the contributions is glected their own election mani- Madibeng, Marikana) received the special attention paid to this festos. It is noteworthy that early special attention. In the North election’s voter turn-out. In the in the campaign period the ANC West for example, service deliv- past voter turn-out in South Afri- and DA sharply differed on their ery problems are partly attribut- can elections was discussed pre- job creation proposals. Both pro- ed to the ANC’s factional prob- dominantly in proportion to the jected a growth of six million lems in the provincial leadership. registered voters. Already with jobs in the next five years under While in the past Limpopo did not the 2009 general election Robert their own administrations but the experience serious local tensions Mattes, Collette Schulz-Herzen- DA staged a march in Johannes- during election periods, the new berg11 and others started to insist burg to the ANC’s head-office in tensions in 2014 are presented as that it would be more accurate order to draw a distinction be- an explanation for a decline in the to calculate it in proportion to tween the ANC’s “public works’ province’s voter turn-out (despite the voting-age population (VAP) jobs” and the DA’s “REAL jobs”. higher voter registration) and the above 18 years and based on Unfortunately this substantive ANC’s losses. In both Gauteng regularly adjusted or estimated contestation quickly petered out. and the North West the ANC lost census population figures. Most For most of the time the DA’s substantial support in the protest of the contributions on the 2014 approach concentrated on Presi- centres – therefore a new elec- election have accepted this argu- dent Jacob Zuma and conscious- toral behaviour phenomenon in ment and therefore demonstrated ly made an attempt to force a the form of a direct correlation an even more dramatic decline in wedge between the “Zuma fac- between protest and ANC losses the ANC’s support. tion” of the ANC and the “ANC appears to be present. This phe- of Mandela and Mbeki”. On the nomenon cannot be ascribed to a Most of the Election Update is- other hand, the ANC’s campaign stay-away or negative voting, be- sues are organized in thematic mantra that it has a “good story cause the voter turn-out in these forms. Four of the themes are to tell” which is that life in South areas remained constant. worth mentioning. The first is Africa has improved over the last political intimidation (Election twenty years, was countered by A third general theme in the con- Update 3), discussed by David the DA and EFF insisting that it tributions was the ANC’s inter- Bruce. Intimidation is not only applies only to the Mandela and nal problems and factionalism measured by the number of po- Mbeki eras. in provinces like the Free State litically-motivated killings but and North West that bedeviled also by actions like economi- 10 cally-induced pressure such as It can also be argued that the cline in party credibility. threats that voters may lose their 2014 election has established a An overall theme regarding the social grant/s if they don’t vote new, emerging perspective on the IEC’s management of the voting for a particular party or person. concept of opposition which dif- day across all nine provinces is Though all the South African fers from Matshiqi’s. In the past that it experienced fewer prob- elections have been declared opposition was delegitimized by lems than anticipated. According free and fair and since 1994 and stereotypes of being anti-trans- to the contributions, most of the politically related deaths have formational, anti-patriotic, en- problems were logistical in na- declined substantially, the preva- trenching white interests and ture: voting stations opened late, lence of intimidation in 2014 was being anti-black and “liberal”. a shortage of voting material in often raised. Research by David With the formation of COPE in some stations developed because Bruce concluded that the ANC 2008 and the EFF in July 2013, of the effect of Section 24A vot- has been involved in most of the both as ANC break-away for- ers, or abandoned ballot papers incidents of political intimidation mations, such a stereotype has were found after the counting and that political murders are become unsustainable. Opposi- process. In some instances IEC perpetrated mainly in KwaZu- tion can therefore no longer be officials appear not have been lu-Natal and specifically in the categorised as anti-liberation or adequately trained and took de- Ulundi and KwaMashu areas. In- characterised by a specific ide- cisions in conflict with the elec- timidation is an important indica- ology. Not only the meaning, but toral legislation or regulations. In tor of political tolerance, is a key also the function of opposition in spite of this, few election disputes prerequisite for multi-party-ism. South Africa is changing. One of were lodged and relatively few It can be expected that intimida- the implications of the EFF’s for- conflict incidents were reported. tion will increase as the majority mation has been that it is engaged Most of the contributions con- of the governing party declines, in legitimising opposition and cluded that the election was man- which paradoxically, will also in- challenging the ANC’s monopoly aged effectively, that political dicate more intense contestation on the liberation legacy. It holds parties had a fair chance to pres- amongst the parties. also important implications for ent themselves to the electorate legislative-executive relations, and that the outcome was legiti- A second theme was a focus on and the prominence of Parlia- mate. the opposition: Aubrey Matshiqi ment in future. (Electoral Update 4) proposed 3. Specific issues in the some assumptions about the A third issue theme is about the election South African opposition, name- credibility of political parties and ly that its reach is wider than the public’s trust and confidence One of the most contested so- party political activities and that in them. Ebrahim Fakir (Election cial groups in South African opposition has a very specific Update 4) presents the South Af- politics and society is the mid- meaning in the post-apartheid rican case of a phenomenon that dle-class. Though numerically context. According to him, op- is now almost global in nature. In not the largest segment of the so- position should be located within some instances it is described as ciety, most parties want to claim South African democracy which “anti-politics”12 and characterised majority support amongst the is a product of anti-colonial and by movements like Occupy Wall middle-class. The “Black” mid- anti-apartheid struggles. There- Street, the Tea Party movement dle-class in particular is attrac- fore opposition to the ANC is re- or social movements like Abahla- tive, because it is the segment in garded by many as part of an “an- li baseMjondolo. The point is il- South African society which is ti-liberation impulse”. However lustrated by the fact that the trust most socially mobile. The wish the ANC’s failures lately, accord- index rating (maximum = 100) of or expectation is that a growing ing to Matshiqi, have produced South African political parties in Black middle-class might allow a tension between the liberation 2012 was 25 while these of re- for new voter behaviour patterns and anti-liberation “impulses”. ligious institutions were 77 and and can erode the racial entrench- Matshiqi concluded that the gov- Parliament 4413. It has a direct ment patterns evident in political ernment-opposition distinction is bearing on voters’ motivation party support patterns. For oppo- defined by a clash of worldviews, to register as voters and to vote sition parties in particular, such a ideologies and differences about in elections. It will be seen later new tendency can create oppor- governance delivery but it can that the “registration turn-out” in tunities to challenge the ANC’s also incorporate internal ANC South Africa is gradually declin- dominance. Most parties wish factionalism. ing, following the pattern of de- to be associated with the mid- 11 dle-class, because professionals ANC but, this may be an over- A group of opposition parties tend to take leading positions in simplification of the matter. The led by the UDM applied to the society, be a strong financial re- composition of COPE’s support Electoral Court to conclude that source for any party and includes in 2009 was mainly ANC sup- it would be improper for her to the intellectuals in society. All porters (62%), DA (13%), UDM remain as the Chairperson of the parties want to be embraced by (8%) and Independent Democrats IEC, and that the matter must be intellectual legitimacy and there- (5.5%)17. The fact that the ANC’s referred to Parliament for finali- fore the Black middle-class in overall support declined in 2014 sation. The relevance of this is- South Africa holds a particularly refutes any suggestion of an in- sue for the election was whether important political significance flux of former COPE support to it would compromise the IEC’s for all the parties. them. Looking at specific provin- credibility in the eyes of the po- cial results for example in the Free litical parties and the public, and In 2009 COPE expected to at- State, the ANC lost about two per whether the IEC’s management tract a significant portion of mid- cent, the DA gained about four of the election would be regard- dle-class Mbeki supporters to it. per cent, the EFF gained about ed problematic, with her as the This expectation was only par- eight per cent and COPE lost Chair of the Commission. A sim- tially fulfilled. The DA harboured about ten per cent. It means that ple test of the latter was whether similar ambitions in 2009, which the lost COPE support was divid- the electoral dispute resolution ambitions continued into 2014. ed between the EFF (6%) and the procedure (both the party liai- Though ideologically the ANC DA (4%). In the Eastern Cape the son committees and the Electoral claims to be the champion of the COPE vote was divided between Court) was inundated with chal- working class and presents it- the EFF (4%), the DA (6%) and lenges to the IEC’s decisions or self as the main enemy of “mo- the ANC (1.1%). In Limpopo allegations of biased activities. nopoly capitalism”14, the Black it was divided between the EFF In the end it was clear that the middle-class is a solid core of its (4%) and the DA (3%) and in the issue was mainly confined to the political constituency. It is not Northern Cape between the EFF person, and did not compromise merely an important constituency (5%), the DA (5%) and the ANC the IEC’s management and ad- but in more general terms, Martin (2.8%)18. It means that the EFF ministration of the elections in its Lipset15 and others assume that and the DA were the main bene- entirety. Tlakula subsequently re- a vibrant middle-class is one of ficiaries of COPE’s demise. signed as the Chairperson of the the prerequisites for a democratic Commission. dispensation and its consolida- The 2014 general election was tion. blemished by another issue, A fourth issue is the impact of namely the allegation leveled local demonstrations or protests Alignment with the middle-class against the IEC’s Chairperson and industrial strikes on the elec- was therefore a critical factor in Pansy Tlakula by opposition par- tion. Since 2004 the number of the 2014 election. Ngoma16 con- ties of unethical behavior in leas- protests or demonstrations has cluded that the middle-class’s ing a building for the IEC through gradually increased but a dra- association with the ANC con- irregular process. After a com- matic spike was experienced in tinued but their level of support plaint to The Public Protector, 2011. At the same time a gen- is in decline and they are moving The Public Protector concluded eralisation is that at the time of in different political directions. It that in the current chairpersons elections a slight decrease was is the case especially in the met- former role the IEC’s CEO, she seen. Arguably the protests could ropolitan areas, while in compar- did not follow the correct tender be explained as an unconvention- ative terms the ANC’s constitu- procedures to lease a building al form of public political com- ency is becoming increasingly for the IEC’s head-office and munication when a realisation rural. that it constituted also a conflict takes hold that the conventional of interest, because the building means of political communica- An issue that received very little belongs to a company in which tion with elected local represen- attention so far, but which has her life partner and ANC parlia- tatives did not produce positive arguably had a major impact on mentarian, Thaba Mufamadi, had results. Conventionally the na- the election results of the ANC, a material interest. A further re- ture of election campaigns is that EFF and the DA is the question port on this was commissioned they make senior party officials of what happened with the COPE by the National treasury, which more accessible to a wider sec- voters in 2014. The simplistic an- also pointed out gross irregu- tion of society and therefore pro- swer is that they returned to the larities in procurement process. tests as an alternative to attract 12 their attention were not so much ic than the gap in poorer provinc- er turn-out benefits the ANC – in evidence. Since 2011 a stron- es, even if the objective quality while the opposite is believed by ger feeling of alienation from of the poor services in the richer most analysts. political parties and government provinces are substantially better leaders set in communities and than the poor services in the poor In 2009 the ANC lost percentage therefore protests became more provinces. votes in eight provinces, except pronounced during election peri- in KwaZulu-Natal, where its ods, and their intensity increased As indicated earlier, a direct cor- support increased by about 15%. in the form of more violence. It relation between local protests Mpumalanga was the province was also the trend in 2014 in ar- and voter support for the ANC where it lost the least percentage eas like Bekkersdal, Gugulethu was in the past very weak. In votes. In 2014 the trend changed and in the North West Province. 2014, however, a much stronger with increases in four provinces The election coincided with a correlation has emerged, which and a decline in five. The ANC major industrial dispute at some means that the grievances that suffered the most severe losses of the platinum mines in the drive the protests become moti- in Gauteng (-10.4%), Mpuma- North West. This combination of vations for changes in voting be- langa (-7.4%), Limpopo (-6.3%) protests, strikes and elections is haviour, which introduces the no- and in the North West (-5.5%). Its unique and can be interpreted as tion of the rational choice voter20. highest percentage gains were in an indication of the lack of trust In the past considerations like the Northern Cape (+3.6%) and in elections as a means of either race, the ANC’s liberation leg- KwaZulu-Natal (+1.5%). Argu- bringing communities and public acy or regional allegiance have ably the biggest disappointment representatives closer together, been important voting determi- for the ANC was not necessarily or for elections as dispute reso- nations in line with Steven Fried- its losses in Gauteng but its lack lution. man’s use of “path dependency” of growth in KwaZulu-Natal. (Election Update 2). But now It had the opportunity to collect The epicenters of these protests judgements about government most of the IFP’s loss of 11.5% during the last few years have performance and choices about but instead the National Freedom been in the richer provinces of alternatives appear to be gradu- Party received 7.3% and the ANC Gauteng, the Western Cape and ally entering the decision-making only 1.5% of those votes. the North West and not so much matrix. in the poor provinces (Limpo- The DA received 22.23% of the po, Eastern Cape and the North- 4. Brief overview of national votes which is an in- ern Cape) or in KwaZulu-Natal. the national and pro- crease of 5.57% on 2009. Its They are therefore concentrated vincial results previous increase (in 2009) was in higher GDP income provinces, 4.29%, which indicates that the which is unexpected given a gen- Detailed discussions of the pro- DA did not experience excep- eral theoretical assumption that vincial results are included in tional growth in 2014 but follows the quality of services are expect- Election Update 7. In this section rather an incremental growth tra- ed to be worse in poorer provinc- a number of general features or jectory. Its exponential growth es than in the richer provinces. trends in the results are identified. was indeed in 1999. In 2014 its The fact that the opposite pattern The first notable trend in 2014 growth points in percentage terms is the case can only be explained was that it was the third consec- were: Northern Cape (+11.3%), by the relative deprivation theory utive election in which the ANC Gauteng (+9.0%) and the West- of Ted Gurr19 and others, which lost support. The elections were: ern Cape (+8.3%). In real terms, states that frustration and vio- 2009 (-3.79%), 2011 (-2.74%) it remains dependent on Gauteng lence are not caused by objective and 2014 (-3.75%). It is evident and the Western Cape, because measurements of neglect or de- that its decline in the local gov- 62.35% of all its national votes ficient rewards but by subjective ernment election in 2011 was are concentrated in these two perceptions of an intolerable gap significantly less than those in provinces. Though it increased between persons’ expectations the national/provincial elections. its support in KwaZulu-Natal by of what their just rewards ought The voter turn-out (per regis- only 3.6%, given the province’s to be and what they actually re- tered voters) in national/provin- population size, that percent- ceive. In other words, the gap cial elections is most of the time age contributed 12.64% to the between good and bad services in approximately twenty per cent DA’s total national votes. These richer provinces in South Africa more than in the local elections, three provinces therefore control are perceived as more problemat- which suggests that a lower vot- 74.99% of all the DA’s votes. 13 A similar over-concentration is effect between percentage votes parties are not fixed in spectrum prevalent in the EFF. It received and the real number of votes on positions, like only centre-left 10.3% of the Gauteng votes but proportional representation seats. parties or only centrist parties af- they constitute 40.29% of all The national demographic domi- fect each other. the EFF national votes. Its other nance of Gauteng, KwaZulu-Na- concentration points are Limpo- tal and the Eastern Cape together Another question related to elec- po and the North West. Togeth- with the electoral system of pro- tions is: How does the party sys- er with Gauteng they represent portional representation make the tem in South Africa look after 65.74% of all the EFF votes. In three provinces a decisive factor the 2014 election? The graph contrast, the EFF has very low in any election. below provides a visual presen- levels of support in the coast- tation of the party system over al provinces. Both the DA and A comparison of the four elec- time. In 1994 it was dominat- EFF (together with the IFP, NFP tions since 1994 (graph below) ed by the ANC while two other and UDM) therefore perpetu- – provides an indication of the parties (NNP and IFP) mustered ate the opposition weakness of overall voting patterns of regis- 30% amongst them. It was there- over-concentration in only one or tered voters. The ANC’s electoral fore a single-dominant three two provinces. history constitutes two phases: a party system. In 1999 the ANC growth phase between 1994 and increased its dominance while The ANC’s support patterns in 2004 and a decline phase between no other party received more the provinces after the 2014 elec- 2004 and 2014. The DA and the than ten percent support. It was tion can be divided into four cat- IPF represent two other patterns: therefore a single-dominant party egories, namely: 1. Its strongest since 1994 the DP/DA has incre- system with a fragmented oppo- constituency at a level of 78% mentally and consistently grown sition. In 2004 the ANC reached support (Limpopo and Mpuma- while the IFP experienced the ex- its zenith but at the same time langa), 2. its bedrock at 70% sup- act opposite pattern. Most of the the DA went past the ten per- port (Eastern Cape, Free State and small parties (such as the UDM cent mark while the IFP’s de- North West), 3. the average per- or FF+) initially lost support and cline became pronounced. It was formers at 65% (KwaZulu-Natal thereafter stabilized over a period therefore still a single-dominant and Northern Cape) and 4. the of three to four elections. Party party system with an emerging strugglers below 54% support political trends in South Africa single-dominant opposition par- (Gauteng and the Western Cape). are not based on binary zero-sum ty and therefore less fragmented Ironically KwaZulu-Natal enjoys transactions, which means that than in 1999. In 2009 the ANC’s the highest number of ANC paid the growth and decline patterns tide turned, the DA went passed members but has only the sixth are not linked to specific parties 15% and COPE emerged with highest provincial ANC percent- but the decline of one party can 7.42%. It could be regarded as a age vote. It is however important feed support to more than one single-dominant two-and-a-half to appreciate the difference in other party. It also implies that party system. The same pattern

80 70 60 1994 50 1999 40 2004 30 2009 20 2014 10 0 ANC DA IFP UDM FF

14 party system 80

70 ANC 60 DA 50 IFP 40 COPE/EFF 30 UDM 20 ACDP 10 FF

0 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014 continued in 2014 when COPE of 33.43% of its 2009 support (VAP) it reveals a different ten- was replaced by the EFF and the base21. dency. Collette Schulz-Herzen- DA continued to grow. As a re- berg22 and others argue that vot- sult the opposition has reached its 5. Demographics and er registrations as a percentage best coordinated status in twenty voter turn-out of VAP follow a steady decline, years while the ANC has to face especially among the young many internal crises in the midst Major differences of opinion ex- generation. According to her, of a declining phase. ist about what is the correct cal- the decline pattern is the follow- culation of the voter participation ing: 1994: 86.0%, 1999: 71.8%, Instead of looking at their per- in elections in South Africa. It is 2004: 57.8%, 2009: 59.8% and centage support growth or de- mainly concerned with two mat- 2014: 57.1%23. However, from cline and variations between ters, namely: 1. Voter turn-out these statistics it is clear that the elections, parties’ ability to re- can be calculated as a percentage decline is not directly correlated mobilise their support base of of either registered voters or eli- to all the elections but occurred the previous election is another gible voters (i.e. voting-age per- mainly between 1994 and 2004 indicator of their strength as par- sons – VAP), and 2. the VAP for and thereafter it reached a plateau ties. In 2014 the ANC managed 2014 should be based either on with marginal changes. to mobilise 94.31% of their 2009 the last national census in 2011 percentage support (i.e. not real or be based on the latest adjusted Part of this debate is the argument number of votes) and therefore demographic figures. that the ANC is less representa- it lost 5.69% of their former sup- tive of the society than what it porters. Compare it with their na- The IEC generally reports voter presents to the public in the form tional support decline by 3.7% in turn-out statistics in terms of reg- of its voter support, and therefore percentage terms. The IFP on the istered voters. In this respect the that the basis for their moral claim other hand, lost much more sup- voter turn-out in 2014 was 73.5% to speak on behalf of the “peo- port and managed to keep only compared with 77.3% (2009), ple” and to enjoy an hegemonic 52.74% of its 2009 supporters. 76.7% (2004) and 89.3% (1999). dominance in society are mis- COPE’s dramatic collapse meant In international terms these are placed. In terms of this logic it is that it could only rescue 9.03% of regarded as a relatively high per- argued that the ANC enjoyed ma- its 2009 support. Though grow- centage, especially given that jority support only in 1994 (54%) ing from a very low base, the fact that they remained more or but thereafter it declined to 47% UDM’s increase in support in less constant over a long period. (1999) of the eligible population, 2014 accounted for an expansion The counter-argument, however, 40% (2004), 39% (2009) and of its supporters by 17.64%. The is that if it is calculated in terms 35% (2014). The same principle DA follow suit with an expansion of the voting-age population also applies to the DA and there-

15 fore its support is substantially Irrespective of which popula- END NOTES lower at 2% (1994), 7% (1999), tion estimate is most correct, the 7% (2004), 10% (2009) and 13% VAP-based turn-out is almost 1 The Election Integrity Project, 24 https://sites.google.com/site/elector (2014) . Should this approach be 20% less than the turn-out of reg- alintegrityproject4/about-this- accepted as a credible platform istered voters. The main explana- project for support measurement, then it tion for this difference is the fact 2 Reynolds, Andrew (ed). 1994. means that in 2014 the combined that approximately 25% of the Election ’94 South Africa: The voter for the ANC and DA did not eligible voters are not registered, campaigns, results and future prospects. Claremont: David Philip yet represent a majority of eligi- many of them in the age group 3 Harris, Peter. 2010. Birth: The ble (VAP) voters but only 48% of 18-30 years. conspiracy to stop the ’94 election. them. Cape Town: Umuzi CONCLUSION 4 Johnson, RW & Schlemmer, The second matter is about what Lawrence (eds). 1996. Launching democracy in South Africa: The first the most accurate indicator of the The significance of the gener- open election, April 1994. New VAP is. The IEC’s point of mea- al election in 2014 is manifold, Haven & London: Yale University surement was the national census such as its impact on the ANC’s Press 5 conducted by Statistics South Af- declining support, on consoli- Muthien, Yvonne (ed). 1999. Democracy South Africa: Evaluating rica in 2011. The total VAP there- dation in the opposition ranks the 1999 election. Pretoria: HSRC of was 31 434 035. According to around the DA but a “revolving Publishers the IEC, the 25 390 150 voters door” with respect to the third 6 Lodge, Tom 1999. Consolidating registered for the 2014 election and fourth parties, the interplay democracy: South Africa’s second popular election. Johannesburg: therefore represented 80.80% of between protests and elections, Wits University Press the voting age population. In ac- concerns about intimidation, the 7 Booysen, Susan (ed). 2012. Local cordance with these figures, the election that served as a test of the elections in South Africa: Parties, voter turn-out of registered vot- IEC’s institutional consolidation people, politics. Bloemfontein: SUN ers in 2014 was 73.5% and of the and credibility, and differences Press 8 Southall, Roger & Daniel, John VAP was 58.54%. of opinion about measuring par- (eds). 2009. Zunami! The South ties’ performance and the level of African elections of 2009. Auckland Schultz-Herzenberg and others public participation in elections. Park: Jacana argue that the VAP of 2011 is a 9 Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette & misrepresentation of the situa- Elections should not be treated in Southall, Roger (eds). 2014. Election 2014 South Africa: The tion and that it should be based isolation but the question is: With campaigns, results and future on adjusted population estimates which election should this one be prospects. Auckland Park: Jacana closer to the election date. She compared with: with the Mbeki 10 See for example: Booysen, Susan used statistics that estimated the mid-term election in 2004 or any 2012. ‘The ballot and the brick’ – en 25 during under duress, in Booysen, VAP at 32 687 600 . Using this other election? How much did Susan (ed). Local elections in South estimate it will change the VAP this election address the general Africa: Parties, people, politics. turn-out from 58.54% to 56.30%. public scepticism about political Bloemfontein: SUN Press, chapter Determining the most appropri- parties, politicians and even par- 17 11 Schultz-Herzenberg, Collette 2009. ate VAP or population estimates liament? Do elections serve the Trends in party support and voter is also a bone of contention. Sta- purpose as the main vehicle of behaviour, 1994-2009, in Southall, tistics South Africa published public participation in South Af- Roger & Daniel, John (eds). a mid-year population estimate rica or have the social media and Zunami! The South African elections for 2013 in which the population social movements become more of 2009. Auckland Park: Jacana, page 25-29 between 20 years and 80+ years accessible and credible alterna- 12 See for example, Stoker, Gerry. was estimated to be 32 458 45226. tives? This publication serves as 2010. The rise of political a basis for the argument that a disenchantment, in Hay, Colin (ed). Unfortunately it provided only reductionist look at democracy in New Directions in Political Science: for the age 15-19 years (5 168 South Africa primarily in terms of Responding to the challenges of an interdependent world. Basingstoke: 797) but not specifically for eli- elections, has to be re-assessed. Palgrave Macmillan, page 56-60 gible VAP of 18-19 years. If the 13 Roberts, Benjamin, Struwig, Jarè & Schultz-Herzenberg estimate of Gordon, Steven (HSRC). Voter 1.96 million for this age group Participation Survey 2013/14: An overview of results, Pretoria: is therefore used to fill this gap, HSRC, page 8, available at: www. then the grand total should be elections.org.za/content/Documents/ about 34.41 million. Research-and-statistics/Voter- 16 Participation-Surveys/Slide- Presentations-of-HSRC-2013- Voter-Participation-Survey-(PDF)/ 14 ANC 2012. Strategy and Tactics of the ANC, December 2012, page 3, http://www.anc.org.za/docs/ pol/2013/ strategyp.pdf 15 Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1981. Political Man: The social bases of politics, expanded edition. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, page 469-476 16 Ngoma, Amuzweni. 2014. Black professionals and the ANC in the 2014 election: Loosening ties?, in Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette & Southall, Roger (eds). 2014. Election 2014 South Africa: The campaigns, results and future prospects. Auckland Park: Jacana, page 168 17 Susan Booysen in Kotzé, Dirk. 2012. COPE – grandiose entrance and micro-status, in Booysen, Susan (ed). Local elections in South Africa: Parties, people, politics. Bloemfontein: SUN Press, page 175-176 18 The author’s own calculations. 19 Gurr, Ted R. 1970. Why men rebel. Princeton: Princeton University Press 20 See for example: Downs, Anthony. 1957. An economic theory of democracy. New York: Harper Collins, page 295-296 21 The author’s own calculations. 22 Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette. 2014. Trends in electoral participation, 1994-2014, in Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette & Southall, Roger (eds). 2014. Election 2014 South Africa: The campaigns, results and future prospects. Auckland Park: Jacana, page 21-28; Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette. 2014. South Africa’s 2014 national and provincial elections, Background Report Elections 2014, Hanns Seidel Foundation, page 1-5, http://www.hss.de/fileadmin/ suedafrika/downloads/ 100614_Background_report_ Elections_2014.pdf 23 Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette. 2014. Trends in electoral participation, 1994-2014, in Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette & Southall, Roger (eds). 2014. Election 2014 South Africa: The campaigns, results and future prospects. Auckland Park: Jacana, page 25 24 Ibid, page 28-30 25 Ibid, page 27 26 Statistics South Africa 2014. Mid- year population estimates 2013, Statistical release P0302, 14 May 2013, www.statssa.gov.za/ publications/P0302/P03022013.pdf 17 18 ELECTION UPDATE 2014 1 Processes Issue

Editorial Team: Ebrahim Fakir and Waseem Holland LEGAL FRAMEWORK

In general an election and elec- most important indication as to toral process is one that serves to whether or not the electoral play- facilitate people’s participation in ing field is level in South Africa. CONTENTS the process of choosing leaders It also implies that all legislative to represent them. The elector- and executive actions in relation Legal Framework 19 al system is thus a process that to elections have to be constitu- creates equality of opportunity tional, which gives the judiciary Recent Developments for citizens to exercise choice a more prominent status in re- 21 and gives voice to their choice. lation to the legislatures than in in Electoral Law Consequently, elections by their parliamentary systems. The con- nature need to be process-driven, stitutional provisions relevant to Election Timetable 24 serving to systematise and man- elections are the following: age the competition and contes- Electoral Authority 25 tation between contestants (polit- - Section 1(d): as a sovereign ical parties) over the issues and and democratic state, South Negative Perceptions resources that may be at stake in Africa is founded on a set of 26 society that the leaders they elect basic values, including of Electoral Authority give direction to. ‘universal adult suffrage, a national common voters’ roll, Electoral System 27 The legal framework of elections regular elections and a determines whether the play- multi-party system of ing field is level for competition democratic government, to Voting Process 28 among the parties. First there is ensure accountability, the electoral system; secondly, responsiveness sand Workings of Electoral 29 there are the electoral proce- openness’. System dures that determine the rules of participation in the election; - Section 19 (in the Bill of Counting Process thirdly, there is the conduct of Rights): every citizen (not 30 the participants, which can only ‘everyone’ as in most of the partly be regulated by the legal other Chapter 2 clauses) is 2014 National and Pro- vincial Elections – Vot- framework; and, finally, there are free to make political choices. 32 factors within a broader environ- This includes the right to form er registration statistics ment, such as the media, which a political party, to and Party Registration are in some instances also subject participate in the activities of, to legal regulations. or recruit members for, a political party, and to The 1996 Constitution campaign for a political party. Every citizen has the right to In view of the Constitution’s sta- free, fair and regular elections tus as the supreme law, and there- for any of the official fore its constitutional suprema- legislative bodies. Every adult cy, the Constitution provides the citizen has the right to vote in 19 secret in elections for any of elections are therefore not only a how these lists should be submit- the official legislative bodies. noble objective but a right. Once ted. In addition to the list, the par- Citizens also have the right to recognised as a right, it must be ty should bind itself and its can- stand for public office and to enforceable. Who has to take re- didates to the Electoral Code of hold office. sponsibility for it? The first pos- Conduct. It should include a dec- sibility is the government, but as laration by each individual candi- - Sections 46 and 47: prescribe the governing political party it date that he/she accepts the nom- the electoral system to be cannot be ‘player and referee’.1 ination and the Code of Conduct. used for the National Institutions responsible for man- The lists must be accompanied by Assembly and the aging elections – in other words, a deposit for the national election qualifications of candidates. the Independent Electoral Com- and for each of the provinces in The electoral system has to mission under direction of the which the party is involved.3 The be determined by national Constitution, and relevant Stat- refundable deposit for parties legislation and it must be utes listed below as well as the contesting the National Assem- based on a common voters’ judiciary through the Electoral bly is R200 000, while parties roll, a minimum voting age of Court – becomes the sole rec- contesting provincial legislatures 18 years, and a system that ognised authorities on electoral will pay R45 000 per provincial ‘result[s], in general, in pro matters during the electoral pe- election. The deposit is refunded portional representation’. riod, while the government takes should a party win a single seat in responsibility for the normal the contested election. The elec- To be a parliamentary member, functioning of the State. tion deposits serve two purposes: one must qualify as a voter, but a. they serve to reduce the prev- will be disqualified if: The relevant statues governing alence of unscrupulous and joke the electoral process are the fol- contestants, and b. they serve to • appointed by, or in the service lowing: test a minimum level of connec- of, the State and is tion between a contesting party remunerated for it; – he/she is • Electoral Act, 73 of 1998 in a purely proportional repre- a member of the other • Electoral Commission Act, 51 sentation system and candidates parliamentary house, a of 1996 in a first-past—the-post system. provincial legislature or a • Public Funding of Serious and genuine contestants local council; Represented Political Parties who demonstrate a minimum • a non-rehabilitated insolvent; Act, 103 of 1997 threshold of support are refunded • declared to be of unsound • Independent Broadcasting their deposit. mind Authority Act, 153 of 1993 • anyone convicted after 1994 In South Africa’s purely proof an offence and sentenced to The Electoral Act constitutes a portional representation system more than 12 months’ comprehensive framework that with no threshold, parties at- imprisonment without the deals with all the technical as- taining a seat are refunded their option of a fine. The pects of general elections in the deposit. In other systems, such disqualification expires five national and provincial spheres as a first-part-the-post system, years after the sentence has of government. Local govern- candidates losing an election but been completed. ment elections are governed by demonstrating through the poll a separate electoral act. Only a minimum threshold of support - Sections 105 and 106: those aspects that can affect con- (for instance five percent), have determine the electoral testation between the parties and their deposits refunded. There system and qualification of bureaucratic interference in the are other tests that can be used candidates for provincial election will be discussed here2. to demonstrate the seriousness legislatures. These provisions of political parties and to test are a duplicate of those The Electoral Act’s section 26 their connection to a portion of applicable to the National determines the requirements for the body-politic, such as through Assembly. political parties to contest elec- for example attaining a specified tions. number of signatures of regis- A third significant constitution- tered voters; this test is applicable al determination is that citizens A party must be registered and only in simple first-past-the-post have the right to free, fair and must have submitted a list of elections in relatively small con- regular elections. Free and fair candidates. Section 27 prescribes stituencies. In a pure PR system 20 such as South Africa’s, the num- tion of a people who might sup- meant to ensure efficiency and ber of signatures required would port a party’s right to contest an to guarantee that the processes be in the order of 50 000, which election may be rendered near that lead to voting are on sched- would place an undue and oner- impossible. In addition, introduc- ule and the entire operation runs ous compliance and regulatory ing an alternative will serve to smoothly. burden on the electoral managers reduce the entire electoral peri- and administrators to vet, verify od, with shorter cut-off dates for See the Electoral Timetable on and authenticate these signatures. political parties’ list preparations Page 20 On a balance of considerations, and campaigning period because therefore, the refundable deposit of the extended lead time that END NOTES is thought to be the best threshold will be required for preparations test, given the circumstances. by the Electoral Commission. 1 Kotze, Dirk. “The Workings of the South African Electoral System: Is the Playing Field Level?” EISA In addition, in a society such as Section 31 is concerned with the Election Update Compendium 2009 South Africa’s, with large infor- regulations regarding the decla- EISA (2010), pages 16-19. mal settlements of a transitory rations of the final list of parties 2 Kotze, Dirk. “The Workings of the and impermanent basis, large and candidates allowed to contest South African Electoral System: Is townships in which regulated the election. The chief electoral the Playing Field Level?” EISA Election Update Compendium 2009 street and stand addresses are not officer has, as set out by the Act, EISA (2010), page 18. always available, together with to compile the list of parties and 3 Ibid. large amounts of internal migra- or candidates by the date found tion, verification and authentica- in the election timetable. This is

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN ELECTORAL LAW

There are two statutory develop- on election day in South Africa need to be in possession of a valid ments that have been instituted (7 May 2014) must have a val- South African identity document recently. One relates to South id South African ID and a valid (either a green bar-coded South Africans citizens who will be South African passport to be el- African ID book, a new smart- in other countries on the day of igible to vote abroad on 30 April card ID or a valid temporary elections of May 7, and the other 2014. identity certificate) AND a valid relates to South African citizens South African passport in order who are incarcerated. In order for the amendment to to register. South African citizens the Act to be effected, the IEC, living outside of the country and Act No. 18 of 2013 Elector- in conjunction with the Depart- who are already registered as vot- al Amendment Act provides ment of International Relations ers in South Africa do not need to South Africans who are current- and Cooperation (DIRCO), has register again. ly, or will be residing, in another sought to provide the platform country on the day of the elec- for South Africans living abroad Chapter 3 of the election regu- tion the opportunity to vote. The to vote. lations, which deals with special amendment involved, inter alia, votes, has also been revised to ac- an insertion into section 33 of In terms of the amended reg- commodate voting by South Af- the Electoral Act that prescribes ulations, South Africans living rican citizens abroad. It requires that the Commission must allow outside of the country who wish registered voters who will not be a person who lives in another to vote in the national election in South Africa on election day country the opportunity to vote were required to register in per- (including those who registered and those who may happen to son either in South Africa or at outside of the country) to notify be in another country on election one of South Africa’s 124 embas- the chief electoral officer of the day the chance to cast a vote as sies, high commissions or con- IEC of their intention to apply to well. A registered voter either liv- sulates-general, located in 108 cast their ballot at a South Afri- ing abroad or who will be abroad countries. These South Africans can diplomatic mission. Notifica-

21 tions of intention to apply for a cerated potential voters inside by these specific mechanisms are special vote are made online via of South Africa. This criticism dealt with through the normal the IEC’s website (www.elec- stems from the fact that many course of civil and criminal law. tions.org.za) using a VEC10 form prisoners are unable to get ac- that was made available once the cess to their identity document The Public Funding of Repre- President of the Republic pro- or money to secure a temporary sented Political Parties Act 103 claimed the election date. Online identity document. of 1997, in section 10 (1) of the applications had to be made with- Act as amended by amended by in 15 days of the proclamation.4 For the 2014 elections, Correc- proclamation: R47 GG 27986 tional Services, in consultation 31/8/2005, prescribes the allo- Act 73 of 2003, amended by with the IEC, has set up stations cation of funding to political the Electoral Laws Amend- inside prisons, where prisoners parties, stipulating that the total ment Act 34 of 2003, in effect, are able to register to vote. These amount of funding available for deprived prisoners of the right stations will also be used on the allocations from the Fund during to vote. The following is taken day of the elections for prisoners a particular financial year must from the media summary of the to cast their vote. There are a total be announced by the Electoral Constitutional Court Judgment of 241 correctional services fa- Commission at the beginning of from an application brought by cilities that were able to arrange the financial year. The alloca- the South African Institute for registration centers. tions from the Fund are distribut- Crime Prevention and the Reinte- ed to the political parties on the gration of Offenders (Nicro) and The Electoral Code of Conduct formula of ninety (90) per cent two prisoners serving sentences plays an important part in regu- of the total amount of funding without an option of a fine: lating proper conduct by the par- available, allocated proportionate ties and candidates. Its purpose is to the support parties enjoy (in “The Constitutional Court upheld to promote the values underscor- terms of the number of seats held an application by the National In- ing the Constitution in general in the National Assembly and stitute for Crime Prevention and and the elections in particular. It Provincial Legislatures jointly) the Re-Integration of Offend- also serves as a basis on which and ten (10) per cent of the to- ers (Nicro) and two convicted political tolerance can be promot- tal amount of funding available, prisoners serving sentences of ed. The Code includes a public allocated equitably where the imprisonment, for an order de- commitment that everyone has 10% is allocated to a province claring certain provisions of the the right to freely express his or in proportion to the number of Electoral Act to be inconsistent her political beliefs, to challenge members of the provincial legis- with the Constitution and invalid. and debate the political beliefs of lature and is then divided equally The provisions deprive prisoners others, and to freely canvass and among the participating parties in serving a sentence of imprison- campaign. It also lists prohibited the legislature of that province. ment without the option of a fine conduct such as the use of lan- Funds are paid to parties in four of the right to register and vote in guage or acting in a way that may equal installments (on a quarterly the upcoming elections”.5 provoke violence during the elec- basis, in other words). It is sig- tion or that may provoke intim- nificant that, in the legislation, Under the Amendment, only idation. It also prohibits the use the purposes in connection with those prisoners who were await- of inducements or rewards during which amounts are spent show ing trial and prisoners given the the campaign, the carrying or dis- the amounts spent to be classifi- option of paying a fine were al- play of arms and weapons, or able under certain categories.7 lowed to register to vote. There- abuse of a position of power. Vi- fore, the Constitutional Court’s olations of the Code, especially Section 5(1)(b) of the Public majority judgment has insured during the campaign period, are Funding of Represented Po- that all prisoners are able to reg- one of the categories of elector- litical Parties Act says that the ister to vote unless they do not al disputes. A number of dispute allocation may be used “for any meet the requirements as set out resolution mechanisms are avail- purposes compatible with [the by Section 8 of the Electoral Act. able to deal with these matters: party’s] functioning as a political (a) the party liaison committees, party in a modern democracy”, Some prisoners’ rights activists (b) the IEC itself, (c) conflict and that these include: have criticised the IEC for being mediation panels, (d) the police, more concerned with registering and (e) the Electoral Court.6 Oth- • the development of the overseas voters than those incar- er acts or omissions not covered political will of people (i.e. 22 allowing you to choose); There is currently no regulatory document may do so. • bringing the party’s influence framework or disclosure regime to bear on the shaping of with respect to private sources Section 7 prescribes that voters public opinion (i.e. providing of funding for political parties. may register only in the district you with a choice); This is a source of considerable that they usually live in or in • inspiring and furthering discomfort and agitation among which a member of their house- political education (i.e. civil actors, with many mobil- hold resides. keeping you up to date with isation campaigns calling for what is available and who is private funding regulation. On Section 8 deals specifically with offering what); the flipside of the divide, politi- those who must be excluded from • promoting active participation cal parties across the divide, and the voters’ roll. The section ex- by individual citizens in at least the two main parties (the plains the criteria the chief elec- political life (i.e. getting ANC and the DA), find common toral officer will employ to judge people involved); accord in displaying resistance to whether someone applying for • exercising an influence on disclosing their private funding. registration on the voters’ roll political trends; and will be eligible. The chief elec- • ensuring continuous, vital The Independent Communica- toral officer may not register an links between the people and tions Authority of South Africa individual on the voters’ roll if organs of state (i.e. (ICASA) is responsible for the the person did not comply with developing the interface ‘Party Elections Broadcasts the regulations as prescribed by between citizens and public and Political Advertisements the Act, or made the application administration) Regulations’ in terms of Sec- in a fraudulent manner. Registra- tion 78(1) of the Independent tion will be denied if the person A political party may not: Broadcasting Authority Act. is not a South African citizen, or has been declared to be mental- • pay any direct or indirect It regulates party-political adver- ly disordered by the High Court remuneration or other tisements and broadcasts during of South Africa, or detained un- benefit of any kind to any the election-broadcast period (i.e. der the Mental Health Act, 1973 elected representative of the from the submission date of par- (Act No. 18 of 1973). Of course, party or to any public servant ty lists to the IEC, up to 48 hours the Act guards against any du- at any level of government; before polling day). During this plication on the voters-roll by • finance or contribute directly period the conditions are regu- specifying that an applicant must or indirectly to any matter, lated for acceptance, editing and ordinarily be a resident of the dis- cause, event or occasion if it rejection of political adverts and trict in which they have applied contravenes any code of broadcasts, the time period allo- and that an applicant cannot be ethics binding on members of cated to each party, and related entered into more than one vot- parliament or any provincial broadcasting specifications. In ers-roll. legislature; this respect no difference is made • use the money directly or in between any of the parties.9 Sections of the Electoral Act directly to start any business that deal with processes are as or acquire or maintain a right Sections of the Electoral Act follows: or financial interest in any specifically relating to voters: business; Chapter 3, sections 17 and 18, • use the money directly or in Chapter 2 of the Act is the sec- advises that when the president directly to acquire or maintain tion that regulates the interac- announces the day of the elec- a right or financial interest in tion of the category that will be tion for the National Assembly any immovable property, engaged in the act of voting: the and the Provincial Legislature, unless if solely for ordinary voters. he or she must set a single date party-political purposes; and for voting, which was announced • use the money for anything Section 5 places the duty of gath- by President Jacob Zuma as May else that is incompatible with ering and maintaining a voters’ 7, 2014. This announcement was a political party’s functioning roll on the chief electoral officer. made on February 7, 2014, and in a modern democracy.8 gazetted on February 25, 2014 Section 6 regulates who may – formally proclaiming the elec- apply to vote. The Act stipulates tion date and the beginning of the that anyone with a valid identity electoral period. 23 Section 20 stipulates that the lowed to assign no more than two END NOTES election timetables must be an- representatives to the relevant nounced by the Commission af- committees. 4 IEC website. https://www.elections.org.za/ ter consultation with the party content/For-Voters/How-to-register- national liaison committee. The The party liaison committee is a and-vote-abroad/ Commission is required by law platform that allows for the inter- 5 Constitutional Court Judgment to establish committees on local, face between parties contesting Media Summary. Minister of Home provincial and national level in the elections and the Commis- Affairs v NICRO and Others, Case CCT 03/04 , Page 1 order to facilitate dialogue and sion presiding over the election, 6 Op. cit. (Kotze). consultation between the parties in order to ensure that the elec- 7 Fakir, Ebrahim and Holland, contesting the election and the tions are fair to all the parties Waseem. ETDP SETA Political IEC. Every registered party that and that practical issues are dealt Parties Sector Skills Plan 2013/14 Update (October 2013). has representation in the National with through interaction between 8 IEC website. http://www.elections. Assembly, provincial legislature these actors. org.za/content/Parties/Party- and municipal councils is al- funding/ 9 Op. cit. (Kotze), page 20.

ELECTION TIMETABLE

25 February Voters' roll closes

5 March IEC certifies voters' roll

Opening date for submission of special votes' applications at local IEC offices 7 April You can apply for a special vote if you can’t travel to your voting 25 February Voters’ roll closes station because you’re physically infirm, disabled or pregnant; or you can’t vote at your voting station on election day. Notice: List of addresses of voting stations open for inspection (s64) Deadline for submission of special votes' applications at local Notice of routes of mobile voting stations (s67) 17 April 17h00 Wed 5 March 2014 IEC offices Cut-off date: Certification and Publication of Voters' Roll by making it available. (s24) 5 & 6 May 09h00 - 17h00 Home visits and special votes at voting stations

Notifications to CEO of intention to vote outside of the Republic {s33 [3] [4]} 7 May 07h00 – 21h00 Election Day Wed 12 March 2014 Cut-off date for submission of lists of candidates (s27)

Cut-off date - Notice of non-compliance by parties in respect of lists of Tues 18 March 2014 candidates (s28) 25 February Voters' roll closes

Mon 24 March 2014 Cut-off date for parties to comply in respect of candidates lists (s28) 25 February Opening date for submission of VEC10 notifications

Fri 28 March 2014 Notice: Inspection of lists of candidates and accompanying documents (s29) Submit your VEC10 online at www.elections.org.za Midnight Fri 28 March 2014 & Period in which lists of candidates and accompanying documents will be open 12 March Deadline for submission of VEC10 notifications Mon 31 March 2014 for inspection (s29) (UTC+02:00) 30 April Voting day abroad Tues 1 April 2014 Cut-off date for objections to candidates (s30)

Cut-off Date - Commission decisions on objections and notification to objectors Mon 7 April 2014 and parties (s30)

Mon 7 April to Applications for special votes to the MEO (s33 [1] [a] [b] [c], s33 [2], s33A [1] Opening date for parties to submit candidate lists and deposits 25 February 08h00 Thurs 17 April 2014 [a] [b] [c] s33 [2]) at IEC's national office Cut-off date for appeals to Electoral Court against Commission decisions re Thurs 10 April 2014 12 March 17h00 Deadline for parties to submit candidate lists objections to candidates (s30) 18 March 17h00 Deadline for IEC to notify parties of outstanding documents Deciding of appeals by Electoral Court and notification of CEO and parties Tues 15 April 2014 involved (s30) Deadline for parties and candidates to submit outstanding 24 March 17h00 documents Cut-off date - Compilation of lists of parties and final lists of candidates who will Tues 22 April 2014 contest the election (s31) 28 & 31 March IEC opens candidate lists for inspection at IEC's national office

Thurs 24 April 2014 Issue of certificates to candidates (s31) 1 April 17h00 Deadline for submission of objections to candidates

Wed 30 April 2014 Application & casting of special votes at foreign missions (s33 [3], s33 [4]) 7 April 17h00 Deadline for Commission decisions on objections to candidates

Visitation for purposes of casting special vote (s33 [1] [a] s33A [1] [a]) Appeals to the Electoral Court against Commission decisions Mon 5 May 2014 & 8 - 10 April re candidate objections Tues 6 May 2014 Casting of special votes at office of presiding officer (s33[1] [b] [c] s33 [2] s33A [1] [b] [c] s33 [2]) 15 April 17h00 Deadline for Electoral Court decisions on appeals

7 May 2014 Election Day IEC releases final lists of parties and candidates contesting the 22 April elections

24 April IEC issues certificates to parties

24 THE ELECTORAL AUTHORITY The Independent Electoral • Following National sioners to act with impartiality, Commission (IEC) Assembly approval, the to show no bias and to perform names of successful duties and functions without any The Independent Electoral Com- candidates are forwarded to favour. mission (IEC) is the body respon- the Minister of Home Affairs sible for managing and adminis- for submission to the Ultimately, this part of Section tering elections. The IEC was president for appointment. 9 prescribes that Commissioners established in terms of the 1993 This elaborate process embody independence. This seg- Interim Constitution and later ensures that the appointments ment of the Act also stipulates through the 1996 Act of Parlia- to the Electoral Commission that Commissioners, if they are ment. In its vision statement, the are transparent and employed on a full-time basis, IEC declares its main objective non-partisan and therefore may hold no other office but in as being to ‘strengthen consti- have the confidence of all the Commission. This is to en- tutional democracy through the political players. The body so sure that Commissioners are able delivery of free and fair elections established is therefore to carry out their duties to the …’ The IEC comprises five Com- autonomous and an impartial highest standards of excellence. missioners appointed through manager of the electoral a fairly elaborate and rigorous process. Furthermore, the The second segment of Section 9 process. The appointment of the Electoral Act of 1998 contains prescribes what Commissioners Commissioners for the IEC is a binding Code of Conduct for are prohibited from doing. These done by the Constitutional Court, political parties and their range from Commissioners not and conducted through five dif- candidates. The purpose of being eligible for any other polit- ferent stages as follows: the Code is to promote ical office through election or ap- conditions that are conducive pointment, direct or indirect sup- • Call for candidates through to holding free and fair port for a party and or candidate, newspaper advertisements, elections, including the allow their credibility to be called and short-listing of promotion of political into question by their affiliation candidates. tolerance, free campaigning with any group or association, or and open public debate. use any information gained in the • Interviews of successful Commissioner’s office for pri- candidates conducted by a Since its establishment, the IEC vate gain or profit. panel consisting of: has managed and conducted elections with an impartiality and To that end, Commissioners may – President of the professionalism that has earned not disclose any information to Constitutional it the confidence of all political an external party within the am- – Court (Chairperson) and social players. The IEC has bit of their office. Lastly, Com- – Representative of in fact become a role model of missioners may not be eligible Human Rights an Electoral Commission on the to be appointed as a Member of Commission continent, and has been invited Parliament, provincial legislature – Representative of by a number of countries to as- or local government. Commission on Gender sist with their respective election Equality processes.10 END NOTES – The Public Prosecutor Conduct of IEC 10 Ajulu, Rok. “The State of • The interview panel then Democracy and its Implications for 2009 Elections”. EISA Election submits the names of eight The conduct of Commissioners Update Compendium 2009 EISA nominees for Home Affairs is governed by Section 9 Act (2010), page 14. (PCHA) for recommendation. Electoral Commission Act, 51 of 1996. The first segment of • The recommended candidates the Act is concerned specifically are submitted to the National with the way that Commissioners Assembly for approval. in the IEC ought to conduct themselves. The Act obliges Commis- 25 NEGATIVE PERCEPTIONS OF THE ELECTORAL AUTHORITY

The IEC is one of the South Afri- requirements of at least 50 nom- are serious allegations against the can institutions that are meant to inations. The court found that credibility of the IEC, and many uphold and advance democracy. these candidates had in fact met of the complaints have been tak- It has largely been able to escape the requirements and therefore en to court. The Economic Free- being embroiled in any major their disqualification were inval- dom Fighters challenged the controversies. The credibility of id and ordered that five out of the validity of the election deposit a body like the IEC is crucial to eight by-elections be postponed. requirement. This case was dis- the continued credibility of the 12 missed by the court. Dating back electoral process, and therefore to 2012/2013, allegations of im- the legitimacy of the outcome This was rectified through the proper electoral management and of the electoral process. In re- IEC’s internal supervisory and administration have been levelled cent times, the IEC’s credibility disciplinary processes. However, against the IEC, most of these al- has been called into question on the controversy around the Tlok- legations arising from local gov- two fronts. One of these relates to we by-elections did not end with ernment and municipal by-elec- findings in a Public Protector Re- the undue disqualification of can- tions, specifically. Allegations port in 2013 that indicated tender didates. It later emerged that the have surrounded either issues of irregularities in the leasing of the subsequent Tlokwe by-election irregular voters being on the vot- IEC headquarters. Following a fo- could possibly have been South ers’ roll (voters not registered in rensic audit investigation, which Africa’s first case of vote-rig- the area, voters being bussed in was recommended by the Public ging. Eight out of nine wards in from other places or wards), im- Protector and later commissioned the municipality were won by the proper and irregular behaviour by the Treasury, the audit firm ANC, and court papers from in- of electoral officials, candidates PricewaterhouseCoopers found dependent candidates and other being spuriously disqualified that the chairperson of the IEC, parties allege that 2 500 question- to benefit one or other party, or Pansy Tlakula, who at the time able registrations of voters may excluding ballot papers in the was chief electoral officer, was have occurred. The application counting process.14 With respect responsible for a process that was advanced by independent candi- to voters voting in by elections not fair, equitable or transparent, dates, in which it was requested they are not entitled to, political and the process that took place that the elections be set aside and parties bear some responsibili- amounted to gross maladminis- an independent investigation be ty for bussing voters in towards tration.11 Advocate Tlakula has instituted, came amid allegations where they are not supposed to herself referred this matter to the that range from the registration vote, which is an offence. Vot- courts and the matter is therefore of voters whose addresses did ers are meant to register and vote currently sub judice. not fall within the ward in which where they live, and currently the they were supposed to vote, to IEC does not need proof of resi- The other recent allegations that hundreds of voters being regis- dence to register a voter. have emerged against the IEC tered with incomplete and false have called into question issues addresses. Allegations even ex- Calls have been made for voter relating directly to its functioning tended to the IEC colluding with registration to occur on the basis and operations as a facilitator, the ANC to inflate the number of of proof of address, but in a coun- manager and impartial adminis- ANC votes in contested wards. try like South Africa with large in- trator of elections. After hearing The IEC, through the chief elec- formal settlements, transient liv- an application of five independent toral officer, Mosotho Moepya, ing arrangements as well as large candidates who were disqualified suggests that “no evidential ma- amounts of internal migration, from running in a by-election in terial has been brought before this requirement can effectively Tlokwe, the courts ordered that the court in support of the allega- serve to disenfranchise a large five out of eight by-elections tions.”13 portion of voters. In any event, be postponed. IEC official John early detection systems and in- Mokgodi disqualified candidates The 2014 elections will be the ternal oversight processes within for not being able to meet the IEC first in South Africa where there the IEC have served in large part

26 to mitigate the risks associated. of these is within the ambit or the cluding candidates contesting the For instance, for a by-election authority of the Electoral Com- election, party agents as well as scheduled to have been held on mission of South Africa. individuals holding political of- 24 March 2014, the IEC detect- fice in a registered political party. ed inaccuracies on the voters’ roll With respect to biased electoral These provisions are further elab- that could potentially have led to officials, the IEC requires close orated and given effect to in sub- allegations of electoral fraud and to (200 000) two hundred thou- sections of the Act, prescribing a on that basis sought to have the sand electoral officials to execute declaration of secrecy as well as by-election postponed. an electoral process. Overall, a prescribed oath to be taken by the number of complaints made officials. In any event, many of the most against electoral officials as a serious allegations against the proportion of the number of actu- Thus, the oversight, transparency IEC are germane to local elec- al electoral officials is miniscule. and accountability mechanisms tions and would not be pertinent In addition, the fact the all parties within both the law and the con- at national level, since migration, are entitled to have party agents sequent regulatory frameworks or voting in a different voting sta- or poll watchers present at every appear to be sufficiently robust to tion or ward within a province for voting station should allay fears ensure the credible management the national and provincial elec- of widespread irregular behaviour and administration of the election would not cause the prob- from electoral officials. In additions. lems they do at local level. tion to party agents’ presence in voting stations, further oversight END NOTES Systematically, political parties and transparency mechanisms, have called the credibility of the through the multi-party liaison 11 “Tlakula and IEC committee guilty IEC into question, often for two committees and conflict panels, of gross maladministration” SABC (26 August 2013), primary reasons. The first alleges provide further safeguards and http://www.sabc.co.za/news/a/ that the funding environment and complaints mechanisms in addi- 2a78fc8040dd8ae49ebfbf media access is unfair. The section to the internal supervision 434f2981a1/Tlakula-and- ond alleges that the IEC recruits and disciplinary codes as well as IEC-committee-guilty-of-gross- maladministration--20130826 as officials, members who be- the adjudication of the elector- 12 Nandipha, Khuthala, “IEC long to Unions affiliated to the al court in serious matters. This credibility in question after Tlokwe Congress of South African Trade ought to instill confidence in the judgment”, Mail and Guardian Unions, which is in alliance with impartial administration of the Online (18 Sep 2013) http://mg.co. the ANC. Both of these allega- elections. In addition, the vetting za/article/2013-09-18-00-iec- credibility-questioned-after- tions are misplaced. The public and verification processes used tlokwe-judgment funding regulatory regime is de- by the electoral commission in 13 “Independent candidates claim termined by an Act of Parliament, recruiting of staff are underwrit- Tlokwe by-elections were rigged”, and the adoption of a disclosure ten by legal safeguards in the South African Press Association, SAPA, 26 January 2014. or regulatory regime governing Electoral Act 73 of 1998. Chap- 14 “IEC probes Nongoma by-elections” private funding of political par- ter 6, part 3, section 82 sets out 2013-10-29. News 24. Available at; ties requires adoption and incep- criteria concerning the appoint- http://www.news24.com/ tion through Parliament. Neither ing of officers by expressly ex- SouthAfrica/Politics/IEC-probes- Nongoma-by-elections-20131029

ELECTORAL SYSTEM

The electoral system that has a combination of the FPTP and cal expediency of reconciliation. been in place since 1994 is the the OPR system was preferred. Recognising the exclusionary list or proportional representation The rationale for this arrange- character of the FPTP, it was (PR) system. Prior to that, the ment was the need to maintain felt that the PR system would apartheid regime used the British some degree of accessibility and achieve the objective of deliber- first-past-the-post (FPTP) sys- accountability at the local level. ately broadening representation tem. The PR system applies only at the national and provincial lev- to the national and provincial The choice of the PR system was, els, as each vote would count and elections. For the local elections, however, informed by the politi- there would be no winner-takes- 27 all outcome. Furthermore, it was Assessment of Parliament (13 the following succinct observa- recognised that it would be a lo- January 2009), Parliament will tion about the relevance of an gistical nightmare attempting to be representative if it is ‘social- electoral system for accountabil- demarcate non-racial constituen- ly and politically representative ity and other democratic values cies in a country where apartheid of the diversity of the people, (ETT, page 9): social engineering had designated and ensuring equal opportunities residential areas on a racial basis. and protections for all its mem- The point was emphasised that Hence, no constituencies were bers’ (page 22). Representivity, no electoral system can compel drawn up and the entire country according to the Panel, is deter- an elected representative to be- was treated as one constituency.15 mined by the rights in Section 19 have democratically, take care of in the Constitution. The Consti- a constituency or party responsi- One of the main democratic ad- tution’s main prescription is that bilities, or be a disciplined, ded- vantages of the South African the electoral system must result, icated Member of Parliament. PR application is that it treats in general, in proportional repre- In so far as these issues may re- all votes as absolutely equal in sentation. Up to the 2004 general late to accountability, additional value, because the threshold is election the PR system based on measures, policies, rules or reg- the absolute minimum, namely rigid party lists was used. ulations are needed to operate the quota for one parliamentary alongside or parallel with an seat. Small parties benefit from The same system will also be electoral system.16 it, because their representation is used in the 2014 election. The directly equal to the number of system has been criticised main- END NOTES votes they received. The problem ly because it does not promote with the electoral system is there- the values of accountability and 15 Ajulu, Rok. “The State of fore not among the parties but be- representivity. In the absence of Democracy and its Implications for 2009 Elections”. EISA Election Up tween the parties and the voters. constituency representatives, vot- date Compendium 2009 EISA ers feel alienated from the elect- (2010), page 14. Representivity is another con- ed representatives. The Electoral 16 Op. cit. (Kotze), page 19. sideration. According to the Re- Task Team (ETT), chaired by port of the Independent Panel Frederick Van Zyl Slabbert, made

28 WORKINGS OF THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM

Under the PR system the whole number of votes for a seat in the ders, up to a maximum of five country is treated as one constitu- provincial legislature. To deter- seats. Any remaining seats are ency. Parties contesting elections mine how many seats each party awarded to the parties following prepare lists of candidates for the will receive in the region, its total the descending order of their av- National Assembly as follows: number of votes is divided by the erage number of votes per allo- quota of votes per seat. This will cated seats. • A National Assembly List produce a whole number, which • Province to National is the number of seats initially al- The regional list seats won by a Assembly List located to the party, and a surplus party are then subtracted from the • Province to Province List for or remainder. Once this calcula- total number of seats allocated to each of the nine provincial tion is performed for all parties, that party’s list, and the remain- legislatures17 the sum or aggregate number of ing seats are filled by the candi- allocated seats is obtained. If this dates on the national list in the Calculation of Seats in National total is smaller than the number order determined before the elec- Assembly of regional seats, unallocated tion. In the event a party does not seats are awarded to the parties present a national list, the seats For voters, voting is simple: they according to the descending order allocated to it at the national lev- are given a ballot, which lists all of their remainders. The seat dis- el are filled from its regional lists. the parties (with a picture of their tributions from all provinces are The largest remainder method of logo), and they vote for the party aggregated at the national level to PR is also used to elect members list of their choice. The allocation obtain the number of regional list of the nine provincial legisla- is more complicated and takes seats allocated to each party. tures.18 place in two stages. The second stage begins with the For example, from the 1999 The composition of the National proportional distribution of all election, in order to allocate the Assembly and Provincial Legis- 400 seats in the National Assem- 46 seats that Gauteng Province lature is regulated by legal statute bly. To that end, a quota of votes elects to the National Assembly, as per Schedule 3 of the Electoral per seat is determined by divid- the total vote in the province for Act and Section 46 of the Consti- ing the total number of votes cast the provincial lists (3,707,595) tution called National Assembly. across the nation by the number was divided by 46+1, i.e. 47 to South Africans also cast two bal- of seats in the National Assem- establish a quota for each seat lots—one for the national party bly, plus one. The result plus one, of 78,885. Each party’s vote list of their choice, and one for disregarding fractions, becomes was then divided by the quota + the provincial party list of their the quota of votes per seat. To 1, i.e. 78,886. Thus, the ANC, choice. determine the number of seats which obtained 2,488,780 votes each party will receive, its total in Gauteng for its provincial list, Seats in the National Assembly number of votes is divided by the was awarded 32 seats. The ANC are allocated by means of a two- quota of votes per seat. This will received an additional 31 seats stage procedure that combines produce a whole number, which from its vote in Gauteng for its two methods of PR. In the first is the number of seats initially al- national list for a total of 63 seats stage, the seats in each province located to the party, and a surplus from the province. are apportioned according to the or remainder. Once this calcula- largest remainder method. In tion is performed for all parties, each province a quota of votes the sum or aggregate number of per seat is calculated by divid- allocated seats is obtained. If this ing the total number of votes total is smaller than the number cast in the province by the num- of seats in the National Assem- ber of provincial seats, plus one. bly, unallocated seats are award- The result plus one, disregarding ed to the parties according to the fractions, becomes the required descending order of their remain-

29 Regional Seats Province 1994 1999 2004 2009 Eastern Cape 26 27 28 26 Free State 15 14 13 12 Gauteng 43 46 45 47 KwaZulu-Natal 40 38 37 39 Limpopo 20 20 21 19 Mpumalanga 14 14 14 15 Northern Cape 4 4 4 5 North West 17 17 17 14 Western Cape 21 20 21 23 Total 200 200 200 200

30 Criteria for Democratic Elec- to freely conduct campaigns to ically with voters being able to tions? garner the votes of free citizens. freely cast a vote. Fair relates to These platforms used by parties a reasonably level playing field The democratic principle “the to campaign for votes ought to that must exist between parties will of the people” is put into be regulated so that there is no (incumbent, opposition) in the practice during the process of bias towards any party in order to actions of campaigning, advocat- elections. The “will of the peo- guarantee that the process is fair. ing and mobilising in an election. ple” is realised through the assur- It also relates to the incumbents ance that voters are free to make In modern liberal democracies, not unfairly using their office to an informed choice about who the phrase free and fair has be- hamper the electoral chances of they wish to vote for, without come the principle that underpins others through the electoral ad- fear of intimidation or harm, and elections for government offices. ministrators, media or security those groups, individuals or par- Free relates to the broader climate services. ties, who will be contesting the of expression, movement, speech elections are given the platform and association and more specif- The following is a table that depicts what ought to occur before, during and after an election in order for that election to be considered free and fair:

FREE FAIR POLLING DAY Freedom of movement, – speech (for candidates, Transparent electoral process, election act & sys- the media, voters & others), – assembly, – associa- tem that grant no special privileges to any political tion, – from fear in relation to election & electoral party or social group, independent & impartial elec- campaign, absence of impediments to standing for toral commission, impartial treatment of candidates election (for political parties and independent can- by policy, army & courts, equal opportunities for didates), & equal & universal franchise. parties & candidates to stand for election, impartial voter education, orderly campaign (observance of Code of Conduct), equal access to publicly controlled media, impartial allotment of public funds to parties, no misuse of government facilities for campaign purposes. POLLING DAY Opportunity to participate in the election Access to all polling stations for party representatives, accredited observers (local & international) & the media, secrecy of the ballot, no intimidation of voters, effective design of ballot papers, impartial assistance to voters (if required), proper counting procedures, proper treatment of void ballot papers, proper precautionary measures when transporting election materials, impartial protection of polling stations. POST-POLLING DAY POST-POLLING DAY Legal possibilities of complaint Official & expeditious announcement of election results, impartial treatment of any election complaints, impartial reports on the election results by the media, acceptance of the election results by all involved

Table 1: Elklit & Svensson’s criteria for free and fair elections 1997: 32-46 END NOTES Electoral System”, Electronic Resources on the Internet, (August 17 Op. cit. (Ajulu), page 14. 2010) http://electionresources.org/ za/system/ 18 Alvarez-Rivera, Manuel. “The Republic of South Africa 31 2014 NATIONAL AND PROVINCIAL ELECTIONS – VOTER REGISTRATION STATISTICS AND PARTY REGISTRATION

The voters’ roll for 2014 elec- There is an overall increase of 7.2 Gauteng has the highest number tions million (39.72% increase) on the of voters, with just over 6 mil- voters’ roll from when it was first lion, followed by KwaZulu-Na- The certification of the voter’s established in the 1999 elections. tal with 5.1 million, the Eastern roll for the May 7 2014 national The voters’ roll reflects a total of Cape with 3.24 million and the and provincial elections indicates 80.80% of registered voters when Western Cape with 2.9 million. that there will potentially be 25 compared against the estimated Between them these four prov- 390 150 voters who will cast their voting age population according inces make up almost 68% of all votes on election day. to estimates from Statistics South voters.19 Africa. In comparison, registra- There are 2 208 153 more voters tion levels stood at 80% in 1999, The following are the provin- (9.5% increase) than there were 84.6% in 2004 and 84.07% in cial breakdowns: on the voters’ roll for the 2009 2009. national and provincial elections.

NPE 2014 Certified Voters’ Roll: 5 March 2014 Percentage (%) registration against Stats SA VAP by province Province STATS SA VAP Certified Voters’ Roll % Voter registration Estimate (5 March 2014) Eastern Cape 3 794 352 3 240 059 85.4% Free State 1 685 198 1 449 488 86.0% Gauteng 7 860 280 6 063 739 77.1% KwaZulu-Natal 6 096 509 5 117 131 83.9% Limpopo 3 004 795 2 440 348 81.2% Mpumalanga 2 389 406 1 860 834 77.9% North West 2 120 381 1 669 349 78.7% Northern Cape 711 843 601 080 84.4% Western Cape 3 771 271 2 941 333 78.0% Out of Country 6 789 Total 31 434 035 25 390 150 80.8%

An analysis of the changing pat- biggest increase in voter numbers (up 1 million). The smallest intern of the voters’ roll over previ- over the past 15 years has come crease has come from the North ous elections shows the continu- in the provinces of Gauteng (up West, which has grown by just ing migration of people from rural 1.9 million), KwaZulu-Natal (up 141 677 voters since 1999. areas to the major centres. The 1.67 million) and Western Cape

32 The following is a comparison of the voters’ roll and turnouts for the previous national and provincial elections:

Voters’ Roll Comparison and Turnout Elections 1999 Elections 2004 Elections 2009 Elections 2014 Province 1999 Total 2004 Total 2009 Total 2014 % In- Voters’ Votes Voters’ Votes Voters’ Votes Voters’ crease in roll Cast roll Cast roll Cast roll regis- (national (national (national tered ballot) ballot) ballot) voters from 1999 Eastern 2 454 543 2 188 184 2 849 486 2 277 391 3 056 559 2 344 098 3 240 059 24.53% Cape Free State 1 225 730 1 094 776 1 321 195 1 022 044 1 388 588 1 069 127 1 449 488 13.29% KwaZu- 3 443 978 2 958 963 3 819 864 2 765 203 4 475 217 3 574 326 5 117 131 29.94% lu-Natal Limpopo 1 847 766 1 660 849 2 187 912 1 657 596 2 256 073 1 570 592 2 440 348 22.10% Mpumalanga 1 277 783 1 132 517 1 442 472 1 134 092 1 696 705 1 363 836 1 860 834 32.79% North West 1 527 672 1 307 532 1 749 529 1 323 761 1 657 544 1 135 701 1 669 349 8.50% Northern 377 173 327 950 433 591 323 201 554 900 421 490 601 080 47.12% Cape Western 1 864 019 1 601 922 2 220 283 1 605 020 2 634 439 2 049 097 2 941 333 41.33% Cape Out of 6 789 Country Total 18 172 751 15 977 142 20 674 926 15 612 671 23 181 997 17 919 966 25 390 150 39.72% Registered 80.00% 84.60% 84.07% 80.80% % Voter turn- 87.92% 75.52% 77.30% 7 May 2014 out %

A gender analysis shows that women outnumber men by 13.94 million (54.9%) to 11.45 million (45.1%) on the voters’ roll. The voters’ roll also shows that South Africa is still a relatively young population, with 49.57% of the registered voters under 40 years old. The biggest segment of voters is those aged 30 – 39 (6.18 million) followed by 20 – 29 year olds (5.7 million) and 40 – 49 year olds (5 million).

The age and gender breakdown is as follows:

Age Band Female Male Total % 18 – 19 349 957 296 356 646 313 2.55% 20 – 29 3 098 577 2 660 659 5 759 236 22.68% 30 – 39 3 223 740 2 956 794 6 180 534 24.34% 40 – 49 2 693 943 2 313 558 5 007 501 19.72% 50 – 59 2 111 311 1 684 820 3 796 131 14.95% 60 – 69 1 301 401 963 313 2 264 714 8.92% 70 – 79 741 549 418 950 1 160 499 4.57% 80 417 825 157 397 575 222 2.27% Total 13 938 303 11 451 847 25 390 150

33 Parties that will appear on the (All Provinces) 26. United Congress (Eastern National Ballot for the 2014 4. African Peoples Convention Cape) Elections (All Provinces) 27. United Democratic 5. Agang South Africa (Eastern Movement (All Provinces) A total of 29 parties will contest Cape, Gauteng, Mpumalanga, 28. Vryheidsfront Plus (All the national elections on 7 May Limpopo, North-West, Provinces) following the 24 March 2014, Western Cape) 29. Workers and Socialist Party 17:00 deadline for parties to sub- 6. Al-Jama-ah (Western Cape) (Gauteng, Limpopo, North mit all outstanding documenta- 7. Azanian Peoples Organisation West) tion and pay election deposits, (All Provinces) the Electoral Commission says 8. BushBuckRidge Residents The following is the provisional on Tuesday. Association (Mpumalanga) list (in alphabetical order) of par- 9. Congress of the People (All ties that will be participating in This is four fewer than the 33 Provinces) provincial elections only: parties that had provisionally in- 10. Democratic Alliance (All dicated their intention to contest Provinces) 1. African National Party the National elections. This re- 11. Economic Freedom Fighters (Western Cape) mains the highest number of par- (All Provinces) 2. Indigenous Peoples ties to contest a democratic Na- 12. First Nation Liberation Organisation (Western Cape) tional Election in South Africa’s Alliance (Northern Cape, 3. KwaZulu-Natal Transport history. Western Cape) Alliance (KwaZulu-Natal) 13. Front National (Gauteng) 4. Merafong Civic Association The following parties failed to 14. Independent Civic (Gauteng, Limpopo) rectify their non-compliance in Organisation of South African 5. National Party South Africa respect of the required election (Free State, Gauteng, (Western Cape) deposit for the national election Northern Cape, Western 6. Patriotic Movement of South and will therefore not be on the Cape) Africa (Eastern Cape) ballot paper: 15. Inkatha Freedom Party (All 7. Sibanye Civic Association Provinces) (Western Cape) - African Unite Party 16. Keep It Straight and Simple 8. SINDAWONYE Progressive - Iqela Lentsango – (Only National) Party (Mpumalanga) Dagga Party 17. Kingdom Governance 9. South African Maintenance - Lekgotla for Democracy Movement (Eastern Cape, and Estate Beneficiaries Advancement Gauteng, KwaZuluNatal, Association (Limpopo) - South African Progressive Western Cape) 10. South African Political Party Civil Organisation.20 18. Minority Front (Gauteng, (North West) KwaZulu-Natal) 11. South African Progressive The following is the provision- 19. National Freedom Party (ALL Civic Organisation (Western al list (in alphabetical order) of Provinces) Cape) parties that will be contesting the 20. Pan Africanist Congress of 12. Truly Alliance (Kwa-Zulu national elections. In brackets Azania (ALL Provinces) Natal) we indicate which specific prov- 21. Pan Africanist Movement 13. Ubumbano Lwesizwe inces, in addition to national, the (NO Provinces) Sabangoni (Kwa-Zulu Natal) parties are contesting. 22. Patriotic Alliance (Free State, 14. Unemployed Movement SA Gauteng, Northern Cape, (Limpopo) 1. African Christian Democratic Western Cape) 15. Ximoko Party (Limpopo) Party (All Provinces) 23. Peoples Alliance (Western 2. African Independent Cape) Congress (Eastern Cape, 24. Ubuntu Party (No Provinces) Western Cape) 25. United Christian Democratic 3. African National Congress Party (All Provinces)

34 Province Number of Parties Eastern Cape 18 Freestate 15 Gauteng 21 KwaZulu-Natal 18 Mpumalanga 16 Northern Cape 16 Limpopo 19 North West 16 Western Cape 26

Table showing number of parties that paid the election deposit per province.

Any objection to lists of can- The Commission will rule on END NOTES didates in terms of Section 30 the objections by Monday 7 19 Official Data of the Electoral of the Electoral Act (Act 73 of April 2014 and any appeals to Commission of South Africa 1998) must be submitted to the the rulings must be submitted 20 From IEC website, Electoral Commission’s head to the Electoral Court by 10 http://www.elections.org.za/content/ office in Centurion in writing April 2014.21 About-Us/News/Four-Parties- removed-from-National-Ballot- before 17H00 on Tuesday 1 Paper-for-7-May-Election/ April 2014. Such objections The final list of candidates 21 From IEC website, must indicate the reason for contesting elections is to be http://www.elections.org.za/content/ the objection to a candidate published on 22 April and cer- About-Us/News/Four-Parties- removed-from-National-Ballot- and must show that a copy of tificates will be issued to can- Paper-for-7-May-Election/ the objection has also been didates by 24 April. lodged with the relevant political party.

35 36 ELECTION UPDATE 2014 SA Elections 2014: Continuity, Contestation 2 or Change?

Editorial Team: Ebrahim Fakir, Waseem Holland & Kerryn Kotler; EISA Copy Editing and Proofreading: Professor Craig MacKenzie; University of Johannesburg Website: Duncan Russell THE PATH OF THE PAST: SOUTH AFRI- CAN DEMOCRACY TWENTY YEARS ON Professor Steven Friedman – Much has changed. Most South Director. Centre for the Study Africans are no longer subject of Democracy, Rhodes Univer- to crippling burdens imposed on CONTENTS sity and University of Johan- them because of their race – the nesburg days when most adults spent time “The Path of the in prison simply because they Past: South African 37 Douglass North would have had had neglected to carry their ‘pass’ Democracy Twenty 2 no trouble understanding that the allowing them into the cities are Years On” key issue in this year’s election over. The ‘black middle class’, is whether it can strengthen the which some apartheid strategists patterns of the past two decades hoped would develop a stake KwaZulu-Natal 44 which have cemented democra- in white domination, emerged cy’s form – and begin to change when minority rule ended. Mil- North West 48 those which have denied many lions now receive social grants,3 South Africans its substance. and significant progress has been Limpopo 55 made in extending basic ser- North, a Nobel Prize-winning vices.4 But path dependency re- economic historian, came up with mains a core element of the South Free State 59 the idea of ‘path dependency’ to African reality, because it is be- describe the way the patterns of coming increasingly clear that 64 the past tend to shape the future. 1 the ‘democratic breakthrough’ Western Cape His point was that the institutions of 1994 did not fundamentally which became entrenched in so- change the patterns of the past Mpumalanga 74 cieties could retain a stubborn – it simply absorbed a section of hold, even when society seemed the black majority into the insti- Gauteng to have experienced great chang- tutions which existed then and 77 es. This is in many ways a useful the elites which dominated them. way of understanding South Afri- ca’s first two decades of democ- One of the key features of the racy. new South Africa is the collective bargaining system, a subject of The Contours of Path Depen- heated controversy, as employers dency claim that excessive union rights have created ‘inflexible labour To say this is not to claim, as markets’. But the system is, in many now do, that ‘nothing has essence, the 1924 Industrial Con- changed’ since 1994. ciliation Act extended to include black workers. While workers 37 do enjoy more rights now, the but the hierarchies of the past re- toral outcomes. contours of the system have remain, albeit in a slightly different mained much the same over 90 racial form. To those who know South Afri- years.5 Similarly, competitive can political history, these fea- elections have been institution- There are similar patterns in ac- tures of the landscape should alised in the post-apartheid era cess to democratic citizenship sound familiar – they are much – despite grumbles that ‘voting and responsive government. In the same as those which pre- changes nothing’, the principle the suburbs, a democracy exists vailed before 1994. Then too, that governments will continue to so vigorous in its denunciation some prospered at the expense of be elected in regular multi-party of government that it has become the many, the suburbs were much contests is under no serious threat difficult to say anything positive better governed than the town- and has become an accepted fea- about it without risking ridicule ships, and a minority enjoyed the ture of political life. This is no or abuse.10 But in the townships right to speak (and vote) which small achievement in a deeply and shack settlements, local pow- the majority was denied. For all divided society scarred by deep er holders seek to retain a monop- the real gains made over the past inequalities – yet it continues an oly, partly by using force against two decades, the country has not unbroken pattern which dates to independent voices which chal- embarked on a fundamental- at least 1910 when the (white) lenge them – the experience of ly new path. In some ways, this South African state was formed. the shack dweller movement is an asset because institutions Regular elections have always Abahlali basemjondolo, which which operated then for the few been a feature of South African faced severe violence after chal- have been broadened (electoral politics – the key change in 1994 lenging the authority of the local democracy chief among them). was that everyone could partici- council in the Durban area,11 is But the persistence of patterns of pate. only one example. This pattern social and economic domination is also part of another path-de- threaten the society. These two examples may show pendent feature of post-apartheid how path dependency can work democracy. While previous elec- Thus another form of path de- in democracy’s favour: if demo- tions have, by common consent, pendency is the degree to which cratic institutions are created for been free and fair (at least in the citizens continue to use street a minority, they may be more sense that the losers accept the demonstrations to express them- likely to endure when everyone results), they have not been very selves: while much media re- takes part in them. But some of its competitive –voting districts tend portage and commentary tend other consequences are not near- to be dominated by single parties to assume that protest is a new ly as benign. The most obvious whose opponents have conced- phenomenon, it has been an al- example is poverty and inequal- ed their territory to them.12 This most constant reality since 1976, ity. As suggested earlier, the 2011 pattern was partly disturbed in when the Soweto uprising began census, the most recent source of the 2009 election by the forma- – only in the mid-1990s, in the data, finds that significant prog- tion of the Congress of the Peo- first flush of democratic enthusi- ress has been made in access to ple (Cope), which challenged the asm, did protest briefly subside.13 services. But income inequali- ANC in its areas of dominance. Protest is a democratic right and ty has not changed dramatically But, this exception aside, the po- there is evidence that protestors since 19946 – and it still bears a litical landscape has been an ar- are usually the victims rather racial tinge: white incomes have chipelago of political fiefdoms in than the perpetrators of violence increased faster than those of which allegiance strongly corre- 14 – so demonstrations cannot be other races since democracy’s sponds to race and other ascrip- seen as severe threats to social advent.7 In 2010, according to the tive identities. Finally, despite the order. But where citizens feel Johannesburg Stock Exchange, fact that the suburbs are the elec- they have a voice, protest is em- black South African investors toral fiefdom of the opposition, ployed only as a last resort: the owned only 18% of the available they enjoy higher standards of fact that it has become a regular share capital in the top 100 listed municipal government efficiency feature of public life suggests companies.8 By 2009, the per- and greater responsiveness be- that many citizens do not believe centage of black professionals in cause, in any democratic society, that they have other ways of mak- accounting, engineering and law resources, organisation and the ing themselves heard. Since most remained at 12%, 24% and 21% confidence needed to hold offi- protests remain bottled up in ar- respectively.9 So the life chances cials to account usually translate eas where the affluent (and the of the majority are improving, into influence, regardless of elec- media) do not go, they have lim- 38 ited effect on the society. They manage.22 multi-party elections are the most are also unlikely to have much obvious) and to begin disman- influence on the election. Protest Much the same might be said tling those which threaten it. It leaders in some areas have suc- about the society. Tensions be- is in this context that the coun- cessfully organised boycotts of tween government and busi- try nears the 2014 election. The voter registration,15 but this did ness,23 which hamper economic links between the impending bal- not prevent the IEC reaching its progress, industrial conflict, and a lot and the points made here may target of registering 1,25m new national debate marked by angry not be immediately apparent, voters.16 Many of the protests are yelling rather than a search for but there is a direct connection. not aimed at the ANC – they are common ground, all testify to the While the election’s capacity to often organised by ANC politi- unresolved tensions which are the change the society’s direction has cians seeking to enhance their in- legacy of path dependency. The been exaggerated, it will test the fluence within the organisation.17 racial features of the conflict are degree to which the beneficial There is, therefore, no necessary never far from the surface, even aspects of path dependency can reason why the protesters should if an assertive black professional be maintained – and could begin vote against the ANC. For some class is also eager to yell at the a process in which some of its years, it has been regularly pre- ANC government – black busi- corrosive effects are addressed dicted that protests would be fol- ness people and professionals re- and a new, more sustainable, path lowed by a significant election cently phoned in to a radio station emerges. stay-away by ANC supporters.18 to say that experiences at white- The predictions have been inac- run workplaces have convinced Free and Fair? Elections Under curate, partly because protesters them that they will not vote for Pressure often see no contradiction be- the governing party if it appoints tween campaigning against an a white person as a provincial One implication of this analysis ANC mayor and supporting the premier;24 a public commentator is that, while regular elections are party at the polls. observes that the political major- now routine, the commitment of ity remain a cultural minority.25 the parties to free and fair elec- Path dependency has had a more That much public commentary tions is yet to be fully tested. damaging influence in the formal which claims to ‘speak truth to workplace: the patterns men- power’ is an attempt to defend the It is one thing to hold regular tioned here are also a key cause racial hierarchy of the past is evi- elections when the result is not of labour conflict, epitomised dent when a commentator insists in doubt, quite another when by the Marikana shootings of that corruption under apartheid the outcome could determine 2012. It is now widely agreed was ‘incidental’, while under who holds power. While whites that worker indebtedness is a majority rule it is ‘systemic’,26 enjoyed regular elections from key reason19 – and this in turn is or when a journalist, in an article 1910, power changed hands at prompted both by a desire to buy portraying a white constitutional the ballot box only twice – in consumer goods which, in an un- court judge as a moral antidote to 1924 and 1948. After that, the equal society, confer status20 and a black state president, declares white electoral system was nev- by a need to feed unemployed de- that growing up as a white per- er tested. Since 1994, of course, pendants.21 Unauthorised strike son in poverty under apartheid there has been no change of pow- action on the mines, the rise of meant that he had ‘endured much er at the national level and so no the Amalgamated Mining and the same hardship and discrimi- test of the system. It is at least Construction Union (Amcu), a nation as the most unfortunate possible that, if elections become rival to Cosatu’s National Union of his compatriots’,27 so delegit- far more competitive, the integ- of Mineworkers (NUM), and ten- imising the moral critique of leg- rity of the electoral process will sions within Cosatu all suggest islated black subordination under be tested. The background pre- that a significant section of union apartheid. All this suggests that sented here suggests that, if par- membership is rebelling against a the racial hierarchies of the past ties’ hold over their bastions or leadership which they believe has are still alive, despite two de- their constituencies is threatened, failed to protect them from the cades of political change. elections might turn out not to wage pressures they face. A per- have been institutionalised at all. suasive analysis thus argues that South Africa faces a twin chal- There are expectations that the the bargaining system is facing lenge – to retain those aspects 2014 election may provide such severe pressure from pre-1994 of path dependency which a test. patterns which it is struggling to strengthen democracy (of which 39 First, the election is expected to worker’s party to challenge the Commission allows direct partic- be more competitive than any of ANC. In December, Numsa an- ipation by the parties – as long as its predecessors. Second, it has nounced that it would no longer this remains so, irregularities will been suggested that its integrity campaign for the ANC and that be checked by the surveillance of is under threat. On the first score, it would be considering a range the aggrieved party. the governing party faces a great- of options, including a new par- er challenge than in the past. ANC ty.34 This decision will have only An allied concern is that en- documents acknowledge dissatis- a marginal effect on the current hanced electoral competition and faction within its voter base,28 and election. While Cosatu’s support the concomitant threat to the ANC it also enters the campaign with a is crucial to the ANC and Num- will prompt an assault on another key sources of election-time or- sa is currently its biggest union, beneficial feature of path depen- ganisation, the Congress of SA Numsa has left it to its members dency: the civil liberties enjoyed Trade Unions, at war with itself;29 to decide who to vote for and will in great measure by the suburbs another, the ANC Youth League, thus not be campaigning against and to a lesser degree by every- has been deprived of much of its the ANC. But, if it forms the par- one else.38 While complacency organisation by the dissolution of ty some time after this election, it in the face of threat is dangerous branches and regions.30 The offi- could fundamentally change the for democracies, for now at least, cial opposition, the Democratic electoral power balance. If the this concern seems have more to Alliance, is actively campaign- ANC does get a little over 60% do with a largely ignored South ing in traditional ANC areas and in this election, it may be realistic African phobia than reality. Al- the Economic Freedom Fighters to assume that it will experience most three decades ago, the liber- are seen by commentators as a a further drop in 2019: a work- al scholar David Welsh pointed to threat to its electoral base. On ers’ party would then need only the similarities between attitudes the second, allegations of irreg- around 10% to deprive the ANC to the poor in 19th century Brit- ularities in municipal elections of a majority. Local elections in ain and mainstream white atti- in Tlokwe, North West Prov- Tlokwe have confirmed a key tudes to black people here:39 the ince,31 have raised the first seri- principle of South African par- dominated group is seen as dan- ous doubts about the integrity of ty politics – that the chief threat gerous and to be biding its time the Independent Electoral Com- to the ANC’s hold on national before engaging in savage acts mission. Allegations of financial government is a split in its own of retribution – the nightmare of impropriety levelled at the head ranks rather than a growth in the the black uprising which despoils of the IEC, Pansy Tlakula, have support of current opposition par- that which is valued by the prop- prompted one party leader, Bantu ties.35 The Numsa-initiated party erty owners of the suburbs lurks Holomisa of the United Demo- could become that split, in which beneath the surface. There is cratic Front, to claim that elec- case, electoral democracy will some evidence that this attitude tions will be rigged.32 face its litmus test. remains prevalent and that, in a particularly poignant example Both the expectation of intense For this election, the fact that the of path dependency, it has been competition and of electoral ir- DA is campaigning in tradition- embraced by many middle-class regularity seem exaggerated. The al ANC areas – and the EFF is black people – how else can one leader of the Opposition, Helen seeking support from ANC voters explain the tendency to bestow Zille, has scaled down her party’s – does destabilise some tradition- mythical powers on politicians initial target of 30% and has pre- al party fiefdoms and has led to who appear eager to lead the up- dicted that the ANC will win 60%, clashes on university campuses.36 rising such as Winnie Madikize- only a few percentage points less But the 2009 election prompted la-Mandela and Julius Malema? than its current vote.33 This is similar fears, both because the consistent with a trend visible ANC was encroaching on IFP ter- It is only a small jump from this in many municipal by-elections ritory and Cope was encroaching to the notion of the ANC, often – that the ANC remains fairly se- on ANC territory: in the event, the seen as the embodiment of the cure in its traditional strongholds conflict was largely contained.37 threat, as a wrecker of constitu- and that the threat to its hold on Fears of electoral irregularity are tional democracy when backed office is very limited. A very dif- based on one incident which was into a corner. And yet there is no ferent picture might be evident rapidly detected: nor is it clear evidence to support this claim – in 2019 if the National Union how Tlakula’s financial dealings at least in the suburbs. Perhaps of Metalworkers of SA (Num- compromise the fairness of the the best evidence was the Public sa) decides to form a left-wing electoral process. The Electoral Protector’s report on the pres- 40 idential homestead in Nkandla On one level, the breathless re- be equally competent. If the ANC – while it was directed at senior port, which conveyed the sense feels under pressure to retain cit- ANC figures, including the pres- that the circular was a minor izen support, this is very likely ident, the senior leadership of scandal, was laughable – parties to ensure more effective gover- the ANC not only refrained from are, after all, meant to appeal to nance for the grassroots poor in attacking the office (rather than voters. On another, it was a sig- particular. the report) but rebuked its youth nificant departure, for this seems and student wings for doing so.40 to be the first time the ANC has Second, ANC documents suggest This probably has less to do with made such an appeal to its leg- that it believes that a key reason democratic principle than politi- islators. This suggests that it is for citizen alienation is that not cal calculation – a sense by ANC more concerned now than ever enough has been done to address leaders that the costs of acting before with the need to retain poverty and inequality.46 A strat- would sharply outweigh the ben- support and that it believes that egy to retain support would then efits. This makes the prospect of the best way to do this is to show translate into an enhanced attempt a lapse into authoritarianism even voters it is looking after their in- to address inequities. But it knows more unlikely, because democrat- terests (while this last point may too that sustainable changes to ic attitudes are being retained be- appear obvious, embattled gov- the economic patterns of the past cause of interest calculations, not erning parties could just as easily cannot be imposed –the co-op- goodwill. In the townships and respond by whipping up fear of eration or at least compliance of shack settlements, pressures to their opponents – the ANC has the owners of capital is essential conform will continue, but they done a little of this43 but in the if the country is to continue gen- do not seem to have been effec- main its response has been to try erating enough wealth to address tive enough to prevent the ANC to show voters it is serving them). the demands of redistribution. losing municipal by-elections at This is why its mid-2012 ‘Sec- Nkandla and Marikana.41 If this attitude persists, it has two ond Transition’ document, which implications. First, it is likely to sought to address these issues, is That said, it does seem obvious prompt increased ANC attention long on redistributive rhetoric but that, the more competitive elec- to the responsiveness of govern- very short on proposals – the only toral politics become, the more ment, particularly in the areas in one which alarmed business, an will the commitment to fair elec- which ANC voters live. Thus, in apparent promise to dilute the in- toral contest be tested. The 2014 a possible straw in the wind, the dependence of the Reserve Bank, election is unlikely to be a seis- ANC reacted swiftly to demon- was quickly disavowed by ANC mic event. But it will be more strations in Madibeng (Brits) by leadership.47 This suggests that competitive than its predecessors forcing senior elected officials the ANC knows that change must and so will further test the degree to resign44 and placing the coun- be negotiated with economic to which free electoral competi- cil under administration.45 The power-holders. tion has become ingrained in the speed of the response was highly post-1994 society. unusual and suggested a new sen- But, while the ANC has talked sitivity to voter sentiment. This over the past two decades of the A New Path? The Election and could have an important impact need to address poverty and in- Inequality on the quality of government. equality, it has made no serious While it is common to insist that attempt yet to negotiate a new In the second half of 2013, the the government provides inade- economic path. Complaining that country’s most popular Sunday quate service to citizens because current patterns are unsustainable newspaper published an ‘exposé’ it lacks technical capacity, the is not negotiation. To negotiate, on its front page: it had found an evidence suggests that the key the ANC would need to spell ANC circular to its members of problem is inadequate account- out what it expects of business- parliament telling them to ensure ability. The National Treasury is es (or other parties) and what it that they spent the months before often regarded as the most tech- will give in return. If electoral the election passing laws which nically proficient government pressures really are compelling would be popular among voters. department: this is so because it it to address these issues more Legislation, it said, must make is held accountable by the market seriously, we would expect it to the ANC ‘look good’ and sev- if not by citizens. It seems rea- begin spelling out a negotiation en draft laws were identified as sonable to assume that, if other position. This is precisely what ‘necessary for election’.42 departments face equally strong the economic section of its elec- pressures to account, they would tion manifesto48 does: it contains 41 a set of proposals for change and when. and Trevor Ngwane Growing civil proposed concessions to business unrest shows yearning for accountability Business Day 7 March concerns in exchange. The 2014 END NOTES 2014 49 budget speech does much the 15 Abongile Mgaqelwa and Sipho same, albeit in a more subtle way. 1 Douglass C North Institutions, Ntshobane ‘Voter registration This suggests that current elec- Institutional Change and Economic boycott’ Dispatch Online toral dynamics have impelled the Performance, Cambridge, http://www.dispatch.co.za/news/ Cambridge University Press, 1990 voter-registration-boycott/ ANC for the first time into facing 2 See for example Nigel Worden The 16 Independent Electoral Commission the challenge of negotiating a dif- Making of Modern South Africa: ‘Outcome of Final Registration ferent economic path. Conquest, apartheid, democracy Weekend’ 11 February 2014 (5th edition) Chichester, http://www.elections.org.za/content/ Wiley-Blackwell, 2012 About-Us/News/Outcome-of- Conclusion: The Pressure for 3 Servaas van der Berg and Krige final-registration-weekend/ Change Siebrits ‘Social assistance reform 17 Karl Von Holdt, Malose Langa, during a period of fiscal stress’, Sepetla Molapo, Nomfundo Mogapi, Whether the two intentions dis- Working Papers 17/2010, Kindi Ngubeni, Jacob Dlamini and cussed here will survive the elec- Stellenbosch University, Department Adele Kirsten The Smoke That Calls: of Economics, 2010. Insurgent Citizenship, Collective tion depends partly on the result. 4 Trevor Manuel ‘Proof of how much Violence and the Search for a Place If the ANC does not lose much we have done — and must still do’ in the New South Africa ground, its leadership may con- Business Day October 21 2012 Johannesburg, Centre for the Study 5 clude that the problems which I am grateful to Sakhela Buhlungu, of Violence and Reconciliation, Dean of Humanities, University of Society, Work and Development push them in a new direction Cape Town, for this observation Institute, July 2011 were overstated. That would 6 Manuel ‘Proof of how much we have 18 Susan Booysen (ed) Local Elections take much of the urgency out of done’ in South Africa: Parties, People, attempts to begin moving away 7 Haroon Bhorat, Carlene van der Politics Bloemfontein, SUN media, from path dependency in gover- Westhuizen and Tougheda Jacobs 2012, p.99 Income and Non-Income Inequality 19 SARB: Unsecured lending on the nance and in the economy. But in Post-Apartheid South Africa: rise’ Fin24 28 June 2013 the loss of several percentage What are the Drivers and Possible http://www.fin24.com/Debt/News/ points could prompt it to contin- Policy Interventions? Sarb-Unsecured-lending-on-the- ue these efforts in the period after Development Policy Research Unit, rise-20130628 University of Cape Town, DPRU 20 SA Press Association (Sapa) ‘More May 7. Working Paper 09/138 August 2009, TVs than Fridges in SA Homes’ p.4 IOL News October 30 2012 Even if it does lapse into compla- 8 JSE Presents Findings on Black http://www.iol.co.za/news/south- cency, however, this is unlikely Ownership on the JSE September 2, africa/census-more-tvs-than- to last long. The pressures which 2010 http://www.jse.co.za/ fridges-in-sa-homes-1.1414075#. about-us/media/press-releases/ UzwMU6L2B3 prompted it to adopt its current full-story/10-09-02/JSE_Presents_ 21 Reuters ‘Mine Strike to Drive Up stance are unlikely to abate – if Findings_on_Black_Ownership_ Platinum Prices’ Eye Witness Numsa forms a party, they could on_the_JSE.aspx News 18 February 2014 9 well increase. And even if Numsa Development Network Africa http://ewn.co.za/2014/02/18/ Professional Services in South SA-miners-strike-drive-up-platinum does not launch a party, it seems Africa: Accounting, Engineering 22 Edward Webster ‘The promise and only a matter of time before the and Law 25 January 2009 the possibility: South Africa’s ANC faces either a challenge http://www.dnaeconomics.com/ contested industrial relations path’ from within the labour movement assets/Usegareth/SA_Professional_ Transformation 81/82 (2013) 23 or another split which will imper- Services.pdf Chris Barron ‘Why business and 10 Steven Friedman ‘Identity Crisis: the ANC fell out of love’ Business il its majority. Electoral Dominance, Identity Day March 30, 2014 Politics and South African 24 Kaya FM Today with John Perlman None of this may come to a head Democracy’ (forthcoming) Podcast ‘How Important is the Race 11 this election. But this ballot will See for example Abahlali of a Candidate in Making your baseMjondolo The Attack on AbM in Political Choice?’ March 17, 2014 offer some sense of whether the Kennedy Road http://www.abahlali. http://www.kayafm.co.za/category/ beneficial aspects of path de- org/taxonomy/term/1525 podcast/today-with-john- pendency will survive and those 12 Friedman ‘Identity Crisis’ perlman-podcast/page/2/ which are damaging will begin 13 See for example Jerry Lavery 25 ‘White people remain a cultural to face a challenge. These two is- ‘Protest and Political Participation majority. And it is their world view in South Africa: Time Trends and that continues to dominate the sues remain at the heart of South Characteristics of Protesters’ shaping of social and economic Africa’s difficult quest to build Afrobarometer Briefing Papers 102 relations’. Aubrey Matshiqi ‘Why a democracy. The issue is not May 2012 Manuel is right and wrong about 14 whether they will be tested, but Peter Alexander, Carin Runciman Manyi’s “racism”’ Business Day 8 42 March 2011 and socialism’ Terry Bell Writes Plan’ Sunday Times 22 September http://www.businessday.co.za/ http://terrybellwrites.com 2013 articles/Content.aspx?id=136509 /2014/03/06/numsa-political- 43 SA Press Association (Sapa) 26 John Kane-Berman ‘ANC parties-socialism/ ‘Ramaphosa warns against return of corruption is systemic, unlike Nats’ 35 After an internal split, the ANC vote “boers” ‘ Mail and Guardian incidental version’ Business Day in the North-West province 11 November 2013 March 24, 2014 municipality of Tlokwe dropped 44 Zain Ebrahim ‘Madibeng mayor 27 John Carlin ‘Judge shows why by up to 40 percentage points in resigns after Mothotlung mess’ constitution is about morals not some wards ‘ANC Loses Support in Mail and Guardian 21 January 2014 ceremony’ Business Day March 28 Five of its Wards’ The Witness 20 45 ‘Madibeng municipality put under 2014 September 2013 administration’ City Press 11 28 African National Congress 36 Poloko Tau ‘Police watch Turfloop February 2014 Organisational renewal: Building campus after clashes over SRC seats’ 46 African National Congress The the ANC as a movement for City Press 11 October 2013 Second Transition? Building a transformation and a strategic 37 Reports of Electoral Monitoring Net national democratic society and the centre of power A discussion work in author’s possession balance of forces in 2012 A document towards the National 38 Remarks by civil society discussion document towards the Policy Conference Version 9, activist, Centre for the Study of National Policy Conference, Version released on 10th April 2012, p.9 Democracy workshop, 18 March, 7.0 as amended by the Special NEC 29 Natasha Marrian ‘Vavi court 2014 27 February 2012 case lays bare divisions among 39 David Welsh “Democratic liberalism 47 ‘ANC denies it plans changes to Cosatu leadership’ Business Day 28 and theories of race stratification” Reserve Bank’ Moneyweb 5 March March 2014 in Jeffrey Butler, Richard Elphick 2012 http://www.moneyweb.co.za/ 30 Setumo Stone ‘Four provincial ANC and David Welsh (eds). 1987. moneyweb-political-economy/ Youth League branches get the chop’ Democratic Liberalism in South anc-denies-it-plans-changes-to- Business Day 10 June 2013 Africa. Cape Town: David Phillip reserve-bank 31 Setumo Stone ‘IEC ‘irregularities’ 40 Jackson Mthembu ‘ANC 48 African National Congress Together could taint Tlokwe by-elections’ Statement on Remarks of ANCYL We Move South Africa Forward: Business Day 13 September 2013 and Cosas on the Public Protector’ 2014 Election Manifesto pp.19-22 32 Fiona Forde ‘ANC Plotting to Rig 24 March 2014 49 SA Government 2014 Budget Elections: Holomisa’ IOL News 2 http://www.politicsweb.co.za/ Speech Minister of Finance Pravin March 2014 http://www.iol.co.za/ politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ Gordhan 26 February 2014 http:// news/politics/anc- en/page71654?oid=576688&sn= www.treasury.gov.za/documents/ plotting-to-rig-elections- Detail&pid=71616 national%20budget/2014/speech/ holomisa-1.1654926#.UziDFaJ_Ht8 41 ‘ANC loses Nkandla by-election’ speech.pdf 33 Natasha Marrian ‘Modest Zille puts News24 6 December 2012 http:// ANC share of votes at 60%’ www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/ Business Day 17 February 2014 Politics/ANC-loses- 34 National Union of Metalworkers of Nkandla-by-election-20121206-4; South Africa (Numsa) 2013 Numsa Setumo Stone ‘ANC loses ward near Special National Congress Marikana in by-election’ Business December 17 to 20, 2013 Day 8 November 2012 Declaration, Johannesburg: Numsa; 42 Sam Mkokeli and Thabo Mokone Terry Bell ‘Numsa, Political Parties ‘Exposed: The ANC’s secret election

43 KWAZULU-NATAL

Shauna Mottiar - Post Doctoral resentatives.52 The 2009 election, in the provincial legislature to the Fellow at the Centre for Civil for example, witnessed clashes ANC’s 32.32% and 26 seats. In Society, University of KwaZu- between ANC and IFP supporters the 1999 election the IFP began to lu-Natal in the Estcourt area53 as well as lose ground, with 41.90% of the clashes between ANC and Con- vote and 34 seats to the ANC’s Introduction gress of the People (Cope) sup- 39.38% and 32 seats. The 2004 porters at a hostel in Umlazi.54 election saw a shift in power, Twenty years of democratic elec- Indications are that this trend is with the ANC gaining 46.98% of tions in KwaZulu-Natal have set to continue, and there have the vote and 38 seats to the IFP’s been marked firstly by a reduc- already been reports of party ten- 36.82% of the vote and 30 seats. tion of violence in the province sions in a KwaMashu hostel this By the 2009 election the ANC given that ‘electoral logics re- year, where confrontations be- had consolidated its power in placed war time logics of infor- tween IFP and National Freedom the province, with 62.95% of the mal control’51 and secondly by Party (NFP) supporters resulted vote and 51 seats while the IFP a turnover of power from the in the death of an IFP supporter.55 dropped significantly to 22.40% Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) to of the vote and 18 seats. 2009 of- the African National Congress A scan of provincial election re- ficial opposition in the province (ANC). sults (depicted in the four tables (other than the IFP) was disap- below) of democratic elections pointing, with the Democratic Despite the reduction of politi- held over the last twenty years Alliance (DA) failing to achieve cal violence, electoral violence tracks the gradual shift of power its target of 10 seats and the Mi- persists in the form of rally dis- from the IFP and the subsequent nority Front (MF) receiving only ruptions, prevention of election- consolidation of the ANC in 2 seats following a poor showing eering in no-go and stronghold KwaZulu-Natal. In the 1994 elec- from its target constituency.56 areas, attacks on supporters and tion the IFP secured 50.32% of confrontations between party rep- the provincial vote and 41 seats

Election Results:57

KwaZulu-Natal 1994

Party Votes Percentage Seats Inkatha Freedom Party 1 844 070 50.32 41 African National Congress 1 181 118 32.32 26 National Party 410 710 11.21 9 Democratic Party 78 910 2.12 2 Minority Front 48 951 1.34 1 African Christian Democratic Party 24 690 0.97 1 Pan Africanist Congress 26 601 0.73 1 Freedom Front + 18 625 0.51 0 Africa Muslim Party 17 931 0.49 0 African Democratic Movement 8 092 0.22 0 Workers’ International to Rebuild 4 626 0.13 0 Total 3 664 324 100.36 81

44 KwaZulu-Natal 1999

Party Votes Percentage Seats Inkatha Freedom Party 1 241 522 41.90 34 African National Congress 1 167 094 39.38 32 Democratic Party 241 779 8.16 7 New National Party 97 077 3.28 3 Minority Front 86 770 2.93 2 African Christian Democratic Party 53 745 1.81 1 United Democratic Movement 34 586 1.17 1 Federal Alliance 9 762 0.33 0 Pan Africanist Congress of Azania 7 654 0.26 0 Freedom Front 6 804 0.23 0 Afrikaner Eenheid Beweging 5 801 0.20 0 Azanian People’s Organization 5 052 0.17 0 Socialist Party of Azania 3 451 0.12 0 Mass United Movement 2 261 0.08 0 Total 2 963 358 100.02 80

KwaZulu-Natal 2004

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 1 287 823 46.98 38 Inkatha Freedom Party 1 009 267 36.82 30 Democratic Alliance 228 857 8.35 7 Minority Front 71 540 2.61 2 African Christian Democratic Party 48 892 1.78 2 United Democratic Movement 20 546 0.75 1 New National Party 14 218 0.52 0 Independent Democrats 13 556 0.49 0 Freedom Front + 7 764 0.28 0 Azanian People’s Organization 7 061 0.26 0 Pan Africanist Congress 5 118 0.19 0 Socialist Party of Azania 5 023 0.18 0 Christian Democratic Party 4 980 0.18 0 Izwe Lethu Party 4 858 0.18 0 United Christian Democratic Party 3 921 0.14 0 Peace & Development Party 3 154 0.12 0 Royal Loyal Progress Party 3 141 0.11 0 Independent African Movement 1 546 0.06 0 Total 2 741 265 100.00 80

KwaZulu-Natal 2009

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 2 192 516 62.95 51 Inkatha Freedom Party 780 027 22.40 18 Democratic Alliance 318 559 9.15 7 Minority Front 71 507 2.05 2 Congress of the People 44 890 1.29 1 African Christian Democratic Party 23 537 0.68 1 Others 51 951 1.49 0 Total 3 482 987 100.01 80

45 Voter Turnout

Election year Eligible population Registered Voter turnout Ballots cast Spoilt/invalid voters votes 2004 9 665 875 3 819 864 73.51% 2 782 565 41 300 2009 10 449 300 4 475 217 79.87% 3 526 700 43 713

KwaZulu-Natal election participation 2004, 200958

Election year 2009 in KwaZu- elections. The NFP claims to be a tem,64 and which are also evident lu-Natal reflected a rise in the party for all people but one that is in KwaZulu-Natal. This is espe- number of registered voters: 4 sympathetic towards the poor, the cially the case during the course 475 217, which translates into a marginalised, youth, widows and of elections in the form of the voter turnout of 79.87%. This is orphans. Its strategy is ‘constitu- KwaZulu-Natal Democracy and as compared with election year ency based’: ‘we believe that we Elections Forum (KZNDEF). 2004, which recorded 3 819 864 need to remain with the people’. The KZNDEF was formed in registered voters and a voter turn- The party launched its election 1998 with the objective of en- out of 73.51% (as reflected in the manifesto in Durban recently, suring a provincial electoral en- table above). The trend between with a turnout of some 45,000 vironment to accommodate free the last two election periods is people. Its aim is to secure 1.8 and peaceful participation. This therefore an increase in voting million votes in the May 2014 was particularly in light of the activity. election.61 election-related violence, intimidation and political intolerance Party dynamics The second emerging opposition in the province. The Forum is a party, reflecting national trends, network of 17 civil society organ- Analysts predict that the ANC is the Economic Freedom Front isations, most of which are part will hold its lead in KwaZulu-Na- (EFF) represented in KwaZu- of the KwaZulu-Natal Communi- tal in the 2014 election. Indeed, lu-Natal by provincial convener ty Based Organization Coalition it has been suggested that the Vusi Khoza. A controversial fig- (COMBOCO), which represents KwaZulu-Natal province is an ure, Khoza claims to be a whis- some three hundred organizations integral part of the ANC’s strat- tle-blower in the Manase Report, throughout the province. It has egy to retain its national voting which focused on exposing cor- five subcommittees: Democracy figures. An Ipsos survey, which ruption in the eThekwini Munici- and Voter Education; Violence undertakes a ‘Pulse of the Peo- pality. He states that the EFF has Monitoring; Mediation and Con- ple’ study every six months, re- made ‘massive inroads’ in Kwa- flict Resolution; Election Obser- vealed that its randomly selected Zulu-Natal, setting up branches vation and Legal Compliance and sample of eligible voters secured in ‘most regions’ and increasing Litigation. Elsewhere65 I have ar- 56.6% of the vote for the ANC its card-carrying membership to gued that while it is not possible and 9.8% of the vote for the IFP 500,000. Khoza, discussing chal- to directly attribute lower levels in KwaZulu-Natal for 2014. The lenges of funding, argues that of election-related conflict and same survey recorded 11.2% of the EFF is ‘a party for the poor higher levels of peace during the vote for the DA and 0.9% of that represents the interests of the elections in KwaZulu-Natal to the the vote for the MF. Two new po- poor. And poor people always work of the Forum, it is possible litical parties emerge as possible come to the fore when there is a to suggest that it has made signif- contenders for increasing support call to say fund your own revo- icant inroads towards promoting in the province in the upcoming 62 lution’. a democratic-spirited electorate election. more inclined towards peaceful The role of civil society and rather than conflict-based elec- The first is the NFP, an IFP faith-based organisations breakaway party formed in 2011 tions. The work of the Forum has by Zanele Magwaza-Msibi, may- Civil society organisations such resulted in it building extensive or of Zululand. Magwaza-Msibi as NGOs and CBOs collaborate capacity to respond to conflict formed the NFP after she cut ties more with the state63 than the and promote peace. This includes with the IFP and the party man- ‘new social movements’, which the establishment of a pool of aged to secure 1.2 million votes aim to transform elements of the election observers, monitors, in the 2011 local government social, political or economic sys- mediators and skilled trainers. The KZNDEF was re-launched 46 in August 2013 in the run-up to ing breakaway party politics be- No Vote’. This campaign cur- the 2014 election and is currently tween the IFP and NFP as well as rently seems to be under debate. running a ‘Phendula: Why Vote’ various internal ANC battles. Some ABM members argue for youth political dialogue hosted continuing to abstain, given that by the Democracy Development For the most part, which goes voting for a party that doesn’t de- Programme (DDP). some way to explaining why liver on promises is ‘wasting’ the the governing party has been re- vote. Others argue, however, that Protests and their impact turned to power in the province, it may be time for ABM members ‘service delivery’ protesters don’t to vote for an opposition party.74 The province, following national seem to be opposing the ANC or trends, also displays an increase the state but rather insisting on END NOTES in levels of informal methods of ‘delivery of promises’ and ‘hav- political participation in the form ing their voices heard’ at the local 50 Shauna Mottiar is a Post-Doctoral of protest – dubbed ‘service de- level.69 In this sense protesters Fellow at the Centre for Civil livery’ protest. According to the Society, University of do not constitute a counter-hege- KwaZulu- Natal, South Africa – Municipal IQ Hotspots Monitor, monic force but are ‘more inter- [email protected] a local government data and in- ested in obtaining a piece of the 51 Schuld, M. 2013. Voting and telligence service, KwaZulu-Na- pie on offer by the state than chal- violence in KwaZulu-Natal’s no-go tal experienced a rise in service lenging it altogether’.70 In some areas: Coercive mobilisation and delivery protests from 6% in the territorial control in post-conflict cases, however, and particularly elections. African Journal on January – July period of 2012 to where social movements such as Conflict Resolution, 13 (1), 101-123, 14% in the January – July period Abahlali baseMjondolo (ABM), p110. 66 52 of 2013. Just as is the case na- the Unemployed People’s Move- Piper, L. 2004. Politics by other tionally, protest in KwaZulu-Na- means: The practise and discourse of ment (UPM) and the Democrat- violence in KZN. EISA Election tal emanates mainly from poorer ic Left Front (DLF) are active, Update 4, 22-24 and Hoglund, K and neighbourhoods, townships and community leader narratives are Jarstad, A. 2011. Toward electoral shack settlements. Reasons for informed by a broader national security: Experiences from protest are usually framed as ma- outlook and consideration of sys- KwaZulu-Natal. Africa Spectrum, 46 terial demands for services such (1), 33-59. temic and structural causes of lo- 53 Van Jaarsveld, S. 2009. EISA as housing, water, electricity, cal problems.71 This may indicate Election Update 6, 156-158. access to healthcare, education, a growing counter-hegemonic 54 Mottiar, S. 2009. EISA Election development and employment as consciousness ‘where people are Update 8, 184-187. well as calls for greater account- 55 Olifant, N. IFP outraged by alleged able to penetrate the common police slaying of one of its ability at local levels of gover- sense that keeps most passive in supporters. Sunday Tribune, 16 nance. Despite this, however, an- the face of injustice’.72 Drawing March, p. 5. alysts warn that the term ‘service from a sample of respondents in- 56 Mottiar, 2009, op. cit. 57 delivery’ protest is inaccurate terviewed in a Durban ‘hotspot’ All tables sourced from Electoral given that protesters are demand- Institute for Sustainable for protest, Cato Manor Ward 30, Democracy in Africa (EISA) ing a voice and a chance to be protesters in Durban remain loyal Election Archive. Available at: active rather than passive citizens to the voting process and seem to http://eisa.org.za/WEP/ following the principles of par- employ a ‘dual repertoire’ of vot- souelectarchive.htm. Accessed on 17 ticipatory democracy.67 A scan of March 2014. ing as well protesting in between 58 68 Data in this table is compiled from media reports reflects Durban elections. All of the respondents the EISA, IEC and Statistics SA protest ongoing in Hammarsdale, interviewed indicated that they websites (Accessed on 18 March Durban central, Kennedy Road had voted in the last election 2014):http://eisa.org.za/WEP/ informal settlement, KwaMashu, souelectarchive.htm and only two of them said they KwaDukuza, Lamontville, Lin- http://www.elections.org.za/content/ would consider abstaining from NPEPublicReports/146/Voter%20 delani, Marianhill, Marianridge, voting should their protest issues Turnout/KN.pdf at: Mayville, Ntuzuma, Siyanda, remain unresolved.73 Abstaining http://www.elections.org.za/content/ Umlazi, Wentworth, Clare Estate, from voting in Durban is a tactic NPEPublicReports/45/Voter%20 Puntan’s Hill and Chatsworth. Turnout/KN.pdf famously employed by the shack http://www.statssa.gov.za/ Protest by striking students and dwellers movement (ABM), publications/P0302/P03022009.pdf labour is also constant, and in which, in previous elections, mo- https://www.statssa.gov.za/ 2011 numerous mass protests bilised under the call (originating publications/P0302/P03022004.pdf 59 were registered in relation to the from the Anti-Eviction Cam- Data in this table is compiled from May municipal elections, reflect- the EISA, IEC and Statistics SA paign’s) ‘No Land, No House, websites (Accessed on 18 March 47 2014): http://eisa.org.za/WEP/ dynamics and promoting peace. post-apartheid South Africa. Review souelectarchive.htm Journal of African Elections, 9 (1), of African Political Economy, 38 60 Ipsos survey: provincial political 110-127. (127), 61-76. party support in a moderate voter 66 Municipal IQ Press Releases 71 Mottiar, S. 2013. From ‘popcorn’ to turnout scenario, 16 January 2014. 6 August 2012, 7 August 2013. ‘occupy’: Protest in Durban, South Available at: 67 Friedman, S. 2009. People are Africa. Development and Change, http://www.bizcommunity.com/ demanding public service not 44(3), 603-619. Article/196/19/107490.html. service delivery. Business Day, 29 72 Runciman, C. 2011. Questioning Accessed on: 17 March 2014. July and Pithouse, R. 2011. The resistance in post-apartheid South 61 Khoza, A. 2014. I’ll show you how service delivery myth. Dispatch Africa: A response to Luke Sinwell. this game is played. Sunday Tribune, Online, 3 February, Pambazuka Review of African Political 16 March, p. 10. News 110209. Economy, 38: 130, 607-614. 62 Hlongwane, A. 2014. Rebel with a 68 See Bond, P. 2012. Durban’s 73 Based on findings from a social Khoza. Sunday Tribune, 9 March, corruptions and disruptions – protest research study conducted p. 11. Dennis Brutus Memorial Debate. by the author in Cato Manor Ward 63 See Habib, A. 2005. State-Civil UKZN’s Centre for Civil Society 24 30 in Durban in September 2013. Society Relations in Post-Apartheid May 2012. Available at: Methodological note: this study is South Africa, in Social Research, 72 http://ccs.ukzn.ac.za/files/ based on a small sample of ten (3), 671-692. Durban’s%20corruptions%20 households and should not be taken 64 See Ballard, R. Habib, A. Valodia, I. and%20disruptions.pdf Accessed on as totally representative of protest Zuern, E. 2005. Globalisation, 10 March 2014. trends in Cato Manor. marginalisation and contemporary 69 Mottiar, S. 2014. Protest and 74 Shozi, S. 2014. Should ‘No Land, social movements in South Africa. participation in Durban: A focus on No House, No Vote’ battles take African Affairs, 104 (417), 615-634. Cato Manor, Merebank and Went place in the 2014 elections? 65 Mottiar, S. 2010. The role of civil worth. Forthcoming. Available at: society in elections: The 70 Sinwell, L. 2011. Is ‘another world’ http://abahlali.org/?s=election KwaZulu-Natal Democracy and really possible? Re-examining Accessed on 19 March 2014. Elections Forum – reducing conflict counter-hegemonic forces in

NORTH WEST

Dr Ina Gouws – North West University (Vaal Triangle Campus)

Election Results

North West 1994

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 1 310 080 83.33 26 National Party 138 986 8.84 3 Freedom Front Plus 72 821 4.63 1 Pan Africanist Congress 27 274 1.73 0 Democratic Party 7 894 0.50 0 Inkatha Freedom Party 5 948 0.38 0 African Christian Democratic Party 5 570 0.35 0 African Democratic Movement 3 569 0.23 0 Total 1 572 142 99.99 30

Source: EISA http://eisa.org.za/WEP/sou1994resultsf.htm

48 North West 1999

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 1 030 901 78.97 27 United Christian Democratic Party 124 874 9.57 3 Democratic Party 42 593 3.26 1 New National Party 29 931 2.29 1 Freedom Front (FF) 17 964 1.38 1 United Democratic Movement 16 785 1.29 0 African Christian Democratic Party 12 227 0.94 0 Pan Africanist Congress of Azania 9 613 0.74 0 Federal Alliance 7 157 0.55 0 Inkatha Freedom Party 6 759 0.52 0 Afrikaner Eenheidsbeweging 6 637 0.51 0 Total 1 305 441 100.00 33 Source: EISA http://www.content.eisa.org.za/old-page/south-africa-1999-north-west- legislature-results

North West 2004

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 1 048 089 80.71 27 United Christian Democratic Party 110 233 8.49 3 Democratic Alliance 64 925 5.00 2 Freedom Front Plus 17 123 1.32 1 African Christian Democratic Party 15 138 1.17 0 United Demographic Movement 12 513 0.96 0 Independent Democrats 5 709 0.44 0 New National Party 5 592 0.43 0 Azanian People’s Organization 3 718 0.29 0 Inkatha Freedom Party 3 211 0.25 0 National Action 1 389 0.11 0 Total 1 298 563 100.01 33 Source: EISA http://eisa.org.za/WEP/sou2004results8.htm

49 North West 2009

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 783 794 72.89 25 Congress of the People 89 573 8.33 3 Democratic Alliance 88 728 8.25 3 United Christian Democratic Party 56 678 5.27 2 Freedom Front Plus 19 463 1.81 0 African Christian Democratic Party 7 366 0.69 0 United Democratic Movement 5 467 0.51 0 Independent Democrats (ID) 4 984 0.46 0 Movement Democratic Party 4 432 0.41 0 African People’s Convention 3 116 0.29 0 Pan Africanist Congress of Azania 2 831 0.26 0 Azanian People’s Organization 2 712 0.25 0 SA Political Party 1 832 0.17 0 African Christian Alliance 1 750 0.16 0 Inkatha Freedom Party 1 619 0.15 0 National Democratic Convention 978 0.09 0 Total 1 131 873 105.15 33 Source: EISA http://eisa.org.za/WEP/sou2009resultsh.htm

Voter registration numbers

Election year Eligible popula- Registered Voter turnout Ballots cast Spoilt/invalid tion voters votes 1999 *<2 218 360 1 527 672 86.87 21 722 2004 **<2 521 142 1 749 529 75.55 23 224 2009 ***2 521 142 1 564 357 70.80 21 007

Source: EISA http://eisa.org.za/WEP/sou1999results7nw.htm

*Source: 1996 census NWP age 15- unspecified http://www.statssa.gov.za/census01/html/NWPrimary. pdf

**Source: 2001 census NWP age 15-unspecified http://www.statssa.gov.za/census01/html/NWPrimary. pdf

***Source: 2001 census NWP (age 15 is now 19) http://www.statssa.gov.za/census01/html/NWPrimary. pdf

Party dynamics (NP) and the Conservative Par- elections in 1994 and as the NNP ty (CP) were the strongest white (New National Party) in 1999 and Politics in the North West Prov- parties in this region. They held 2004 before it merged with the ince reflects the deep divisions heavily contested elections and ANC after the elections in 2004. in the South African body pol- the CP had a few strongholds in itic. The largest portion of this towns like Koster and Venters- The North West province has province used to be called the dorp. Added to the mix was the always been an ANC strong- Wes-Transvaal (part of the old Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging hold since the first democratic Transvaal province). It has al- (AWB), a far-right-wing nation- elections in 1994, and the party ways been a mainly rural area alist group headed by the late appears to be invincible in the with ‘typical’ rural towns, racial- Eugene Terre’blanche. With the province, but not without its own ly divided by apartheid. The evi- end of apartheid the CP dissolved internal tensions and deep fac- dence of these divisions can still (many members are believed to tionalism. Support for the ruling be found in these towns. During have moved to the NP) and the party declined somewhat in 2009 apartheid the then National Party AWB. The NP still contested with the formation of the Con- 50 gress of the People (COPE). The tion was jealous of the other the province. The DA in North Democratic Alliance (DA) has groups, because they were re- West has been growing steadi- since become the second-stron- sponsible for the ousting of Lucas ly since the Democratic Party’s gest contender, although being a Mangope after the latter resisted 0.50% in 1994. This was before distant second contender. reincorporation with the Repub- the DP, NNP and ID merged to lic of South Africa running up to become the DA (the NNP left the The relationship between the the elections in 1994. The three alliance shortly after to merge two strongest political parties in groups could not agree on a pre- with the ANC). Since then the the North West and within them- mier for the province and even- DA got 8.25% in 2009, narrow- selves is characterised by fac- tually an outsider by the name ly outshone by the now famously tions, infighting and controversial of Popo Molefe, co-founder of imploding Cope, which became negative campaigning. The cur- the Azanian People’s Movement the official provincial opposition rent factional relationships with- and the United Democratic Front, with 8.33%. The DA has been in the African National Congress and who was ‘broadly associated’ fighting tough battles with the (ANC) in the North West began with the province, was appointed. ANC in North West, trying to cash with the formation of the nine pro- His brief was to balance power in on the ANC’s faction fights. It vincial administrations created in and ‘share the spoils’ between succeeded for a while in Tlokwe 1994. A 50 000-strong homeland factions. To this day, whether on in 2013, where the DA managed civil service had to be combined provincial or local level, senior to have a municipal mayor for with 20 000 from the Cape and positions are divided between the first time in North West after Transvaal administrations. This factions to try to avoid conflict.76 ANC councillors, unhappy with did not happen peacefully. Ju- the status quo at the time, sup- nior officials and public workers The factions are now mostly di- ported a motion of no confidence loyal to the ANC formed crisis vided into those that supported against the ANC mayor and a DA committees, which demanded President Zuma and those who councillor was elected mayor. that 23 former Bophuthatswana supported Deputy President The National Executive Commit- Bantustan officials be removed Mothlanthe going into the Man- tee (NEC) of the ANC intervened from their posts. R50 million was gaung conference of the ANC in and after by-elections were held, spent on severance packages for 2012 after the bruising factional- the ANC won back the mayoral senior officials. What followed ism experienced in the lead-up to seat. It must be mentioned that was factionalism between depart- and during the ANC’s conference there were reports of irregulari- mental heads nominated by the in 2007, in Polokwane. Attempts ties in the voting process lodged committees and administrators to heal these rifts and factions by the DA and independent can- supposedly loyal to the former have not borne fruit. Recent didates in which the Independent leader of the homeland, Mr Lu- events suggest that efforts by the Electoral Commission (IEC) was cas Mangope. There ended up be- ANC national leadership to avoid implicated. The outcome of the ing three factions in 1993/1994, conflict are not working. A series investigation into these allega- according to Theo Venter.75 This of events can be catalogued as tions has not published at this history has an impact on the way evidence: time but a lack of confidence in in which factions within the ANC the IEC has taken hold by the op- are formed. • Phakoe murder position in Tlokwe. • Chika murder 2012 The first faction had a strong • Mataboge shooting 2012 The DA launched an aggressive Vryburg base, the second includ- • Tlokwe municipal council campaign in the North West for ed Hammanskraal and Brits and defections 2013 the 2014 elections focusing on the third grouping was Klerks- • Battles of legitimacy of townships and rural areas. Its lat- dorp, Maquassi, Potchefstroom mayors in Zeerust and est ‘conquest’ is the support of the and Ventersdorp. The latter group Mahikeng 2013 Barolong people of Mahikeng. was strongest at the time because • Violent protests 2013/2014 The DA has had its own challeng- of the support from the National es, with internal disagreements Union of Mineworkers and a then The relationship with the ANC about certain national policies stronger South African Commu- and its voters is taking strain un- such as Employment Equity (EE) nist Party. The Vryburg group der these circumstances, as the and land reform. These disagree- wanted to be part of the Northern section on protests below high- ments surfaced when statements Cape, but were demarcated into lights. were made by spokespeople North West. The Pretoria/Brits about these policies, only to be faction wanted to be in Gauteng These incidents naturally influ- retracted and rephrased by party and the Potchefstroom et al fac- ence the relationship between the leadership later on. There appears ANC and opposition parties in 51 to be a faction that is frustrated In an Ipsos survey on provincial campaigns such as voter educa- with party leader Helen Zille and party support among voters pub- tion for the 2014 elections. A con- those loyal to her. Near the end lished in November 2013 (six versation with an official in the of 2013 there were reports of months before the 2014 elec- IEC office in Mahikeng revealed party leaders dividing their loy- tions) numbers show that the EFF that the IEC is relying on its own alties between Mmusi Maimane may very well be the official op- historically effective methods to (premier candidate for Gauteng) position in North West after the educated voters about the election and Lindiwe Mazibuko (DA par- elections.79 process. The IEC uses democracy liamentary leader). There were education facilitators to conduct also reports of an ‘internal battle’ Several large mines in the North demonstrations and workshops over the use of party resources by West have been hit by protests to teach potential voters how the both Maimane and Mazibuko. A and strikes, sometimes turning voting process works. They are spokesperson made these reports violent, most notably Marikana involved in the registration pro- out to be rumour-mongering.77 in 2012. The EFF has positioned cess as well. These facilitators itself as a champion of the plight are independent contract workers A major new disagreement of mine workers against per- trained by the IEC. amongst DA members and lead- ceived failed ANC policies. Al- ership is the campaign message though the EFF is championing The North West is predominant- about former president Thabo the rights of the poor, it has also ly rural, and large portions of the Mbeki. There are those in the attracted well-educated youth economically active population DA ranks who disagree with the disillusioned by the exclusionary are farm workers. In the past the party placing Mbeki’s presiden- nature of and institutional racism IEC has had difficulty getting ac- cy central to the DA campaign as experienced in the corporate sec- cess to farms either because of ‘a good story to tell’, especially tor of South Africa. farmers’ fears for their security since the party launched scathing or politically motivated resis- attacks on his presidency in the The EFF claims to have over 100 tance. For the 2011 local govern- past.78 Land reform is the policy 000 members, 60% of whom are ment elections the IEC collabo- most likely to make things dif- young people.80 Tensions be- rated with Agri-SA North West, ficult for the DA in North West tween the ANC and the EFF are supported by the provincial de- from all sides. After initially high. The ANC has shown signs partment of agriculture and rural botched communication about of intolerance the more threat- development, to try to overcome the DA’s stance on the Restitu- ened it perceives itself to be. these obstacles. The campaign tion of Land Rights Amendment There are reports of the ANC included educating voters and Bill, the party explained that it preventing political parties from farmers on the importance of al- supported land reform but not at moving freely to campaign in lowing farm labourers to exercise the expense of the right to pri- certain areas. The EFF has made their democratic right to vote. vate ownership and food security. allegations that the ANC in North The result was positive.82 The The problem for the DA in North West has prevented it from using IEC is therefore continuing these West is that white farmers (a fair- municipal venues (stadiums and collaborations in 2014. ly important section of the DA’s community halls) for gatherings base) received these statements and proceeded to ‘illegally occu- Most political parties have a negatively. The Freedom Front py’ venues booked by the EFF.81 strong focus on the youth for the Plus (FF+), which relies strong- 2014 elections. An organisation ly on farmers’ support, jumped at Role of civil society and faith- dealing with youth involvement the chance to suggest to farmers based organisations in the elections is InkuluFreeheid. that the DA has deserted them This is a youth-led, non-partisan Civil society organisations are an movement providing a platform and that they should come to the important part of any democra- FF+ fold for support. aiming to unite South Africans tisation process in that they pro- and organisations in finding solu- It is not clear how many black vide an important link between tions to current challenges. This votes the DA will gain in the citizens and state. They support group was established in Febru- North West for supporting land decision-making processes and ary 2013. The main purpose of reform even amid ANC faction can influence the mood regarding InkuluFreeheid is to deepen de- fights. It may very well be a dis- an event such as a national elec- mocracy, enhance social cohe- putable point, since there is a new tion. sion and find solutions to pressing player on the ground in the form It has been a challenge finding economic challenges. One of the of the Economic Freedom Fight- civil service organisations active campaigns launched to achieve ers (EFF). in the North West Province with these goals is the “Our Vote Our 52 Voice” (OVOV) campaign. The Protests and their impact As stated earlier, ANC faction campaign has three basic views: fights in North West have pre- Protests are called ‘service deliv- occupied the organisation for • Hosting a website that ery protests’, because those expe- many years. Service delivery has compares party policies. riencing poor or no service deliv- suffered, as the manner in which Parties represented have been ery feel that their local authorities the factions within the ANC are invited to review the content have failed them and that protests formed requires that for them to and policy material. are the only way to make their stay in power they need to sur- voices heard. Mostly township round themselves with loyal cad- • A national grassroots and informal settlement inhabi- res who expect something in re- movement of community-led tants are participants in protests. turn for this loyalty.84 In the North soapbox rallies that stimulate The reasons given by these com- West, the impact of such actions local level action and munities for protests are dissat- were meant to be dealt with, after democratic engagement. isfaction with basic municipal President Zuma signed a proc- People and organisations are services such as potable water, lamation in 2009 for the inves- invited to organise their own electricity and sanitation as well tigation of widespread financial soapbox events in their as the frustration experienced due irregularities in all North West community. to high levels of poverty as a re- municipalities. sult of high unemployment. The • An online documentary series period in the lead-up to elections One of the reports into the in- featuring top political leaders, tends to intensify the occurrence fighting among ANC leaders was young leaders in of protests. prepared by the Department of entertainment, business, law Cooperative Governance. The and civil society encouraging After 20 years of democracy in- ANC leaders in North West were young people to participate in habitants of poorly serviced areas tasked with addressing the find- the 2014 election.83 appear to have lost patience and ings of the report. The ANC had trust in local authorities governed to admit that most of the munic- The OVOV movement is having by the ANC, and the North West ipalities in North West were ‘in a soapbox event in North West to is no exception. As the ANC is a state of paralysis and dysfunc- encourage young registered vot- the governing party in North tion’ and that local government is ers to go to the polls to vote. West, its actions (or lack thereof) therefore perceived to be incom- will be the focus of trying to un- petent and riddled with corrup- derstand the reasons for the pro- tion and maladministration.85 tests.

Table 1: Total crowd incidents by province (2011)

Province 2011 population Peaceful Peaceful Unrest inci- Unrest in- estimate incidents incidents per dents cidents per thousand thousand Gauteng 11,328,203 9209 0.81 1097 0.10 Limpopo 5,554,657 4066 0.73 222 0.04 North West 3,253,390 6980 2.15 695 0.21 Mpumalanga 3,657,181 1944 0.53 358 0.10 KwaZulu-Natal 10,819,130 8555 0.79 546 0.05 Eastern Cape 6,829,958 3578 0.52 322 0.05 Free State 2,759,644 2606 0.94 413 0.15 Western Cape 5,287,863 3148 0.60 599 0.11 Northern Cape 1,096,731 1990 1.81 243 0.22 Source: Peter Alexander (2012)86

53 Table 1 compares the numbers by the Marikana Commission of of this corruption and misman- of incidents with size of popu- Inquiry is still continuing.87 agement.88 The allegations made lation. In North West there were in 2013 is that the broken pump approximately 3,253,390 people The most prominent protest in wasn’t fixed so that companies in 2011. There were far more 2013 happened in the North West awarded the tender to tank water peaceful incidents of protest in January 2013. In Mothutlung, a into the township could continue (such as strikes, etc.) than unrest township near Brits (Madibeng), their contracts. incidents, but with a number of four people died in a clash with 695 the North West has had more police during a protest. The rea- Most protests in North West Prov- protests than any other province. son for this protest was the lack ince thus far involved poor black One labour protest in 2012 took a of water in this township because residents in North West munici- turn for the worst. of broken pumps the Madibeng palities taking to the streets. The municipality failed to fix. Some previously advantaged white The “Marikana Massacre” of 16 of the findings in the Special In- population in these towns do August 2012 started as a strike vestigation Report (SIR) present- not appear eager to join protests. by mineworkers over a wage dis- ed to the North West provincial However, this tendency changed pute. Thousands of miners gath- government revealed that the in the town of Koster (Kgetle1n- ered on a koppie near an informal Madibeng municipality spent grivier local municipality). On 6 settlement. Police arrived and R4.9 million on tenders awarded February 2014 black and white ordered the miners to disperse. to companies owned by its own residents protested together in the When they did not, the police employees, and that several fic- streets of Koster against the lack opened fire, allegedly in self-de- titious companies were paid for of service delivery by the munic- fence. Thirty-four of the strikers incomplete or no work done. The ipality. were killed and many suffered in- report found once again that fac- juries. The official investigation tional politics was at the centre

Source: Susan Cilliers (2014) ed over a memorandum in which END NOTES they demanded the resignation of The residents’ main grievances the mayor and the municipality 75 Mr Theo Venter is a political were irregular or no refuse re- being placed under administra- analyst with the North West moval, sewage spills because of tion.89 University and an expert on the political landscape of the North West inadequate maintenance and the Province. Most of the information roads in Koster disintegrating. It is still unclear how the protests for the ANC factionalism was taken Residents alleged that they have will impact on the 2014 elections, from an interview he had with reported these issues to the mu- either in party support patterns or Mandy de Waal of the Daily nicipality for years without posi- in turnout and participation. Maverick. 76 tive results. The protesters hand- Mandy De Waal, “ANCs shootings and shootouts in the ‘problem’ 54 province of North West.” The http://thenewage.co.za/ http://www.dailymaverick.co.za/ Daily Maverick (2012). http://www. 120186-1007-53-North_West_is_ article/2014-01-17-north-west- dailymaverick.co.za/article/2012- ours protests-the-politics-of-failure/ 12-03-ancs-shootings-and- 81 Malusi Gigaba and Floyd 85 Johan Burger. “The Reasons shootouts-in-the-problem-province- Shivambo. “Has intolerance Behind Service Delivery Protests of-north-west/#.Uy1chs7WjV8 overtaken our politics?” in South Africa.” Polity.org.za. 77 News24. “Mazibuko speaks out The Sunday Independent (2014). (2009). against DA infighting.” News24 http://www.iol.co.za/ http://www.polity.org.za/article/ (2013). http://www.news24.com/ sundayindependent/ the-reasons-behind-service- SouthAfrica/Politics/ has-intolerance-overtaken-our- delivery-protests-in-south- Mazibuko-speaks-out-about-DA-in politics-1.1651313#.Uypp2s7WjV8 africa-2009-08-05 fighting-20131117 82 Thabo Rapoo. “IEC’s state of 86 Ibid 78 Gareth van Onselen. “DA MPs readiness in the North-West.” SABC 87 Paul Botes & Niren Tolsi. disagree with party’s Mbeki (2011). “Marikana. One year after the message.” Business Day Live (2014). https://www.google.co.za/ massacre.” (2013). Mail & Guardian http://www.bdlive.co.za/opinion/ ?gws_rd=cr&ei= http://marikana.mg.co.za/ columnists/2014/03/13/da-mps- JTDVUumgDsWOtAbzp 88 Mmanaledi Mataboge. “Deals for disagree-with-partys-mbeki- YCYDQ#q= pals choke the North West message IEC%27s+state+of+ Province.”. Mail & Guardian (2013.) 79 Mari Harris. “ANC polling at readiness+in+North+West http://mg.co.za/article/2013-01-25- 45% in Gauteng – Ipsos.” 83 NGO Pulse. “InkuluFreeheid.” NGO 00-deals-for-pals-choke-north-west PoliticsWeb (2014). Pulse (2013). 89 Susan Cilliers. “Wit, swart betoog http://www.politicsweb.co.za/ http://www.ngopulse.org/ saam in Koster.” Beeld (2014). politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/ print/33039 http://www.beeld.com/nuus/2014- page71654?oid=511359&sn=Detail 84 Stephen Grootes. “Where ignorance 02-06-wit-swart-betoog-saam- 80 Elfas Torerai. “North West is ours”. fear to tread.” (2013). The Daily in-koster The New Age (2014). Maverick

LIMPOPO

Ralph Mathekga – Director 2014 elections might bring about the last elections in the province - Clearcontent Research and change, if at all, in party support will most likely be repeated in Consulting patterns. Voting patterns emerge the 2014 elections? How will the out of a combination of multiple recently recorded voter registra- Introduction factors, ranging from how issues tion numbers impact on election are framed to opportunities for results in the Limpopo? Less than two months before the social and economic mobility. May 7 2014 elections, expecta- Patterns are also influenced by tions are high as to whether the factors such as voter registration elections will usher in a shift in numbers and turnout. This sec- voting patterns in South Africa. tion assesses election results in Historically, the electoral perfor- Limpopo with the aim of assess- mance of the ANC in Limpopo ing a trend. shows that the ANC has been able to attain over 80% of the provin- The 2014 elections will occur cial share of the votes since 1994. against the background of intense The party attained 92% in 1994; community protests. Limpopo re- 89% in 1999; 89% in 2004; and mains one of the provinces with 85% in 2009.90 relatively lower levels of such oc- ‘ currences, although the province This represents a consistent trend, has experienced gradual increas- especially given that the parties es in the past few months. The that have come second and third question to be addressed is what since 1994 have also remained inferences can be drawn from below the 10% threshold. It may the number of protests being re- be important to explain this trend corded in Limpopo. Do the lower and assess the extent to which it levels of protests signal that the is useful in projecting how the voting patterns experienced in 55 Election Results

Limpopo 1994

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 1,759,597 91.6 38 National Party 62,745 3.3 1 Freedom Front 41,193 2.1 1 Total 1,863,535 97 40 1994 election results, Limpopo (data adopted from Electoral Commission of South Africa)

Limpopo 1999

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 1,464,432 88.3 44 United Democratic Movement 41,700 2.5 1 New National Party 28,159 1.7 1 Democratic Party 23,486 1.4 1 Pan Africanist Congress of Azania 23,325 1.4 1 African Christian Democratic Party 18, 281 1.1 1 Total 1,599,383 94.7 49

1999 election results, Limpopo (data adopted from Electoral Commission of South Africa)

Limpopo 2004

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 1,439,853 89.2 45 Democratic Alliance 57,930 3.6 2 United Democratic Movement 27,780 1.7 1 African Christian Democratic Party 20,418 1.3 1 Total 1,545,981 95.8 49

2004 election results, Limpopo (data adopted from Electoral Commission of South Africa)

Limpopo 2009

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 1,265,631 84.9 43 Congress of the People 112,325 7.5 4 Democratic Alliance 51,856 3.5 2 Total 1,377,956 95.9 49

2009 election results, Limpopo (data adopted from Electoral Commission of South Africa)

Party dynamics parties that followed have not able to garner a seemingly mi- been able to break the 10% ceil- raculous 7.5% of the votes in the The results of the four successive ing. The results in Limpopo fur- province in 2009 election. This general elections (1994, 1999, ther indicate that there has been a raised the average performance 2004, and 2009) paint a picture pattern of alternation between the of opposition parties in the prov- of a consistent pattern when it two political parties that attained ince, which would otherwise be comes to the distribution of votes second and third position. The av- less than 3%. among the top three perform- erage electoral share for political ing political parties in Limpopo. parties attaining second and third It is interesting to note in relation While the ANC has consistently places in Limpopo as measured to the makeup of the top three attained the highest percentage of from 1994 to 2009 elections re- performing political parties in the votes in the province, the two mains at 4.6%. Cope was been Limpopo that it is only the ANC 56 that has consistently appeared in This is significant in the sense registration as measured from the list, while the second and third that it shows that any shifts in the 1999 to the 2004 elections places respectively have seen al- terms of voting behaviour is hap- has not had an impact on the ternations among other parties. pening among opposition party voting patterns, and In 1994 elections, National Par- support and does not affect the neither has it had real effect ty (NP) and Freedom Front (FF) ANC. Noteworthy is that the par- on the electoral share held by attained second and third places ties that occupy the second and the party that has consistently respectively in the provincial third places respectively have not secured the highest share of votes in Limpopo. The demonstrated growth in terms of percentage of votes in the 1999 elections, however, saw the their electoral share. Consistent province. newly formed United Democrat- rotation of parties in the second • A high level of rotation in ic Movement (UDM) attaining and third places is also an indica- the second and third places second place to the ANC, while tion that opposition parties find it held by opposition parties the National Party came third. difficult to both consolidate their across all elections indicates The 2004 elections had the newly position as well as increase their poor levels of competition amalgamated Democratic Alli- margins in Limpopo. between opposition parties ance (DA) attaining the second and the governing party in the place, while the UDM moved The following inferences can be province. into third place. Strengthening drawn in relation to election re- • New political parties have this alternation trend among the sults and voting patterns in Lim- consistently performed better opposition, in the 2009 elections, popo: than existing opposition the then newly formed Congress parties; however, they fail to of the People (Cope) came sec- • Limpopo Province lacks the consolidate their respective ond, with the DA shifted to third necessary dynamism to position, often sliding to place. inspire shifts in voting lower positions in subsequent patterns. elections. • The increase in voter

The following graph shows how the total votes in the province were apportioned across the three top performing parties in the four successive elections from 1994 to 2009.

Figure 1: Three top performing parties in elections from 1994 to 2009

100 90

80 70 60 50 1st place party 40 2nd place party 30 3rd place party

Share of votes for top 3 parties top for of votes Share 20 10 0 1994 1999 2004 2009 Election years

57 Voter registration and turnout trends

Limpopo Province has shown a steady increase in voter registration since 1999, while the voter turnout has remained between 69% and 89%. The voters’ roll in Limpopo Province, as measured from the 1999 elections to date, does not show any major changes. Despite the cumulative increase in the voter registration figure, the absolute number of people who cast their votes remain almost the same, at about 1 700 000 people across all elections held thus far since 1994.

Election year Eligible popula- Registered Voter turnout Ballots cast Spoilt/invalid tion voters votes 1999 1 847 766 89% 30 760 2004 2 187 912 75% 29 166 2009 2 256 073 69% 22 956 Election registration and turnout, Limpopo (data adapted from Electoral Commission of South Africa)

Although voter registration in Limpopo is increasing steadily, the turnout is not showing a similar trend, it is actually dropping slightly. Figure 2 demonstrates this slight decline in turnout.

3000000

2500000

2000000

1500000 Registered Voters Votes cast/turn out

Nunber of of people Nunber 1000000 Spoilt

500000

0 1999 2004 2009 2014 Election Years

Figure 2: Voter registration and turnout (figures adapted from Electoral Commission of South Afri- ca) Protests and their impact cording to the 2009 Service De- Political protest within commu- livery Index, Limpopo boasts the nities in South Africa has largely Compared to other provinces, highest number of people living been driven by service delivery Limpopo remains one of the most in formal dwellings. concerns. The higher demands docile provinces in terms of ex- for service delivery coincide with pression of political activities. However, only 23% of the pop- growing citizen engagement in Being one of the provinces with ulation has access to formal san- public life, either through formal lower levels of service delivery itation, with waste removal be- institutions or in the form of com- and also the most rural, Limpopo ing afforded to only 18% of the munity protests. Limpopo has an would normally be expected to total population.91 Census 2011 acute need for services, but there be a host to robust engagement revealed that Limpopo Prov- is no positive correlation between between citizens and political ince has the lowest proportion of service delivery shortfall and po- parties regarding the role of the households that have their refuse litical dynamism or intra-party state in the lives of citizens. Ac- removed by a local authority.92 engagements in the province. The

58 2012 Municipal IQ service deliv- in Limpopo in relation to services form better than already existing ery protests monitor shows that seem not to be translated into po- opposition parties, but they might out of the total number of protests litical engagements or intra-party not pose a significant shift in the experienced in the country, Lim- engagement. This deficit might electoral share that has been at- popo accounts for roughly 5%, have to do with lack of robust- tained by the ANC, which has the lowest levels of protests after ness within the civil society sec- consistently dominated the prov- Northern Cape, with 4%.93 Out of tor in the province. It is arguable, ince in the past elections. Thus, the total protests measured from however, that the lower levels of there might be competition and February 2007 to May 2010, civic engagement in the prov- subsequent shifting of the votes Limpopo accounted for 5%, ince is largely responsible for the among opposition parties, leav- with Northern Cape recording prevalent voting patterns in the ing the electoral share of the dom- the lowest levels at 2% (Hirsh & province. inant ANC largely untouched. Karamoko, 2011, p. 24). Conclusion END NOTES According to the Department of Cooperative, Human Settlements Limpopo Province is experienc- 90 Electoral Commission. (n.d.). and Traditional Affairs in Lim- ing a peculiar pattern in terms of Retrieved March 22, 2014, from Electoral Commission of South popo (Limpopo Department of voting behaviour observed from Africa: March Electoral Cooprtaive Governance, 2014), the 1994 elections up to the 2009 Commission of South Africa,[http:// [‘Cooperative’ – in source] in the elections. A closer observation www.elections.org.za] past six months (as of 19 March of this trend indicates that there 91 Empowerdex. (2009). Service Delivery Index (CityDex). 2014) the province has experi- might not be any major shift in Empowerdex.p 2 enced only five protests, some terms of voting patterns in the 92 (2012). Census 2011. Pretoria: of which had to do with citizens’ province in the forthcoming May Statistics South Africa. demands for better safety and se- 7 elections. Newly formed oppo- 93 Municipal-IQ. (2013, January 16). curity. Concerns that might exist sition political parties might per- 2012 tally: a violent and diverse year for service delivery protests.

FREE STATE

Dr Sethulego Matebesi – Chair- In the Free State (FS), the out- State is also impacted on by other person: Department of Sociolo- comes of provincial elections role players, other than the polit- gy, University of the Free State have been heavily skewed in fa- ical parties, and this article will vour of the African National Con- focus on citizens participation Introduction gress (ANC). The ANC started by focusing on voter registration its dominance in 1994 with 76%, and turnout; the role of civil soci- Various commentators suggest followed by 81% in 1999, 82% ety-and faith-based organisations that the General Elections of 2014 in 2004, and 71% in 2009.94 The in elections; and the nature, prev- will be one of the most fiercely 2009 election showed a decrease alence and the possible impact of contested polls since the advent of 11% in the performance of the protests on the forthcoming elec- of democracy. Over the past two ANC. This decline in the ANC’s tions. decades, governmental processes performance could be ascribed to were unprecedented in their par- a growing alienation of its tradi- ticipatory and inclusive nature. tional support-base, political in- Like other fragile states, how- fighting and the emergence of the ever, South Africa also became Congress of the People (Cope). beset by widespread poverty and inequality, economic decline and Both Cope and the emergent Eco- high levels of unemployment, nomic Freedom Fighters (EFF) poor governance, and widespread will potentially pose a serious violence. It is against this back- challenge to the ANC among its ground that the forthcoming elec- traditional constituency in the tions will be contested. province. But politics in the Free

59 Election Results

Free State 1994

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 1 037 998 76.65 24 National Party 170 452 12.59 4 Freedom Front + 81 662 6.03 2 Pan Africanist Congress 24 451 1.81 0 Dikwankwetla Party of South Africa 17 024 1.24 0 Democratic Party 7 664 0.57 0 Inkatha Freedom Party 6 935 0.51 0 African Christian Democratic Party 6 072 0.45 0 African Democratic Movement 2 008 0.15 0 Total 1,354,266 100 30 Source: Independent Electoral Commission95

The ANC received the vast majority of votes (76.6%) in 1994, followed by the National Party (NP) with 12.5%, and the Freedom Front+ (FF+). As a result, the majority of seats (24) were allocated to the ANC (Table 1).

Free State 1999

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 881 381 80.79 25 Democratic Party 58 163 5.33 2 New National Party 56 740 5.20 2 Freedom Front 22 996 2.11 1 United Democratic Movement 18 194 1.67 0 Pan Africanist Congress of Azania 12 548 1.15 0 African Christian Democratic Party 9 827 0.90 0 Federal Alliance 8 798 0.81 0 United Christian Democratic Party 8 543 0.78 0 Inkatha Freedom Party 5 119 0.47 0 Afrikaner Eenheid Beweging 4 390 0.40 0 Unemployment Labour Alliance 2 974 0.27 0 Socialist Party of Azania 1 235 0.11 0 Total 1,090,908 99.99 30 Source: Independent Electoral Commission96

In 1999, the ANC vote (80.7%) was considerably higher than in 1994, which increased its seats to 25 in the provincial legislature. As shown in Table 2, the Democratic Party (DP) made significant gains by moving from the sixth position in 1994 to second in 1999. Both the DP and the New National Party (NNP) – now called the Democratic Alliance (DA) after their merger – obtained 2 seats and FF one. During the subsequent provincial elections in 2004 (Table 3), the ANC continued its dominance of the provincial vote share, with a marginal 1-point increase and the DA winning only 8.4% and the FF+ 2.4%.

60 Free State 2004

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 827 338 81.78 25 Democratic Alliance 85 714 8.47 3 Freedom Front + 24 946 2.47 1 African Christian Democratic Party 13 119 1.30 1 Pan Africanist Congress 11 969 1.18 0 Dikwankwetla Party of SA 9 806 0.97 0 United Democratic Movement 8 947 0.88 0 New National Party 8 295 0.82 0 United Christian Democratic Party 7 825 0.77 0 Independent Democrats 5 289 0.52 0 Azanian People’s Organization 3 571 0.35 0 Inkatha Freedom Party 3 563 0.35 0 National Action 1 224 0.12 0 Total 1,011,606 99.98 30 Source: Independent Electoral Commission97

The emergence of the Congress of the People (Cope), an ANC breakaway party formed in 2008, drew some support away from the ANC, though a limited amount. The ANC’s share of the provincial vote dropped by almost 10% from 81.7% in 2004 to 71.1% in 2009 (Table 4). Cope became the official opposition party with 4 seats after replacing the DA, which maintained its 3 seats.

Free State 2009

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress (ANC) 734 688 71.10 22 Congress of the People (Cope) 120 018 11.61 4 Democratic Alliance (DA) 119 844 11.60 3 Freedom Front (FF+) 20 780 2.01 1 Others98 37 992 3.67 0 Total 1, 033, 322 99.99 30 Source: Independent Electoral Commission99

Voter registration and turnout

Voter registration and voter turnout are strong indicators of citizens’ commitment to voting and participation. The eligible voting age population (VAP)100 in the FS has increased by more than 180 000 due to population growth between 1999 and 2009. As shown in Table 5, the number of registered voters increased by more than a 160 000 over the same ten-year period. Despite the growth in the eligible VAP and registration figures, voter turnout based on the eligible VAP decreased significantly (by 11.6%) between the 1999 and 2009 elections. Moreover, Table 5 shows that the turnout for registered voters remained relatively high at 75.5% between 1999 and 2009. The highest turnout of registered voters of 77.7% was recorded in 2004. While registration rates have been generally high for the FS, turnout as a proportion of the VAP remained low at 61% or less in the past two elections.

Election year Eligible popu- Registered Voter turnout Ballots Spoilt/invalid lation voters cast votes 1999 1 513 052 1 225 730 75.55 73.22 16 943 2004 1 725 022 1 321 195 77.76 59.56 15 795 2009 1 701 600 1 388 588 75.55 61.65 15 744

Source: SAIRR 2004/05 and 2010 Surveys101

61 Party dynamics After very robust and intense sidering quitting the party over battles during the campaigns for what they regard as “selling out Political parties occupy a central the 2009 elections, all three ma- the DPSA for personal gain”, role in political systems with par- jor parties in the FS had a fair and that the appointment of their ty formations, as they allow for share of intra-political squabbles party leader as head of the public the articulation of varying politi- to deal with. The ANC in the FS safety and transport portfolio in cal interests. An evaluation of in- is a party beset by infighting (and the ANC-dominated council was ter- and intra-party relations en- at times even physical fights) and to buy his silence.107 ables us to determine the nature court battles. Various opposing of the political system and de- factions within the party clashed Role of civil society and faith- mocracy in any given society.102 as tensions peaked during the au- based organisations diting of the validity of branch In the FS, inter-party relations general meetings and credentials Civil society organisations have been characterised by at- at regional conferences. The fac- (CSOs) and faith-based organi- tempts of opposition parties to tion led by MKMVA calls itself sations (FBOs) are varied in their challenge the dominance of the “Regime Change.” character and in their purpose. In ANC. This has often been done the FS, traditional mainstream by making public pronounce- The deployment of the National CSOs such as the South Afri- ments on points of disagreement Executive Council (NEC) task can National Civic Organisation with the ANC or by criticising team did not help much, as six (Sanco) and faith-based organi- the ruling party and the conduct party provincial leaders took the sations such as the South African of its leaders. provincial ANC to court in 2012, Council of Churches (SACC) arguing that the elections were play an important role by high- The criticism from opposition rigged and the entire conference lighting the need for democracy parties against the ANC in the was invalid. The Constitutional and the significance of participat- FS intensified after Premier Ace Court ruled that the provincial ing in the elections. The SACC Magashule established a project elective conference held in June in the FS is facing serious chal- called Operation Hlasela. The 2012 was invalid and unlawful. lenges due to lack of funds. The DA leader at time, Roy Jankiel- The ANC then was forced to organisation, however, tasked sohn, said that the “private sector disband the provincial executive individual church leaders to work are being conned into contrib- committee (PEC) and re-sched- with all political parties as well uting to the Hlasela fund under ule the elective conference.105 as encourage church members the pretext that this was a gov- to contribute to an environment ernment programme, while it Recently, the DA’s candidate for that will ensure free and fair elec- is in fact the premier’s election premier in the FS, Patricia Ko- tions. Members of the SACC will campaign fund.” This led to the pane, has come under fire from also act as election observers in investigations of the project by within the ranks of her own party their communities. the Public Protector in 2012.103 for her good portrayal of former Shortly afterwards, the DA un- South African president, Thabo Currently, there seems to be low der the leadership of Patricia Mbeki. Many senior party lead- levels of interest in election-relat- Kopane accused the premier of ers believed that such statements ed activities by CSOs in the prov- feeding funds to the firm that defy the party’s damning histori- ince. Many organisations con- built the province’s controver- cal portrayal of Mbeki.106 sulted hinted that their levels of sial R40-million website. Lately, advocacy will increase closer to the opposition parties outcry has In 2013, divisions emerged in the elections when greater levels been over the ANC’s Free State the eastern Free State-based Dik- of political activity are expect- health MEC Benny Malakoane, wankwetla Party of South Africa ed to intensify. It is not yet clear who was arrested in July 2013 on (DPSA) over whether the oppo- what role many of the commu- charges of corruption and fraud sition should align itself with the nity organisations (the so-called involving about R13 million. In- ruling ANC party in the forth- concerned residents’ groups) interestingly, Helen Zille, the DA’s coming elections. Several senior volved in service delivery pro- national leader, also entered the members – some of whom are tests will play in the forthcoming fray when she indicated that no councillors in the Maluti-a-Pho- elections. public official in the DA would fung Local Municipality where survive a track record such as that the DPSA is the official opposi- of the MEC of Health in FS.104 tion with eight seats – were con- 62 Protests and their impact in predominantly black commu- overall trends in service delivery nities in September 2004, South protests in the FS between 2007 This section of the article focuses Africa has witnessed unrest of and 2013. The protests have in- on protests – the collective action significant proportions at the lo- creased substantially from ap- by a group of community mem- cal level. Unlike other forms of proximately 7% in 2007 of the bers directed towards local mu- protests such as industrial action, total incidences nationally, reach- nicipalities over the dissatisfac- service delivery protests have ing unprecedented high levels of tion of perceived poor delivery of a greater potential to impact an 16% and 15% in 2011 and 2012, basic municipal services. Since environment conducive to free respectively. the dramatic eruption of protests and fair elections. Figure 1 shows Figure 1: Service delivery protests in the FS, 2007-2013 (%)

18%

16%

14%

12%

10%

8% 16% 15% 6%

4% 7% 7% 5% 2% 3% 3% 0% 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

Source: Municipal IQ108

One of the events that have drawn led by the Mangaung Concerned END NOTES international attention to protests Residents Committee, and the in South Africa has been the death main grievances included alleged 94 For detailed information on the Free State provincial election results of Ficksburg community leader, corruption within the provincial consult the website of the Andries Tatane, at the hands of government, the new unused taxi Independent Electoral Commission police. Following Tatane’s death, rank, the relocating of the zoo 95 Independent Electoral Commission there has been public outrage and alleged bogus government 1994 National and Provincial about the manner in which he websites that cost the taxpayer Elections. April (1994): http://www. 110 elections.org.za/content/ died. The Meqheleng Concerned millions of rands. uploadedfiles/NPE%201994.pdf Citizens group planned to hand 96 Independent Electoral Commission over a memorandum about de- Since 2013, about 26 towns in 1999 Report, Electoral Commission mands for issues, including prop- the FS have had no water at all of South Africa: National and Provincial Elections, 2 June 1999, er water supply, repairs to sewer- in certain areas, experience water 79 109 age drains and waste removal. supply disruptions, or have ex- 97 Independent Electoral Commission tremely unhygienic water coming 2004 “Free State Legislature” IN Since then, sporadic outbreaks from their taps.111 At this point, Report on the National and of protests have been noted in however, it is highly unlikely that Provincial Elections, 60, 98 For a detailed lists of parties without several small towns in the FS. service delivery protests, or any seats for the 2004 Free State The capital city Bloemfontein other form of protests, in the FS Provincial result consult http://www. also experienced several protests will have any significant impact elections.org.za/ since 2012. These protests were on the forthcoming elections. NPEPWStaticReports/reports/ 63 ReportParameters.aspx?catid=7 September (2012): http://www. (2013): http://fstimes.co.za/?p=1631 99 Independent Electoral Commission. bdlive.co.za/articles/2011/11/17/ 108 Municipal IQ. “Press Releases: 2009 Report, Electoral Commission da-requests-probe-on-use-of-public- Municipal IQ’s Municipal Hotspots of South Africa: National and funds-for-anc-anniversary results”. www.municipalIQ.co.za Provincial Elections” 22 April 104 SAPA (South African Press 109 Mahabane, Itumeleng (15 April (2009): http://www.elections.org.za/ Association). “Free State MEC 2011). “Death in Ficksburg shows 100 This data, obtained from the SAIRR would have been fired if he was in how we value life”. Business Day 15 (South African Institute of Race the DA: Zille.” Times Live, 04 March April (2011). http://www.bdlive. Relations), includes only the (2014): http://www.timeslive.co.za/ co.za/articles/2011/04/15/ population 20 years? politics/2014/03/04/free-state- itumeleng-mahabane-death-in- 101 SAIRR (South African Institute of mec-would-have-been-fired-if-he- ficksburg-shows-how-we-value-life Race Relations). 2004/05 South was-in-the-da-zille 110 Refilwe, Mekoa. “Protest march Africa Survey. Johannesburg: 105 Michael, Tlhakudi. “ANC puts its in Mangaung today.” 26 April SAIRR, (2005); SAIRR. 2010/11 infighting aside.” 22 August (2013). South Africa Survey 2010/2011. (2013): http://www.ofm.co.za/ Johannesburg: SAIRR (2011). http://www.thenewage.co.za/ article/130986/ 102 Sonni, Tyoden. “Inter and intra-party mobi/Detail.aspx? protest- march-in-Mangaung-today. relations: Towards a more stable NewsID=105263&CatID=1018 111 Patricia, Kopane. “Severe party system for Nigeria. The 106 Gareth van Onselen. “DA MPs water supply problems in 26 Constitution 3 (2013): http://cencod. disagree with party’s Mbeki FState towns - Patricia Kopane”. 18 com/?cat=10 message.” City Press 16 March June (2013). http://www.politicsweb. 103 Bekezela, Phakathi. “DA requests (2014): 8. co.za/politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ probe on use of ‘public funds’ for 107 FS Times. “Party rows over ANC en/page71651?oid=384129&sn= ANC anniversary.” Business Day 06 move.” Free State Times 31 August Detail&pid=71651

WESTERN CAPE

Dr Cherrel Africa – Head of unique province where electoral the Western Cape have resulted Department, Political Studies, trends stand in sharp contrast to in three different political par- University of Western Cape112 those in the rest of South Africa. ties – namely, the National Party While at the national level the Af- (NP), the ANC and the Demo- Introduction rican National Congress (ANC) cratic Alliance (DA) – assuming has won all democratic elections power in the province. The Western Cape is a politically by large majorities, outcomes in

Election results

Table 1: Western Cape Provincial Results (1994-2009)

Party Name Total no. of votes Percentage 1994 1999 2004 2009 1994 1999 2004 2009 National Party/ New 1,138,242 609,612 170,469 NA 53% 38% 11% NA National Party African National 705,576 668,106 709,052 620,918 33% 42% 45% 32% Congress Democratic Party/ 141,970 189,183 424,832 1,012,568 7% 12% 27% 52% Democratic Alliance Freedom Front / Freedom Front + 44,003 6,394 9,705 8,384 2% 0.40% 0.62% 0.43% (VF Plus) African Christian 25,731 44,323 53,934 28,995 1% 3% 3% 2% Democratic Party Independent Dem- NA NA 122,867 92,116 NA NA 8% 5% ocrats United Democratic NA 38,071 27,489 14,013 NA 2% 1.75% 0.71% Movement Congress of the NA NA NA 152,356 NA NA NA 8% People

Source: Independent Electoral Commission. Retrieved March 21, 2014 from http://www.elections.org.za

64 In the first democratic election, the Western Cape to 12%. In June was now between the DA and the National Party won an out- 2000 the Democratic Party and the ANC. The DA’s campaign of right majority in the Western New National Party announced 2009, consistent with its previous Cape – 53% of the votes for the that they would unite as the Dem- hard-hitting messages. now took Western Cape provincial legis- ocratic Alliance, with the aim of place in a completely different lature against the ANC’s 33%. building a political movement political context. National events The NP managed to successfully that would effectively challenge between 2004 and 2009 created a capitalise on the underlying fears the ANC for political power. situation where the DA’s messag- of voters in the Western Cape, es were much more salient to vot- depicting the ANC as a violent In 2004 the ANC’s largely posi- ers in the Western Cape. As is well and dangerous party that would tive campaign, which focused on known, these national develop- destroy South Africa. In 1994 the the celebration of ten years of de- ments included the highly publi- ANC secured only 33% at pro- mocracy, yielded dividends. Vot- cised rape trial of President Zuma vincial level in the Western Cape. ers in the Western Cape rewarded and his removal as the deputy At this stage the DP secured only the ANC with 45% of the vote, president of the country follow- 6.6% of the provincial vote. just short of an outright majori- ing the corruption trial of Schabir ty. The ANC took power from the Shaik. Additionally, the dramatic In the 1999 election the contest NNP and Ebrahim Rassool be- events at the ANC’s 2007 nation- remained primarily one between came the premier of the Western al conference, in which Jacob the ANC and the NP, now re- Cape. While the DA increased Zuma secured the position of named the New National Party its support base to 27% in 2004, ANC president, culminated in (NNP). It was in this election that opposition voters did not feel in- the removal of Thabo Mbeki as the distribution of power shift- clined to vote against the ANC. president of the country. These ed dramatically, with the NNP By 2004 the NNP, in coalition events also precipitated the resig- losing its majority status in the with its former arch-enemy the nation of several ANC members, Western Cape. Its share of the ANC, preached a campaign mes- and the Congress of the People vote dropped by 15% to 38% – sage that completely contradicted was formed under the leadership 4% less than that of the ANC. its messages of 1994 and 1999. of Mosiuoa Lekota and Mbhazi- The ANC increased its share of The NNP’s support base was ma Shilowa. In the Western Cape the vote to 42%, an increase of decimated by its incongruent and these national events had a very 9.1%. This happened as voters internally inconsistent campaign damaging effect on perceptions in the Western Cape watched messages. The NNP, whose share of President Zuma. An Afroba- ANC incumbents at national lev- of the provincial vote had crum- rometer survey conducted in late el under the leadership of Nelson bled to 11%, was dissolved into 2008 revealed that respondents in Mandela lead South Africa from the ANC. the Western Cape had very little the brink of civil war into consti- trust in him. Ebrahim Rasool was tutional democracy. Nonetheless, In 2009 the balance of power in also removed as the premier of a NNP/DP alliance kept the ANC the Western Cape again shifted the Western Cape. These public out of power in the Western Cape, – this time from the ANC to the sentiments were harnessed by the and Marthinus Van Schalkwyk DA. Dramatic national develop- DA through an extremely effec- became the new premier. By the ments which occurred between tive election campaign. The DA second democratic election the 2004 and 2009 underpinned this had won an outright majority of DP had made modest advances, shift in power. With the NNP ab- 51.3%, while the ANC dropped doubling its share of the vote in sorbed into the ANC, the contest down to 31.6%. Table 2: Western Cape Seat Allocation (1994-2009)

Party Name Total no. of seats 1994 1999 2004 2009 National Party (NP)/ New National Party 23 17 5 NA African National Congress 14 18 19 14 Democratic Party / Democratic Alliance 3 5 12 22 Freedom Front / Freedom Front Plus +(VF Plus) 1 0 0 0 African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) 1 1 3 2 Independent Democrats (ID) NA NA 3 3 United Democratic Movement (UDM) NA 1 1 0 Congress of the People (COPE) NA NA NA 3 Total 42 42 43 44

Source: Independent Electoral Commission. Retrieved March 21, 2014 from 65 http://www.elections.org.za Other parties have not featured der the leadership of Patricia de Voter registration strongly in the Western Cape. Lille, won 7.8% of the vote in the The African Christian Demo- Western Cape in the 2004 elec- Voter registration in the Western cratic Party (ACDP) has man- tion but by 2009 this had dropped Cape has been relatively high aged to maintain a presence in to 4.7%. The ID has since merged since 1994. Registration declined the Western Cape. In 1994 it won with the DA. In 2009 the newly in 2004 and 2009, but has since 1.2% of the vote in the Western formed Congress of the People increased. When the voters’ roll Cape. This increased to 2.8% in (COPE) managed to secure 7.7% was certified by the IEC in March 1999 and 3.4% in 2004. How- of the vote and three seats in the 2014 2 941 333 out of 3771 271 ever, 2009 saw its support base Western Cape legislature. eligible voters in the Western decline from 3.5% to 1.5%. The Cape were registered to vote. Independent Democrats (ID), un- This amounts to a registration level of 78%.113 Table 3: Western Cape Voter Registration (1994-2009)

Election Eligible Voting Age Pop- Registered population Percentage Registered Year ulation (VAP) 1994 2 405 919 NA 1999 2 317 171 1 864 019 80.4% 2004 3 024 207 2 220 283 73.4% 2009 3 746 547 2 634 439 70.31% 2014 3 771 271 2 941 333 77.9%

Sources: Reynolds, A. The Results. In Reynolds, A. Ed. Election ‘94: The Campaigns, Results and Future Prospects. Cape Town: David Philip. (1994). 182-220. Reynolds, A. The Results. In Reynolds, A. Ed. Election 99 South Africa: From Mandela to Mbeki. Cape Town: David Philip. (1994). 173-209. Piombo, J. ‘The Results of Election 2004: Looking Back, Stepping Forward’. In J Piombo & L Nijzink (eds). Electoral Politics in South Africa: Assessing the First Democratic Decade. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. (2005). 231-249. StatsSA. Data extracted from the mid-year population estimates, 2009. Independent Electoral Commission. Retrieved March 24, 2014 from http://www.elections.org.za

Participation rates have fluctuated. Participation as a proportion of registered voters declined from 86% in 1999 to 72% in 2004 and then increased to 78% in 2009. Participation as a proportion of the voting age population (VAP) declined from 89% in 1994 to 69% in 1999. It then declined more dramatically to 53% in 2004 and then stabilised at 55% in 2009. Similar patterns are evident for the provincial ballot.

Table 4: Voting age population, registration and turnout in the Western Cape (National Ballot)

Eligible Percentage turn Election Voting Age Registered pop- Valid Votes Percentage turn out based on Year Population ulation cast out based on eligi- registered popu- (VAP) ble population lation 1994 2 405919 NA 2 126 013 88.90 % NA 1999 2 317 171 1 864 019 1 601 922 69.13% 85.93% 2004 3 024 207 2 220 283 1 605 020 53.07% 72.28% 2009 3 746 547 2 634 439 2 049 097 54.69% 77.78%

Sources: Reynolds, A. The Results. In Reynolds, A. Ed. Election ‘94: The Campaigns, Results and Future Prospects. Cape Town: David Philip. (1994). 182-220. Reynolds, A. The Results. In Reynolds, A. Ed. Election 99 South Africa: From Mandela to Mbeki. Cape 66 Town: David Philip. (1994). 173-209. Piombo, J. ‘The Results of Election 2004: Looking Back, Stepping Forward’. In J Piombo & L Nijzink (eds). Electoral Politics in South Africa: Assessing the First Democratic Decade. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. (2005). 231-249. StatsSA. Data extracted from the mid-year population estimates, 2009.

Table 5: Voting age population, registration and turnout in the Western Cape (Provincial Ballot)

Eligible Percentage turn out Percentage turn out Election Voting Age Registered Valid Votes based on registered based on eligible Year Population population cast population population (VAP) 1994 2 405919 NA 2 137 742 88.85% NA 1999 2. 317 171 1 864 019 1 587978 68.53% 85.19% 2004 3. 024 207 2 220 283 1 582 503 52.32% 71.27% 2009 3 746 547 2 634 439 1 987 777 53.05% 75.45%

Party dynamics The acrimony and hostility per- and behaviour of political parties. meate almost all visible engage- Perceptions of the importance of The fact that no party in the West- ments between these two parties. the ‘coloured vote’ have resulted ern Cape can take its supporters Constructive engagement is rare, in campaigning that often encom- for granted has resulted in high- and governance in the province passes unintentional or deliberate stakes elections and increased is marked by high levels of dis- racial mobilisation and inflam- contestation. Afrobarometer trust. The ANC in the Western matory political rhetoric. Ulti- surveys reveal that voters in the Cape has criticised the DA as mately citizens suffer because Western Cape exhibit lower lev- being uncaring, inaccessible and the province is plagued by issues els of party identification than unresponsive to the poor, high- which require the involvement voters in other provinces.114 Since lighting in particular the dispar- of all stakeholders. Indeed Arch- the DA seized control from the ity between the rich and poor in bishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu ANC in 2009 relations between the province.115 The DA in turn went as far as to call Cape Town the DA and the ANC in the West- charges that the ANC is trying to a “ticking time bomb with violent ern Cape have been characterised destabilise the province and sab- crime leading to a ‘grotesquely by dysfunctional competitive- otage its governance efforts. abnormal’ situation which will ness. Besides policy differences only get worse if urgent action is and the usual vigour with which These destructive patterns of not taken”.116 incumbent and opposition parties engagement are especially pro- engage each other, the political nounced during the campaign Protests and their impact landscape in the province has be- period and are compounded by come toxic. Each party has come the importance accorded to the The Western Cape has been to consider the other as being the ‘coloured vote’. The reason for plagued by protests. In 2012 farm primary obstacle to its goals and the alternation in power is said to workers in the Western Cape em- appears driven by the desire to lie with the coloured majority in barked on protest action for high- highlight the shortcomings of the the province. These explanations, er wages and improved working other. which are premised on the racial- conditions. The protests highly based motivations of voters, lighted issues of poor pay, poor feed into the choices, rhetoric working conditions and adequate 67 housing as their main problems. ic issues faced by township res- vember 2013 a number of reli- The violence that erupted in idents. The DA was convinced gious groups and civil society or- many farming towns resulted in during the farm workers protest ganisations in the Western Cape the loss of life.117 Following the that the ANC was deliberately joined together and released a farm worker protests, protests stimulating anger among the res- declaration signed by many well- sprung up in the townships of Gu- idents in order to push its politi- known religious leaders such as gulethu, Khayelitsha and Nyanga cal agenda.122 On the other hand, former Archbishop Desmond in what became known as the leaders of the landless people’s Tutu, current Archbishop of Cape “poo protests” in which protes- movement argue that protests Town Thabo Makgoba as well as tors threw faeces on the stairs of seem to be the only way to get the many religious academics.128 the provincial legislature of the leadership of the province to pay Western Cape and later at the attention, because once in pow- This declaration calls for the faith Cape Town international airport. er they turn against the voters.123 community to take the lead in 118 Thousands of people took to These factors are compounded by restoring the democratic values the streets marching through the what has been termed “unmoni- that are being denied “by polit- city centre of Cape Town causing tored urbanisation”, wherein mi- ical leaders who are trying to damage to many businesses in gration from other provinces puts make the Western Cape ungov- the CBD. Several other protests pressure on provincial resources. ernable”.129 In their declaration were held by the “poo protestors” 124 they cited the growing attack on in which the national roads had to public transport, violent protests be closed. The role of civil society and in Cape Town in which stalls of faith-based organisations informal traders were looted as In a study published in June well as the dumping of human 2013, the intelligence Bulletin re- In the context of elections civil waste on government buildings, ports that 25% of protests taking society organisations and faith- which they see as an attack on place in the country took place based organisations can play an democracy.130 in the Western Cape, costing the important role by educating citi- province R13 million. Between zens about elections, their rights Conclusion 2012 and 2014, the farm worker and the value of elections within protests and service protests have democracy. During elections and The trends outlined above are been the biggest and most violent the pre-election period CSOs and likely to continue. Since the DA protests the province has seen. FBOs can help to ensure a con- won the province by such a nar- Reasons for the protests include flict-free, peaceful, tolerant, free row majority in 2009, the West- access to land, adequate housing, and fair electoral environment.125 ern Cape is once again emerging proper sanitation and the lack The IEC also recognises the role as an attention-grabbing prov- of jobs. Residents of townships, of civil society in promoting civ- ince. The 2014 election will be where the majority of protests ic and voter education. The IEC a high-stakes election marked by take place, raised issues of us- 2013 annual report indicates that intense campaigning. At the time ing portable flush toilets inside successful meetings were held of publication service delivery their dwelling when it rains and with civil society organisations, protests continued.131 the areas they live in being dirty faith-based organisations, and and refuse not being collected.119 traditional leaders to strengthen END NOTES Other grievances include dis- preparations for the 2014 elec- satisfaction with local council tions.126 112 I would like to acknowledge the and administrations that are un- assistance of Nosiphiwo Nabatala, responsive to citizens’ needs as The Western Cape is home to a Mfundo Mazwi and Ashlyn Bailey, 120 who assisted with research for well as corrupt. vast number of civil society or- this article ganisations (CSOs) and faith- Provincial Elections, 60, There are clear political dynamics based organisations (CBOs). As 113 Independent Electoral Commission. underpinning the volatile situa- of January 2014, the Department Registration Statistics as at 26 Mar tion in the Western Cape. In addi- of Social Development listed a 2014 (2014). Retrieved March 26, tion to issues of service delivery, total of 8 750 organisations reg- 2014 from http://www.elections.org. 127 za/content/Voters-Roll/ political tension has been cited istered in the Western Cape. Registration-statistics/ as a contributing factor.121 The However, given the scale of vi- 114 Africa, C. “Party Support and DA blames the ANC for fuelling olence in the province, the focus Voter Behaviour in the Western protest action, while the ANC of religious groups and leaders Cape: Trends and patterns since blames the DA for not adequately in the Western Cape has been on 1994”. Journal of African Elections. dealing with the socio-econom- conflict resolution. On 26 No- (2010): 1-27. 68 115 See for example Fransman, M. 121 Coetzer, P. “Service delivery 2013 Annual Report” (2013). “DA-led Western Cape has let down protests: More symptom then Cause” Retrieved March 24, 2014 from the poor”. The New Age (2014) The Intelligence Bulletin (2013). http://www.elections.org.za/content/ Retrieved March 24, 2014. From Retrieved March, 10. 2014. From About-Us/Reports/ http://thenewage.co.za http://www.theintelligencebulletin. 127 Department of Social 116 Van Zilla, L. “Tutu’s unity plea to co.za Development. Registered NPO’s halt Cape violence”. Independent 122 Davis, R. “Western Cape Protests: in the Western Cape. (2014). Online (2014). Retrieved March 24, calmer day, thicker plot”. Daily Retrieved March 24, 2014 from 2014. From http://iol.co.za Maverick (2012). Retrieved 10 http://www.dsd.gov.za/npo/index. 117 Underhill, G. “Agri SA: Western March 2014. from http:// php?option=com_docman&task Cape Farm Workers Protest www.dailymaverick.co.za =cat_view&gid=90&Itemid=39 Politically Motivated” Mail and 123 Smook, E. Protests are our right. 128 All Africa “South Africa: Civil Guardian (2013).Retrieved (2009) Retrieved March 8, 2014 Society warns of ‘growing assault on March 10, 2014. From http:// from http://www.wordpress.com democracy’” (2013). Retrieved www.m&g.co.za 124 Coetzer, P. “Service delivery March 24, 2014 from http://allafrica. 118 Davis, R. “Western Cape Protests: protests: More symptom then Cause” com/stories/201311261561.html calmer day, thicker plot”. Daily The Intelligence Bulletin (2013). 129 “South Africa: Civil Society warns Maverick (2012). Retrieved 10 Retrieved March, 10. 2014. From of ‘growing assault on democracy’”. March 2014. from http://www. http://www.theintelligencebulletin. All Africa 26 November (2013) dailymaverick.co.za co.za http://allafrica.com/ 119 Davis, R. “Western Cape Protests: 125 Mottor, S. “The role of civil stories/201311261561.html calmer day, thicker plot”. Daily society in elections: The 130 “Democracy in Danger in the Maverick (2012). Retrieved 10 Kwazulu-Natal Democracy and Western Cape” All Africa March2014. from http://www. election Forum- Reducing conflict 26 November (2013) http:// dailymaverick.co.za dynamic and promoting peace”. allafrica.com/download/resource/ 120 Nleya, N. “Linking Service Delivery Journal of African elections 9.1 main/main/idatcs/00071822: and Protest in South Africa: An (2010):110-127 953b49c71c4e4360edc exploration of evidence from 126 Independent Electoral Commission dcf8198077f46.pdf Khayelitsha”. (2011). UNISA Press. “Independent Electoral Commission

EASTERN CAPE

Malachia Mathoho; Musa Se- In the 2009 elections Cope re- party. bugwawo and Stephen Shisan- placed the DA which was the ya – Researchers; Afesis-cor- traditional main opposition par- The party will contest the 2014 plan ty (official opposition) in the EC elections nationally and in the legislature. For the 2014 election Eastern Cape Province. The Unit- Party dynamics campaign the DA’s campaign ed Democratic Movement with tone in the province appears to be its stronghold in the EC province The Eastern Cape (EC) has a focused not on winning the prov- managed only 3 seats out of 63 number of political parties that ince and become a governing seats of the EC legislature in the compete for political control of party, but rather on winning back 2009 elections. In the 2014 elec- the province. In the 2009 provin- status as official opposition in the tions the UDM is expected to cial elections only five political legislature. Cope, currently the get aboost from forging a rela- parties made it into the 63 seats official opposition in the Prov- tionship with former Cope lead- provincial legislature. The Af- ince has itself been embroiled in er Sam Shilowa and a faction of rican National Congress (ANC) internal battles. Mirroring what Cope in the Eastern Cape Prov- 44 seats; Congress of the Peo- has transpired nationally in Cope. ince. ple (Cope) 9 seats; Democratic Interminable rifts within Cope Alliance (DA) 6 seats; United have germinated another new Democratic Movement (UDM) party in the EC. Cope in the East- 3 seats and African Independent ern Cape splintered, with former Congress (AIC) 1 seat. While Cope leader Mluleki George 2014 elections race gets tighter forming a break away party, the the EC province is still free from United Congress (Unico) in No- political violence and thus far vember 2013. George blamed parties have enjoyed a violence Cope leader Mosiuoa Lekota of free election campaign. not leading Cope properly as the reason of forming a break away 69 Election Results

Table 1: Party votes distribution in the Eastern Cape over the voting periods, 1994, 1999, 2004, and 2009

1994 1999 2004 2009 Party Name Votes % Seats Votes % Seats Votes % Seats Votes % Seats Pan Africanist Congress of 59,475 2 1 24,837 1.1 1 22,324 1 1 12,108 0.54 0 Azania

Vryheidsfront / 23,167 0.8 0 7,287 0.3 0 Freedom Front

African Chris- tian Democratic 14,908 0.5 0 20,857 1 0 17,372 0.78 0 11,974 0.53 0 Party

African Demo- 4,815 0.2 0 cratic Movement

African National 2,453,790 84 48 1,606,856 74 47 1,768,987 79.3 51 1,552,676 68.8 44 Congress

Democratic 59,644 2.1 1 136,859 6.3 4 Party

Merit Party 2,028 0.1 0

National Party 286,029 9.8 6

Inkatha Freedom 5,050 0.2 0 7,166 0.3 0 4,373 0.2 0 2,270 0.1 0 Party

Afrikaner Een- - - - 3,673 0.2 0 heidsbeweging

Federal Alliance - - - 3,575 0.2 0

New National - - - 70,141 3.2 2 Party

United Demo- - - - 296,015 14 9 205,993 9.23 6 93,196 4.13 3 cratic Movement

Azanian Peo- ple’s Organisa------3,884 0.17 0 tion

Democrat- ic Alliance/ ------163,785 7.34 5 225,310 9.99 6 Demokratiese Alliansie

70 Table 2: Voters turn out

Elections 1999 Elections 2004 Elections 2009 Elections 2014 Regis- Turn % Registered Turn % Registered Turn % Turn Registered tered out Turn voters out Turn voters out out voters voters out out 2, 188, 2 ,277, 2, 344, 2, 454,543 89.15% 2, 849,486 79.92% 3, 056,559 76.69% 3,240, 059 184 391 098

Table 3: 2014 registered voters

National and Provincial Elections (NPE) 2014 Certified Voters’ Roll: 5 March 2014 Percentage (%) registration against Stats SA Voting age population (VAP) by province STATS SA VAP Esti- Certified Voters’ Roll Province % Voter registration mate (5 March 2014) Eastern Cape 3 794 352 3 240 059 85.4%

Sources: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eastern_Cape_Provincial_Legislature http://www.news24.com/Elections/News/ANC-submits-provincial-candidate-lists-to-IEC-20140311 http://www.dispatch.co.za/news/da-aims-to-topple-cope-as-ec-official-opposition/ http://www.sabc.co.za/news/a/25ef400043062f8080179f895990ad13/Newly-formed-UNICO-launches- its-manifesto-in-E-Cape-20142202 http://www.sabc.co.za/news/a/c18e220041d677dda5c2ed5393638296/Newly-launched-party-aims-to-do- well-in-elections-20131511 http://www.dispatch.co.za/news/shilowas-cope-faction-set-to-join-udm/

Role of civil society and faith- dialogue entitled “You and the affecting the Eastern Cape in ref- based organization Constitution”. With Judge Albie erence to their party manifestos. Sachs as the key speaker the di- There has been a noticeable con- alogue reflected on the constitu- Protests and their impact tribution of civil society organisation as a framework for meaning- tions to election processes in the ful public participation including Protests have escalated in num- Eastern Cape Province. NGOs participating in political process- ber and have become a daily have often used public informa- es. The South African Council of occurrence in the Eastern Cape tion gatherings such as seminars, Churches (SACC) was previous- Province. In fact, at one time, the public dialogues, public forums, ly involved in election processes Eastern Cape registered margin- public information, education through active involvement in ally more protests than Gauteng, and deliberation, advocacy and voter education, public dialogue a traditional protest province132. expression, Afesis Corplan for and election observation. example, had on numerous occa- sions organised hosted seminars However in the lead up to the to debate and disseminate elec- 2014 elections, details are scanty tion messages (Election 2014, as to what efforts will be under- what is it in it for the Eastern taken by the SACC and attempts Cape, a seminar hosted by Afesis at gleaning this information from Corplan on March 27, 2009). the provincial office in the East- ern Cape, proved fruitless. Many The Eastern Cape NGO Coa- NGO’s and CBO’s in the Eastern lition, a network of NGOs and Cape, including Afesis-corplan, Community based organisations have planned for hosting political in the Eastern Cape Province party seminars and debates where joined forces with the Daily Dis- party representatives have an op- patch, the East London based portunity to engage each other daily newspaper, to host a public and participants on crucial issues 71 the number of protests in Gauteng, rather than an increase in the frequency of protests in the

Western Cape. The Eastern Cape followed with 18.18% of South Africa’s protests. With only 6 protests this year (from 53 the preceding year), Gauteng accounts for 13.64% of the nation’s protests. The Free State featured 13.64% of the country’s protests, while Kwazulu-Natal and the

North West Province featured 9.09% and 6.82% respectively. Limpopo, Mpumalanga, and the

Northern Cape were minor contributors to protest activity, featuring 6.82%, 4.55%, and 4.6% of the protests, respectively.

Figure 1: Service delivery protests by province

F. Aggregate Distribution of Protests by Geography (Feb. 2007 – May 2011) Source: Karamoko Jelani & J. Hirsh, 2011. Community Protests in South Africa: Trends, Analysis and Ex- planations. http://www.mlgi.org.za/publications/publications-by-theme/local-government-in-south-africa/ community-protests/Community_Protests_SA.pdf.Between February 2007 and May 2011, Gauteng (Accessed accounted 17 March for 2014). 31.46% of the protests in

South TheAfrica. reasons The Westernfor the outbreakCape accounted lors and for their 17.05% property ofas suchwell as protests, ing tyres while and treethe stumpsNorth paralysWest - of protests in the Eastern Cape foreign shop owners134. ing traffic. ProvinceProvince accounted are numerous for and11.09% vary . The Eastern Cape, Kwazulu-Natal and Mpumalanga from shack-dwellers in Nelson A Protest broke out in Mission- Mandela Bay (Port Elizabeth vale, Port Elizabeth and Cook- and Uitenhage) and Buffalo City house near Cradock where (East London) to smaller towns residents expressed their dissat- such as Port St John’s and Molte- isfaction with23 the rate of hous- no to some deep rural villages133. ing delivery. On June 18, 2013, The Daily Dispatch reported the The dynamics and geographical eighth incident of increasing vi- sites of protests in the Eastern olent unrest connected to service Cape constantly shift from one delivery failure in Buffalo City135. area to another. The major causes of these focus on actual service At the beginning of the month of delivery concerns ranging from March this year, a service deliv- housing, electricity; water and ery protest broke out in Reeston, sanitation and roads. For exam- an informal settlement located ple, the recent protests in Uiten- on the Mdantsane Access road hage in the wake of the demolition in East London. Chaos broke out of illegally built shacks were as a as a result of residents gathering result of high levels of frustration to protest over the poor state of and distrust. They destroyed not gravel roads in that informal set- only community infrastructure tlement. As a result, the residents but also directly targeted council- blocked the main road with burn- 72 3. North West Province

Figure 2: Service4. Eastern delivery Cape protests by district in the Eastern Cape

Source: Karamoko Jelani & J. Hirsh, 2011. Community Protests in South Africa: Trends, Analysis and Ex- planations. http://www.mlgi.org.za/publications/publications-by-theme/local-government-in-south-africa/ community-protests/Community_Protests_SA.pdf.27 (Accessed 17 March 2014).

Press reports appear to repeated- END NOTES ly predict a decline in the ANC support in the days leading up to 132 Business Day live, Protests in Eastern Cape echo those in Gauteng. general elections. However, the Available online: http://www.bdlive. real impact, either on party sup- co.za/opinion/2013/12/12/ port patterns or on voter turnout protests-in-eastern-cape-echo- is in fact unpredictable and un- those-in-gauteng. known. Some indicators, though (Accessed 17 March 2014). 133 Ibid concerning local government, in 134 Ibid which the issues are different and 135 Daily Dispatch, Violence grows as not analogous to national elec- desperate Buffalo City service tions. protests go unheard. Available oline: http://www.dispatch.co.za/ uncategorized/ Recently concluded local gov- violence-grows-as-desperate- ernment by-elections for ward 3 buffalo-city-service-protests-go- in Buffalo City for example, the unheard/. Accessed (17 March 2014) 136 Democratic Alliance (DA) re- Daily Dispatch, 136 Landslide poll boost for DA. tained the ward . The victory Available online: saw DA’s support increase from http://www.dispatch.co.za/news/ 54%to 82 %. This itself, while landslide-poll-boost-for-da/. not generalisable, is noteworthy. (Accessed 17 March 2014).

73 MPUMALANGA Oupa Makhalemele – Indepen- tion party, the Democratic Party, taking 27 seats, one more than in dent Researcher came a distant second at 4.48%; the previous two elections. The while the New National Par- rechristened Democratic Alliance Introduction ty got 2.28% and the Freedom took 6.94%, winning two seats in Front 1.70% – taking a seat each the provincial legislature, while The four tables below reflect the in the Provincial Legislature. In the rechristened Freedom Front ruling party African National 1999 the ANC took 84.86% of Plus won 1.24% and took a sin- Congress (ANC) as a dominant the vote, again winning 26 seats, gle seat in the legislature. In the party in Mpumalanga Province. while the Democratic Party won 2009 election a similar picture With its electoral share hovering 4.46%, the New National Party emerged, with the ANC winning around the mid-80 percentile re- got 2.47% and the Freedom Front 85.55% and taking 27 seats, while gion, the ANC has since 1994 left won 1.70%. the DA won 7.49% and two seats opposition parties in the prov- and the newly formed Congress ince trailing far behind, perhaps A newcomer, the United Demo- of the people (Cope), which was indicating the lack of options for cratic Movement (UDM), won a recent ANC break-away party, the majority of the electorate in 1.42%. Again, these four parties won 2.91% of the vote and won Mpumalanga. In 1994 the ANC won a seat each in the 1999 elec- a single seat in the legislature.137 took 84.83% of the vote, scoop- tions. The 2004 elections saw the ing 26 seats. The main opposi- ANC win 86.30% of the votes,

Election results1

Mpumalanga 1994

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 954, 788 84.83 26 Democratic Party 50, 421 4.48 1 New National Party 27, 909 2.28 1 Freedom Front 19, 170 1.70 1 Total 1,052,288 93.29 29

Mpumalanga 1999

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 954,788 84.86% 26 Democratic Party 50,421 4.46% 1 New National Party 27,909 2.47% 1 Vryheidsfront/Freedom Front + 19,170 1.70% 1 United Democratic Movement 16,013 1.42% 1 Total 1,068,301 94.91% 30

Mpumalanga 2004

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 959,436 86.30% 27 Democratic Alliance 77,119 6.94% 2 Vryheidsfront Plus/Freedom Front + 13,732 1.24% 1 Total 1,050,287 94.48% 30

74 Mpumalanga 2009

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 1,110,190 85.55% 27 Democratic Alliance 97,204 7.49% 2 Congress of the People 37,789 2.91% 1 Total 1,245,183 95.95% 30

Voter registration and turnout

There were 1,277,783 registered voters for the 1999 elections in Mpumalanga. The actual voter turnout was 1,147,086, representing 89.8% of the registered voters in the province. Of the ballots cast, 21,502 were invalid, leaving a total of 1,125,584 of valid votes.

The 2004 results were mixed. While the number of registered voters was higher than 1999, at 1,442, 472, only 78.30% of those registered actually turned up for the elections, compared to 90.08% in the previous elections.

In the 2009 polls 1,696,705 of residents of Mpumalanga registered for the elections, while 1,363,836 (or 80.4%) went to the polls. 20,583 (or 1.5%) of the votes were spoilt, leaving 1,343, 253 (or 98.5%). More residents of Mpumalanga voted in the 2009 elections than they did in the 1999 elections.

Election Eligible popu- Registered Voter turn- Ballots cast Spoilt or Valid ballots year lation voters out invalid votes 1999 1 800 000* 1 277 783 90.08% 1 151 038 21 502 1 129 536 2004 1 800 000* 1 442 472 78.30 1 129 484 17 792 1 111 692 2009 ? 1 696 705 77.61% 1 316 894 19 119 1 297 775

Source: Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) Election Archive. Available at: http://eisa.org.za/WEP/souelectarchive.htm

* These estimates are based on the number of people living in Mpumalanga at the time and who were 18 years or older139.

The Independent Electoral Com- study, a randomly selected sam- 5% of the vote.140 As the numbers mission’s recent voter registra- ple of people aged 18 years and above indicate, the only party tion drive in November 2013 and above was asked which parties whose support has been growing February 2014 saw 5.5 million they would vote for if the elec- steadily in Mpumalanga is the people in total visiting polling tions were to be run the next day DA. Many analysts, however, at- stations. This number included in their province. Based on the tribute this to a lack of diversity approximately 2.3 million new assumption that not all people in the political landscape, and a voters. The number of registered eligible to vote would do so, the lack of a real alternative – which voters has thus been increased to survey found that the ANC would speaks to the frustrations and as- 25.3 million, representing 80.5% win the vote by a relatively mod- pirations of the majority of the of the 31.4 million people eligi- erate 63.4%, while the official electorate.141The entry into the ble to vote nationally. 2.3 million opposition, the DA, would gain landscape of the EFF, some be- new voters were born after 1994, 9.1%. Interestingly, the survey lieve, will most likely present the year of the first democratic found that the newly formed par- such an alternative, although the elections in South Africa. They ties would make a better showing party’s longevity and its ability will be voting for the first time. than some of the older parties. to withstand challenges ranging The Economic Freedom Fighters from defections to potential in- Party dynamics (EFF) would garner 6.8% and the ternal squabbles remain to be as- Agang South Africa (AgangSA) sessed. According to a survey run by Ip- party 4.6% of the vote in Mpuma- sos, titled Pulse of the People, langa. Sandwiched between these Parties are vying for the youth these voting patterns are likely to two would be African Christian vote as South Africa enters twen- remain largely unchanged come Democratic Party (ACDP), with ty years of democracy, the first the 7 May 2014 elections. In the time the so-called ‘born-frees’142 75 will be going to the polls. The dala Masuku (MEC for finance expected to visit municipalities ruling party, the African Nation- and SACP central committee in Enhlanzeni District as follows: al Congress, looks poised to win member) and Sibongile Manana these elections, thus consolidat- (MEC for arts and culture). Municipality Date ing its twenty-year dominance Barberton March 19 nationally (although the opposi- Other senior members in the Nelspruit March 20 tion Democratic Alliance (DA) province known to be in the an- Thulamahashe March 21 seems to have consolidated its ti-Zuma camp, notably Thomas Sabie March 21 dominance in the only province Bongo and Peter Nyoni, also did Komatipoort March 22 it governs – the Western Cape).143 not make the list. Mabuza’s for- Indications so far are that Mpum- mer deputy Charles Makola was Source: Low/Laevelder, alanga is likely to continue show- among the PEC members exclud- 21 March 2014, accessed 22 ing support for the incumbent ed from the list. Former cabinet March 2014 ANC, and the EFF is likely to members Clifford Mkansi turned make a poor showing by com- down his nomination and Me- Protests and their impact parison despite its appeal to the shack Malinga was also left out. marginalised unemployed youth, Mpumalanga has not been spared who are in the majority. Also not elected were tripartite alliance members, the provin- the nation-wide spate of public protests. As recently as Thursday The ANC’s stronghold, Mpum- cial SACP’s Secretary Bonakele Majuba and William Lubisi, the 20 March 2014, the community alanga, was chosen as the venue of Lochiel near Oshoek embarked for the January 8 Statement. 2014 Mpumalanga legislature speaker and SACP PEC member. on a service delivery protest on being the election year, the event, the R17 road between Oshoek held in Mbombela on Saturday Allegations of impropriety were and Lochiel. They demanded 11 January, was also the launch RDP houses, water supply and of the party’s election manifesto. made against the procedure that led to the creation of this list, sanitation. Earlier in January, The 2014 general elections ap- including the failure of David ANC members in Pienaar and proach at a time when divisions Mabuza to recuse himself as the Bohlabela were reported to have within the ANC and its allies process’s chairperson, given that organised protest marches, aimed reach new highs. Cosatu, the par- he had an interest (that of being to coincide with the ANC’s 11 ty’s alliance partner, is reeling as on the list). Allegations were January manifesto launch. These its biggest affiliate union, Numsa, made that monies were seen planned protests were prevented has broken ranks with the union dished out and that there was a from taking place, however. The federation, and has resolved to list of names that delegates were ANC in Mpumalanga announced withdraw its endorsement of instructed to vote for. These de- two weeks later that it would es- the ANC in the latter’s election velopments notwithstanding, the tablish an investigation into the campaign. The booing of Jacob ANC does not seem to be in dan- violent service delivery protests. Zuma at the late Nelson Mande- ger of losing its traditional sup- The task team would comprise la’s memorial in Johannesburg in port at the polls, according to the NEC and PEC members of the December, and the public outrage recent Ipsos Markinor polls. Ac- party, and is due to give a full re- following the so-called ‘Nkand- cording to the polls, the ANC will port of the investigation in June lagate’ have demonstrated the secure 63.4%, followed by the 2014. waning popularity of the party DA at a distant 9.1% of the vote. These protests, often dubbed ser- leader and president of the repub- Newcomer the EFF is predicted vice delivery protests, are often lic. to come in at a third position, about tensions within the ruling with a share of 6.8% of the vote. party over the distribution of pa- The ANC Mpumalanga prov- tronage at provincial and local ince-to-province list was de- Role of civil society and faith- government levels. With the dis- scribed by some as indicative of based organisations gruntlement over the provincial factions within the party. The list electoral list, some view the pro- – topped by incumbent chairper- On 24 January the IEC sent out tests as instigated by members of son and Premier David Mabu- a tender notice for a service pro- the sidelined faction among the za – excluded provincial ANC vider that would supply voter ruling party. These factors not- veterans such as Fish Mahlalela education in Mpumalanga us- withstanding, the ANC’s chances (member of the legislature), Can- ing the medium of street theatre. at the polls do not seem threat- dith Mashego-Dlamini (MEC for The road show is titled: “The ened by these protests. health), Pinky Phosa (MEC for Voter and Balloting Theatre and economic development), Ma- Edutainment Roadshow” and is 76 END NOTES available on: http://www.statssa.gov. ‘The ANC is hurting the poor,’ za/publications/P0302/P03022009. Independent Online, available on: 137 Electoral Institute for Sustainable pdf http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ Democracy in Africa (EISA) Statistics SA, (2004), Mid-year anc-is-hurting-the-poor-1.1671748, Election Archive. Available at: population estimates South Africa, accessed 6 April 2014. http://eisa.org.za/WEP/ available on: https://www.statssa. 142 The term ‘born-frees’ refers to those souelectarchive.htm . Accessed on gov.za/publications/P0302/ youth who are eligible to vote for the 17 March 2014. P03022004.pdf first time, having been born after the 138 All tables sourced from Electoral 140 Ipsos survey: Provincial political first democratic elections in South Institute for Sustainable party support in a moderate Africa in 1994. Democracy in Africa (EISA) voter turnout scenario, available on 143 See the Ipsos survey: provincial Election Archive. Available at: http://www.bizcommunity.com/ political party support in a moderate http://eisa.org.za/WEP/ Article/196/19/107490.html, Issued voter turnout scenario, 16 January souelectarchive.htm . 16 Jan, 2014, accessed on: 15 March 2014. Available at: http://www.biz Accessed on 17 March 2014. 2014 community.com/Article/ 139 Statistics SA, (1999), Mid-year 141 Academic Achille Mbembe was 196/19/107490.html. Accessed on: population estimates South Africa, quoted as saying in Forde, F, 2014, 15 March 2014.

GAUTENG

Waseem Holland, Independent share of support in small incre- from the DP’s relatively good Researcher and Ebrahim Fa- ments. A study of the results of performance in 1999 of 17% to kir, Manager: Political Parties the Local Government Elections the DA’s 20%. But between 2004 and Parliamentary Programme of 2011 indicates that Gauteng and 2009 the DA only increased at EISA; and 2014 Ruth First and the Western Cape are the its support very modestly, if at Fellow at the University of the only two provinces where the DA all, by one percentage point and Witwatersrand, Johannesburg has made marked inroads in vot- got one more seat in 2009 than it er support among African town- did in 2004. Comparing the DA’s Introduction ship voters.144 This point must performance growth in Gauteng be taken with tentative caution, 2014 from 2009 on the back of Gauteng is the province with the since local government elections poor growth from 2004 to 2009 highest population and contrib- are not an adequate predictor of will confirm whether voters utes 33% to the national economy patterns and trends in national would more likely have sup- of South Africa and 10% to the elections because of the different ported a principled ‘liberal’ par- GDP of the entire African con- electoral systems used, the vary- ty such as the Democratic Party tinent. Gauteng is also the most ing nature of the issues at stake rather than a perceptibly ideolog- expensive province to live in and the lower voter turnout levels ically unrooted DA145. South Africa, and this may shape in local elections. In any event, the electoral landscape for mid- a cursory glance at successive dle- and working-class voters. election in the Gauteng province The province has been governed shows that the Democratic Party, by the ANC since the onset of one of the progenitor parties of democracy. Since 1999, the ANC the current Democratic Alliance has consistently been able to re- (DA), performed exceptionally tain a similar percentage share of well in the 1999 elections, almost voter support in the province over tripling its support from 1994. successive elections. The DA, the main opposition party nationally By contrast, the subsequent DA and in Gauteng, has increased its increased its support modestly

77 Election Results

PWV, now Gauteng, 1994

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 2 418 257 57.6 50 National Party 1 002 540 23.88 21 Freedom Front + 258 935 6.17 5 Democratic Party 223 548 5.32 5 Inkatha Freedom Party 153 567 3.66 3 Pan Africanist Congress 61 512 1.47 1 African Christian Democratic Party 25 542 0.61 1 Federal Party 16 279 0.39 0 African Muslim Party 12 888 0.31 0 Women’s Rights Peace Party 7 279 0.17 0 Luso South African Party 5 423 0.13 0 Dikwankwetla Party of South Africa 4 853 0.12 0 African Democratic Movement 4 352 0.1 0 Ximoko Progressive Party 3 275 0.08 0 TOTAL 4 198 250 100.1 86

Table 1: from EISA website http://www.content.eisa.org.za/sites/eisa.org.za/files/imports/import- data/ WEP/sou1994resultsh.htm

Gauteng 1999

Party Votes Percentage Seats African National Congress 2,485,064 67.85% 50 Democratic Party 658,231 17.97% 13 New National Party 142,563 3.89% 3 Inkatha Freedom Party 128,717 3.51% 3 United Democratic Movement 71,604 1.96% 1 Vryheidsfront/ Freedom Front 45,749 1.25% 1 African Christian Democratic Party 42,581 1.16% 1 Federal Alliance 32,493 0.89% 1 Pan Africanist Congress of Azania 26,774 0.73% Afrikaner Eenheidsbeweging 11,447 0.31% United Christian Democratic Party 8,596 0.24% Azanian People’s Organisation 5,895 0.16% The Socialist Party of Azania 1,988 0.05% Labour Party 1,088 0.03% Total 3,662,790 100% 73

Table 3: Adapted from IEC website- http://www.elections.org.za/content/NPEPublicReports/50/Leading%20Parties/GP.pdf

78 Gauteng 2004

Party Name Votes % Votes Seats African National Congress 2,331,121 68.40% 51 Democratic Alliance/ Demokratiese 708,081 20.78% 15 Alliansie Inkatha Freedom Party 85,500 2.51% 2 African Christian Democratic Party 55,991 1.64% 1 Independent Democrats 51,921 1.52% 2 Vryheidsfront Plus 45,648 1.34% 1 United Democratic Movement 33,644 0.99% 1 Pan Africanist Congress of Azania 29,076 0.85% 1 Nuwe Nasionale Party / New National 25,992 0.76% Party United Christian Democratic Party 8,857 0.26% Azanian People’s Organisation 8,670 0.25% Christian Democratic Party 7,773 0.23% Nasionale Aksie 4,712 0.14% Peace and Justice Congress 3,208 0.09% The Socialist Party of Azania 3,191 0.09% Economic Freedom Movement 1,862 0.06% Pro-death Penalty Party 1,825 0.05% Black Consciousness Party 1,236 0.04% Total 3,408,308 100.00% 73

Table 3: Adapted from IEC website-http://www.elections.org.za/content/NPEPublicReports/50/Lead- ing%20Parties/GP.pdf

Gauteng 2009

Party Name Votes % Votes Seats African National Congress 2662013 64.04% 47 Democratic Alliance/Demokratiese 16 Alliansie 908616 21.86% Congress of the People 323,327 7.78% 6 Vryheidsfront Plus 67660 1.63% 1 Inkatha Freedom Party 61856 1.49% 1 African Christian Democratic Party 36099 0.87% 1 Independent Democrats 25243 0.61% 1 United Democratic Movement 16480 0.40% Pan Africanist Congress of Azania 12880 0.31% United Christian Democratic Party 10,091 0.24% Azanian People’s Organisation 8,927 0.22% Movement Democratic Party 5,731 0.14% African People’s Convention 5123 0.12% Christian Democratic Alliance 2901 0.07% African Christian Alliance – Afrikaner Christen Alliansie 2541 0.06% Women Forward 1974 0.05% Great Kongress of South Africa 1909 0.05% National Democratic Convention 1497 0.04%

79 Alliance of Free Democrats 1101 0.03% New Vision Party 1079 0.03% Total 4,157,048 100.00% 73

Table 4: Adapted from IEC website http://www.elections.org.za/content/NPEPublicReports/169/Leading%20Parties/GP.pdf

Voter Turnout

Election Registered Popu- Completed Total Votes Cast in Complet- %Voter Turnout lation VD’s ed VD’s Year 2004 4,650,594 4,650,594 3,553,098 76.40 % 2009 5,555,159 5,555,159 4,391,699 79.06 %

Table 5: Adapted from IEC website http://www.elections.org.za/content/NPEPublicReports/169/Voter%20Turnout/GP.pdf http://www.elections.org.za/content/NPEPublicReports/50/Voter%20Turnout/GP.pdf

Party dynamics other “left-leaning” parties, or may be true, a large part of the those that purport to share a com- EFF’s support is drawn from an While most political parties’ cam- mon ideological posture, such as ascendant black professional, paigns focus on similar issues the Black Consciousness Move- technical and managerial occu- and tend to take on national cam- ment (BCM), the Azanian Peo- pational class frustrated by the paign messages, province specif- ple’s Organisation (Azapo), the perceived lack of transformation ic campaigns have been evident Socialist Party of Azania (Sopa) in the professions, in industry and among some opposition parties, and the Pan Africanist Congress in the economy in general. This with the DA primarily latching (PAC),146 indicating either the may be a small segment of EFF onto the controversial E-toll sys- potential for future amalgama- support, but is highly visible. tem for Gauteng roads and the tions, coalitions and alliances, or apparently pervasive abhorrence issue-based co-operation in the When Cope was formed by for- for it among some sections of the short term. mer high profile ANC leaders, population as a campaign issue. there was an assumption that Gauteng and the Western Cape Similar to Cope in 2009, the they would take with them a huge are likely to be the most competi- EFF’s manifesto launch garnered chunk of ANC voter support. Part tively contested provinces among considerable media attention of the media and sections of pub- the parties in forming a provin- and coverage, essentially and lic opinion overestimated projec- cial government. ostensibly because they were tions and inflated expectations of both breakaways from the ANC. how well Cope would perform in On the weekend of the 22nd Unlike Cope, however, the EFF the 2009 elections. As it turned and 23rd of February, several has absorbed prominent repre- out, Cope achieved 7.7% of the parties had campaign events in sentatives of other apparently vote share nationally. A much close proximity to each other. left-leaning political formations. more cautious approach to pre- The EFF’s launched its mani- The EFF’s election manifesto dictions have been exercised be- festo in Tembisa, while the ANC also distinguishes it markedly in fore the 2014 elections, especial- Youth League hosted a campaign its key themes and ideological ly with regard to the EFF, viewed event relatively close by, spark- approaches, and differentiates like Cope as another breakaway ing fears that the proximity of it from all the other parties. Its from the ANC, even though this these events may spark tensions campaign mode, paraphernalia, is an inaccurate characterisation and conflict between them. The rhetoric and trademark red be- of the EFF. Though the EFF in events, however, went off with- ret also give the EFF a distinct the main appears to include some out incident. The EFF rally and campaign style, and although who broke away from the ANC manifesto launch drew massive there are widespread suggestions Youth league, it includes The media and public attention, with that the EFF primarily appeals to September National Imbizo (SNI) (unconfirmed) crowd estimates poor, marginal and disaffected which began as a social move- of 50 000 people. The manifesto youth, indications in the Gauteng ment initiative, fragments of the launch drew representatives from province are that although this African Peoples Convention and 80 some fragments of the socialist left to join the ANC in March. emergence of Cope, or it may be oriented black consciousness for- While there has been movement that the DA had reached its full mations. Consequently, estimates between the ANC and Cope, the growth potential. of the EFF voter support for 2014 only significant movement be- are being more conservatively es- tween parties in Gauteng has While the EFF’s emergence may timated. happened between the ANC and serve to fragment the vote for DA. It is unclear what constituen- opposition to the ANC in gen- The EFF’s distinct message, cy each of these defectors would eral, the weakness of Cope due however, does differentiate it take along with them, but sitting to factional battles and the pu- from Cope in that it has clear, MPs of one party being catapult- tative merger between the DA distinct and identifiable policies; ed onto the list of a party it just and AgangSA means that the DA they have an appeal across sev- joins may breed disgruntlement may be able to secure a slightly eral different political formations among existing and long-stand- wider section of the middle-class as noted above, and propose a ing members of parties. vote than it historically has, as a radical shift from current gov- greater number of blacks become ernment policy which may prove The announcement by the DA upwardly socially mobile and be- more attractive to a disillusioned that Dr Mampela Ramphele gin to identify with the DA to a working and under class who live from the newly formed AgangSA greater extent. in the most expensive province would be its presidential candi- in the country, than Cope might date and the subsequent failure of Role of civil society and faith- have had in 2009. The EFF will that agreement has sparked both based organisations however be faced with the reality tensions between the two parties that the cohort within which its and tensions within them, with EISA, in cooperation with the popular support is demographi- some AgangSa members initially South African Catholic Justice cally located is unlikely to have resolving to expel Dr Ramphele and Peace Committee and the registered to vote and, if regis- from the party. The DA Gauteng Cooperative Research and Edu- tered, may be fickle on election North leader, Khume Ramulif- cation (Core), has partnered with day in actually turning out to ho, opposed this, suggesting that community-based organisations vote. the move indicated that the DA to engage in voter education. does not have any other worthy The project developed a full vot- After the IEC published the final candidates within its party struc- er-education programme, which candidate lists for the Nation- tures.148 This constituted a sub- among other activities trained 45 al Assembly and the provincial stantial public-relations disaster voter educators with an emphasis legislatures it became clear that for both the DA and AgangSA. on youth and women in particu- political defections, movement Being an established party, the lar, to conduct voter education in between parties and absorption effect on the DA among its likely communities in Gauteng. of parties have been a feature voters was minimal, but credibil- of the electoral landscape in the ity for AgangSA with no record Youth-oriented and -focused period immediately before the or party capability to mitigate work on the elections is also be- 2014 elections. A DA MP in the the negative effects of this flop ing carried out by a civil society National Council of Provinces, may be monumental, and may organisation called InkuluFree- Beverly Abrahams, resigned in also be currently manifested in Heid, which launched a com- parliament before being placed a lacklustre and almost invisible prehensive election-education number 118 on the ANC list. De- election campaign. Both parties campaign called Our Voice Our fections from the DA to the ANC appear to have papered over the Vote (OVOV) that has as its chief at local level in Gauteng contin- internal cracks that resulted from objectives encouraging young ued after that. DA councillors the AgangSA-DA deal, with oc- South Africans to register to vote Sam Moimane and Sello Maila casional snide swipes directed at in the 2014 general election, and left the DA, alleging that they each other. ensuring that they make informed were not allowed to “develop” decisions on Election Day.149 The in the DA because of their race. Past election results show that OVOV campaign has engaged “I have never experienced apart- between 1999 and 2004, the DA the youth in different areas of heid, but I found the symptoms of was able to increase its percent- Gauteng, educating communities apartheid in that party,” Moimane age vote share in the province by on voting procedures and inform- said.147 All in all, four councillors 2.8%. Between 2004 and 2009, ing the public by producing pol- of Johannesburg and Ekhuruleni its vote-share increased by only icy summaries contained in each left the DA to join the ANC, and 1.082%. This smaller increase of the parties’ manifestos. four DA councillors in Tshwane may have been caused by the 81 In addition, many media hous- tion (SABC) held its debate at versity of Johannesburg (UJ), es, as well as NGOs and CBOs UJ. The SABC debate takes place Gauteng as a province experienc- including religious, profession- every week in the lead-up to the es the highest volume of com- al and business associations, elections, where participants con- munity protests in the country, have held election-related public sist of party representatives and and this may colour the electoral events. academics and themes change in environment. An analysis of the every debate. The first theme was data provided by the researchers The South African Chamber of called Free and Fair Elections in shows that Gauteng’s high vol- Commerce and Industry (SAC- a highly charged atmosphere of ume of protests is due to a com- CI) held an election debate at violent protests.150 Several radio bination of factors. The data also the Johannesburg Country Club stations, both commercial and indicates that protests around the in Auckland Park on 5 February from the public broadcaster, have country occur most frequently in 2014. Representatives of the six had massive election-related cov- urban and peri-urban communi- best-represented parties in the erage notwithstanding competi- ties. National Assembly were invited tion from two high-profile mur- to address the audience on mac- der trials which have captured Being the most urbanised prov- ro-economic policy issues. The public attention at the time of the ince in the country, Gauteng con- event attracted high-profile rep- elections. tains within its provincial borders resentativescontributed of 11.09%the major, parties9.27% and 7.95%, respectively. Limpopo,three Freemajor State,metropolitan and the areas, Northern in the country. Protests and their impact and this means that it is likely to Cape were relatively minor contributors, accounting for 5.30%have ,a higher4.97% volume and 1.82%of protests protests On 23 February 2014, the South According to research conducted than other parts of the country. African Broadcasting Corpora- by Municipal IQ and the Uni- across the country. The figure below illustrates:

Chart 1: from G.2011 Closer Multi-level Look Government at the Provinces Initiative Report, Community Protests in South Africa: Trends, Analysis and Explanations, http://www.mlgi.org.za/publications/publications-by-theme/local-government-in-south-africa/community-protests/Community_Protests_SA.pdf1. Gauteng

Gauteng as the predominant site of community protests in South Africa helps explain, at

least partially, the phenomenon of community unrest. Municipal IQ has suggested that Gauteng’s 82 striking contribution to the number of community protests nationwide demonstrates that the

protests are largely an urban phenomenon, resulting from the relative deprivation members of a

community feel when compared to their more affluent neighbors.20 In other words, Municipal IQ

20 Some commentators have suggested that community protests have actually become more common in communities that have experienced improved service delivery because while these communities were previously on the fringes of South Africa and thus did not see the state as a realistic contributor to their welfare, the heightened expectations that came with initial improvements in service delivery often resulted in disappointment when meaningful improvements

24 suggests that communities are more likely to protest when they are “languishing at the periphery of municipalities”, a phenomenon that is most common in metropolitan areas. An examination of the districts within Gauteng where protests are most common supports this claim.

Chart 2: fromThe 2011disproportionate Multi-level Government number Initiative of protests Report, Communityoccurring Protestsin the in SouthCity Africa:of Johannesburg Trends, Analysis and Explanations, http://www.mlgi.org.za/publications/publications-by-theme/local-government-in-south-africa/community-protests/Community_Protests_SA.pdfMetropolitan Municipality is immediately apparent. The City of Tshwane, another metropolitan

Themunicipality, results of thealso 2011 features census far Governmentmore instances officials of protest have also than nin,its lessDeputy urban Minister counterparts. for Public Though show that Gauteng received the stated that the media are not ac- Works and SACP deputy general highestthis may proportion result fromof internalother factorscurate asabout well the (a waylarge that population they secretary creating explains more that opportunities the artic- for migrants in the 10 years be- label these protests, proclaim- ulation of this argument was not 151 tweenprotest, 2001 the and necessity 2011, at 26%.of population ing that density they are for not m necessarilyeaningful displayswell explained of unrest, by the etc.) president, it does help Gauteng has the highest overall “service delivery” protests. In but the argument is valid none- population and it is also the prov- Sebokeng on 5 February when theless. Cronin asserts that it is incesubstantiate with the highest the claim population that metropolitana protestor was areas shot dead,have ANC a greater the uneven tendency provision toward of services community of migrants from other countries Provincial Secretary in Gauteng that underpin protests. Cronin comingprotests. into South Africa. Half of David Makhura said: “They are also goes on to explain the rea- Gauteng’s population152 is made not service delivery protests”. son behind the Gauteng protests up of migrants, and this is one of “We have always characterised that were in the media spotlight the factors that government offi- this, not as service delivery pro- over the past few months: “While cials point to as an explanatory tests, they are protests relating to the immediate issues were dif- factordid not for come protests quickly in the enough. province. This suggestion,one type of that development protests are issue just as or much ferent a consequence in the three of townships,expectations in as Thisabsolute reasoning living usesconditions, the 2008 helps “xe -explainthe other.”why the153 most This impoverished kind of appeal South every African case, communities competing areANC not facnecessarily- nophobic”the most likely attacks to theas protest.a departure falls within the broader narrative tions linked to former council- point to explain that the current that the president used to explain lors and now out of favour local spate of protests are fuelled by protests in the State of the Nation small businesses were behind the the fact that Gauteng’s adminis- Address. “When 9525 percent of mobilisation of angry youth. In trative capacity is overloaded due households have access to water, deeply frustrated communities, to both its own large population the 5 percent who still need to allegations – well-founded or not size and the additional burden be provided for feel they cannot – of corruption and misspend- that the prevalence of migrants in wait a moment longer. Success is ing easily gain traction. And so, the province places on it. also the breeding ground of rising once again, it’s not so much the expectations.”154 Jeremy Cro- absence of services but desperate

83 competition over who controls since 2004 and since 2009; more avenues which are available to their allocation that triggers proof them have turned violent.”156 members of the community to test.”155 In explaining the sometimes vi- raise their concerns”.157 olent nature of protests, Trevor According to research conducted Ngwane, researcher at the Social On the appeal by the ANC and by the Social Change Research Change Research Unit, suggests other alliance partners that the Unit at UJ, a total of 43 protest- that communities engage in pro- protests can simply be attributed ers were reportedly killed by tests after they have exhausted to factionalism, researcher Carin police between 2004 and 2014. other options of engagement with Runciman on 12 February 2014 Professor Peter Alexander, the authorities, suggesting cheekily at a presentation of the research Research Chair in Social Change that “Often when people start hit- findings to the media explained at UJ, said that the number of ting the streets they should have that “Such characterisations of protests this year has not been a banner saying ‘all protocol ob- these protests serve to de-legiti- exceptional but the number of served’”. In stark contrast to this mate the grievances and agency killings that happened during the Human Settlements MEC for of ordinary working-class peo- protests are: “The number of ser- Gauteng Ntombi Mekgwe sug- ple”.158 vice delivery protests annually in gests that violence is avoidable, South Africa has been increasing saying: “There are a number of

Graph 1: showing Grievances sited by protesters 2004-2013, Media Briefing: Community Protests 2004- 2013: Some Research Findings, Social Change Research Unity, Prof Peter Alexander, Dr Carin Runciman and Mr Trevor Ngwane; Social Change Research Unit, Media Briefing Community Protests 2004-2013

The following is an account of ery of services, internal migrants tricity and corruption, municipal some of the more prominent and the resultant capacity deficit administration, roads, unemploy- protests that have occurred in or ANC factional battles. Accord- ment, demarcation, land, health Gauteng in recent times. ing to the findings of the afore- and crime also featured. Trevor mentioned research conducted at Ngwane, in an interview with the It is clear that the Community UJ, protests are caused due to a South African Civil Society In- protests that have occurred over number of contributing factors. formation Service, explains that the past ten years in Gauteng and , The top five grievances were protests are specifically about across that country cannot simply about service delivery in gener- the issues mentioned above but, be characterised by either gov- al, housing, water and sanitation, taking into account the host of ernment successes, uneven deliv- political representation and elec- protests and the varying reasons

84 why people engage in protests, trate is the dissatisfaction of cit- also decided to use the protests the “service delivery” protests izens through the accounts of vi- in Gauteng to interact with the are a reflection of communities olence and destruction that occur electorate after ignoring them for demanding a better quality of de- during the protests. close on to a decade. Following mocracy159. The engagement in protests in Sebokeng where pro- protests by citizens is therefore, In Gauteng, the protests have testers were killed, the DA be- part and parcel of democracy be- served as an entry-point for par- came active in the area to help cause democratic engagement is ties to engage citizens and the the families of slain protestors. not limited to the process of vot- media. In a statement Human Musi Maimane, the DA’s premier ing. Settlements MEC Ntombi Mek- candidate for Gauteng, said: “We gwe said: “We also have no doubt would help the family with mov- Of importance is the area of Bek- in our minds that this sudden up- ing the body of Lerata [Raboli- kersdal, which has gained noto- surge in violent protests is linked la] from Sebokeng to Ficksburg riety since community members to the upcoming elections”.162 where he is originally from. Let’s in the township near Westonaria Whether this statement is factual register to vote for change. We took to protesting from Septem- or not, the statement is made in need to have different kinds of ber through to the end of Octo- light of the fact that other parties protests not protests about basic ber 2013. Residents demanded have used protests in Gauteng needs such as water and electric- the resignation of the Mayor of and other parts as an element of ity … People are dying during Westonaria Municipality and their electoral strategies. protests and the president or his that the Municipality be placed senior staff fail to address their under administration. Resident The EFF has visibly been at the people. This is not the ANC of grievances seem to stem mainly forefront of protests: their red Nelson Mandela”.165 from that fact that sewerage had berets can be seen in the protests not been collected and then later and during a protest in the North It is interesting that the DA, de- protests intensified amid claims West, pictures were taken show- spite having often been at the from residents that the munici- ing EFF members dropping tyres forefront of organised marches pality was corrupt. The estimat- to burn at a protest. Julius Male- for a clearly defined objective ed damages were in the region ma, the party’s leader, unequiv- in the past, have opted to get in- of about R11.2 million, when ocally supports the community volved in community protest ac- protesters destroyed a commu- protests and believes that protests tion which they have traditionally nity hall, a gymnasium, a mobile are the ANC getting what it de- chosen to stay away from, even if library and municipal offices.160 serves.163 There have been some their involvement was only after incidents of protests where EFF the fact. After “service delivery” More recently, Bekkersdal was members were chased away by protest marches in Sterkspruit in involved in incidents of violence community members. the Eastern Cape in 2013, lead- on the weekend of the 8 February er of the DA Hellen Zille, while 2014, which was the last weekend At a protest in Protea South in addressing a crowd, was quoted of registration for voting in the Soweto in August 2013, EFF as saying: “The truth is, protest May elections. The IEC claimed members were told by communi- marches rarely change anything that most of the 22 000 voting ty members that they were only because making a noise doesn’t stations opened on time with- welcome to stay at the protest if change a government.” “It is no out incident, even in areas with they removed their red berets, good voting ANC on Wednesday a history of protest, but the two because the community felt that and toyi-toying on Thursday. You voting stations in this area had to they did not want the protest to must vote for a different party”.166 be closed due to petrol bombs be- dissolve into petty politicking.164 ing thrown at the them. The IEC The EFF’s attempted engage- In the main, it is yet to be seen claims that the registration pro- ment with and inveigling itself whether the upsurge of protests cess was going smoothly until the within the protests is not surpris- will have a major impact at the infamous Red Ants Private Secu- ing, as the party is founded on polls or whether political parties’ rity Group was deployed, which representing the interests of the opportunistic engagement with aggravated residents.161 “disaffected”. them will have a marked impact on voter allegiance. The media coverage around pro- Surprisingly, of late the DA, tests is not able to grasp the deep- whose regular constituency is er motivations of citizens when not part of massive direct action they take to protesting. What the apart from its increasing procliv- media coverage is able to illus- ity for organised marches, has 85 END NOTES 155 Ibid 156 Laura Grant . “Research shows sharp 144 Fakir, Ebrahim, and Waseem increase in service delivery Holland. “Changing voting protests”, Mail and Guardian online, (12 Feb 2014), http://mg.co. patterns?” Journal of Public za/article/2014-02-12-research- Administration: Special Issue 1 46 shows-sharp-increase-in-service- (2011): 1139-1152. delivery-protests 145 For a discussion of the DA’s 157 “Gauteng protests linked to polls: ideological ambiguity see: a. MEC”. South African Press McKaiser, Eusebius: Could I Vote Association (SAPA)”. (February 7 DA?, A voter’s dilemma, 2014, 2014), http://www.iol.co.za/news/ Bookstorm and also b. Fakir, crime-courts/gauteng- Ebrahim “ DA has no deep protests-linked-to- penetration into SA’s grassroots”, polls-mec-1.1643880#. New Age, 25 November, 2012 : Uzkj0c48GM8 http://www.thenewage.co.za/71540- 158 Op.cit (Grant) 1007-53-DA_has_no_deep_ 159 ‘Protest Nation’: What’s Driving the penetration_into_SAs_ Demonstrations on the Streets of grassroots/?switcher=1 South Africa? From South African 146 Sosibo, Kwanele. “EFF launches its Civil Society Information services election manifesto”. Mail and website, (27 February 2014) Guardian Online, (22 Feb 2014) http://sacsis.org.za/site/article/1930 http://mg.co.za/ 160 South African Press Association. article/2014-02-22-eff- “Bekkersdal protests: R11.2m in launches-its-party-manifesto damage”. CityPress Online, 147 Sarah Evans “ANC to take (29 October 2013) ‘firm stance’ on violent http://www.citypress.co.za/news/ protesters”, Mail and Guardian bekkersdal-protests-r11-2m- online, (06 Feb 2014), http://mg.co. damage/ 161 za/article/2014-02-06-anc-to-take- South African Press Association. firm-stance-on-violent-protesters ”IEC: Petrol bombs thrown at voting 148 Matlatla George, Mogomotsi, stations”. IOL News, (February 8 Magome and Aboobaker, Shanti, 2014), http://www.iol.co.za/news/ “Ramphele move causes DA crime-courts/iec-petrol-bombs- revolt”. Sunday Independent, thrown-at-voting- (February 2 2014), http://www.iol. stations-1.1644034#.UzvZZaI8GM8 162 co.za/sundayindependent/ “Gauteng protests linked to polls: ramphele-move-causes-da- MEC”. South African Press revolt-1.1640491#.Uzq5VKI8GM8 Association (SAPA)”. (February 7 149 From InkuluFreeHeid website- 2014), http://www.iol.co.za/news/ http://www.inkulufreeheid.org/ crime-courts/gauteng-protests- OVOV/about.php linked-to-polls-mec-1.1643880#. 150 http://www.uj.ac.za/EN/Newsroom/ Uzkj0c48GM8 163 News/Pages/SABC-takes-Election- du Plessis, Carien. “Julius Debates-to-UJ.aspx Malema says ANC gets what it 151 Songezo Zibi, “Community protests: deserves” CityPress Online, (09 the discontent grows”, February 2014), http://www.city Financial Mail online, (20 February press.co.za/politics/julius-malema- 2014), http://www.financialmail.co. says-anc-gets-deserves/ 164 za/features/2014/02/20/ Toerin, Rieart. “Protea South community-protests-the- Residents Chase Away EFF”. Eye discontent-grows Witness News, (8 August 2013), 152 Census 2011, Census in Brief, http://ewn.co.za/2013/08/08/Protea- https://www.statssa.gov.za/ South-residents-chase-away-EFF 165 Census2011/Products/ South African Press Association Census_2011_Census_in_brief.pdf (SAPA). “DA to assist family of slain 153 South African Press Association, Sebokeng protester”. Mail and “Protests Not Linked to Service Guardian online. (09 Feb 2014), Delivery: ANC”, Sowetan Live, (Feb http://mg.co.za/article/2014-02-09- 7 2014) , http://www.sowetanlive.co. da-to-help-assit-family-of-slain- za/news/2014/02/07/protests- sebokeng-protester 166 not-linked-to-service-delivery-anc South African Press Association. 154 Cronin, Jeremy, “The real, “Protest marches not the answer: complex reasons behind Zille”, (April 5 2013), protests”. Cape Times (February http://www.iol.co.za/news/ 26 2014), http://www.iol.co.za/ politics/protest-marches-not-the- news/the-real-complex- answer-zille-1.1496160#. reasons-behind- UzvKAaI8GM8 protests-1.1653218#.Uzp9T6I8GM8

86 ELECTION UPDATE 2014 SA Elections 2014: Sticks & Stones - Political 3 Intolerance, Violence & Intimidation

Editorial Team: Ebrahim Fakir, Waseem Holland & Kerryn Kotler; EISA Copy Editing and Proofreading: Professor Craig MacKenzie; University of Johannesburg Website: Duncan Russell THE FIRST TO DEFEND THE RIGHTS OF OTHER PARTIES? – THE ANC AND THE PROBLEM OF INTIMIDATION IN SOUTH AFRICA1 David Bruce, Independent Re- singing songs in order to try to searcher on behalf of the Com- disrupt an address by EFF munity Agency for Social En- leader Julius Malema.4 CONTENTS quiry (CASE)2 • On 11 January 2014 the EFF staged an event close to the “The first to defend “We fought against no-go areas Nkandla homestead that has the rights of other and will be the first party to de- been built for President Jacob parties? – The ANC 87 fend the right of other parties to Zuma. Prior to the event EFF and the problem of campaign wherever they wish”. members built a house for a intimidation in South (Jacob Zuma, 13 January 2014)3 resident in the area. As EFF Africa” leader, Julius Malema arrived Introduction for the event, at which he was due to hand over the house: KwaZulu-Natal 95 During the build-up to the 2014 ANC members blocked the election there have been at least progress of his car, forcing Gauteng 97 four incidents of political intim- him to get out and walk to idation that were widely publi- the house. When he had made North West 102 cised in the news media. his way through the crowd, ANC supporters began • On 26 September 2013 throwing bottles of water and Mpumalanga 106 members of the ANC-aligned stones at him.5 South African Students • On 12 February 2014 a 108 Congress (SASCO) were Democratic Alliance (DA) Limpopo involved in a confrontation march to Johannesburg’s and ‘scuffle’ with members of Beyers Naude Square was Eastern Cape 110 the Economic Freedom terminated prematurely Fighters at the University of after the police told the DA South Africa (UNISA) in that it was too dangerous Free State 112 Pretoria. The confrontation, to continue. At the point when during which it is alleged that the DA initially announced four SASCO members were the march, saying that the hurt, apparently took place destination for the march while SASCO members were would be the ANC’s Luthuli

87 House, the ANC Youth from entering the area of the thrown at Julius Malema, both League issued a formal memorial precinct, and then President Jacob Zuma, and ANC statement threatening the pelted with stones, deputy-president Cyril Rama- DA with violence.6 When the allegedly by a group of people phosa10 made widely publicised march eventually took place wearing ANC t-shirts.9 public statements in which they it was agreed that it would condemned intimidation. In his head towards Beyers Naude Looking at reports on these four speech, Zuma stated inter alia, Square, close to Luthuli events there are a number of ob- that “[the ANC] fought against House. Amongst a crowd servations that can be made. The no-go areas and will be the first of ANC supporters first and most obvious of these party to defend the right of oth- assembled around Luthuli is that all four reports point to er parties to campaign wherever House some ‘openly the involvement of supporters of they wish”.11 In certain cases oth- brandished stones, bricks, the ANC and of groups that are er acts of intimidation by mem- sticks, knobkerries and aligned with the ANC, in acts of bers of the ANC have also been sjamboks’. At one point intimidation. condemned by representatives of ‘[d]ozens of men dressed in the ANC. In mid-February the ANC colours, and who The fourth report, dealing with KwaZulu-Natal ANC spokesper- were carrying bricks, were the Human Rights Day events in son Senzo Mkhize condemned in seen charging towards the Sharpeville is more complex on ‘in the strongest possible terms’ DA supporters … This forced this point. The reports seems to the behaviour of a group of those wearing the blue colours point to the possibility that oth- ANC supporters who obstructed of the DA to retreat, er political groups, notably the National Freedom Party (NFP) seemingly on the advice of supporters of the PAC and EFF, members from campaigning in the police’. In another may also have been involved in the Ntshongweni area, west of incident a group wearing acts of intimidation. This is first- Durban.12 ANC colours threw bricks at ly because it is not clear if PAC the marchers. Another group and EFF supporters had indeed But can these statements be tak- also dressed in ANC colours booked the venue in question, en at face value to mean that the hurled petrol bombs at the and therefore whether they were ANC is in fact genuinely opposed police.7 justifiably aggrieved at being ex- to intimidation? Recent research • On 21 February 2014 cluded from it. There is also no by the Community Agency for various incidents of information about many of the Social Enquiry (CASE) suggests intimidation took place in other confrontations that took that intimidation is far more Sharpeville related to events place between the PAC and EFF widespread than is generally ac- commemorating the 1961 supporters and those of the ANC, knowledged, that the ANC is the massacre.8 Pan Africanist and it is therefore unclear if one main perpetrator of this intimida- Congress (PAC) and EFF or other party could reasonably tion, and that this raises questions members were reported to have been labelled as the prima- about whether or not the ANC is have tried to disrupt ry aggressor in these incidents. in fact genuinely committed to proceedings and force their Nevertheless, even in this report, free and open political activity. way in to the Sharpeville the allegations by the DA directly memorial precinct while allege the involvement of ANC Although high-profile incidents President Jacob Zuma was supporters in acts of intimidation. of the kind highlighted above laying a wreath at the receive considerable media at- precinct. According to the Notwithstanding the possibil- tention, intimidation needs to be PAC and EFF they had been ity that other political groups recognised as a broader problem locked out after having may be involved in intimida- which continues to shape and im- booked the precinct in order tion, these reports in themselves pact on electoral politics in South to hold a commemoration point to an apparent pattern of Africa. event there. A number of involvement in intimidation by other confrontations of supporters and allies of the ANC. Background to the research various kinds also took place Leaders of the ANC are however between members of the ANC on record as having condemned Widespread intimidation was a and EFF and PAC. A bus intimidation. Most notably fol- feature of the build-up to South carrying DA members into lowing the EFF event in Nkandla Africa’s historic first democrat- the township was prevented in January at which stones were ic elections in 1994.13 But since 88 then South Africa’s elections, in- ive of the ANC. In addition, a formation. cluding those at national and pro- number of new political groups, vincial level, and for local gov- such as the EFF, Agang SA and Those who were interviewed in- ernment, are generally regarded the Workers and Socialist Party cluded people fulfilling a range as having been characterised by (WASP), were also, to a greater of different roles within their the absence of significant levels or lesser degree, targeting their parties, including senior party of intimidation. campaigns at this constituency. officials based in national and provincial party offices, mem- However, during the build-up Methodology bers of parliament, members of to the 2009 general election in provincial legislatures, and some South Africa there were also a The research aimed to establish if holding political office or repre- number of incidents of politi- intimidation is a problem facing senting their party at local level. cal intimidation. These includ- political parties in South Africa, Those interviewed were selected ed the continuation of forms of and, if so, to understand more partly on the basis intimidation linked to the rival- about the nature of intimidation.15 ry between the ANC and IFP in The research focused on the ex- that they would be likely to have KwaZulu-Natal. More wide- perience of opposition parties and an overview of the party’s expe- spread than these, though, were particularly on opposition parties rience of intimidation at national a number of incidents generally that appear to be more vigorous- or provincial level, whilst some impacting on meetings or events ly challenging the dominance of of them were people who could organised by the Congress of the one or other established party speak about the party’s experi- People (COPE). COPE directly over poorer communities. There ence in more discrete geograph- positioned itself within the po- was a working assumption that ical districts such as specific re- litical tradition that the African parties that were not destabilising gions of KwaZulu-Natal. National Congress (ANC) em- the existing status quo would be bodies, and sought to compete unlikely to face intimidation. For Forms of election-related in- with the ANC for the support of this reason it was decided that the timidation in current-day its mass constituency. research would not focus on ex- South Africa isting parties that do not currently As a result of the fact that it at- enjoy much of a public profile. The research confirms that polit- tempted to challenge the ANC’s ical intimidation continues to be dominance over this constituency The research involved 24 in- a feature of electoral contestation COPE found itself the target of depth interviews with represen- in South Africa. However, politi- intimidation from ANC members tatives of nine political parties: cal coercion has been adapted to and supporters in some areas. Agang SA, the ANC, COPE, the the terrain of democratic South The implication of the 2009 elec- DA, the EFF, the IFP, the NFP, Africa, and frequently manifests tion therefore could be taken the UDM and WASP. A repre- in the guise of practices that, su- to be that, if there is increased sentative of the IEC was also in- perficially at least, may appear to competition by political parties terviewed. The ANC is included be lawful and legitimate and that for the votes of poorer South on the basis that, even though are difficult to police. There are Africans, there is likely to be an it is the ruling party nationally, a range of ways in which intim- increase in intimidation. This and the dominant party in most idation is alleged to take place. research project was therefore poorer communities, it is also an These may roughly be differen- initiated in 2013 on the basis of opposition party in some poorer tiated into the following broad evidence indicating that the 2014 communities in South Africa. The categories. election would indeed involve parties that were selected includ- greater competition by different ed the six major parties in South (i) Economic coercion - misin- political parties for the votes of Africa as measured by the total formation and threats this constituency. This included number of votes gained in the regarding pensions and grants both the fact that the DA, South 2011 local government elections. and the denial of jobs, Africa’s main opposition par- In addition, representatives of contracts, services and ty, was now positioning itself to three newly established parties, development opportunities compete with the ANC for votes the EFF, Agang SA and WASP, within the black African majority were interviewed. Information In poorer communities in South constituency that in the past was from press reports was also used Africa there is a high degree of assumed to largely be support- as a supplementary source of independence on the state. It ap- 89 pears that this dependence is ex- Remember most of our people been problems of this kind in one ploited in various ways, by the rely on government for these of the municipalities in KwaZu- ruling party, and perhaps by oth- Extended Public Works jobs, lu-Natal that was controlled by ers, in order to maintain political project jobs. If there’s a the NFP. dominance. Several interview- construction project, road ees asserted that one of the prin- construction or road There were also other variations cipal ways in which this is done surfacing projects, it’s the on this theme, including that in is through misinformation or councillors of those particular some communities opposition threats implying that voting for wards that are given the party supporters are treated un- another party will result in people responsibility to choose favourably in relation to the pro- losing old age pensions or grants. whom to employ and whom vision of housing, and that com- not to employ. ... So the munities that had supported an We have been campaigning in councillor will only look at opposition party would be denied Limpopo and mostly old those people that are development opportunities by the people in that and in other loyal to the ANC for municipality. areas where I went, they are employment. (COPE, Eastern telling us that the ANC has Cape) (ii) Disruption, and the been telling them that they are intimidation of participants, not going to be getting their This kind of practice is alleged- at meetings and other events pension funds if they do not ly not restricted to public works involving rival political vote for the ANC, if they or other job opportunities. In- parties associate with other political terviewees also asserted that in parties. (WASP, National)16 some communities that are sup- A second major form of intimi- plied with water by water tank- dation that often impacts on po- The research indicates that this ers, the water tanker would not litical parties is the disruption kind of message is a frequent stop at the houses of people who of, and the intimidation of par- refrain of campaigning by the are known to be opposition party ticipants in, meetings and other ruling party in many parts of the supporters. An ANC interview- political party events. The four country. Interviewees also indi- ee also indicated that there had cases that are referred to in the cated that politicians using these been problems of this kind in one introduction to this paper are an kinds of tactics were also exploit- of the municipalities in KwaZu- illustration of some of the typical ing the fact that people in poorer lu-Natal that was controlled by practices associated with intimi- communities were often relative- the NFP. dation of this kind. ly less well informed about how government operates and there- There were also other variations Sometimes intimidation of this fore more susceptible to believ- on this theme, including that in kind involves denying opposition ing this kind of message. some communities opposition groups access to meeting facili- party supporters are treated un- ties. This may involve a group of Misinformation of the kind just favourably in relation to the pro- people gathering in front of the described tends to be conveyed vision of housing, and that com- meeting facility to prevent their by politicians who are campaign- munities that had supported an political rivals from access to it. ing for electoral support. How- opposition party would be denied However, it may simply involve ever, the economic vulnerability development opportunities by the opposition party members who of people in poorer communities municipality. have booked a venue being told is used to discourage them from that the keys are missing or that openly associating with rival po- This kind of practice is alleged- there has been a mistake of dou- litical parties on an ongoing basis ly not restricted to public works ble booking when they arrive to as well. Numerous interviewees or other job opportunities. In- use the venue. There is therefore asserted that in many areas oppo- terviewees also asserted that in not necessarily any overt vio- sition party supporters were de- some communities that are sup- lence or other intimidation when nied employment opportunities plied with water by water tank- this occurs. However, the prac- in municipalities, in public works ers, the water tanker would not tice can still be seen as coercive programmes, and other projects. stop at the houses of people who in nature, as the dominant polit- As one interviewee put it are known to be opposition party ical role-players in that area use supporters. An ANC interview- their ability to influence those ee also indicated that there had responsible for management of 90 these facilities in order to deprive demonstration or other political of the political parties associated political rivals of the use of these event’17 and that the electoral with fatal violence is also com- facilities. Code of Conduct provides that pletely different from the profile everyone has the right to hold of the victims and perpetrators of However, the disruption of op- public meetings. An incident of intimidation more generally. position meetings often involves this kind was described by an more overtly confrontational Agang SA interviewee as fol- In addition to the fatal incidents conduct. Interviewees indicated lows: themselves, there are also oth- that ANC members will frequent- er incidents where people are ly gather next to a meeting of a [The police] came, they threatened with death or severe rival party in order to disrupt it. talked to us and said what’s injury, as well as cases of arson, This may involve making as going on and we showed them including the burning of peo- much noise as possible by singing the paperwork [authorising ple’s homes. These, and the other loudly or playing a music system. the meeting]. They went to the forms of intimidation discussed Sometimes there is also more ANC councillors of whom in this paper, occur more widely overtly threatening behaviour, in- they are afraid because they in South Africa. There are likely cluding verbal threats, threaten- know they are powerful in to be many situations where indi- ing gestures, or mock charges. In these areas, and they came viduals who are on their own or some cases ANC members have back to us and said ‘these with one or two companions are been known to invade the meet- people are just singing and threatened with physical harm for ing of a rival group. dancing’, and then they left. associating with an opposition (Agang SA, National) party. Many of these incidents These kinds of incidents typically are probably not even brought build up into a heavily confron- (iii)Fatal violence and to the attention of political party tational atmosphere, and it is not intimidation directed against officials and are unlikely to be unusual for there to be violence. the individual reported to, or recorded, by po- The members of the political par- lice. They are therefore likely to ty whose event is being disrupted The report identifies twelve ap- remain a dimension of the prob- may respond in a threatening way parent political killings (in 11 lem of intimidation that is largely to the disruptive or threatening incidents) in the period from Jan- undocumented. behaviour of their rivals. In some uary 2013 until the end of Feb- cases, particularly where the at- ruary 2014 (14 months). Apart (iv)Attempts to disrupt the tempts at disruption result in the from one killing in Limpopo in registration and electoral rival party members coming into October 2013 that may have been process close proximity, or a meeting is politically motivated, all the kill- invaded, violence ensues, though ings identified were in KwaZu- Though the phenomenon is not this typically involves ‘pushing lu-Natal. The Ulundi municipal examined in depth, it is import- and shoving’ and possibly the ex- area and the KwaMashu hostel ant to note that there appears to change of blows. As indicated, area account for seven of the ten be an emerging phenomenon of however, in some cases stones or identified incidents (involving 11 what may be seen as forms of other objects are thrown in con- fatalities) that may be related to intimidation directed against the frontations of this kind and indi- inter- or intra-party political con- registration and electoral process viduals may suffer injuries. testation within KwaZulu-Natal. itself rather than against specific political parties. It appears However, interviewees indicated Fatal violence therefore contin- that the phenomenon may tend that, unless there is actual vio- ues to be a feature of contestation to be manifest in communities lence, the police often appear to between (and potentially within) where there have been protests view this kind of disruptive be- political parties in South Africa. related to dissatisfaction with haviour as entirely legal, and as However, focusing on fatal vio- service delivery or other prob- itself constituting an exercise of lence as a means of understanding lems. During both of the IEC’s the right to freedom of assembly the problem of intimidation is po- voter registration weekends, in and protest. This notwithstand- tentially misleading. Intimidation November 2013 and February ing the fact that the Electoral Act has a much broader geographic 2014, attempts were made to dis- provides that it is an offence to distribution and needs to be un- rupt the registration process in ‘unlawfully prevent the holding derstood in relation to a diverse Bekkersdal in Gauteng.19 In an of any political meeting, march, range of practices. The profile informal settlement called Nk- 91 anini, near Stellenbosch, protes- this appeared to be related to the Who is subject to intimidation? tors from the community forced fact that the party was no longer the IEC to close the voter regis- seen to pose a challenge to the The research focused on the ex- tration station temporarily during ANC. Similarly, it was not clear perience of opposition parties and the February 2014 voter registra- from the UDM interview that its particularly on opposition parties tion weekend. The leader of the members currently face problems that appear to be more vigorous- residents committee stated that of intimidation. ly challenging the dominance of community members intended to one or other established party sit in front of the gate of the local The IFP was the main other party over poorer communities. As in- voting station on election day and that was identified by interview- dicated, there was a working as- that no-one would be allowed to ees, from the ANC and NFP, as sumption that parties that were enter.19 engaged in intimidation, al- not destabilising the existing though this appeared to be local- status quo would be unlikely to Other ways in which voters and ised to a relatively small number face intimidation. This assump- the electoral process are ma- of municipal areas. The research tion was generally confirmed by nipulated was conducted during the period the research. Established parties when the EFF was in the process that are not, in a vigorous way, During the process of research of being formed. Although the seeking to increase their ‘foot- it emerged that competition for information presented is not nec- print’ within poorer communities votes involves not only ‘intim- essarily clear, some subsequent did not indicate that they were idation’ (which can be seen as press reports have suggested that experiencing intimidation. As in- being characterised by coercion in some cases EFF members may dicated, although it appears that and fear) but also other forms also have engaged in forms of in- both parties have faced intimida- of manipulation of voters and timidation such as the disruption tion in the past, the research did the electoral process. The main of ANC meetings.20 not confirm that either the UDM forms that are identified in the re- or COPE are currently facing a port are: One ANC interviewee also ac- problem of intimidation. cused the DA in the Western Cape • Fraudulent voter registration; of deliberately creating a chaotic Some interviewees suggested that and atmosphere at polling stations in members of a party that has re- • Vote buying - the alleged areas where the ANC is strong cently broken away from a ‘par- targeted use of government in order to discourage voting in ent’ party are especially likely to resources to promote a these areas. A DA interviewee face intimidation. Both COPE political party immediately also raised concern about the im- and the NFP are breakaway par- prior to elections. pact of these ‘shows of force’ by ties (from the ANC and IFP) re- political parties on potential vot- spectively, while the UDM and Fraudulent voter registration may ers in the Western Cape. EFF were both formed by lead- be a problem that is primarily ers who were expelled from the confined to by-elections. Intimidation is generally believed ANC. Parties that are breakaways to be carried out by local political or are formed by former mem- Who is responsible for intimi- party supporters under the direc- bers of a party are highly likely dation? tion or influence of local leaders. to focus on the same constituen- Threats to the dominance of a po- cy as the ‘parent’ party. However, The research overwhelmingly litical party over a specific area it seems that it is not necessarily pointed to the ANC as the prima- during the build-up to nation- more likely that such a party will ry source of intimidation in South al and provincial elections also become the focus of intimidation Africa. Of the eight political par- have implications for the ability than any other party that poses a ties, other than the ANC, that of local political elites, associ- substantial challenge to the dom- were interviewed, six of them ated with that party, to maintain inance of the ‘parent’ party over (the DA, EFF, Agang, the IFP, their political dominance in that its established constituency. NFP and WASP) reported that area. Some of the practices that they were currently the target of are identified, such as alleged How prevalent is intimidation? intimidation by the ANC. COPE vote buying, are practices that interviewees indicated that the also allegedly involve role play- For methodological reasons this party no longer faces a significant ers in party hierarchies at provin- research project was qualitative problem of intimidation, but that cial and national level. in nature and it therefore does not 92 provide a means for quantifying SAPS and IEC responses to in- of intimidation and manipulation the extent of the phenomenon nor timidation? that manifest in a wide range of its impact. Furthermore, as indi- different localities. Although it is cated, the report suggests that in- Though respondents gave differ- not possible to quantify the levels timidation is carried out through ent interpretations as to the rea- of intimidation, there was a high a diversity of practices, and quan- sons for this, problems were con- level of consistency between the tifying its full extent would there- sistently identified with police forms of intimidation reported by fore require that one take all of its responses to intimidation. This different respondents from a vari- manifestations into account. included their responses to acts of ety of different parties. Intimida- intimidation that were in progress tion remains likely in many areas While the research was not quan- and the investigation of crimi- where ANC members perceive titative in nature, interviewees nal cases emerging from acts of a rival party as threatening their were nevertheless asked to com- alleged intimidation. Some re- dominance. ment on the extent of the phe- spondents argued that ineffectual nomenon, and different inter- police responses reflected parti- It is therefore reasonable to be- viewees gave different responses sanship on the part of the police, lieve that intimidation continues to this question. Focusing on the while others suggested that the to have an impact on the degree problem of the disruption of DA police often did not understand to which people in South Africa, meetings and activities, a DA par- the relevant legislation or lacked most notably in poorer community official who had been involved the confidence to intervene. ties, feel free to openly support, in a large number of by-elections or even engage with, political indicated that the phenomenon Many of the respondents also parties that are not dominant in was confined to ‘pockets’ of the raised concerns about the IEC, the areas in which they live. Even country. including the IEC’s mechanisms though acts such as the disrup- for responding to allegations of tion of opposition meetings or However, DA interviewees from intimidation and to alleged or canvassing activities occur as rel- the Eastern Cape and Mpum- potential partisanship by offi- atively discrete events, the nature alanga had a different view on cials representing the IEC at poll- of intimidation is that it has an this question. In their experience, ing stations. Speaking about the enduring effect. People who wit- they said, intimidation was wide- IEC’s party liaison committees, ness or hear about these incidents spread. What tended to determine the IEC’s primary mechanism for frequently internalise the mes- whether it openly manifested it- addressing intimidation, one in- sage that there may be adverse self or not was whether the DA, terviewee for instance observed consequences for them if they or other political party, was seen that show any sign of disloyalty to the by local ANC leaders as present- dominant party. The likely im- ing a real challenge to the ANC It depends on the area and it pact of ‘economic intimidation’ in the area in question. Once the depends largely on our should also not be underestimat- DA started to have an impact, and reporting lines. If our ed, as there are a large number began to look like it could threat- reporting lines are there, they of people in South Africa who en ANC dominance in that area, make us aware of the local are poor and likely to be wary of there would be a high likelihood problem, then it is resolved, jeopardising their access to what- that acts of intimidation would then it can be resolved. But ever support they receive, or may occur. Speaking ten days after the then that also depends on the receive, from the state. launch of the EFF on 13 October other party that is involved in 2013, the EFF interviewee also the intimidation and their As a result, the ‘political ground’ indicated that in the build-up to ability to address the local is on which political parties are the launch the EFF, the party had sue. (COPE, National) competing is ground that is faced a high level of intimidation, shaped by, and shows the con- saying that it had experienced at- Impact of intimidation tinuing influence of, political tempts at disruption ‘In all our intimidation. Even if there is a meetings ... everywhere we’ve The report concludes that intim- decline in overt acts of intimida- been’. idation and manipulation of the tion as the election approaches, electoral process remain systemic systemic intimidation has already features of political life in South established a climate of fear and Africa in that there are there are anxiety in many areas and will a number of characteristic forms continue to impact on the degree 93 to which people feel that they are power brokers within the organ- 1. free to choose which party they isation. Although, as indicated, 8 The Sharpeville massacre is commemorated in South Africa each wish to support. ANC leaders are on record as year as Human Rights Day. having condemned intimida- 9 Thabiso Thakali and Sameer Naik, Nevertheless there are also position, it is not clear if this is done Insults, stones fly as intolerance and tive findings. One of these is that, mainly for media consumption or tension fill air at Rights Day event, notwithstanding the continuation whether it reflects genuine con- Saturday Star, 22 March 2014, 1. 10 Matumo Letsoalo, Ramaphosa of political killings in KwaZu- cern. condemns ANC supporters’ attack lu-Natal, intimidation generally on EFF, Mail & Guardian, 14 may be characterised by a greater The report also makes a number January 2014, http://mg.co.za/ inhibition in South Africa against of other recommendations, in- article/2014-01-14-anc-eff-nkandla- fight-ramaphosa-slams-bad- fatal violence. The members of a cluding that other parties should behaviour rival political party may be sub- also recommit themselves to po- 11 SAPA, ANC not pro violence: jected to threats, but if they nev- litical practice that is consistent Zuma, Times Live, 13 January ertheless persist in their political with free political activity. 2014, http://www.timeslive.co.za/ activities, those who are involved politics/2014/01/13/anc-not-pro- violence-zuma in intimidation may reluctantly END NOTES 12 Nathi Olifant, ANC disrupts NFP accept their presence as a reality. rally, Sunday Independent, 16 Related to this there seemed to 1 This article is based on the report February 2014, http://www.iol.co. be some level of willingness by ‘Just singing and dancing? - za/news/politics/anc-disrupts- Intimidation and the manipulation nfp-rally-1.1647822 members and supporters of op- of voters and the electoral process in 13 Steven Friedman and Louise Stack, position parties to defy and chal- the build-up to the 2014 elections’ The magic moment – the 1994 lenge intimidation and continue published by the Community election, in Steven Friedman and with political activities. Agency for Social Enquiry (CASE) Doreen Atkinson (eds), South Addressing intimidation in April 2014. African Review 7 – The small 2 David Bruce is an independent miracle, 1994, Johannesburg: Ravan researcher. The research and Press. The main recommendation of publication of the report is supported 14 David Bruce, 2009, Dictating the the CASE report is that the ANC by a grant from the Open Society local balance of power, Election- should recognise the problem of Foundation for South Africa related violence in South (OSF-SA). However, the views are Africa. SA Crime Quarterly No. intimidation and take more pur- those of the author. 28, June, 3 http://www.issafrica.org/ poseful steps to address the in- 3 SAPA, ANC not pro violence: uploads/CQ28BRUCE.PDF. volvement by its members and Zuma, Times Live, 13 January 15 The research also is part of a broader supporters in acts of intimidation. 2014, http://www.timeslive.co.za/ research project focusing on factors This is therefore a recommenda- politics/2014/01/13/anc-not-pro- impacting on the participation by violence-zuma people in poorer communities in tion that the ANC police its own 4 You Tube, Malema at Unisa Part 1, South Africa in the 2014 election. behaviour. The viability of this Published on 1 Oct 2013, http:// However, the report discussed in this recommendation is premised on www.youtube.com/watch?v= article focuses on the issue of the understanding that there re- nqqIuw9o0QU; SAPA, Defiant intimidation. Malema goes ahead with Unisa talk, 16 Interviews were carried out on a mains a constituency within the News 24, 26 September 2013, http:// confidential basis and the names of ANC a principled commitment to www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/ interviewees are not disclosed in the democracy, and that this constitu- Politics/Defiant-Malema-goes- report. ency has enough influence to pre- ahead-with-Unisa-talk-20130926; 17 Electoral Act, Section 87(1)(f) 18 vail over those who are invested Sipho Masombuka, Guns drawn at SAPA, Bekkersdal voting stations Malema speech, Times Live, 27 petrol bombed, Mail & Guardian in the use of intimidation within September 2013, online, 8 February 2014, the ANC. http://www.timeslive.co.za/ http://mg.co.za/article/2014-02- thetimes/2013/09/27/guns-drawn- 08-bekkersdal-voting-stations- Whether or not it is reasonable at-malema-speech petrol-bombed-as-tension-rises; 5 Giordano Stolley, Malema braves SAPA, Bekkersdal stations to to have the expectation that this stones, bottles in Nkandla, IOL re-open: IEC, the New Age, constituency continues to be able News, 11 January 2014, http:// 9 November 2013, to shape the direction of the ANC www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ http://www.thenewage. is open to question. Recently the malema-braves-stones-bottles-in- co.za/111312-1009-53-Bekkersdal_ voices of reason within the ANC nkandla-1.1630524 stations_to_reopen_IEC/? 6 Craig Dodds, ANC, DA trade blows switcher=1. relating to the Nkandla scandal over planned city march, Saturday 19 Daneel Knoetze, Enkanini: There’ll have seemed often to be lone Star, 25 January 2014. be no voting here, Cape Argus, 17 voices ‘crying in the wilderness’ 7 Lebogang Seale, High noon in February 2014, http://www.iol.co.za/ who are disregarded by the main Joburg, The Star, 13 February 2014, news/politics/enkanini-there-ll- 94 be-no-voting-here-1.1648167 enca.com/south-africa/eff- Live, 18 October 2013, http://www. 20 ENCA, EFF, ANCYL supporters ancyl-supporters-clash-diepsloot; timeslive.co.za/politics/2013/10/18/ in clash in Diepsloot, 18 SAPA, EFF claims ANC supporters eff-claims-anc-supporters- October 2013, ENCA, http://www. beat them up in Diepsloot, Times beat-them-up-in-diepsloot

KWAZULU-NATAL

Shauna Mottiar21 Post Doctor- ers. This statement echoes the culture of tolerance towards al Fellow at the Centre for Civil official signing of the Electoral all other parties contesting the Society, University of KwaZu- Code of Conduct by participating election; lu-Natal political parties in KwaZulu-Na- 2. To effectively counsel and tal on 3 March at the Durban advise all candidates on their Electoral Law, IEC Procedures International Convention Cen- party lists so that each candi and the Electoral Code of Con- tre. The pledge was signed by date will in turn propagate a duct the African National Congress message of maximum (ANC), Inkatha Freedom Par- tolerance; The South African Constitution ty (IFP), Democratic Alliance 3. To publicly promote the guarantees citizens the right to (DA), National Freedom Party eradication of no-go areas for vote in regular elections under a (NFP), African Christian Demo- political campaigns by multi-party system of democrat- cratic Party (ACDP), Economic political parties; ic government.22 The Electoral Freedom Front (EFF), Minori- 4. To desist from using speech Act gives substance to this right ty Front (MF), All Progressives or from participating in by providing for (among other Congress (APC), Black Peoples actions which will have the things) a national voters’ roll, the Convention (BPC), Congress of effect of provoking either registration process, the holding the People (Cope), Azanian Peo- parties’ supporters or of elections, political party con- ples Organisation (Azapo), and members of the general public testation, voting districts, vot- AgangSA.26 to commit acts of intolerance ing stations, ballot counting and or take other inflammatory election monitoring.23 Schedule At the signing, the Independent actions; 2 of the Electoral Act comprises Electoral Commission (IEC) 5. To work together to achieve the Electoral Code of Conduct provincial commissioner Bon- the objects and goals of the promoting free and fair elec- gani Finca called on the Electoral Code of Conduct.27 tions. The Code of Conduct up- Court to impose harsh measures holds ‘tolerance of democratic on violators of the Code of Con- The provincial signing of the political activity’, ‘free political duct including disqualification Electoral Code of Conduct oc- campaigning’ and ‘open public and vote reduction as provid- curs in the midst of recent polit- debate’.24 ed for in national electoral law. ical tension in KwaMashu where Provincial electoral manager two ANC members were gunned The KwaZulu-Natal Department Ntombifuthi Masinga has further down and an IFP supporter shot, of Community Safety and Liai- encouraged anyone who feels allegedly by police, as well as the son has issued a statement sup- that his/her electoral rights have torching of two NFP members’ porting the Electoral Code of been violated to go to the police cars in Mzumbe.28 Conduct in the run up to the May and open a case. South African 2014 election. The statement Police Service (SAPS) represen- Political Violence and Intoler- condemns political violence; en- tatives advised that there would ance courages tolerance of all partici- be additional security deploy- pating parties, their members and ments in areas where tensions are Election-related violence is a supporters;25 supports free cam- reported. The Electoral Code of significant feature in KwaZu- paigning; denounces removing Conduct binds participating po- lu-Natal even though it has not or destroying parties’ campaign litical parties: posed a serious threat to free and materials or disrupting meetings; fair elections over the last four and prohibits intimidation or co- 1. To lead their parties in a democratic elections. This vio- ercion of members and support- manner that will reinforce a lence takes various forms. The

95 1994 election, for example, was party politics such as the NFP. political intolerance in the ward. plagued by ‘no-go’ areas,29 while In 2011, for example, ANC of- She cited the consistent defacing the 1999 election witnessed con- ficial Sbu Sibiya, ANC council- of NFP campaign materials.40 IFP tinuing friction between ANC lor Wiseman Mshibe and NFP supporters, on the other hand, and IFP members and support- representative Gundu Makhanya have complained that the police ers.30 During the 2004 election, were killed in incidents resem- break down doors and smash election violence in the province bling apartheid tactics of being windows during raids and shoot took the form of disrupted rallies, gunned down or homes being at IFP supporters.41 prevention of free electioneering torched.36 The high level of polit- in areas and various incidents of ically motivated violence led to a END NOTES intimidation and attacks on party Durban-based NGO, the Democ- members and supporters. These racy Development Programme, 21 Shauna Mottiar is a Post-Doctoral disruptions were, once again, launching an open forum on Fellow at the Centre for Civil Society, University of attributed mainly to ANC/IFP ‘Political Killings in KZN’ in KwaZulu- Natal, confrontations over election-re- November 2012. At the forum South Africa – [email protected] lated events.31 The ANC, for ex- Mary de Haas of the KwaZu- 22 Constitution of South Africa, Act ample, alleged that IFP support- lu-Natal Violence Monitor stated 108, 1996, Section 1(d). 23 Electoral Act of South Africa, No 73, ers blocked access to areas, tore that since October 2012 there had 1998. down ANC posters and assaulted been 41 deaths stemming from 24 Electoral Act of South Africa, No 73, ANC supporters. The IFP in turn political killings and that 60 per 1998, Schedule 2, 1(a) and (b). blamed ANC supporters for set- cent of the victims were NFP 25 Available at: ting up road blocks, stoning cars supporters.37 A 2013 ANC report http://www.kzncomsafety.gov.za/ Portals/0/Documents/memos/ and attacking an IFP councillor. claimed that 38 of its members Elections2014.pdf Accessed on 31 32Similarly, during the 2009 elec- had been killed in KwaZulu-Na- March 2014. tion, the KwaZulu-Natal Inde- tal since the beginning of 2011.38 26 Mbanjwa, B. 2014. KZN pendent Violence Monitor report- parties pledge campaign tolerance. Daily News, 4 March. ed various incidents of violence. Recent municipal by-elections Available at: http://www.iol.co.za/ These, again, included ANC/IFP in KwaZulu-Natal have been de- news/politics/ friction in the form of rally dis- scribed as a yardstick for parties’ kzn-parties-pledge-campaign- ruptions, campaign poster van- May 2014 election hopes, but also tolerance-1.1656256 dalism, stoning, intimidation and reflect existing political tensions Accessed on: 31 March 2014. 27 Independent Electoral Commission threats to party supporters as well that have the potential to manifest Release, 19 March 2014. Available as the creation of ‘no-go’ areas. as election violence. By-elections at: http://www.elections.org.za/ Political rallies in Nongoma in took place in five wards amidst content/About-Us/News/Signing-of- the run-up to the election turned police deployment around the the-Code-of-Conduct/ Accessed on: 31 March 2014. violent, resulting in three people province. The ANC won three of 28 EThekwini municipality 33 being shot. There was also fric- the wards: Dududu (81%), Est- parties sign Electoral Code of tion, however, between ANC and court (54%) and Vryheid (67%). Conduct. SABC, 31 March 2014. COPE supporters, with COPE The IFP and NFP won one ward Available at: http://www.sabc.co.za/ alleging that the ANC had dis- each – KwaMashu (58%) and news/a/ 39 89dc5100437823bcbb6dbfa64 rupted its political gatherings in Nongoma (62%) respectively. eba5fdc/eThekwini- Inanda, Verulam and Howick.34 The KwaMashu ward was one Municipality-parties-sign- The run-up to the May 2014 elec- of the most closely watched in Electoral-Code-of- tion shows continuing signs of the by-election given the recent Conduct-20143103 Accessed on 1 April 2014. election-related violence. This is political tension amongst IFP, 29 Schuld, M. 2013. Voting and evident firstly in the context of ANC and NFP supporters, which violence in KwaZulu-Natal’s political ‘assassinations’ in the resulted in the death of five peo- no-go areas: Coercive mobilisation province and secondly in the re- ple. The site of most of the ten- and territorial control in post-conflict cent local level by-elections. sion, the KwaMashu hostel, saw elections. African Journal on Conflict Resolution, a significant presence of police 13 (1), 101-123, p110. It has been argued that political management teams, including the 30 Ibid. assassinations in KwaZulu-Natal National Intervention Unit from 31 Piper, L. 2004. Politics by other ‘seem to be an unbroken tradition the Eastern Cape and the Western means: The practise and discourse of 35 violence in KZN. EISA Election from the 1990s’. Assassination Cape. The NFP leader has argued Update 4, 22-24 targets shifted from ANC/IFP an- that the by-election couldn’t be 32 Schuld, M. 2013. Voting and tagonism to various breakaway free and fair given the level of violence in KwaZulu-Natal’s no-go 96 areas: Coercive mobilisation and the state of political violence in assassinations-how-the-anc-is- territorial control in post-conflict KwaZulu-Natal. Democracy killing-its-own Accessed on: 1 April elections. African Journal on Development Programme, Durban. 2014. Conflict Resolution, 13 (1), 101-123, Available at: http://www.ddp.org. 39 ANC wins 3 of 5 KZN wards. City p112. za/programme-events/civil- Press, 27 March 2014. Available 33 Mottiar, S. 2009. EISA Election society/public-dialogues- at: http://www.citypress.co.za/ Update 1, 53-56. fora/public-forum-a- politics/anc-wins-3-5-kzn-wards/ 34 Mottiar, S. 2009. EISA Election discussion-on-the-state-of- Accessed on: 1 April 2014. Election Update 3, 108-111. political-violence-in-kwazulu-natal result percentages have been 35 Schuld, M. 2013. The prevalence Accessed on 31 March 2014. rounded off. of violence in post-conflict societies: 38 Van Onselen, G. 2013. Political 40 Mbhele, N. Nteyi, Z. 2014. A case study of KwaZulu-Natal assassinations: How the ANC is By-election won’t be free and fair. South Africa. killings its own. Business Day, Daily Sun, 26 March, p. 4. Journal of Peacebuilding and 12 August. Available at: 41 Olifant, N. 2014. War wounds Development, 8 (1), 60-73, p.68. http://www.bdlive.co.za/opinion/ reopen at hell’s host0el. Sunday 36 Ibid. columnists/2013/08/12/ Tribune, 23 March, p.13. 37 Public Forum: A discussion on political-

GAUTENG

Waseem Holland, Independent conflict regarding the 2014 elec- lated activities in the province. A Researcher and Ebrahim Fa- tion thus far. The IEC, however, day before the State of the Nation kir, Manager: Political Parties has taken the decision to be more address, 12 February 2014, the and Parliamentary Programme proactive with regard to con- Democratic Alliance (DA) or- at EISA; and 2014 Ruth First flict-management mechanisms. ganised a march to Luthuli house Fellow at the University of the To this end, the Commission has (ANC headquarters) for “real Witwatersrand, Johannesburg been allocated a larger budget jobs”. This act was condemned to conflict-management mecha- by the ANC on the grounds that Mechanisms for conflict man- nisms and has appointed 11 pan- the DA should not have marched agement and their effectiveness ellists in the province to look at to their headquarters but rath- areas where election-related con- er to the Union Buildings. This The provisions found in Sched- flict may arise. sentiment was echoed by other ule of the Electoral Commission party leaders. Bantu Holomisa, Act 51 of 1996 urge the Inde- Political Violence and Intoler- leader of the United Democratic pendent Electoral Commission ance Movement (UDM), said it creat- (IEC) to establish multi-party lied a “bad precedent“42 to march aison committees on which, from There are several incidents in to another party and not to the the date of the promulgation of Gauteng that indicate that this seat of the government. Reports the election until the date of that electoral period is not void of show that, at the march, rocks election, parties are allowed to intimidation, election-related and bricks were flung, weapons have representatives. The func- violence and instances of polit- brandished and the police even- tions of the liaison committees ical intolerance. There are legal tually had to disperse the crowd are found in the Act and they are safeguards that serve to mitigate with the use of rubber bullets and meant to serve as a consultative the obstructive impact of such stun-grenades. platform between the IEC and the exchanges, but the prevalence of registered parties competing in a such events reflects the precar- There are two noteworthy issues particular election. The consul- iousness of our largely untested about this incident. The first is tation between the Commission multi-party electoral system. the contention that the DA ought (facilitator and administrator of to have marched against the gov- the elections) and the parties The president’s announcement of ernment, not the ANC headquar- (participants as contestants) is the election date is the signal for ters. This misses the point, since meant to promote credible, free the commencement of the elec- the DA’s march for jobs was spe- and fair elections. tion period. Since that date, there cifically targeted at the ANC’s have been numerous interactions campaign promise of “creating The multi-party liaison commit- between party members and sup- 6 million job opportunities”. tees in Gauteng have reported no porters in election campaign-re- While one political party match- 97 ing to another’s headquarters is and public attention away from Conduct, which prohibits the unprecedented, there is nothing the issue of jobs and job-creation carrying of firearms at political in a free and democratic society policy and strategy to one of pub- events, and the other was direct- that ought to render this untow- lic debate about the march itself, ed at Nelson Mdayi in terms of ard or impermissible. Whatever and about political intolerance Section 84 of the Fire Arms Con- the strategic blunder or merits and political violence. trol Act. Nelson Mdayi is the man of the DA’s march on the ANC, who was photographed holding a the response of the ANC and its Perhaps the most significant re- firearm behind his back during supporters demonstrated perhaps gion in Gauteng that defines the the incident. both a streak of intolerance bor- context and climate of the elec- dering on violent reaction, but tions is Bekkersdal. The area has It has emerged that Mdayi is a also a reactionary attitude that did had a recent history of being in local ANC leader who used to be not seek to counter the argument, the spotlight for protest. On the employed by the Westonaria mu- or the policy agenda of the DA, 13 March 2014, ANC members nicipality. ANC Gauteng spokes- but instead was an over-reaction doing door-to-door campaign- person Nkenke Kekana said “His which gave the DA’s march and ing in the area were pelted with action has undermined the ANC’s messaging a prominence, albe- stones after residents alleged that integrity and its public image. it for a short period, that it may ANC “bodyguards” fired shots The ANC does not approve of not have received had the ANC at residents. Two charges were the use of weapons during elec- simply allowed the DA’s march laid with the police by the DA in tion campaign activities from its to proceed. The ANC’s approach, conjunction with the Bekkersdal members or from any political however, apart from the demon- Concerned Residents Associa- party, as this can only serve to in- strated intolerance, served even- tion. One was under Section 9 timidate or escalate tensions un- tually to distract myopic media (2) (b) of the Electoral Code of necessarily.”43

Picture: Alaister Russell44

98 Bekkersdal has become a flash- on 12 April 2014, ANC and DA lice and the EFF were tipped point in this year’s election peri- supporters had heated exchang- off that this would happen and it od and the story has illuminated es during a DA march organ- would be orchestrated by ANC issues around violence, intimi- ised in protest at the South Af- members. ANC spokesman Jack- dation and tolerance in the con- rican Broadcasting Commission son Mthembu has dismissed the text of party-citizen exchanges (SABC) not airing a DA adver- claims. generally, and with respect to the tisement. DA supporters were election period in particular. Me- seen throwing plastic water bot- Overall, incidences of intimida- dia reports reveal that Bekkersdal tles at ANC supporters who lined tion and violence have generally residents have rendered the re- the streets as the march proceed- been between the larger, more gion a “no-go” area for the ANC. ed to pass through the township. visible parties in this election in The ANC has had a tenuous re- A marching DA supporter told the province, namely the ANC, lationship with Bekkersdal in the ANC members: “Sizonishayela DA and EFF. Intolerance and past several months over protests i-corruption (We’ll hit you for violence has seemed to be limit- that have occurred in the area. corruption). A woman wearing ed to the townships and has not Following the vandalising of ANC regalia shouted “Do they extended to affluent suburban state property during a protest in see us going to the suburbs? We areas. While there have been nu- October 2013, the Gauteng pre- don’t go there. This is our Zola.”46 merous clashes and incidents, in mier, Nomvula Mokonyane, ad- campaigning and during politi- dressed a crowd of protestors and While the above exchange seems cal events, the clashes between was quoted as saying “People can more placid than other interac- parties in Gauteng has not been threaten us and say they won’t tions in the past, the exclama- especially violent or widespread. vote, but the ANC doesn’t need tions by the supporters reflect Generally, voters are therefore their dirty votes”.45 Obviously, some interesting things about not likely to stay away from the such provocative and insulting the electorate and party identity polls based on fear of intimida- statements made to residents of – DA supporters using their an- tion, but may for other reasons. a region who were already angry ger at corruption as motivation to about their treatment by authori- engage in “corrective violence” ties and the lack of sanitary ser- and ANC supporters perhaps ap- vice provision in the area would pealing to the claim that the DA cause a similarly provocative is a middle-class party that has no reaction. The story sparks an in- place in the townships. teresting dichotomy between legitimate citizen anger and their DA supporters are not the only expression of this through declar- party supporters to have had ing it a “no-go” area for a specif- tense, conflict-precipitating ex- ic party, which contravenes the changes with the ANC. In the freedom of movement, associa- period following the death of tion, organisation and expression Nelson Mandela, EFF members for that party and its members. visiting the home of Winnie Ma- Simultaneously, the DA has at- dikizela Mandela clashed with tempted to take advantage of the ANC Youth League Members in opening that the general detesta- Vilakazi Street in Soweto: “You tion of the ANC in the township are not wanted here. Go,” one of might have afforded by opting the ANCYL members announced to join the Bekkersdal Residents over the truck’s sound system.47 Association to lay charges. It re- The two groups had heated ver- mains to be seen whether the DA bal exchanges but no violence will benefit politically by gaining ensued. more votes in this area because of this action or whether it will be In the early hours of 5 April, useful in yielding the benefit of before a scheduled EFF rally in protecting the democratic space Thokhoza, the marquee that was for violent-free campaigning. going to be used in the event was petrol-bombed. The EFF More recently, in Zola, Soweto spokesman claimed that the po- 99 Electoral Code of Conduct

Below is a table of Parties who have signed the Code of Conduct in Gauteng

Party Name Acronym Vryheidsfront Plus VF Plus Workers and Socialist Party WASP African Christian Democratic Party ACDP African National Congress ANC African People’s Convention APC Agang South Africa AGANG SA Azanian People’s Organisation AZAPO Congress of the People COPE Democratic Alliance DA Economic Freedom Fighters EFF Front Nasionaal/Front National FN Independent Civic Organisation of South Africa ICOSA Inkatha Freedom Party IFP Kingdom Governance Movement KGM LEKGOTLA for Democracy Advancement LEKGOTLA Merafong Civic Organisation MECA Minority Front MF National Freedom Party NFP Pan Africanist Congress of Azania PAC Patriotic Alliance PA United Christian Democratic Party UCDP United Democratic Movement UDM

The issue around the DA send- which would go against the Code If the Court’s interpretation was ing the SMS that said that Pres- of Conduct. narrowly focused, it would have ident Zuma had stolen taxpayers’ meant that it would be illegal to money in the construction of his On the application, the ANC re- make accusations against mem- private home at Nkandla, the ap- lied on section 89(2) (c) of the bers of other parties unless the plication by the ANC to get the Electoral Act, which prohibits remark could readily be proven SMS stopped and retracted and any person from publishing any to be truthful. Legal precedents the subsequent dismissal by the false information with the inten- of this kind would serve to begin North Gauteng High Court, has tion of influencing the conduct to eradicate a major component a number of interesting impli- or outcome of an election, and on of parties’ election strategies, cations for the broader climate item 9(1) (ii) (b) of the Electoral which is concerned with appeal- of free expression in the context Code, which prohibits any reg- ing to citizens not to vote for oth- of election campaigning. ANC istered party or candidate from er parties. If parties are limited spokesman Jackson Mthembu publishing false or defamatory to campaign using only appeals was asked to comment on the allegations in connection with concerning how citizens should High Court ruling that dismissed an election in respect of a can- vote for their party and prohib- the ANC’s application to force didate or that candidate’s repre- ited from appealing to citizens the DA to retract the text mes- sentatives. The Court interpreted regarding how they should not sage it sent out. The ANC claims these sections of electoral law vote for other parties because of that the ruling of the High Court broadly, which meant that the things their members have done, “opens the floodgates”,48 where DA would not be compelled to that would drastically alter the parties are able to say anything prove that their SMS was true but electoral environment. about each other, even if false, merely that it was fair comment. 100 The ANC has been granted leave is not under the jurisdiction of the http://www.timeslive.co.za/ to appeal the High Court deci- ASA, because political parties do politics/2014/02/12/da-march-on- luthuli-house-creates-a-bad-prece sion. At issue now will be wheth- not fall under the same regulato- dent-bantu-holomisa er the DA SMS referring to the ry framework as other television 43 South African Press Association. president stealing, is a fair com- and radio adverts. “Bekkersdal: ANC takes action ment or statement of fact. If the against gun-wielding member”, ANC can prove that the DA’s The third area relates to the CityPress Online,(17 March 2014) http://www.citypress.co.za/politics/ SMS was not simply a comment Electoral Code of Conduct. The bekkersdal-anc-takes-action- that a reasonable person could SABC follow the same argument gun-wielding-member/ make based on the report by the presented by the ANC in their ap- 44 http://citizen.co.za/143670/ Public Protector, but actually, a plication to get the Nkandla SMS bekkersdal-mayhem/ 45 Mapumulo Zinhle and statement of fact, the court may retracted, which is that the advert Chabalala Jeanette. “Nomvula rule in its favour. is in breach of the Electoral Code Mokonyane’s ‘dirty votes’ of Conduct, section 9, which comment angers Bekkersdal”. On 11 April the SABC pulled a prohibits one party saying false CityPress Online, (25 October DA advertisement off the air. The things about another party. This 2013) http://www.citypress.co.za/news/ advert shows the DA Gauteng breach of the Code of Conduct nomvula- premier candidate talking in the occurs in the advert, according to mokonyanes-dirty-votes- mirror about the way that the the SABC, when Maimane refers comment-angers-bekkersdal/ ANC has changed. He goes on to the upgrades at Nkandla. This 46 Nkosi Bongani, “Bottles fly as DA, ANC clash in Soweto”. to talk about various things, in- is found in Olivier’s letter where Independent online, (April 13 2014) cluding the upgrades to Zuma’s it states, “We believe this can http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ private home and police brutality. also be extended to information bottles-fly-as-da-anc-clash-in- that has not yet been tested and soweto-1.1675205#.U0u0U6I8GM8 47 A letter sent to the DA on behalf confirmed in a court of law, such Khalianyane Limakatso and Makhafola Getrude. “ANC, EFF of the SABC by acting group as the allegations in your adver- supporters clash in Soweto”. CEO Tian Olivier cites three ar- tisement regarding the Nkandla Independent Online, (8 December eas where the broadcaster has matter”.50 2013) http://www.iol.co.za/news/ grounds to pull the advert. The politics/anc-eff-supporters-clash- in-soweto-1.1618854#.U0_h_ first is the image of police shoot- This particular allegation based qI8GM8 ing protesters, and Maimane say- on the Code of Conduct is not as 48 South African Press Association. ing that the police are killing “our strong as the ANC’s argument in “EFF marquee torched in people” could incite violence. the other matter explained above, Thokoza”, Mail and Guardian “The Icasa regulation on politi- because the advert, unlike the Online, (5 April 2014) http://mg.co. za/article/2014-04-05-eff-marquee- cal advertising states clearly that SMS, does not say that Zuma torched-in-thokoza there may not be incitement to vi- stole any money but rather that 49 South African Press Association, olence”.49 “It is our view that the R240 million was spent on up- “DA Cries Censorship as SABC reference in your television ad- grades to the president’s home. Pulls AD”. Independent Online, (11 April 2014), http://www.iol. vertisement to ‘police killing our This statement is not in question, co.za/news/politics/da-cries- people’ is cause for incitement given the Public Protector’s re- censorship-as-sabc-pulls- against the police,” wrote Olivier port or any other publicly verifi- ad-1.1674788#.U0u2iqI8GM8 in the letter. The difficulty with able report. 50 Ibid. this assertion by the SABC is proving how a generally under- On 11 April the DA applied to stood claim that police brutality Independent Communications against citizens has increased of Authority South Africa (ICASA) late amounts to incitement of vi- to hear the matter and the regula- olence against the police. tor has opted to commence public hearings on the 15 April 2014. The second area relates to the advertising standards authority ASA END NOTES regulations being contravened, because an advert cannot openly 42 South African Press Association compare one brand with another, “DA march on Luthuli House creates a bad precedent: Bantu in this case, the ANC and the DA. Holomisa”. (12 February, 2014), This kind of political advertising 101 NORTH WEST

Dr Ina Gouws – North West local and provincial University (Vaal Triangle Cam- The Act provides opportunities Commission staff and pus) for objections during the elector- panellists. The Commission, al process. Only a few objections through the CMP, also Mechanisms for conflict man- with provisions on how to act on assumed a proactive role in agement these objections are set out in the prevention of conflict. The the following table as examples. CMP worked closely with the Any election law is in itself a Failure by IEC officials to act PLCs in strengthening mechanism for conflict man- appropriately on these objections mechanisms to resolve agement. The overall purpose of may lead to conflict.52 election-related conflict.53 election legislation is that all people have an equal chance to par- The IEC developed a compre- The result of the CMP in and participate in the political process. It hensive Conflict Management ticularly PLCs in South Africa provides structure to the electoral Programme (CMP). This pro- is broadening the scope for dia- process and ensures that the programme is based on a model that logue between political parties cess is fair to all. The Electoral emphasises the use of conflict and the IEC. Act 73 of 1998 provides rules for mediation panels and Party Li- the elections, room for objections aison Committees (PLCs) to re- When disputes or objections oc- for perceived disobeying of the solve issues before they get into cur, Party Liaison Committees rules as well as mechanisms to the courts. According to the IEC, (PLCs) are at the centre of ad- address these objections in order the CMP is dressing disputes. Instituted by to prevent conflict. the Regulations on Party Liaison conducted through Committees published in Gov- The Independent Electoral Com- intervention by provincial ernment Gazette 18978 of 19 mission (IEC) and its officers are panellists who are June 1998, PLCs are made up of empowered to resolve objections, experienced mediators registered political parties at the appeals and code of conduct dis- recruited from the community national, provincial and munici- putes through conciliation. Elec- and NGO sector, and who pal level. Regulations state that tion petitions are heard by the have been trained in only political parties represented courts with the Electoral Court electoral legislation. The in the legislature may have (no acting as final court of appeal. Commission appointed the more than two) representatives Parties must submit complaints Electoral Institute of on a PLC. The North West Legis- within 48 hours of the announce- Southern Africa (EISA) to lature has 33 seats. The following ment of results.51 assist in the training of parties make up these seats:

ANC DA COPE UCDP TOTAL North West Provincial Legislature 25 3 3 2 33 Table 2. Source: IEC http://www.elections.org.za/content/Dynamic.aspx?id=1344&name=Elec- tions&LeftMenuId=100&BreadCrumbId=220

Therefore the North West Prov- any political party in the run-up ensure that farm workers are al- ince PLC is represented by the to and during elections. Access lowed to register and vote. The ANC, DA, COPE and UCDP. to documents and information IEC has requested reasonable The PLC must hold meetings to about meetings are available on access to farms for voter registra- allow for consultation and coop- the IEC website to members only. tion and voter education.54 This eration between the IEC and all Another effort made by the IEC agreement speaks to not only registered parties on all elector- will hopefully have a positive re- conflict management, but cer- al matters. PLCs are consulted sult for election processes in the tainly also to political tolerance about boundaries of voting dis- North West Province. The IEC and the code of conduct. tricts, location of voting stations has, as with previous elections, and any matter that may concern held talks with farmer unions to A few matters were raised al- 102 ready at the PLC in North West er said that they have spoken to 2013 the Electoral Court for a regarding disputes between par- political parties urgently to make second time found the IEC pro- ties. This brings us to the issue sure that they guarantee their cesses wanting. The court ruled of political tolerance and intimi- supporters will be able to attend in favour of six independent can- dation. party rallies and meetings freely didates who were prevented from and vote without fear on election registering as candidates in their Political Violence and Intoler- day.55 Being tolerant does not respective wards. Court papers ance mean that political parties won’t presented in the Electoral Court push the boundaries of election- in January 2014 revealed that as Political tolerance means ac- eering, however. During election many as 2500 questionable reg- cepting and respecting the basic campaigns political parties watch istered voters may have partic- rights and civil liberties of per- each other very carefully and ipated in the by-elections in the sons whose viewpoint differs very quickly pounce on state- nine wards of the highly contest- from one’s own. All citizens, in- ments or conduct they believe to ed municipality. The IEC claimed cluding political leaders, have a be wrong. the allegations were false. responsibility to practise political tolerance. One such incident relates to the The platinum mine strikes have accusation by the DA that the also made intimidation and po- Democracy implies respect for convoy of deputy president of litical intolerance take hold in the plurality of views and vir- the ANC, Cyril Ramaphosa, certain areas. The strike is largely tues of dialogue as a means of knocked down a cyclist in Wede- led by AMCU, which has no loy- resolving conflict. As such polit- la and then drove off. The ANC alty to the ANC, as supposed to ical intolerance manifests itself classified this allegation as reck- NUM, which is said to still sup- when political leaders refuse to less and irresponsible and vowed port the tripartite alliance. The give space to opposition parties to raise the matter in the PLC Wonderkop township near Mari- to contest elections fairly. The meeting ‘for proper censure for kana has become a political fo- North West Province has expe- the DA for its recklessness’.56 cus for intolerance. There are no rienced political intolerance not ANC posters and because of vio- just from political parties to each Political intimidation and intol- lent clashes between AMCU and other, but within the governing erance does not manifest only in NUM members, this township party itself, as explained in Is- terms of physical threat. Voters has become a no-go area for the sue 1 of the North West Update. rely on processes and regulations ANC, which is against electoral In this province, the intolerance to be in place to deal with such conduct regulations. Residents and intimidation manifested be- incidents. When the organisa- of these villages and townships tween ANC and DA in the Tlok- tions responsible for enforcing are said to have pledged support we by-elections of 2013, but also regulations (such as the IEC) are for EFF and Bantu Holomisa’s between ANC and EFF. The EFF perceived to no longer be above UDM. The IEC is nervous about has accused the ANC of disrupt- reproach, the credibility of the these areas,57 since this may serve ing EFF rallies and community election itself is called into ques- as a deterrent to voters who may meetings, and of using local au- tion. not vote not just because of ap- thorities to prevent the EFF from athy or disillusionment with the using public venues and facili- The controversial Tlokwe political system, but also out of ties for campaigning and holding by-elections also sparked some fear of intimidation or reprisals meetings. back-and-forth allegations be- for openly expressing a political tween the ANC and the DA. The expression. This has had an effect The IEC in North West has voiced ANC handed out blankets and on open political expression. its concern about possible disrup- food parcels before the election tions and intimidation of voters dates, and the DA accused the While political parties may sign in certain places running up to ANC of vote-buying. The ANC a code of conduct before an elec- and during the May 7 elections. said this was merely part of a tion, labour unions do not, even The North West has experienced social development programme though they serve as mobilisa- not only community protests, launched by the provincial au- tion vehicles for political parties. some of which turned violent, but thority. The problem with Tlok- Consequently, while parties may also labour protests and strikes we is that this saga has put the abide by the code of conduct, that have at times turned violent. reputation of the IEC in jeopardy labour unions as organised for- The IEC provincial commission- in the North West In September mations may act as proxies of 103 parties, in ways that infringe the vulnerable political parties will olence or intimidation of the op- code of conduct. The question make every effort to ensure that position. is whether power-hungry and their supporters refrain from vi-

Electoral Code of Conduct

Of the 33 parties who have signed the Code of Conduct, 16 of them will be contesting the elections in the North West Province. They are:

Specimen Provincial 2014 Specimen North West VRYHEIDSFRONT PLUS VF Plus

WORKERS AND SOCIALIST PARTY WASP

AFRICAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY ACDP

AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ANC

AFRICAN PEOPLE'S CONVENTION APC

AGANG SOUTH AFRICA AGANG SA

AZANIAN PEOPLE'S ORGANISATION AZAPO

CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE COPE

DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE DA

ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS EFF

INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY IFP

NATIONAL FREEDOM PARTY NFP

PAN AFRICANIST CONGRESS OF AZANIA PAC

SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICAL PARTY SAPP

UNITED CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY UCDP

UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT UDM

Fourteen of these parties have Africa Unite Party, Lekgotla water. The protesters block- signed the Electoral Code of Democracy Advancement and aded the roads around the vil- Conduct on 26 March 2014 in the South African Progressive lage and on the N4, but were Mahikeng, North West. Four Civil Organisation. fairly peaceful. The villagers parties were removed from the refused to let the local may- national ballot after failing to Protests or addressed them and would meet the deadline to submit only speak to the Minister of outstanding documentation A few more protests in North Water Affairs.57 and pay compulsory election West occurred in Mokola deposits. The disqualified par- village near Zeerust on 30 A protest about toll fees in ties are the Dagga Party, the March. The protest was about Swartruggens took place on

104

The list of contesting parties on the sample ballot is provisional and will only be finalised once a party has candidate(s) certified to contest the election. Listing of a party on the sample ballot does not confirm the participation in the election. Disqualification or non-compliance of a political party on this list does not invalidate the ballot draw. 4 April. About 2500 people or and municipal officials END NOTES attended the protest and CO- of corruption and nepotism. 51 EISA. “South Africa: Electoral Act SATU declared it a big suc- Protestors started to loot for- “.http://www.content.eisa.org.za/ cess. The union stated that eign-owned shops and shops old-page/south-africa-electoral-act-0 between 300 and 400 cars did in town. During one such an (accessed April 2014) 52 All information in this table was not pay the e-toll at the most incident a 17-year-old boy was summarized from the relevant expensive toll gate in the prov- shot dead by a shop owner. On sections in the Electoral Act 73 of ince and vowed to return every 8 April the protests spilled 1998 of South Africa. 53 IEC.” Election Report 2009”. (2009). week until the transport min- over to Christiana, a neigh- file:///C:/Users/InaGouws/ ister listened to their demands. bouring town, where the com- Downloads/IEC%20Election%20 He has promised to lower the munity hall was torched. The Report%202009_final%20web.pdf 54 SAPA. “IEC holds talks with farmer toll fees but has not done so provincial government claims unions.” http yet. Furthermore, residents that it does not know what the www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/ want to know what is being protests are about since it has News/IEC-holds-talks-with- farmer-unions-20140122 done with the toll fees, since not received a memorandum. (accessed April 2014) the roads in and around Swar- Employees at businesses were 55 SABC. “N West intimidation of truggens are in very bad shape. sent home, and schooling has voters worries IEC”. http://www. 58 60 sabc.co.za/news/a/ been disrupted. 86750100438a9c37a184e 1806cf46596/N-West-intimidation- The ongoing platinum mine The North West premier, of-voters-worries-IEC--20140406 (accessed April 2014) strikes are taking their toll on Thandi Modise, alleged that 56 Matuma Letsoalo. “DA made those involved. The strike, the protests were politically Ramaphosa hit-and-run claims to led by AMCU, is in its third motivated. She warned pro- score cheap points”. Mail & Guardian (2014) http://mg.co.za/ month, with talks between the testers that the provincial article/2014-02-09-anc-lambasts-da- union and mine management government would not allow over-ramaphosa-claims at a deadlock. AMCU does not the province to ‘degenerate 57 eNCA. “Zeerust protesters blockade roads.” http://www.enca.com/ have a strike fund, so workers into lawlessness’ and that any south-africa/zeerust- have to help each other and are persons participating in crim- protesters-blockade-roads surviving through solidarity. inal acts would be arrested no (accessed April 2014) 58 SAPA. “Swartruggens protest over Two workers are said to have matter who they were. Over toll fees.” http://www.iol.co.za/ committed suicide out of des- 120 protesters were arrested news/south-africa/north-west/ peration.59 and will appear in court on 11 swartruggens-protests-over-toll- fees-1.1671586#.U0Gt-KiSwU0 April. (accessed April 2014) The protests in the Boitumel- 59 Shanti Aboobaker. “We’d ong township near Bloemhof The Bloemhof protesters in- rather die, say platinum workers”. http://www.iol.co.za/news/south- started on 2 April 2014. Pro- sist that the local municipality africa/north-west/swartruggens- testers barricaded the N14 road dissolve or they will conduct a protests-over-toll-fees-1.1671586#. linking Johannesburg to Cape mass boycott of the elections U0Gt-KiSwU0 (accessed April 2014) Town. Police used tear gas on 7 May. In the past voters 60 SABC. 2014. “Violent protest and rubber bullets to disperse helped the ANC to remain the erupts in Bloemhof.” the crowd. Tensions boiled governing party in the North http://www.sabc.co.za/news/a/ 71977780438d489d90d over when police tried to stop West even amid heavy crit- 4d1806cf46596/Violent- the protesters’ illegal march icism and factional politics. protest-erupts-in- through town. Police claim With protests turning violent Bloemhof-20140704 (Accessed April 2014). that protestors threw petrol and reports of intimidation 61 Setumo Stone. 2014. “Violence bombs at a broken-down Ny- alleged by opposition parties marks election countdown.” ala. Private and public proper- such as the EFF, these events Mail & Guardian. http://www.bdlive.co.za/ ty, including municipal offices are sparking real fears of a national/politics/2014/04/09/ and councillors’ homes, were potential voter stay-away in violence-marks-election-countdown set on fire and damaged. The areas marked by violence and (Accessed April 2014). protesters accuse the may- instability.61 105 MPUMALANGA

Oupa Makhalemele – Indepen- ters. their willingness to be subject to dent Researcher the strictures of the law. Electoral Code of Conduct The Electoral Commission Act of The Code of Conduct is enforce- 1996 enjoins the Electoral Com- The 1998 Electoral Act contains able for all political parties from mission to establish and maintain a binding Code of Conduct for the date of proclamation (25 liaison and cooperation with par- political parties and their can- February 2014) and will remain ties. In adherence to this Act the didates. This is a critical part so until the results are officially Independent Electoral Commis- of consolidating democracy in announced. sion (IEC) established party li- South Africa, considering the en- aison committees. As of 19 June trenched culture of resolving con- Below is the list of political par- 1998, the IEC’s Regulations on flict through violence, the visibly ties that will be contesting the Party Liaison Committees com- declining but still present proc- elections for seats in the Mpum- menced. At the national sphere, lamation (overtly or covertly) of alanga’s provincial legislature. the IEC established party liaison no-go zones for opposition par- They are listed in alphabetical or- committees with not more than ties in some parties’ strongholds, der, although the first party on the two representatives from every and the often bellicose rhetoric list is one whose name was drawn registered party represented in concomitant with this milieu. at the ceremony to declare adher- the National Assembly. In the ence to the Code of Conduct, and provincial sphere a party liaison The Code is aimed at promot- will appear as the first party on committee should have not more ing conditions that can medi- all ballot papers. than two representatives from ev- ate against such impediments ery registered party represented to free and fair elections. With in the legislature of the province parties proclaiming adherence concerned. to principles such as political tolerance, free campaigning and The IEC may co-opt any person commitment to free public de- or representative onto any spe- bate, the Code is legally binding, cific party liaison committee. and grants the Electoral Court Entitlement to be on the provin- “final jurisdiction in respect of cial party liaison committee is all electoral disputes and com- guaranteed on condition that the plaints about infringements of registered party, or the indepen- the Code”. Further, the Court’s dent candidate contesting the decisions or orders are not sub- elections in that province, has ject to appeal or review (Chapter complied with the requirements 4 of the Electoral Act of 1998). for contesting that election. Thus the court may hand out punishments ranging from fines The party liaison committee to imprisonment for any person meetings are convened by the found guilty of contravening the convener, he or she being a per- Code. Importantly, though, the son designated by the Commis- signing of the Code of Conduct sion to play that role. In addition is a strong symbol to the mem- to convening these meetings, his bers and supporters of each par- or her role is to chair the meet- ty contesting the elections. Par- ings. The central purpose of these ties, regardless of current size of committees is the delivery of free representation in the provincial and fair elections, by serving as legislature or in the National As- vehicles for consultation and sembly, bind themselves equally co-operation between the Com- under the Code and thus show mission and the registered parties by example their commitment to concerned on all electoral mat- play by the rules and demonstrate 106 Party Name Acronym Vryheidsfront Plus VF Plus African National Congress ANC African People’s Convention APC Agang South Africa AGANG SA Azanian People’s Organisation AZAPO Bushbuckridge Residents Association BRA Congress of the People COPE Democratic Alliance DA Economic Freedom Fighters EFF Inkatha Freedom Party IFP National Freedom Party NFP Pan Africanist Congress of Azania PAC Sindawonye Progressive Party SPP United Christian Democratic Party UCDP United Democratic Movement UDM Source: IEC

Political Violence and Intoler- party in early 2014. On 27 March political parties ance contesting the May 2014 elec- The subsequent emergence of tions in Mpumalanga congre- The 2014 elections is a watershed the Economic Freedom Fighters gated at the Emnotweni Casino moment, perhaps more so than under the leadership of former in Mbombela to sign the IEC’s was the case in the period shortly ANC Youth League president Code of Conduct. Parties at the after the momentous Polokwane Julius Malema has seen its ranks ceremony claimed they were con- Conference, when the Congress swelled mainly by young people. cerned about the alleged tenden- of the People (Cope), an ANC Its manifesto launch on 22 Feb- cy of the provincial ruling party breakaway party, formed short- ruary reportedly drew more than (the ANC) to interrupt their cam- ly before the 2009 elections. 50 000 people, despite the ANC’s paigns in communities62. Collin Analysts back then saw the de- event in a stadium less than a ki- Sedibe, the Economic Freedom velopment as presenting a real lometre from Mehlareng Stadium Fighters’ representative, made challenge to the hegemony of the in Thembisa, where the EFF and this claim, challenging the ANC ANC. With the opposition suffer- its affiliate parties had gathered. to conduct itself as a party con- ing mainly from the legitimacy Often criticised as populist, with fident of its predominance as it deficit in the eyes of the majority its policy feasibility questioned claimed, rather than one that is of the electorate, it was thought (for example, the proposed threatened by the prospects of the leadership of Cope’s struggle source of resources required to opposition parties63. credentials would propel the par- fund its social wage promises), ty into the position of the official the manifesto has nevertheless Conclusion opposition, possibly displacing drawn huge support and found the Democratic Alliance from resonance among the poor, who As South Africa’s democra- this position. This position was form a majority of the electorate cy reaches 20 years, the ruling challenged, however, by several in South Africa. African National Congress is factors, including the lack of sig- faced by unprecedented legiti- nificant deviation from the policy The ANC does not seem fazed macy challenges, coming under perspective from the ANC and though, and with the recent Ip- attack even from its own senior the internal power struggles over sos Markinor survey predicting a leaders. The incumbent president leadership within Cope. Many of more than 60% win for the par- Jacob Zuma has been dogged by those who had defected from the ty, the EFF does not seem a real controversies that undermine the ANC to join Cope would subse- threat for the ruling party’s dom- ruling party’s image as a party quently rejoin the ANC, and the inance. Even so, concerns about committed to social transforma- Cope would descend further into the culture of tolerance of oppo- tion driven by a pro-poor policy factionalism, leading to court sition abound. framework, respect for the prin- battles and a further split of the ciples of good governance and a

107 commitment to fighting corrup- has in place conflict-manage- ties pledge to play fair in cam- tion. It does not look as though ment mechanisms that govern the paigning’ LaeVelder, http:// these factors will of themselves conduct of political parties con- lowvelder.co.za/60680/parties- translate into a threat to the rul- testing elections. The Electoral pledge-to-play-fair-in-campaigning party’s dominance at the polls Commission Act of 1996 gives ing-2/, accessed 25 March 2014. this year. Yet concerns remain as powers to the IEC to establish the to whether all the parties contest- framework for conditions condu- Electoral Act, No. 73 of 1998. ing the elections in 2014 will feel cive to holding free and fair elec- free to exercise this right to cam- tions in South Africa. The most Sosibo, Kwanele, (2014), ‘EFF paign and propagate their points public show of this effort is the launches its election manifesto,’ of view on the one hand, and that signing of the Code of Conduct, Mail & Guardian, http://mg.co.za/ the ordinary citizens will simi- which has a demonstrative effect article/2014-02-22-eff-launch- larly feel free to campaign and as party leaders publicly declare es-its-party-manifesto, accessed choose the party that appeals to adherence to the code, thus show- 2 April 2014 them on the other. ing by example that elections in a democracy are an expression of END NOTES The culture of violence in South the right to campaign and propa- Africa, manifesting in many as- gate their case to the electorate, 62 Chawane, Nomvula, ‘Opposition pects of life, is especially evident to which the public also has a parties raise concerns about their right to campaign,’ (2014), http:// in the public political space, from right to respond openly and with- mpumalanganews.co.za/48768/ the repertoires of service delivery out fear. opposition-parties-raise- protests to the bellicose rhetoric concerns-right-campaign/, often used by leadership of many References accessed 25 March 2014. 63 parties in the country. The Inde- Ibid pendent Electoral Commission de Villiers, Mireille (2014) ‘Par-

LIMPOPO

Ralph Mathekga – Director tions, Section 87 of the Electoral While conduct that amounts to - Clearcontent Research and Law64 prohibits certain conduct. political intolerance receives Consulting It provides that “No person may much attention and media cov- compel or unlawfully persuade erage in the immediate period Free and fair elections depend on any person: leading to elections, the general a lot more than what happens on conditions ‘outside’ the electoral the actual day of voting. To con- (i) to register or not to register season may provide better clues sider elections as free and fair, the as a voter; to the levels of intolerance, or environment preceding the actual (ii) to vote or not to vote; tolerance, that might ensue in the voting day ought to be such that (iii) to vote or not to vote for period before elections. Political it allows for free campaigning by any registered party or intolerance also needs to be un- political parties, free access to candidate; derstood in the broader context the messages of political parties (iv) to support or not to support of the socio-political history of a by citizens, and the availability any registered party or society. It is highly unlikely that of information regarding what candidate; or a country with a general history parties stand for. Any form of (v) to attend and participate of intolerance would suddenly intimidation with the potential in, or not to attend and demonstrate political tolerance in to impede free campaigning by participate in, any political the period of elections. South Af- political parties and access to in- meeting, march, rica has a history of political information by citizens would con- demonstration or other tolerance, often expressing itself stitute political intolerance. political event. as in the form of open violence. The 2014 elections have had In outlining the necessary envi- some level of expression of po- ronment for free and fair elec- litical intolerance at national lev-

108 el between the different political The question that needs to be ty-related event and was also re- parties and between and amongst considered is whether the expres- portedly wearing party insignia. their supporters as well. sion of service delivery concerns by communities during the peri- In an environment where a sin- The provincial picture, however, od of voter registration and voter gle party continues to dominate is different from the national one. education should be classified as in successive elections, smaller political intolerance attributable political parties are motivated Political Violence and Intoler- to the election period or whether to drive the idea that anything ance this is a reformulation of the re- that happens to their members lationship between citizens and should be understood as political Limpopo is one of the provinces state authority stemming from intolerance. Such explanations where there has not been a re- their frustrations with the politi- would gain traction in a situation corded history of sustained polit- cal system as a whole. The case where incidents of violence are ical intolerance, at least as mea- of Limpopo shows that the role not common. However, notwith- sured in the previous elections. of political parties where intoler- standing that violence should be The conflicts that have been ance is expressed is fairly negli- condemned irrespective of cir- recorded in Limpopo are also gible. cumstance, it is important to be emerging within the context of circumspect before classifying broader service delivery quarrels However, the case of Limpopo common criminal violence as by communities, the communi- also shows that while political having been motivated by polit- ty protests and labour strikes. A parties are instrumental to pro- ical intolerance. monitoring of press reports indi- moting political tolerance, their cates that from November 2013 ability to influence the atmo- Other than the incident relating to March 2014 Limpopo Prov- sphere also depends on the gen- to the AgangSA member, Limpo- ince experienced approximately eral environment in which they po has not experienced incidents 59 incidents with the potential to exist. Where there has been sus- where political party members have a negative impact on free tained social and political con- have allegedly been killed be- and fair elections.65 While most frontation, it is more likely that cause of their party allegiance or of the recorded incidents have parties would not be influential affiliation. had a direct impact on the pro- in forging tolerance. cess of voter registration carried Conclusion out by the Electoral Commission The sustained community proof South Africa, a number of tests that have been associated Limpopo remains one of the them had no relation to the elec- with service delivery have creat- provinces with the lowest levels tions or the party campaigns and ed an environment in which po- of tension in the country, apart have been largely directed at gov- litical tolerance would be weaker. for the tensions between commu- ernment – indicating therefore a The existence of violence gener- nities and local authorities. And general distrust of the political ally creates an atmosphere of in- even in this regard, compared system as a whole. tolerance. There are indications to other provinces, the province in Limpopo that certain commu- has recorded the lowest levels of Of the 59 recorded incidents in nities may boycott elections due service delivery protests to date. that period, approximately 40 to the concerns that communities The tense environment created incidents were related to service have put forward, which they by service delivery tensions has a delivery, demarcation disputes, would like to have addressed be- significant bearing on the period and traditional leadership dis- fore elections. leading up to the elections. Ac- putes, while approximately eight cording to the report by the Lim- of those incidents were directly Among some of the notable inci- popo IEC Office, instances relat- related to the conduct of political dents that signal political intoler- ed to service delivery disputes parties66 or members of political ance in Limpopo is the reported and demarcation of municipal- parties. The other remaining is- assault and killing of an Agang- ities have already had a bearing sues have to do with the logistics SA member after attending the on the voter registration process – such as the Electoral Commis- party’s branch launch in Uitkyk, and might result in the boycotting sion having attained the neces- Bochum.67 The incident is report- of elections in certain areas in the sary authorisation to erect a tent ed to be an expression of political province.68 This possible boycott to carry out voter registration and intolerance also because the de- will be isolated to these particular voter education. ceased was coming from a par- areas, however, and there are no 109 indications yet that there will be 65 Conflict Returns from November in Limpopo, 7 October 2013 a general stay-away. 2013 to March 2014: Limpopo 68 Conflict Returns from November Province, 2014 2013 to March 2014: Limpopo 66 Conflict Returns from November Province, 2014 END NOTES 2013 to March 2014: Limpopo Province, 2014 64 Electoral Act 73 of 1998 67 City Press, AgangSA member killed

EASTERN CAPE

Malachia Mathoho; Musa Se- Political Violence and Intimi- political storm erupted between bugwawo; Sibulele Poswayo dation the DA and the ANC when the and Stephen Shisanya – Re- latter accused the former of dis- searchers; Afesis-corplan The right to vote is a fundamen- respecting municipal by-laws tal right in any democracy. Voter (Daily Dispatch March 2014). With the national elections loom- registration has been demonstrating, pre-election tension mounts ed to be a key element facilitating Although there have been report- amongst political parties. Many participation, since registration ed cases of violence and intimi- communities and areas are de- has been established as a require- dation, this may have very min- clared no-go areas by some po- ment for participation. Unfortu- imal impact on voter turnout on litical parties who think that they nately, in some parts of the East- Election Day. own particular voters in certain ern Cape, political intolerance territories, campaigning party and intimation have denied some Electoral Code of Conduct posters are pulled down and van- people an opportunity to exercise dalised, and some lose their lives this right to vote. The Code of Conduct is enforce- and property as a result of polit- able for all political parties from ical conflict. That is often done Nowhere in the Eastern Cape is the date of proclamation (25 Feb- by parties who have a large sup- this more the case than in Sterk- ruary 2014) until the results are port base in certain areas and feel spruit, where the army was called officially announced.72 threatened by any other party that in to assist in containing acts of comes to campaign in the area. intimidation and threats during The Code is part of the Electoral This kind of behaviour is not voter registration. As noted in Act (73 of 1998) and includes a acceptable and is against demo- the press report, 15 people were list of prohibited conduct, includ- cratic practice and principles and arrested in Bizana near Nomlacu ing: contravenes the electoral code Village for violence, intimidation of conduct for free and fair elec- and malicious damage to proper- • Using language that provokes tions. ty.69 violence • Intimidation of candidates or The IEC in the Eastern Cape In yet another incidence of intim- voters hosted an event in March 2014 idation, voter registration in Da- • Publishing false information in which the political parties con- lasile, a rural village near Engco- about other candidates or testing in the province (see Elec- bo in Transkei, a group of people parties tion Update Issue One for the interrupted the voter registration • Plagiarising any other party’s full list of parties contesting the exercise when they blocked en- symbols, name or acronyms Eastern Cape) signed the code of trances to the registration cen- • Offering any inducement or conduct, committing themselves tres.70 reward to a person to vote for to abide by its terms. There have a party not yet been any serious cases of Besides violence and intimida- political violence reported head- tion, there have also been cases All political parties contesting ing into the 2014 elections. where political parties have ac- the national elections as well as cused each other of violations in the Eastern Cape provincial elec- connection with the display of tions signed the code of conduct election posters. For example, a and committed to abide by its

110 principles. cations, one of which is the con- of corruption. It is therefore the tinued culture of violence in the decisions taken and speeches/ In the Eastern Cape, the level of province. In the event that one is comments made that may fuel participation in the 2014 elec- not happy with a decision, be it to some level of political intoler- tions is anticipated to be high. in a community or that which is ance, which can result in criminal According to the Electoral Com- taken by government or its rep- acts of violence. mission of South Africa, as at resentative, violence is at times 11 November 2013, the Eastern used as a form of communication The Independent Electoral Com- Cape had the highest registration to voice dissatisfaction. This cul- mission (IEC) stipulates clearly rate of potential voters at 82.9%, ture of violence in the province in its Code of Conduct for politi- followed by the Free State at can be attributed to a number of cal parties and their leaders how 82.5%.73 other factors, which are not dis- they should engage and campaign cussed here. However, it would in the elections and says that they According to the Human Sci- be important to note that along should “desist from using speech ence Research Council, the East- with another culture in South Af- or from participating in actions ern Cape continues to be one of rica, that of political intolerance, which will have the effect of pro- South Africa’s provinces with the political violence may therefore voking either parties’ supporters highest level of poverty, under- also be understood as a manifes- or members of the general public development infrastructure and tation of a broader culture of vi- to commit acts of intolerance or unemployment.74 It is arguable olence in South Africa, in which take other inflammatory actions”. that this contemporary margin- violence is seen as a way to ad- Compliance with the rules and alisation represents a ‘second dress conflict and assert interests. regulations as stipulated in the round’ of social exclusion of ru- Code of Conduct has in the past ral communities, following on Political and Electoral violence meant a decrease in politically from the historical marginalisa- motivated violence at election tion of these communities under There is a need for caution to be time. conditions of racial capitalism exercised in analysing the top- (first under segregation and then ic of election-related violence. Cases of political violence in the under apartheid subsequent to It is probably appropriate to ac- build-up to the 2014 elections 1948). At the height of resistance knowledge that many of these to this segregation people in the kinds of acts are presumed to be As was reflected by the contrast Eastern Cape, and countrywide, election-related, but that there is between the 2004 and 2009 elec- used force, violence and other an element of uncertainty. While tions, levels of political violence aggressive methods to show their election-related violence can be appear to be partly related to dissatisfaction with these hostile analysed in terms of the nation- whether the elections hold out the systems of governance. al and provincial level power prospect of a shift in the balance struggles between the key polit- of power between rival political Although the then Eastern Cape ical parties, it should however forces. Despite the impression Province had the voting fran- be clarified that the violence that that violence and intimidation chise, the majority of people in takes place cannot be linked to was not a significant feature on the Eastern Cape were not per- senior leaders of the political par- the 2009 election, it cannot be mitted to vote and express their ties whether at national and pro- said that the rights to free politi- views on who should govern vincial level. At times there may cal activity have been fully estab- them. They expressed their dis- be an overlap between political lished in the Eastern Cape. satisfaction with this status quo and criminal violence. peacefully at first and eventual- END NOTES ly using violent means to ensure It is also the case that political that they took part in determining violence can be linked to local 69 Loyiso Mpalantshane Army, police who governs the country. It is competition over resources. The called in to control hotspots see. http://www.dispatch.co.za/news/ useful to briefly mention the ef- fact that corruption remains a fea- army-police-called-in-to-control- fects that the history of violence ture of political life in South Afri- hotspots/ (Accessed on 26 March had on the psyche of the people ca implies that criminally related 2014) of the Eastern Cape, one of the acts of political violence, such as 70 Loyiso Mpalantshane Army, police called in to control hotspots see. poorest provinces in a country political killings, will continue http://www.dispatch.co.za/news/ with a violent history. This use of to be a risk until there is a more army-police-called-in-to-control- violence had many major impli- robust response to the problem hotspots/ (Accessed on 26 March 111 2014) Detail&pid=71616 75 Bruce, David. “Dictating the local 71 David Macgregor, DA outraged at 73 http://www.elections.org.za/content/ balance of power: Election related ANC’s disregard of council ruling Voters-Roll/Percentage- violence in South Africa”. SA Crime http://www.dispatch.co.za/news/ registered-voters-- quarterly No.28. June 2009 da-outraged-at-ancs-disregard-of- Summary/ - 24 March 2014. 76 Electoral Act (73 of 1998). council-ruling/ (Accessed 28 March 74 “Safe hygiene practices in Eastern 2014). Cape rural communities of South 72 http://www.politicsweb.co.za/ Africa”. Human Science Research politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ Council Report, 2012, en/page71654?oid=572895&sn= http://www/hsrc.ac.za

FREE STATE

Dr Sethulego Matebesi – Chair- of community and social move- Like all other provinces, the Free person: Department of Sociolo- ments that are dissatisfied over State has an operational and ef- gy, University of the Free State perceived poor service delivery. fective Party Liaison Committee (PLC). The PLC is a legislated Elections remain a principal Mechanisms for conflict man- and legitimate platform for multi- mechanism of political account- agement party engagement with the IEC on ability in a democratic state. In matters pertaining to the electoral the South African context, elec- The IEC is one of the Chap- matters, aimed at the delivery of tions are adversarial in their na- ter 9 state institutions aimed at free and fair elections. According ture, as they represent various strengthening constitutional de- to IEC officials in the province, political parties contesting for mocracy and promoting dem- most conflict during the past power. To a large extent these po- ocratic electoral processes in elections has been successfully litical parties mirror the country’s South Africa. According to the dealt with within the PLC. One society: a highly divided society Electoral Commission Act 51 of party leader in the province also with diverse interests. Thus, it 1996, the functions of the IEC in- indicated that besides the highly is not surprising that, in many clude ensuring free and fair elec- fractured political relations be- instances, simmering political tions; promoting conditions con- tween parties, engagement within tensions experienced over many ductive to free and fair elections; the PLC is mostly affected by the months or even years find expres- and promoting co-operation be- maturity of party representatives. sion during election periods. It is tween various stakeholders for therefore the constitutional man- the achievement of its objects. The South African Police Ser- date of the Independent Electoral Moreover, it is responsible for vices (SAPS) will be responsible Commission (IEC) to ensure that counting, verifying and declaring for establishing security and the elections in the country are con- the results of an election.77 rule of law during the elections of ducted in a free and fair manner. 7 May in the province. The SAPS To this end, political party liaison Effective leadership within pro- in the province is providing con- committees were introduced at vincial IEC offices makes a huge stant feedback to the national different levels in order to min- difference to protecting the integ- joints operation centre involving imise electoral intimidation and rity of the electoral process and the army and the police that are conflict by providing political engendering trust and acceptance monitoring threats to the elec- parties with the opportunity to li- by the electorate in the election tions.79 The SAPS is therefore aise with the commission on elec- results. Since the establishment not only crucial to ensuring safe- toral processes. Another mech- of the IEC in 1993, the Free ty, but is also essential in creating anism for conflict management State provincial office has been a peaceful election environment includes the codes of conduct managed by Mr Chris Mepha, that facilitates free, fair and cred- for political parties, with strong an experienced elections admin- ible elections. In this regard, the sanctions penalising electoral vi- istrator. Mr Mepha will be retir- SAPS in the province is satisfied olence. Yet the volatile political ing soon, but he is leaving behind with its joint security with the situation that often characterises passionate, suitably trained and provincial IEC. election years cannot be taken experienced support staff.78 lightly due to the proliferation 112 Political Violence and Intoler- parties in the Free State. One the province responded that it is ance of the major complaints by op- not its responsibility to give per- position parties is that the Afri- mission for the use of municipal There is some reason to believe can National Congress (ANC) facilities.81 that the freedom of association controlled municipalities in the enshrined in the South African province are refusing them per- The DA further argued that a re- Constitution will lead to political mission to use facilities for their cent ANC political rally in the tolerance among political parties election campaigns. According province attended by ANC pres- contesting for elections. Howev- to the Democratic Alliance (DA) ident Jacob Zuma is another ex- er, the situation is pretty fraught premier candidate, all the pub- ample of how the ruling party on the ground. For example, one lic halls in Lejweleputswa have abuses state resources for elec- commentator has expressed seri- surprisingly been fully booked, tioneering. During this event the ous concern about the country’s despite remaining unused. This SA Social Security Agency (Sas- vibrant party political system was also confirmed by the Con- sa) handed out blankets and food. which is driven by personalities gress of the People (COPE) pre- The DA was adamant that this is rather than debates around poli- mier candidate, who says that the indicative of how the ANC uses cies. Generally, it also appears ANC has been doing this since “inducements” or “rewards” to that political tolerance is serious- 2009 and that it is getting worse encourage citizens to vote or not ly undermined, especially in ar- now as the elections approaches. vote in a particular manner. Ac- eas where the power of the ruling Both parties maintain that these cording to the Social Develop- party is threatened.80 denials of access to public facil- ment Minister, Bathabile Dlami- ities on the false pretext of their ni, the presence of Sassa at the Recently, several acts of intol- being already in use or reserved Free State ANC election event erance and intimidation have is a violation of the electoral law was a coincidence.82 been reported by the opposition and demands action. The ANC in

Electoral Code of Conduct

Only one of the 12 parties that will be contesting the May 7 elections in the Free State has not signed the code of conduct during a ceremony organised by the IEC in Bloemfontein on 7 March 2014. The parties that signed the code of code are the following:

Party Acronym African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) ACDP Agang SA AGANG African National Congress (ANC) ANC African People’s Convention (APC) APC Congress of the People (COPE) COPE Democratic Alliance (DA) DA Dikwankwetla Party of South Africa (DPSA) DPSA Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) EFF Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) IFP United Christian Democratic Party (UCDP) UCDP United Residents Front (URF) URF Freedom Plus (VF+) VF+ According to the IEC in the Free State, only the Azanian People’s Organisation (AZAPO) did not sign the code of conduct. AZAPO was invited, but has not tendered any reason for the non-attendance. The IEC stated this will not affect the electoral process, as acceptance to compete in the elections automatically binds a party to the code of conduct whether it has signed it or not.

New incidences of protests and implications for the electoral process

Political violence has deep roots in South Africa, and it continues to pose a serious threat to the country’s democracy. Generally, electioneering in the Free State remains relatively peaceful; however, there has been a drastic increase in the number of service delivery protests and clashes between political parties. Although

113 these activities do not present an immediate risk to the forthcoming elections, knowledge of these hotspots may enable relevant stakeholders to better anticipate election-related violence and put conflict prevention programming into place to mitigate its occurrence and stem its escalation. According to the IEC in the Free State, the following table depicts the areas identified as hotspots by the National Intelligence Services:

Table: Hotspots in the Free State

Town Reason Dissatisfaction of Mangaung Concerned Residents and National Unemployed Voters Organisation regarding developments at Seisa Bloemfontein Ramabodu Stadium, Raamkraal and N8/Airport developments Bothaville; Botshabelo; Clarens, Clocolan; Parys, Thabong; Petrus- burg; Phuthaditjhaba; Sasolburg; Service delivery Thaba Nchu, Wepener and Winburg Koffiefontein and Theunissen Unemployment, incomplete RDPs and electricity cuts Smithfield Unidentified EFF member encouraged community members to illegally occupy municipal land Viljoenskroon Rivalry between political parties

END NOTES February 2014. 81 SABC. “ANC accused of ‘dirty’ http://www.theweekly. politics in Free State.” 7 April 2014. 77 Juta Law. “Electoral Commission co.za/?p=24700 http://www.sabc.co.za/ Act 51 of 1996.” 31 January 2014. 79 Siyabonga, Mkhwanazi. “No news/a/69b7eb00438dc6f99e81d https://www.elections.org.za/ immediate threat to polls.” The New f806cf46596/ANC-accused- content/Documents/Laws-and- Age. 2 April 2014. of-’dirty’-politics-in-Free-State- regulations/Electoral- 80 Imraan, Buccus. “Political tolerance 82 Mariaan, Merten. “DA may go back Commission/Electoral- on the wane in South Africa.” http:// to court over food parcels.” 8 April Commission-Act-51-of-1996- www.ddp.org.za/information- 2014. http://www.iol.co.za/ including-Regulations/ material/articles/Political%20 dailynews/news/da-may-go-back- 78 Tiiseto “Afrika” Makhele. “When Tolerance%20on%20the%20 to-court-over-food- political parties are mere protest Wane%20in%20South%20Africa. parcels-1.1672562 groups”.The Weekly. 14 pdf/view

WESTERN CAPE

Dr Cherrel Africa – Head of amined. the panel are at the disposal of Department, Political Studies, the Commission for deployment University of Western Cape83 Mechanisms for conflict man- to the provinces as and when it and agement is necessary. There is extensive Nkosikhulule Xhawulengwe- communication of the elector- ni Nyembezi, co-chairperson The Commission in the West- al process to political parties, of the Elections 2014 National ern Cape has confirmed that the emphasising cut-off dates in the Co-ordinating Forum Party Liaison Committee (PLC) Electoral Timetable, so as to en- continues to meet regularly, and sure a smooth election manage- This update focuses on the Elec- there is also ongoing participa- ment process. toral Code of Conduct and the tion by various stakeholders in institutional framework of the joint structures monitoring the The Electoral Timetable (as pub- Independent Electoral Commis- conditions in which the elections lished in Government Gazette sion (IEC) in relation to its mech- are taking place. Also, a conflict No. 37387 on February 26, 2014) anisms for conflict. The political resolution panel consisting of continues to dominate the content environment in the province in experts has been established and of discussions of the liaison com- relation to political intolerance trained on recent changes in the mittee meetings and it is against and intimidation will also be ex- electoral law. The experts on this that the nature of the political 114 environment will be monitored. the event that a previously pub- exercise towards the IEC. Some lished facility is not going to be of these legal battles have led to • 1 April 2014 – Cut-off date for used as a voting station, the move the amendments in the Electoral objections to a candidate; only takes place after members Act. According to the Commis- • 7 April 2014 – Cut-off date of the Western Cape PLC all ap- sion, to satisfactorily execute its for the decision on objections prove the relocation of the voting mandate, it has become essential to a candidate; station to another venue. to adjust its capacity to be able to • 7-17 April 2014 – deal with complaints, objections, Applications for special votes In dealing with these issues the disputes and court cases, as well to Municipal Electoral Officer Western Cape PLC noted that the as conflict resolution manage- opened; majority of concerns about the ment abilities so that conflicts • 10 April 2014 – Cut-off date moving of voting stations came can be identified and solved be- for appeals against a decision largely from new political parties fore they escalate. of the Commission; who were not part of the West- • 15 April 2014 – Cut-off date ern Cape PLC decisions, as they Outcomes of the Western Cape for deciding appeals and were not included in the Western PLC deliberations indicate that notifying parties Cape PLC until recently. The fact there has also been more intense • 22 April 2014 – CEO to give that their concerns could be dealt scrutiny of the processes of the effect to decisions of the with is a demonstration of the ef- Commission, as political par- Commission on objections or fective workings of the PLCs. In ties were prepared to take the appeals to the Electoral Court; the past the Commission has only Commission to court to contest CEO to compile a list of dealt with represented parties in some issues related to the re- parties entitled to contest its party liaison committees, but cent by-elections that took place elections; it has become evident that new in the province during the same • 24 April 2014 – Certificates political parties that are unrep- period of voter registration cam- issued to candidates on a final resented often end up contesting paign for the 2014 elections. Of list of candidates; elections, sometimes at the last the ten wards in the municipal • 30 April 2014 – Application moment. This previously result- by-elections,84 three were held in and casting of special votes ed in a situation where they are the Western Cape, and results re- outside the Republic; deprived of the consultative and leased by the IEC on February 20 • 5-6 May 2014 – Visitation informative processes that take indicate that in Ward 35 of Cape for purposes of casting a place with the represented par- Town, ANC candidate Mzuzile special vote; casting of special ties, hence the decision to invite Mpondwana won with 79% of vote at the office of the all political parties to be part of the votes. In Ward 43 of Cape presiding officer. the Western Cape PLC. Town,

One of the concerns raised at the The National Co-coordinating DA candidate Elton-Enrique Jan- Western Cape PLC meetings is Forum is a forum that brings sen secured 4 523 (80%) of the about voting stations that have together the IEC and civil so- votes to win. In Ward 9 of Sal- been moved. It was discovered ciety formations to prepare for danha Bay, ANC candidate Ika- during the February voter regis- the 2014 elections. During its kanyeng Matthews Riet won 1 tration drive that voting stations February meeting it was noted 977 votes (84.2%) of the 2 347 were moved to different loca- that twenty years into democra- valid votes. tions without adequate notice to cy political parties have become affected voters. One example is more sophisticated in their quest The overlap of these events (the in Ward 99 in Khayelitsha, where for voter support. As a result, by-elections and the voter regis- the voting station was moved to the Commission has found itself tration campaign) has meant that the College of Cape Town. The increasingly dealing with a liti- political party liaison meetings Commission has acknowledged gious environment as political have also been used as a rehears- that the moving of voting stations parties contest the areas of lim- al by political parties to gauge the remains a challenging matter as ited scope in the electoral law. capacity of the IEC to deal with it gives rise to difficulties be- For example the court case per- election-related problems that are cause lists of voting stations have taining to the Tlokwe Municipal likely to occur on a larger scale already been published in the by-elections has also influenced in the May 7 elections. While government gazette. A practice the level of vigilance political the Commission in the province which will be adopted is that in parties in the Western Cape now is not overly concerned by deci- 115 sions of political parties to take it this meant that the Commission es and energy in contesting these to court, it expressed concern that was forced to divert its resourc- cases.85

Electoral Code of Conduct

The signing ceremony of the Electoral Code of Conduct in the Western Cape on March 24 by 26 of the 29 leaders of political parties participating in the upcoming national and provincial elections resembled the national ceremony held on March 19.86 All the parties contesting the election in the Western Cape signed the code of conduct.

List of Parties Which Signed the Code of Conduct in the Western Cape

Party Acronym AFRICAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY ACDP AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CONGRESS AIC AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ANC AFRICAN NATIONAL PARTY ANP AFRICAN PEOPLE’S CONVENTION APC AGANG SOUTH AFRICA AGANG SA AL JAMA-AH NO ABBR AZANIAN PEOPLE’S ORGANISATION AZAPO CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE COPE DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE DA ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS EFF FIRST NATION LIBERATION ALLIANCE FINLA INDEPENDENT CIVIC ORGANISATION OF SOUTH AFRICA ICOSA INDIGENOUS PEOPLES ORGANISATION IPO INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY IFP KINGDOM GOVERNANCE MOVEMENT KGM NATIONAL FREEDOM PARTY NFP NATIONAL PARTY SOUTH AFRICA N.P PAN AFRICANIST CONGRESS OF AZANIA PAC PATRIOTIC ALLIANCE PA PEOPLES ALLIANCE PAL SIBANYE CIVIC ASSOCIATION SCA SOUTH AFRICAN PROGRESSIVE CIVIC ORGANISATION SAPCO UNITED CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY UCDP UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT UDM VRYHEIDSFRONT PLUS VF Plus

116 The value of these periodic, face- ment dialogue with Cape Town stated as members of the ANC.91 to-face gatherings and the subse- residents on Thursday to criticize Nkohla was expelled from the quent IEC committee platforms the Democratic Alliance and its party following his involvement they make possible cannot be policies. “They are not the devil’s in last year’s dumping of human overstated. Over the years, these brothers. They are not the dev- faeces during protests in the city. meetings have provided an in- il’s relatives. They are the devils Nkohla and Lili, a former City dispensable opportunity during themselves,” he reported as hav- of Cape Town councillor, were election campaigns for the stake- ing told the packed OR Tambo charged with, among others, holders to express and exchange Hall in Khayelitsha. “And so our bringing the ANC into disrepute. views in a private, forthright modern-day devils, two-legged Lili was given a suspended three- manner, based on the philosophy as they are, are liars and cannot year sentence, disqualifying him of an open and democratic soci- face the truth.” from participating in ANC activi- ety. The importance placed on ties for one year. these meetings by the leaders of In another newspaper report,90 stakeholder formations has once Sports Minister Fikile Mbalula According to newspaper reports, more been made clear. compared the DA’s governing of 92 on March 24, the City of Cape the Western Cape to witchcraft - Town’s traffic, law enforcement, Political Violence and Intoler- and urged residents to summon metro police and cleansing de- ance the help of tokoloshes. Mbalula partments and police were de- spoke in Nyanga on the occasion ployed along the N2 highway to Currently the political environ- of commemorating the 35th anni- maintain law and order and safe- ment is marked by aggressive versary of Solomon Mahlangu’s guard motorists, following pro- rhetoric rather than acts of in- death. “This thing of witchcraft tests by local residents. Accord- timidation. One serious inci- is when a witch does nothing ing to the report, City of Cape dent reported in the newspapers for the people but they still get Town executive director for Safe- is that on April 7 the house of re-elected. This is what we find ty and Security Richard Bosman an EFF member was torched in ourselves in here in the Western told the Cape Argus that from Khayelitsha. “After successful Cape. We are being governed by 4.30 that morning, protest action campaigning ... this weekend, witches,” Mbalula told the crowd was reported at the following a candidate of the EFF Western at the Lusaka Community Hall. locations: N2 Borcherds Quar- Cape ... has had his home gutted In his speech, Mbalula launched ry and Airport Approach Road, by a fire in the early hours of this a verbal attack on the DA-led N2 Baden Powell Drive, Baden morning,” said EFF provincial provincial government and what Powell Drive/ Walter Sisulu, spokeswoman Yerushka Chetty he termed a failure to deliver for Baden Powell/Jaftha Masimole to the media.87 Furthermore, an poor communities. “These witch- Drive, Hindle/Fairfield in Delft, ANC councillor has been living es are oppressing us, they are various areas in Khayelitsha and in a safe house and was assigned trampling on us. Where are the several areas in Delft. Similar bodyguards by the City of Cape tokoloshes and the (sangomas) so protests are expected ahead of the Town after her home was burnt that we can chase these witches elections as election campaigns down in an alleged arson attack.88 away,” the report continued. intensify in the area. The volatile, politically tense situation in Whilst there is a public affirma- As indicated in the previous up- the Western Cape will need to be tion to desist from using speech date, the Western Cape has been monitored. or from participating in actions plagued by service-delivery pro- which will have the effect of protests, many of which have sprung It will also be important to con- voking either parties’ supporters up in the townships of Gugulethu, tinue monitoring farm areas as or members of the general public Khayelitsha and Nyanga in what potential hotspot areas. In 2012 to commit acts of intolerance or was termed as the “Poo protests” farm workers in the Western take other inflammatory actions, in which protestors threw faeces Cape embarked on protest action as the election date draws clos- on the stairs of the provincial for higher wages and improved er parties find it hard to refrain legislature of the Western Cape working conditions.93 The pro- from engaging in inflammatory and later at the Cape Town inter- tests highlighted issues of poor campaign rhetoric. According to national airport. The most recent pay, poor working conditions newspaper reports,89 on March development is that the leaders and adequate housing as their 19, Public Enterprises Minister of these protests, Loyiso Nkohla main problems. The violence that Malusi Gigaba used a govern- and Andile Lili, have been re-in- erupted in many farming towns 117 resulted in the loss of life. Farm above and service delivery pro- 89 Etheridge, J. “DA is the devil: areas continue remain an area of tests remain a concern leading Gigaba” Independent Online (2014). Retrieved April 15, 2014. From concern not only in terms of the up to the elections in the Western http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ logistical process where farm Cape. da-is-the-devil-gigaba-1.1664672#. workers continue to rely on em- U0mVPBUaLcS ployers for transport to get to the END NOTES 90 Koyana, X. “DA using witchcraft \ voting stations, but also because in Cape – Mbalula” Independent Online (2014). Retrieved April 15, 83 We would like to acknowledge the underlying tensions still exist. 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/ the assistance of Nosiphiwo news/politics/da-using- Nabatala, Mfundo Mazwi and witchcraft-in-cape- Finally, gang violence on the Ashlyn Bailey, who assisted with mbalula-1.1672180#. Cape Flats remains a concern. research for this publication. U0mV7hUaLcS 84 SAPA. “ANC wins 6 by-elections, According to one newspaper re- 91 SAPA. “Poo throwers welcomed 94 DA wins 4” News24 (2014) port, “There had been 3 280 back in the ANC” Mail &Guardian Retrieved April 15, 2014 from (2014). Retrieved April 15, 2014. attempted murders in the year, http://www.news24.com/elections/ From http://mg.co.za/article/ nearly 1000 more than in the year news/anc-wins-6-by-elections-da- 2014-03-24-poo-throwers- before”. The report attributed wins-4-20140220 20 welcomed-back-in-the-anC 85 Independent Electoral Commission. this to “increasing gang turf wars 92 Williams, M. “N2 protests cause “IEC readiness for 2014 across the Cape Flats, ever-in- morning traffic chaos” Independent elections briefing to Parliament Online (2014). Retrieved April 15, creasing incidents in rural areas on March 11 2014” Parliamentary 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/ and robberies”. Western Cape Monitoring Group (2014). news/crime-courts/n2- Retrieved April 15, 2014. IEC provincial electoral officer protests-cause-morning-traffic- From http://www.pmg.org. Courtney Sampson said at a me- chaos-1.1665492 za/report/20140311-iec- 93 Koyana, X. “Zille stoned in De dia briefing on March 24 that the readiness-for-2014-elections- Doorns” Independent Online (2012). climate of desperation in some committee-legacy-report Retrieved April 15, 2014. From areas could be a threat to election 86 Nyembezi, N. “On Election Day, http://www.iol.co.za/news/ 95 Bias Will Start At The Top” The Star proceedings. Sampson cited crime-courts/zille-stoned-in- Africa Edition (2014). Page 22. violence in the Siqalo informal de-doorns-1.1420309 Retrieved April 15, 2014. From 94 Dolley, C. Sunday the day for settlement, where an IEC tent http://www.iol.co.za/the-star/at- murder in Cape. Cape Times was petrol-bombed after a day of the-polls-bias-starts-at- (2014). Retrieved April 15, 2014. the-top-1.1672300#.U0mgxhUaLcs voter registration last month. He From http://www.iol.co.za/news/ 87 SAPA. “EFF member’s house said residents had also directed crime-courts/sunday-the-day- torched” Independent Online (2014). for-murder-in-cape-1.1642931#. their rage at a portable flush toilet Retrieved April 15, 2014. From Uw2zeFf9aW4 brought in for the day to be used http://www.iol.co.za/news/ 95 Geach, C. “Concerns of violence by IEC staff. crime-courts/eff-member-s- ahead of elections” Independent house-torched-1.1672422 Online (2014). Retrieved April 15, 07 April 2014 In sum, the Party Liaison Com- 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/ 88 Xolani, K. “ Safehouse and news/crime-courts/concerns-of- mittee appears to be fulfilling its Bodyguards Assigned: City violence-ahead-of- role of defusing conflict situa- Protects ANC Councillor elections-1.1665945 After Shack Fire”. Cape Times. tions in the province. However, 24 March 2014 the continued tensions outlined 14 April 2014.

118 ELECTION UPDATE 2014 SA Elections 2014: Political Opposition - 4 Cohesion, Fracture or Fragmentation?

Editorial Team: Ebrahim Fakir, Waseem Holland & Kerryn Kotler; EISA Copy Editing and Proofreading: Professor Craig MacKenzie; University of Johannesburg Website: Duncan Russell FRAGMENTATION AND FRACTURE – THE LOSS OF TRUST AND CONFIDENCE IN POLITICAL PARTIES CONTENTS Ebrahim Fakir, Manager, Polit- social marginalization and eco- ical Parties and Parliamentary nomic exclusion, perpetuated Programme at EISA; and 2014 by twenty years of poor policy “Fragmentation Ruth First Fellow at the Uni- judgement, inappropriate policy and Fracture – the versity of the Witwatersrand, and a myopic, self-serving po- loss of trust and 119 Johannesburg litical governance and corporate confidence in politi- business leadership. Endemic cal parties” South Africa appears caught in a social pathologies haven’t helped curious absurdity. Political rogue along the path to rehabilitation, “Figment or Frag- and political royalty seem as one. reconciliation, redress and recon- mentation? – Focus It is the fourth world this, where struction either. on the Governing 122 abnormality pretends to be the Alliance and Politi- norm. The first world, its priv- All the while, however, political cal Opposition” ileges and excesses, simultane- parties appear to behave as if the ously co-exist with the third and pursuit and capture of power and its deprivations. But alongside the its trappings can quite acceptably Free State 126 third world’s quad-evils of chron- be their normal rationale. This ic socio-economic under-devel- may be theoretically appropriate North West 128 opment, high unemployment, in conditions of theoretical nor- deep poverty and extreme in- mality. But we exist in neither 133 equality, South Africa presents theory, nor normality. No one Gauteng the blight of intolerable levels of does. So it isn’t appropriate for extreme criminality, rape (includ- political parties to pretend that Eastern Cape 136 ing that of children and the elder- electoral contests can serve to le- ly), murder and social violence. gitimate parties in power. Yet, it is Incivility and inhumanity are this precisely this mode of behaviour Limpopo 138 fourth world norm. that political parties appear to have adopted, abandoning even Northern Cape 140 Arguably, it couldn’t be other- a faint pretence otherwise. Undo- wise. Conditioned as we are by ing a past which more than lin- the inhuman and impudent in- gers in the present doesn’t appear Mpumalanga 143 justices of racial colonialism and to be a priority for any of them. apartheid capitalism, struggles Capturing power at all costs does. Western Cape 146 and resistance to them, the collective legacy bequeathed the That political parties exist to cap- society is the conjoined effect of ture power and exercise influ- KwaZulu-Natal 151 119 ence in economy and society is people surveyed (44%) think that macro-policy, trust that the cur- something we must accept. But the economic situation is likely rent governing alliance will de- the capturing of power and the to get better in the next two years liver collective public goods is exercising of influence for its and only one third (33%) trust low. A creeping homogeneity in own sake is so mething we must that the government is doing well collective thinking in the upper not. Pursuing power for its own getting young people into jobs. reaches of the governing party sake is authoritarian. Exercising With such low and decreasing is evident. Silence for fear of ex- influence for its own sake is du- levels of trust and confidence in clusion animates any dissenters ress. Neither is a desirable condi- political parties, lower levels of that there might be, while sub- tion of democracy. The exercise voter turnout may well present a servience breeds complicity in of power and influence needs to real issue in this 2014 election. acts of corruption. A fracturing serve a purpose if the agents ex- manufactured and often imposed ercising them are to enjoy legiti- So the pursuit of purposeless consensus through the practice of macy in authority and power and power is what our politics ap- “democratic centralism”, and the credibility in influence. South pears to have become. More decline of a once powerful and African political parties are at perniciously, politics seems pre- progressive labour movement risk of jeopardising both. Widely mised on the capture of power to wrapped in internecine ideo- held public perceptions appear to serve narrow personal, recidivist logical, policy and personality suggest that parties exist merely ends rather than address the most squabbling hobbles any prospect to pursue power as an end in it- urgent social, economic and po- of internal oversight and account- self, rather than to shape society litical issues confronting society. ability in the excessive atavistic for the better, or create the con- Such has been the consequence cannibalisation of the state and ditions and agency for citizens of the normalisation of politics in its resources. to flourish. Bearing in mind the conditions of social abnormality quip that there are three kinds of – even within the governing alli- Hope that opposition parties can lies – lies, damned lies and sta- ance, which with increasing vein fact play this role is misplaced. tistics – how else are we to inter- racity can be charged with having Of the two parties that have pret consistently declining levels abandoned its historic mission to emerged from a split and schism of public trust in political parties serve society and govern in the in the governing party, both at across the board? collective interest. inception ostensibly claiming to be recapturing the true essence While it is a global phenomenon, In most societies a party in pow- of what the ANC once was, one, declining levels of trust and con- er will be kept in check by oth- COPE seems intent on self-im- fidence in political parties has er social actors. Its propensity ploding while the other, the EFF, particularly acute consequenc- for executive and other excesses appears to be a little more than a es for a divided society such as will be curbed by constitutional rabble-rousing band of miscre- South Africa’s. Since 2005, re- and legal writ, benefit and be- ants. liable public perception surveys haviour regulated through policy, conducted by both the Human criminality and social infractions It is impossible to say how well Sciences Research Council and policed by organisations dedi- either of these two parties will the Institute for Justice & Recon- cated to rooting them out, and perform in South Africa’s 2014 ciliation (IJR) show that trust in misdemeanours adjudicated by elections, as it is to predict how political parties has been in pre- an independent judiciary. But vi- any of the serious parties will. cipitous decline. A South African able opposition political parties But it is possible to suggest that Social Attitudes Survey (SASAS) in functional institutions play an prospects of a decent elector- 2011, 2012 shows that in 2011, equally vital role, as do internal al showing for COPE, with its 25% of people surveyed demon- curbs exercised through different self-imploding organisational strated some trust in political par- factions within a governing polit- structure, perpetual leadership ties. A year later this figure had ical party. Few of these are what squabbles, and schisms that gone down to 21%. The IJR’s SA citizens perceive to be happening have given rise to a splinter par- Reconciliation Barometer Survey in South Africa. ty (the United Congress Party of for 2012 shows that only half of COPE under co-founder Mluleki all adults (50.3%) and less half of With a governing alliance pre- George), seem dimmer than they the youth (49.7%) trust leaders to siding over the hollowing out ever did. George’s party, on the do what is right. This same sur- of state institutions, ineffective other hand, may have its best vey shows that less than half of policing and indecisiveness in prospects as a purely regional 120 and localised political sect with much of what the EFF proposes Quite apart from its own policy a minimal showing outside of appears to be masked by percep- flip-flops on justifiable race- one or two regions of the Eastern tions that its policies are a cover based black economic empow- Cape, and even then it’ll be faced for the personal pursuits of some erment and affirmative action, it with the monumental challenges of its leaders. After all, Malema is faced with the serious dilemma of resources, organisation, iden- led the ANC Youth League for of defining itself ideologically. tity and policy, challenges which near on two full terms before he Its institutional and organisa- Julius Malema’s Economic Free- was unceremoniously expelled tional establishment shows it to dom Fighters won’t. with little benefit accruing to any be a model political party with significant constituency of the a well-defined decision-making With a discernable emergent po- Youth League. Why would it be process, regular elections for litical identity with some degree any different this time round? In leadership election and renewal, of coherence, well-articulated any event, the vote pool that the a constitution its members ac- positions and an identity that EFF may rely on are the marginal cept and whose provisions they ventures beyond one of the key and disaffected youth, with many respect, a raft of well-developed founders (Julius Malema), the in that cohort not having ID books if inappropriate policies, a branch EFF is positioned as a radical, if and satisfying the rudiments for structure and operationally effec- somewhat recidivist project. In voter registration. Still, they are tive caucuses in representative reality the EFF is a hodge-podge likely to gain representation, and institutions. In government, even of different ideological and polit- with that more forcefully table an with somewhat skewed gover- ical strains melding the incendi- agenda that for too long has been nance priorities and inappropri- ary politics of ‘radical blackness’ blithely ignored. ate policies, where the DA has with the seeming elements of so- won majorities and is in power it cialism. Seemingly radical in its The credentials and integrity of governs through processes of de- approach, it is essentially an emp- Agang and Mamphela Ramphele cent public management and ad- ty rhetoric captured in the politics may not have been questionable ministration. In opposition it has of spectacle, where even complex in the same way that the EFF’s (modestly) increased its support ideas get pared down to mere leader could have been. But what among black voters. At the same slogans. Premised on the idea of the EFF has in ideology, identity, time, however, the DA has also nationalising the commanding coherence and an agenda, Agang scored some spectacular own heights of the economy (mines, lacks. After a hearty public recep- goals. In the hurly burly of both banks and large factories to rest tion, especially from the media, government and opposition ac- of us), expropriating and redis- Agang is now struggling to get tivity, a critical ingredient giving tributing land seized by “white its star to shine in the political the DA a vitality and vibrancy it thieves” in a process of grand firmament, especially after the might otherwise deserve appears theft, without compensation, and botched and short-lived flirtation to be missing. In the most obvi- distributing unused state land, the with the DA. Despite its able and ous sense, the missing ingredient supreme unconfronted irony is elegant articulation of South Af- is a connection to the mass of that some of these strategies were rica’s problems, short of a diag- voters and citizens, and this holds part of the policy arsenal of the nosis Agang is like a doctor that the DA back from what it could apartheid era National Party. is unable to prescribe a treatment. be, and what it could become. Likely to attract an aspiration- Regardless, the issues tabled by al middle- and upper-class vote So what are the problems? Un- the EFF are vital. Some of the across race, it is likely to end up like the ANC, it is not a social most intractable socio-economic being a niche party playing a crit- movement with deep penetra- problems receive the EFF’s atten- ical oversight and accountabili- tion into societies’ grassroots. It tion, notwithstanding that their ty role, but it is hard to imagine has no history rooted in struggle proposals may have paid little Agang doing much more than and therefore no automatic claim regard to the executive capabil- this positively. Its negative con- to legitimacy. The DA, like the ity, state capacity and policy in- sequences are that it is likely to ANC, is a broad church in an alli- strumentality required to achieve further polarise an already frag- ance, as its name suggests. How- them. The second broad problem mented and fractured opposition. ever, unlike the ANC alliance, it is that the past behaviour of some does not wield an ideological- its leaders are questionable in the As the best of an otherwise gen- ly disparate set of communists, extreme. Disconnected to current uinely untested lot, the DA has capitalists, workers and nation- popular struggles in South Africa, its own serious shortcomings. alists together under the cover 121 of “non-racialism, non-sexism unlikely to cause any significant strategic insertion into the polit- and democracy”. Instead, the DA waves in electoral support. ical sphere. cobbles an altogether more homogeneous group of like-minded Is a grand realignment of the op- In restoring the promise of free- people rallying behind “an open position a necessary condition dom, it seems that ordinary citi- opportunity society for all”. For for extracting greater democratic zens signal quite clearly through all the ANC’s incoherence it ap- gains or even oversight and ac- the, on average, five acts of direct pears strong, but for all the DA’s countability? My view is that it action and social protest that oc- coherence it is in fact weak in is likely to prevent progress rath- cur every month, that elections are numbers. If the ANC alliance is er than promote it. There will be no longer the sole instrument of ideologically diverse and dis- evident difficulties in construct- democratic political contestation. parate, then the DA can be said ing a common policy platform While nevertheless important as to be de-ideologised. To suggest or a coherent political identity a political instrument conferring that the DA is decidedly liberal out of a set of unwieldy and dis- the consent of the governed on is a misconception. It is anything parate special interest parties. the governors, the role of smaller but. That it is a legitimate politi- Such incompatibilities, though, parties remains an important part cal formation is not at issue. That are likely to be overshadowed at of the political firmament. At the it cannot forge its social legitima- a more basic level by inevitable same time the fetishisation of the cy in the deep cultural roots of fractious leadership squabbles, plurality and diversity promoted the majority in society is at issue. contestation over the distribu- by the use of a pure proportional tion of offices and resources, as representation electoral system Bringing up the rear are a host of well as rent-seeking position bar- cannot be sustained in the face of small, special-interest parties that gaining. Evidence available thus the low political, policy and gov- will essentially be reduced to bit far demonstrates that working ernance impact they have had, players in the political scheme, together situationally and con- and 2014 may be an appropriate few if any exceeding a three to tingently may be a better option time, 20 years into our evolving five per cent threshold, and many for opposition parties instead transition, to seriously consid- falling way below that. Most, like of a grand opposition coalition. er prospects for some degree of the IFP, PAC, UDM and AZAPO, The constituent sum of opposi- electoral reform. appear to be in terminal decline tion party support is unlikely to or localised to the specific re- be greater than the sum of the bit Extracts of this article was gions within which they found parts it currently enjoys. There first published in the Financial their genesis, and may best serve are rumours of eight opposition Mail; SA in 2014; as “Opposi- the special interest constituencies parties currently in talks, but it tion parties: power for who?” they do by aligning with others. may be that they cannot satisfy available online at http://www. The literal springing up of Ken- even the most basic requirement financialmail.co.za/special- ny Kunene’s Patriotic Alliance, of identity and policy proximity, reports/2013/12/30/opposi- while possibly entertaining, is before any enduring tactical and tion-parties-power-for-who

FIGMENT OR FRAGMENTATION? – FO- CUS ON THE GOVERNING ALLIANCE AND POLITICAL OPPOSITION

Aubrey Matshiqi – Indepen- to 1994, and the African Nation- a form of amnesia but is also con- dent Political Analyst and Re- al Congress (ANC) has been the ceptually and politically dishon- search Fellow: Helen Suzman dominant party since the advent est. It is partly a function of a ra- Foundation of democracy twenty years ago. cial or racist logic - according to The constant refrain that the which the black majority which The National Party was the ruling South African political system is votes for the ANC does so with party of South Africa from 1948 akin to one-party rule is not only its heart while the white majori- 122 ty that votes for the Democratic it will deliver a new political or- fective opposition. Alliance makes choices on the der? In fact, such a re-alignment basis of reason and rationality. may amount simply to the recon- For historical reasons, the idea Put differently, the party system figuration of single-party domi- of opposition has a very specif- of South Africa will, supposedly, nance, instead of the end of un- ic meaning in the post-apartheid become more competitive when competitive electoral politics in context. Over and above concep- the majority of those who consti- South Africa. This may well be a tions of opposition that are part of tute the support base of the ANC possibility. the liberal-democratic tradition switch their allegiance to the ra- and the adversarial Westminster tional choice, the DA. Implicit in An appropriate response to the tradition, the conception of op- this notion is the suggestion that questions above must be based position must take into account effective opposition politics is on the assumption that the idea that the South African democrat- synonymous with and is, thereof political opposition is broader ic project is a product of anti-co- fore, reducible to the effective- than the set of political activities, lonial and anti-apartheid strug- ness of the DA as the only credi- campaigns, strategic and tactical gles. During apartheid, one of ble alternative to the ANC. At one choices of political parties, in- the main contradictions was the level, this notion is a function of tra-party and inter-party engage- tension between the liberation the single-party dominance of the ment, as well as the interaction impulse and the anti-liberation DA in opposition politics. As Ste- between political parties and cit- impulse. To some extent, opposi- ven Friedman noted during a ra- izens/voters which populate the tion to the ANC is still part of the dio debate, for some the problem opposition space in particular and anti-liberation impulse, and this is less about single-party domi- the party political space in gener- explains, in part, the coincidence nance in a post-apartheid setting al. One of the implications of this between race and voting patterns and more about the fact that the assumption is that we must accept since 1994. In other words, there ‘wrong’ party has been dominant that the idea of opposition must is an extent to which the idea of since 1994. transcend the confines of both the opposition and the practice of op- opposition space and party polit- position politics are informed by Two points are critical therefore, ical space to straddle both the the fact that the liberation and an- with regard to the points made non-party and the party-political ti-liberation impulses are still in above: spaces. The further implication, opposition to each other. As we therefore, is that, conceptually mark twenty years of democracy, First, given the historical fact that and as a matter of practical pol- however, the failures of the ANC South Africa has had single-party itics, the idea of opposition can- and its government, perceived dominance for the past sixty-six not be limited to political parties and/or real, have introduced an years, can it not be legitimately and professional politicians. One element of complexity to this argued that the South African po- of the most important implica- tension and, therefore, to the idea litical system suffers from both tions, however, is the possibility of opposition itself. Some dimen- the problems of single-party dom- that we must countenance the sions of the idea of opposition are inance and, more importantly, the recruitment or co-option, or at- shaped by the misperception that absence of a culture of effective tempts to this effect, of actors in the failures of the ANC constitute opposition politics? Furthermore, the state as a strategic option for everything that is wrong with our what is effective opposition? Is actors in both the party-political post-apartheid condition. But to the answer to this question con- and non-party political spaces in the extent that the failures of the tingent not only on the strategic their attempts to widen the circle ANC are an element of objective choices of opposition parties but of opposition beyond the bound- reality, the opposition impulse also on how opposition itself is aries of the interests of non-state is located between the libera- defined and understood? actors in both the party-political tion and anti-liberation impulse and non-party political spaces. as well as within the liberation Second, is the 2014 election the It is in this context that we must impulse itself. But an important election that is going to deliv- try to understand the choices and element of the complexity is the er political realignment? One in strategic orientation of actors in fact that some dimensions of op- which the ANC will start losing civil society, the tripartite alli- position are independent of the its grip on power with the result ance and the party political space. two impulses. being a competitive party system? This, however, does not tell us Should we rule out the possibility what opposition is or even, for that, even if realignment occurs, that matter, what constitutes ef- 123 Given all of the above, we must are of the view that ANC policies ment. ask the question – opposition to are not socialist enough. what? It seems, to me at least, 6) Even more interesting, that we must conceive of oppo- 3) What must not be underesti- though, albeit for a brief mo- sition, among other things, in the mated, however, is the fact that ment during the period between following ways: some of the opposition to the the 2007 Polokwane conference ANC is, across the political spec- and the recall of Thabo Mbeki as 1) In South Africa the idea of op- trum, based on deficits in the pace, head of state, is the fact that fac- position is informed by a clash of scope and quality of delivery. tionalism produced an element world views: one includes a vision And an interesting convergence of internal opposition when the of a society that is the antithesis has emerged between forces that supporters of Jacob Zuma in the of the apartheid racial content of are both part of the liberation and National Assembly positioned social, political and economic re- anti-liberation impulse, as a basis themselves as the opposition in lations, and this world view is in for opposition, with regard to the relation to an Executive that was contradistinction to a world view emergence of a gap between the deemed loyal to Mbeki. In other that coincides with whiteness as ideals of the ANC and what it has words, the two centres of power the main indicator of privilege, since become as a ruling party. that came into being as a result which, as part of our post-apart- of Mbeki being removed as ANC heid condition, has become part 4) In the context of the tri-partite president and head of state proof a logic that seeks to escape the alliance, opposition as an inter- duced another internally oriented implications of the 1994 demo- nal dynamic is inevitable given dynamic of opposition. cratic breakthrough by entrench- the fact that this is an alliance ing whiteness as the dominant so- between a nationalist movement, 7) Given the fact that Western cial and economic reality despite a labour federation and a Com- ‘civilisation’ and the liberal-dem- the fact that black voters are the munist party. Therefore, it is not ocratic aesthetic, particularly the main content of the single-party surprising that on economic pol- Anglo-Saxon variant, are the dominance of the ANC. In other icy in general and the National main ingredients of our demo- words, to the extent that the ANC Development Plan in particular, cratic dispensation, it is not sur- has always been seen as a threat tensions have at times emerged prising that the watchdog role of to this logic of whiteness, voting between the alliance partners. opposition as a series of duels be- for the ANC has never been an tween the ruling party and the of- option for the majority of white 5) An interesting dimension of ficial opposition has become the voters. internal opposition relates to main content of our parliamenta- what, during apartheid, was the ry opposition politics. 2) Coinciding with this logic broad democratic movement, is the matter of ideology. While including the United Democrat- 8) What is of critical importance, the ANC’s position at the centre ic Front (UDF). The disbanding however, is the fact that opposi- of the South African political of the UDF after the unbanning tion is not an objective reality. landscape is, in part, evidence of the ANC in 1990 was partly It is the manifestation of a range of its success when it comes to based on the idealistic notion that of subjective interests in the par- appropriating policy positions the ANC, as a liberation move- ty-political and non-party polit- from both the right and the left, ment, was an organism geneti- ical spaces which exist both in especially with regard to what its cally predisposed to always act in conflict with, and in support of, opponents on the left refer to as the best interests of citizens. The one another depending on how its ‘neo-liberal’ macro-economic gap between myth and reality in opposition is configured, prac- policy and its welfarist agenda in this regard has produced another tised and understood. relation to the poor who form the interesting dynamic of opposition bulk of its support base, opposi- politics. The civil society forma- Whether one agrees or disagrees tion from the DA is based on the tions and social movements that with these conceptions of opposi- belief that its economic policies have come out in opposition to tion as it pertains to South African are not market-friendly enough, policy and legislative proposals politics, one also has to consider while parties such as the Pan-Af- such as the media tribunal and whether the 2014 elections will ricanist Congress, Azanian Peo- the Protection of State Informa- deliver both a conceptual recon- ple’s Organisation, Workers and tion Bill almost always have as figuration of opposition as well Socialist Party as well as the Eco- a component elements that were as the realignment of the South nomic Freedom Fighters (EFF) part of the broad liberation move- African electoral landscape. 124 In the foreseeable future, the lib- will occur if the ANC falls below same way it has been growing eral-democratic aesthetic will be the 60% threshold at national lev- since 1999 – mainly among white the main content of opposition el. voters and other minorities. An- politics and politics in South Af- other challenge the DA is facing rica. What remains, therefore, In this regard, there are only two is that in both the 2009 and 2014 is to examine whether the 2014 parties worth mentioning out- elections internal ructions in the elections will deliver political side the possibility of the ANC ANC have produced political op- realignment. However, in exam- suffering a significant erosion position parties formed by former ining the prospects of opposition in support as a result of the col- ANC members, which parties parties, this article does not en- lective gains of all opposition pose the problem of fighting in gage in prophesying or predict- parties that are contesting this the same struggle heritage kraal ing the percentage of the vote year’s election, namely, the DA as the ANC to the disadvantage that will be garnered by different and the EFF. Since the DA has, of the DA. In 2009 the problem opposition parties. since 1999, been achieving the was caused by the Congress of same kind of growth, that is, the People and in this year’s elec- Since 1994, the alternation be- among white voters and so-called tion the EFF will constitute a sim- tween opposition parties with minorities in general, it needs ilar headache for the DA. Since respect to the position of official to make serious inroads among there is nothing to benchmark the opposition has occurred only black voters. The capacity to EFF against, the most reasonable once. It happened in 1999 when reach this goal will be limited by thing to surmise is that it will be the Democratic Party, the precur- the fact that South African elec- represented in the National As- sor of the DA, dislodged the New tions are, to a large extent, still a sembly and that it will probably National Party as the official op- racial census. In addition to this, be the official opposition in Lim- position party of post-apartheid the DA has not been able to strike popo, Mpumalanga or the North South Africa. It is for this reason an electorally beneficial balance West province. that it was argued earlier that op- between levels of black support position politics is characterised that will not be a threat to its tra- As for predictions that the de- by the single-party dominance of ditional support base, on the one cision by the National Union of the DA. The question, therefore, hand, and the imperative of keep- Metalworkers of South Africa is whether political realignment ing traditional supporters within (Numsa) not to support the ANC will occur to the benefit or dis- its fold. The real problem, how- in this election will impact neg- advantage of the DA, since the ever, is that the DA would be able atively on support for the ruling dominant assumption is that it to abandon sections of its tradi- party, it is difficult to measure will happen at the expense of the tional support base if the black the impact of the decision but, in ANC. But, what must be borne in vote materialised significantly. all likelihood, it will be a small mind is the fact that political re- This it was able to do during the component of the reduction in alignment occurs when a dramat- 2011 local government election levels of support for the ANC if ic change occurs in the political in Meyerton, Gauteng, when the such a reduction does indeed oc- system. If the dramatic change leadership of the party insisted cur given the fact that the core must come by way of the ANC that a bust of apartheid archi- that is part of Numsa has histori- losing power at national level, tect, Hendrik Verwoerd, should cally never had a natural affinity the 2014 election is not going to be removed from the offices of towards the Congress movement result in political realignment. the Meyerton municipal offices anyway. What may be of interest The same can be said about pros- where this decision was never is whether the internal battles in pects for another opposition party going to risk its majority in the the Congress of South African dislodging the DA as the official Meyerton municipal area. Trade Unions will lead to a split opposition. What can be debat- and whether the split, in turn, ed, however, is whether the ANC At national level, however, be- will produce a labour or workers’ will suffer a significant erosion cause of the DA’s ambivalence party. Whether the formation of a of support compared to 2009 and towards policy measures such as workers’ party will lead to the re- whether, therefore, the DA and affirmative action and black eco- alignment of opposition politics the opposition as a collective of nomic empowerment, it has now specifically and electoral politics opposition parties will make sig- become almost a truism to argue in general will depend on factors nificant gains. If the debates of that the black vote is not going to including the political forces that the past few months are anything materialise significantly. The DA will coalesce to form the new to go by, political realignment will most probably grow in the party, post the 2014 elections. 125 FREE STATE

Dr Sethulego Matebesi – Chair- The political campaigning of option campaign of Cope is indic- person: Department of Sociolo- position parties has been centred ative of the immediate impact gy, University of the Free State on the weaknesses of the ANC of the defections of these senior in the province. For instance, the provincial leaders. It is thus not This contribution focuses on po- FS provincial government under surprising that in mid-2013 ana- litical campaigning, with specific the leadership of Premier Ace lysts already predicted that Cope focus on opposition parties and Magashule has over the past few will lose votes in the FS follow- the ruling African National Con- years been making headlines for ing the party’s infighting over gress (ANC) in the Free State all the wrong reasons. Firstly, leadership positions.4 (FS) Province. Besides the tra- due to alleged poor governance, ditional methods of campaigning the national treasury put in place The DA, which has enlisted the such as posters, public meetings, strict monitoring procedures over services of renowned advertis- door-to-door, and roadshows, the provincial treasury, and the ing agency MC Saatchi & Abel technology has become the back- department of roads, police, and to assist with its TV and radio bone of the campaigns of the rul- transport has intervened in a few campaigns at national level,5 has ing party and major opposition provincial departments in 2012. also bolstered its social media parties in the FS. Secondly, the national treasury operations in the FS. Thousands also launched an investigation of FS voters have been targeted An assessment of the election into the controversial dairy proj- by the DA through SMS messag- campaigns of a number of oppo- ect in which the province invest- es which ask them to consider sition parties in the FS shows that ed R570-million. Thirdly, the the party as their party of choice. the focus is on the failures of the provincial government awarded This is followed by intimate talks ANC. The most devastating cri- a R40-million contract to Letlaka at schools with party members tique thus far against the ANC in Communications to redesign its and adverts in the community the province has been has been website, a job which industry ex- newspapers. The party’s support an outcry from opposition par- perts state could have been done has been bolstered by the “know ties that the ruling party has been at a fraction of the cost.1 your DA campaign.” Accord- dishing out food parcels, blankets ing to the DA provincial leader, and toiletries at election rallies. Forms of campaigning of oppo- the campaign assisted them in This allegation is currently being sition parties changing the negative attitude investigated by the Public Protec- of associating the party with the tor. During the 2009 General Elec- National Party. Buoyed by the tions, Cope, as a new kid on the huge crowds at its rallies in the Political campaigning of oppo- political landscape, managed province, the DA is cautiously sition parties to erode, though minimally, the optimistic about its performance support base of the ANC to be- in the forthcoming elections. An- The political campaigns of op- come the official opposition other strategy used by the DA in position parties in the FS vary party in the FS.2 Since then, the the province is to use its national tremendously between the dif- endless leadership battles within leader, Helen Zille, at provincial ferent parties. Early in the cam- the party, which were arbitrated rallies. She has called on resi- paign, the Congress of the People not politically, but in the courts, dents of the Free State to vote for (Cope) was the first opposition has seriously dented its chances her party as “the DA is the only party to unveil its election post- to improve on its election per- party big enough to challenge Ja- ers. Cope was followed by the formance of 2009. Meanwhile cob Zuma’s ANC dominance in Democratic Alliance (DA) and Cope’s provincial former leader, the Free State.”6 Freedom Front Plus (FF+). Of Casca Mokitlane, and Gertrude late, a few posters of Agang SA, Mothupi, a former prominent The vote-wooing tactics of small- the Economic Freedom Fight- member, have defected back to er opposition parties such as FF+ ers (EFF) and African Christian the ANC in the province. Mok- and ACDP have largely revolved Democratic Party (ACDP) can itlane blames Cope for failing around posters on lamp posts, be seen in the capital city of the to connect to communities. Per- public meetings and the distri- province. haps, the current lacklustre elec- bution of leaflets. Agang, on the

126 other hand, recently joined the parties and less on the campaigns of the so-called Regime Change Unemployed Voters Organisa- of the parties in the province. faction within the ANC. tion’s march for service delivery Interestingly, though, most of the in Bloemfontein. This was the media coverage is unrelated to Forms of political campaigning Agang SA leader’s fourth visit to the key policy issues of the par- of the governing party the FS, showing her willingness ties. The DA seems to be the only to participate in the final push to opposition party in the FS that has The ANC’s presence is spread garner support and swing unde- increased its media coverage due widely through all the towns of cided votes.7 to its continued critique of ANC the FS due to its strong nation- provincial government’s failure al footprint. The party’s election Expelled from the ruling party to deliver a better life for all. The machinery includes both tradi- in 2012, Julius Malema, the for- DA also received wide media tional methods such as door-to- mer ANC Youth League presi- coverage for promising FS voters door campaigns and handing dent, heads a party, the Econom- that it will save the province from out of T-shirts at rallies, as well ic Freedom Fighters (EFF) that corruption and to what the ANC as advertisements on taxis and seems to be the ANC’s biggest leaders failed to do: to uphold the hosting fundraising events such opponent going into the 2014 values of the Constitution. It is as banquets and car washes. In provincial elections. Malema still to be seen what the impact of defence of the performance of has visited the province several such media coverage will be for the ruling party in the province, times, attracting huge crowds at the election campaign of the DA. Bulwana stated that some of the rallies in Bloemfontein, Botsha- accusations against it are politi- belo, Thaba Nchu, and Welkom. Political campaigning of the cally motivated.9 The main focus of the party has governing party been on the hopelessness and an- The FS ANC’s political cam- ger of the unemployed youth. In The FS has been one of the ANC’s paign started in earnest after the addition, the party has also been strongholds since the dawn of publication of its candidate list. using direct contact with voters democracy in 1994. In fact, the The party adopted the slogan in the form of door-to-door cam- ANC in the province is important ‘Forward to 85% ANC Victory, paigns and spending a lot of time for the party’s performance na- all forces on the ground’ while talking to commuters. According tionally. It is also in this province continuing to work closely with to the EFF national co-ordinator where the party has been dogged civil society organisations. The Mpho Ramakatsa, the party is by intense faction fights. This, in party has so far managed to confident of toppling the ANC in addition to the onslaught from counter the claims of opposition the FS. This is a concern shared opposition parties, has hardened parties that decry the high levels by the ANC provincial gener- attitudes within the ruling party. of unemployment, corruption and al secretary, who noted that the poor service delivery. The over- EFF is taking young people away Against this backdrop, members arching strategy has been to one from the ANC and should not be of the ANC continue to stand of accepting its faults, but also in- underestimated.8 firm behind the party leaders. dicating that the party has a plan As the criticism against the par- to resolve the current challenges Media coverage of the political ty and the provincial government it faces. campaigns of opposition par- intensifies, it is remarkable that ties an oasis of tolerance characteris- The provincial campaign of the es the current atmosphere within ruling party has been further bol- Opposition parties in the FS have the party. Party insiders believe stered by visits by the National been receiving a substantial por- that this is largely due to Ace Ma- Executive Committee (NEC) of tion of media coverage from both gashule’s efforts. He has lately the ANC. Various NEC leaders the national broadcaster’s TV and apparently been reaching out to engaged with communities on the radio stations. Similarly, influen- all members of the party, includ- significant successes achieved tial community and regional print ing calling upon those members together as part of the 20 years media have also covered much who left the party to return. It is “good story to tell” narrative.10 of the campaigns of opposition astounding that this clarion call This campaign was followed parties. It appears that most of has already led to the return to by the visit of President Jacob the media attention on opposition the party of once hardened critics Zuma. Zuma’s visit coincided parties has been on the visits of of Magashule, including Mxoli- with door-to-door campaigns, national leaders of the different si Dukwana. Dukwana was part meeting with elderly people, a 127 youth rally and a gala dinner in public lectures. This includes 2009 Report, Electoral Commission honour of Solomon Mahlangu. the Chris Hani Memorial Lec- of South Africa: National and Provincial Elections” 22 April The party stepped up its election ture, where Police Minister Nathi (2009): campaign by hosting a minori- Mthethwa acted as guest present- http://www.elections.org.za/content/ ty rally targeting coloured and er. Dynamic. white communities. aspx?id=1344&name= Conclusion Elections& LeftMenuId=100&Bread Fracture and opposition in the CrumbId=220 governing party in the FS The main election campaign strat- 3 Refilwe, Mekoa. “Cope is a failed egy of the opposition, as expect- project – Mokitlane.” 08 April The ANC in the FS, as elsewhere ed, is focused almost exclusively (2014). http://www.bloemfonteincourant. in the country, has a history of on criticising the ANC. I find the co.za/article/3446/Cope-is-a- factionalism and internal com- inability of the major opposition failed-projectMokitlane petition. There also seems to be parties in the FS to communi- 4 Selloane, Khalane. “Malema vs widespread despondency and cate why their parties represent ANC.” 31 July (2013). http:// uncertainty among party mem- the aspirations of FS voters to be expresspaper.mobi/news/read/393/ malema-vs-anc bers about senior appointments most disconcerting. It is just not 5 Bekezela, Phakathi. “DA puts made in provincial departments enough to make bold statements social media strategy in overdrive without due processes being fol- such as “Vote against Nkandla” ahead of elections.” http:// lowed. According to party insid- or “Vote out corruption” without www.bdlive.co.za/national/ politics/2014/04/08/da-puts- ers, jockeying for positions in presenting alternative approaches social-media-strategy-in-overdrive- the ANC and provincial govern- that are attainable. A major boost ahead-of-elections ment has already started, and this for opposition politics in the prov- 6 SABC. “ANC blasts DA as Zille could be partly ascribed to the ince is the emergence of the EFF. challenges the party in F. State.” proportional representation par- Despite its limited budget, there 21 April (2014). http://www.sabc. co.za/news/a/fb01d18043b875e2 ty system. Generally, though, the is no doubt that the EFF will play b7c1f7239b19c088/ANC-blasts- ANC is facing the forthcoming a significant role in the politics of DA-as-Zille-challenges-the-party elections without any major rifts the FS after the May 7 elections. -in-F.-State between the main factions in the It is thus not surprising when the 7 Selloane, Khalane. “Ramphele joins march.” Mangaung Express, 16 party. ANC’s provincial secretary states April (2014), page 1. that the EFF should not be under- 8 Matume, Letsoalo & Mmanaledi, Media coverage of the politi- estimated, but that “all the polit- Mataboge. “Wind of change in ANC cal campaigns of the governing ical parties in the Free State are heartland.” Mail & Guardian, 17 party just talking, but they are not on April (2014). Page 6. 9 Matume, Letsoalo & Mmanaledi, the ground …. I only see them in Mataboge. “Wind of change in ANC 11 The ANC’s election campaign in the media.” heartland.” Mail & Guardian, the FS has received significant 17 April (2014), page 6. coverage and elicited the expect- 10 Paddy, Harper & Sabelo, Ndlangisa. “ANC on election offensive.” ed accusation of bias from oppo- END NOTES City Press, 6 April (2014), p.2. sition parties. There seems to be 11 Matume, Letsoalo & Mmanaledi, a co-ordinated plan to raise the 1 Matume, Letsoalo & Mmanaledi, Mataboge. “Wind of change in ANC visibility of the party. The party Mataboge. “Wind of change in ANC heartland.” Mail & Guardian, heartland.” , 17 Mail & Guardian 17 April (2014), page 6. is making use of radio advertise- April (2014), page 6. ments and will also host several 2 Independent Electoral Commission.

NORTH WEST

Dr Ina Gouws – North West Campaigning seem to be the two parties realis- University (Vaal Triangle tically competing for the position Campus) Opposition of official opposition in the North West Province. Opposition in the This section pays attention to North West was handed lots of the DA and the EFF, since these ammunition after several violent 128 service delivery protests and al- United Christian Democratic cus on unemployment. Since Ju- legations of corruption in sev- Party (UCDP). The UCDP was lius Malema has shown solidar- eral municipalities. The choice founded by Lucas Mangope ity with the mine workers plight the opposition has to make is and was the Governing party in after the Marikana massacre, the how to use the ammunition. The Boputhatswana. Mangope was EFF was launched in Marika- DA has shown steady growth in expelled by a newly elected party na. The EFF has campaigned in the North West Province since leadership in 2013. Those unhap- mining compounds and hostels 1994. It has the advantage that py with this decision have been where discontent with the ANC is it is governing the Western Cape defecting to other parties, and rife. In its manifesto the EFF has Province and thus has a gover- the DA says that it has welcomed made populist promises which nance track record to campaign over 200 former UCDP members resonate with the unemployed on. The party has taken the role into its fold. The UCDP has two in the North West.15 The EFF of oversight seriously and has seats in the provincial legislature, said that it planned to be present effectively pointed out the short- but support has been dwindling ‘at every possible funeral, par- comings of the current governing and prospects for the upcoming ty and wedding to engage with party. However, the DA appears elections look bleak.13 communities’. According to the to have chosen a predominantly convenor of the Marikana branch negative campaign in terms of fo- Such ‘victories’ are bound to be their supporters take part in “Red cusing largely on the governance important to the DA in its effort Friday” gatherings every week weaknesses of the ANC, instead to create the image that they are clad in full EFF regalia.16 The red of on its own message and offer- accessible to black communities. shirts and red berets are visible ing. The ANC and its failures are The activities by the DA leader and an effective way to recognise getting more attention than the Helen Zille during the rally and EFF campaigners, called fighters. DA’s governance achievements ceremonies in the Bodibe village and manifesto in the current DA created some controversy. Pic- A challenge to the campaign is campaign. tures were posted on social me- Julius Malema’s tax and criminal dia of her arriving at the rally in charges. The EFF campaign has The DA has nevertheless em- a donkey cart, and later stirring to adjust and attempt to distance barked on a grassroots campaign a traditional pot wearing a blue the party from its leader’s alleged in the North West Province. It has dashiki and matching headscarf indiscretions. The party has re- had rallies in the Barolong Ba-Ga (kopdoek). Critics said she tried cruited young professionals with Bodiwa chieftaincy in Bodibe too hard, while others praised her post-graduate degrees into its in North West near Mmabatho, for respecting tradition.14 ranks. Although the EFF claims where it claims to have gained to speak for the unemployed, it 500 more supporters, mostly de- This kind of campaign where does not want its supporters to be fectors from the ANC, according candidates show solidarity/re- seen only as ‘uneducated, unem- to Helen Zille.12 Chief Keorape- spect to voters by participating ployed and stupid’.17 tse Motlhako says his tribe has in some of their daily activities is lost confidence in the govern- nothing new in countries like the The EFF has embarked on a ment and stated: USA and Britain, but South Afri- door-to-door campaign and has cans, it appears, have had mixed hosted large rallies and commu- “We made that decision feelings. Thos who are support- nity meetings. It has also organ- because the ANC government ive of the DA suggest that this is ised protest marches such as the has failed us. We have tried a demonstration of respect and one to the Moretele local munici- to engage the ANC in the attempt to honour local cultural pality (Makapanstad). matter of land disputes and traditions, whilst critics interpret Chieftaincy. So at the end of this as insincere “electioneering”. Both parties realise the impor- the day we have tried from tance of social media in this 2001 up until 2012 and we The EFF has made it very clear election. They have twitter and couldn’t receive any help that the North West Province is a Facebook accounts which are from our government” point of focus in their campaign used quite effectively to spread and have identified the North party messages and keep poten- The DA has also indicated West as a large pocket of support. tial voters and supporters up to that it will meet with former The campaign the EFF chose is date with upcoming events. Both Bophuthatswana Bantustan lead- also one of scathing criticism parties use highly visible poster Kgosi Lucas Mangope of the against the ANC, with a major fo- ers, billboards and stage regalia 129 during rallies. The DA has been supposed to be the ANC’s big- tests. Accordingly, on 17 Feb- using state of the art audiovisu- gest trump card on the campaign ruary 2014 the ANC announced al equipment to play election ads trail as ‘liberators’ of the people that it would be travelling ‘the and introductions during rallies. kicking off their national cam- length and breadth’ of the North Both parties have also taken to paign under the theme “Together West Province for its Nineteen attending church and other reli- we take South Africa forward” as Days of Revolution/Setsokosane gious services in the communi- well as the campaign payoff line, Campaign. Setsokosane means ties where they campaign. “We have a good story to tell”. ‘whirlwind’. This campaign in the North West runs along with Governing party The ANC in the North West the national phases identified by Province has experienced dif- the ANC: South Africa is celebrating 20 ficulties with factionalism and years of democracy. This was violent service delivery pro-

Phase Duration Concludes Main Tasks Lay the founda- 5 Months July 2013 Prepare campaign structures tion Back to the August 2013 to 7 Months Door-to-door work, report to the people people launch Popularise the ANC Manifesto. Identify our Mayihlome 8 weeks 9 April 2014 voters Dominate media with positive messages. Siyanqoba 3 weeks 30 April 2014 Arrange to get ANC voters to voting stations Final rallies. Get the vote out. Monitor pro- Election week 1 week 7 May 2014 cesses Source: SADTU http://www.sadtu.org.za/docs/pe/2013/anc_election_manual.pdf

The aim of the current Siyan- amongst others, the and ultimately, the elections.” qoba phase is to listen and give establishment of elections 18 feedback to the people. The Set- structures, as espoused in the sokosane campaign seems to fa- Election Manual. As with previous elections, the cilitate these aims in the North Siyanqoba phase is the culmina- West Province, but with a spe- The second phase of the tion of the ANC’s countrywide cific aim to talk about the ANC’s Setsokotsane programme, campaign, which will end with a service delivery record since highlights the processes, rally at FNB stadium on May 4th. 1994, in an attempt to unify the analyses the collected data President Zuma is scheduled to ANC in the province. This cam- and helps in the interpretation address this rally (Julius Malema paign is supposed to highlight the of the voting data. Our also addressed this rally back in ANC’s achievements as well as watertight process and the 2011 when he was still President challenges. In addition to this, the voter’s roll analysis, in the of the ANCYL). ANC included the ‘popularisa- Ngaka Modiri Molema and tion’ of the ANC Election Mani- the Dr Ruth Segomotsi The governing party has made festo as a priority. This campaign Mompati District confirms use of the normal election media includes a door-to-door approach that the ANC structures and such as posters and flyers. The and walks about in public areas voters are solid and ANC is active on social media such as taxi ranks, shebeens and combat-ready for elections. platforms such as Twitter and churches. The ANC provincial Facebook. Its website is more chairperson explains the phases Whilst we proceed with our user-friendly than most other of this campaign as follows: programme to visit Dr parties and contains a wealth of Kenneth Kaunda and documents. “. . . the Setsokosane concept Bojanala districts, the document, the first phase programme will steamroll to Service delivery protests and of the programme contained the Siyanqoba election phase the publication of the Nkand-

130 la report by the Public Protec- one hand the ANC has to run its With the EFF in the picture and tor have changed the ANC’s campaign and restore the trust the DA showing some growth campaign. The ANC was set to with its voters. On the other hand such a victory seems unlikely. run a positive campaign focus- it has to restore peace in certain The ANC is however likely to ing on its achievements. In the protest areas while spreading a still win the North West Province North West Province, like in ev- message of no tolerance of vio- with a comfortable victory. ery other province, officials and lence and destruction of property delegations campaigning in the from protesters. And it will have Media Coverage province must answer difficult to seriously consider decisions questions about Nkandla and such as redeploying discredited North West Province is served by corrupt officials. Protesters in cadres like Maphetle Maphetle national broadcasting and print Zeerust and Bloemhof, specif- (former mayor of Tlokwe) to the media such as the SABC, eNCA, ically, blamed corrupt officials provincial legislature. Negative and Media 24 newspapers. There for the lack of service delivery perceptions the ANC is trying to are several regional radio stations they experienced. With the EFF reverse in its campaign will only and newspapers serving the peo- in the picture with a message that be reinforced by such decisions. ple of the province. The follow- seems to resonate with the vast ing tables give a glimpse of the numbers of unemployed and poor In spite of these challenges the kinds of community papers and people in the province, the ANC ANC has embarked on the door- radio stations operating in the provincial government in North to-door campaign one town and province, the areas they serve and West has to try to put divisions village at a time. It is projecting their focus on politics. aside amidst these conflicts. On an 80% victory in North West.

Newspapers

Newspaper Area Served Political coverage Zeerust News Zeerust, Lehurutshe, Botswa- Eng/Afr. Community news, crime, na; Jwaneng, Lichtenburg, very little politics. Available on- Groot-Marico, Mahikeng, line. Nietverdiend, Skuinsdrift Overvaal Newspaper Klerksdorp, Christiana, Wol- Free paper. Eng/Afr. Community maranstad, Hertzogville, news, advertisement, no politics Schweizer Reneke, Wessels- visible. No website. Electronic bron, Bloemhof, Witpoort, version available on Facebook Bothaville, Vryburg, Reivilo, page. Leeudoringstad, Ottosdal Potchefstroom Herald Potchefstroom Eng/Afr. Mooivaal Media Group with Media24. Local news. Has a section focusing only on voter education i.e. where to vote etc. Some commentary on local politics. Available online and has a mobi site. Mafikeng Mail Mafikeng English only. Local and national news. Editorials covering political news – e.g. service delivery protests in the province and elsewhere. Available online.

131 Radio

Station Audience Political coverage PUKfm 93.6 fm ± 2000, Potchefstroom – 50% Political interviews with local Eng. 40% Afr. 10% Setswana politicians. Radio Mafisa 93.4 fm ±100 000 Targets Setswana Focus is music. Some political speaking listeners aged 18-35. commentary. Rustenburg, Hartebeespoort, Magaliesburg, Swartruggens, Ventersdorp, Ga-Rankuwa Motsweding FM 87.9 – 107.9 SABC station, covering the Lots of political news coverage and entire North West, Northern talk shows. Interviews with politi- Cape, Gauteng and Free State. cians such as EFF Premier Candi- Based in Mahikeng. Targets date Motsi earlier this year. Setswana audience.

Opposition ed in Potchefstroom a day after were neglected in these debates, the Public Protector’s release of which were subsumed in the Both the EFF and DA’s North the Nkandla findings. The head- “blame game” played by party West campaigns have received lines reiterated that Zuma ‘will representatives, it did insert the media coverage from nation- have to convince the tradition- province into the national politi- al television, online and print al leaders and other residents cal discourse. Striking a balance media. The SABC, eNCA and of Potchefstroom that the ANC between national concerns and ANN7 have reported on the DA’s can still deliver a better life for province-specific issues would Bodibe campaign and the contro- them’.20 be the ideal point of departure for versial pictures mentioned earli- these debates. er. The EFF got national coverage The ANC has received very neg- for its rallies in Mafikeng, and ative news coverage because of END NOTES about EFF supporters complain- the violent service delivery pro- ing about lack of service delivery tests in the province (Bloemhof, 12 Warren Mabona. “DA will turn the during service delivery protests Zeerust, Brits). The provincial tables on the ANC in polls says in North West. government under leadership of Zille”. (2014). The Citizen. Premier Thandi Modise had to http://citizen.co.za/145037/da- Local newspapers are not as keen will-turn-the-tables-on-the-anc- embark on serious damage con- in-polls-says-zille/ to venture into hard political re- trol in these areas. The attempt 13 SABC. “UCDP leadership porting, despite the impact of was to be seen to come down battle over”. (2013) service delivery protests and the hard on lack of service delivery http://www.sabc.co.za/news/a/ like. Some editorials had some by local authorities, show (some- 3ccc9c804136b70db8c political commentary (for exam- times unwelcome) sympathy 7bf3895839b19/UCDP- ple, the Mafikeng Mail) without leadership-battle-over-20132409 with residents but to also speak 14 Nontando Mposo. “Twitter storm providing new insight into spe- against violence and destruction over Zille’s Bodibe pictures”. 19 cific provincial issues. of property. The governing par- (2014). Independent Online. ty has had difficulty creating the http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ Most national newspapers have perception that it was successful twitter-storm-over-zille-s-bodibe- grouped provincial news under in its handling of conflict situa- pictures-1.1662942#.U1Vsh the heading of each province to VWSwU0 tions where it is solely blamed for 15 make access to regional news Sabelo Ndlangisa, Carien du Plessis residents’ unhappiness. and Sipho Masondo. “It’s game on easier. The SABC and New Age for EFF, ANC and DA”. (2014) have done this well. SABC has involved party repre- http://www.citypress.co.za/politics/ sentatives of the ANC, EFF, FF+ game-eff-anc-da/ Governing party and EFF in a string of debates 16 Lisa Steyn. “North West voting: initiated by Radio Sonder Grense even if they eat, it’s better than the The ANC’s campaign in North ANC”. (2014) http://mg.co.za/ West has been getting attention in (RSG). These debates are taking article/2014-02-27-even-if-they- national news. The SABC report- place in all provinces running up eat-its-better-than-the-anc 17 ed on President Zuma leading to the elections. The debate in Setumo Stone. “NEWS ANALYSIS: North West took place in Potchef- EFF prepares to make a mark in the campaign in the province in the political arena”. (2013) http:// March 2014. The campaign start- stroom. While province-specific concerns in the North West www.bdlive.co.za/national/ 132 politics/2013/09/09/news- 19 Editors Viewpoint. “Service delivery 20 SABC. ”Zuma to lead election analysis-eff-prepares-to-make-a- protests are politically campaign in North West”. (2014). mark-in-the-political-arena motivated- Editor”. (2014). http:// http://www.sabc.co.za/news/a/ 18 ANC. “Letter from the ANC www.northwestnewspapers.co.za/ 2f2cb88043 provincial chair person Supra mafikengmail/index.php/news-local/ 5505b754cff0bfd5d3b76/ Muhamapelo” (2014). http:// community/editor-s- Zuma-to-lead-election-in- ancnorthwest.org/read_ viewpoint/925-violent- North-West pressstatement.php?id=46 protests-are-politically- (Accessed April 2014). motivated-editor

GAUTENG

Waseem Holland, Independent holds”.21 Unlike the DA and larizing the manifesto as well as Researcher EFF, the ANC has not revealed launching all forms of campaign its candidates for premiers in the advertising. Phase 4, called Si- Gauteng is the wealthiest prov- provinces, so is not relying on in- yanqoba (“We are winning”), ince in the country with the larg- dividual representatives to be the from April to the 24 hours before est population. Being the “pow- faces of their campaigns in the election day, is broadly focused erhouse” of South Africa’s and provinces. The ANC has a strong on building enthusiasm for the indeed Africa’s economy means reliance on campaign teams that election. In this phase all public that issues around economic de- conduct door-to-door campaigns representatives of the ANC will velopment and transformation in a personalized, face-to-face be deployed on campaigns on a are crucial to parties’ campaigns way. Door-to-door work is the fulltime basis. Finally, the last in the province. main component of ANC election phase, called election week, is fo- campaigns where they meet vot- cused of the deployment of par- ANC Campaign ers to find out who they support. ty agents and election observers If these people are ANC support- to all polling stations across the Gauteng is the province where ers, then the team makes sure that country on election-day. transformation is very visible, and they are in possession of a valid the province where broad-based ID document and that they have The 20 years of Democracy black economic empowerment is been registered to vote. This in- theme is clear and visible in the tangibly identifiable by the fact formation is recorded on the sys- ANC’s campaign. The “good that Gauteng has the largest pro- tem. The ANC election campaign story to tell” narrative remains portion of the black middle-class, occurs in five phases. Phase 1, the predominant feature driving compared to other provinces. called “Lay the Foundation”, was the ANC’s current election cam- The transformation and devel- conducted from February to July paign. The ANC has tended to opment of South Africa’s most 2013, and is a preparation period almost ignore the opposition par- well-known township, Soweto, is for campaign structures. Phase 2, ties and dismissed their presence testament to the ANC’s econom- called “Back to the People”, was as a mere formal requirement in ic successes and perhaps a wor- conducted from August to De- the process of multi-party de- thy source of ANC plaudits. The cember 2013, and used as a plat- mocracy. The ANC campaign is construction of a relatively well form for interface between cam- geared towards a focus on what it functioning modern transporta- paign teams and voters where the has achieved and the celebration tion system, Gautrain, is another party reports back to communi- thereof, not the weaknesses and demonstrable effect of public pri- ties, engages with voters and ad- shortcomings of the opposition vate partnerships working for the dresses any problems communi- parties. modernization of the province. ty members may have. Phase 3, Mayihlome (“Prepare for Bat- Opposition Campaign According to the ANC Gauteng tle”), from January to April 2014, Province Election Manual, the is the period where campaign The DA has never governed ANC campaign is focused on be- teams that are now in possession Gauteng, but only specific wards ing visible on the ground within of the election manifesto are able and districts within the province. communities that are traditional to engage comprehensively with It is therefore unable to tap into supporters of the party, as well voters through the framework set the kind of narrative that the ANC as venturing into areas that are out in the manifesto. The work is able to. Because the DA is un- not necessarily ANC “strong- in this period is aimed at popu- able to reach all citizens with the

133 merits of its proposed economic offerings in their manifesto have legacy of apartheid. This may policies in its manifesto, its at- not in reality received much cov- explain some of the pronounce- tacking the ANC is unsurprising erage and at its campaign mani- ments made by Maimane in the as it seems the easiest strategy to festo launch in Limpopo, the par- lead-up to the 2014 elections. In a fall back on. ty was caught in a reactive mode. speech at Walter Sisulu square in Having a narrative imposed upon Kliptown, Soweto, at the launch In November 2013, the DA them, the key messages at the of the “Believe in Change” cam- launched a campaign that fo- DA’s campaign and manifesto paign, Maimane paid homage cused on the generally disliked lunch centred around three key to former liberation leaders like E-toll system. The campaign messages: Albert Luthuli and Oliver Tam- posters read: “A Vote for the DA bo, who of course came from the is a Vote against E-tolls”.22 The a. That after ANC leaders on the ANC. He has on numerous occa- billboards, placed on the major campaign trail suggested that sions also expressed admiration highways in the province, ridi- the DA would bring back and support for Thabo Mbeki, an culed the ANC for the construc- apartheid if elected into power ANC president. The focus of the tion of the E-toll system as well and that the DA would not DA’s national campaign and in- as the many problems associated (and because of the deed the Gauteng province is re- with electricity that have recently Constitution could not) do so flected in the speech where Mai- been in the spotlight in the prov- since as a party it was never in mane talks about the way that the ince. The visible component of favour of apartheid former President Mbeki “saved” DA election campaigns (posters) b. That it supported social grants the South African economy.24 has always been strong and clear, and the welfare system and with bold writing and a clearly was not in favour of reducing The crucial part of the speech defined message. The new cam- either the number of different that directly reflects DA strategy paign posters, however, are con- grant types or the amount, and in Gauteng and Maimane being fusing and it is difficult to extract c. After ambiguous messaging the embodiment of that strategy, the nub of the message. The dif- about black economic is where Maimane explains that ficulty is created by the DA hav- empowerment, it announced he supported and voted for the ing both vernacular and English that it supported the idea in ANC previously but has recent- writing on its posters.23 This dif- principle while seeking to ly become disillusioned with the ficulty is driven by the fact that improve its operations and party. It seems the message the the DA is, as ever, attempting to outcomes. Little else of what DA want to project is that the expand its sphere of support into was contained in the DA black middle-class and black the black African electorate while manifesto was part of the key voters in general in the province trying to make certain that it does messages at the manifesto must acknowledge the achieve- not alienate its traditional sup- launch. ments made by the ANC in the port-base. liberation of the country and the Having a narrative imposed upon subsequent economic develop- In this year’s election-period, it, the DA was caught in a reac- ment that took place under the the DA campaign began strongly tive mode rather than in a proac- Mbeki administration, but these with a focus on unemployment tive campaign. achievements are supposedly be- and the economy, which was ex- ing eroded by the current Zuma emplified by the March to ANC Gauteng seems to be the most administration. This kind of cam- headquarters under the banner significant province in the DA’s paign reasoning is elaborated in “Real Jobs”. However, the DA election campaign. This is re- the DA’s “Ayisafani” television has fallen into the same pattern flected by the fact that its nation- campaign, which is meant to con- as it did in previous elections al spokesman Mmusi Maimane vey the message that the ANC with an apparent preoccupation is the DA’s premier candidate “has changed”. The reverence with attacking the ANC in gener- for Gauteng Province. Ironical- for Mbeki is also in stark contrast al and Jacob Zuma in particular. ly, Mmusi Maimane, while be- with the vilification of Zuma, Though it is natural for parties to ing the embodiment of the DA’s which was expanded on when the campaign on the basis of point- newfound campaign strategy, DA sent a million Gautengers an ing out weaknesses and inade- could also be viewed as an em- SMS stating that Zuma stole citi- quacies in incumbent parties, a bodiment of ANC successes. A zen’s money in the upgrade of his sole pre-occupation with nega- young black man from Sowe- private home at Nkandla. tive campaigning can prove to be to, who is the child of a cashier both counter-productive as well and a factory worker, was able to as socially explosive. The DA’s be successful in the face of the 134 The EFF campaign has several balanced by and large. The ruling andla and the perceived increase interesting characteristics. The party and opposition parties have of police brutality in recent times. leader is charismatic and the received similar amounts of cov- The DA applied to the Indepen- identity of the party remains in- erage in the media. dent Communication Associa- tertwined with the identity of the tion of South Africa (ICASA) to leader. Therefore, unlike most of The depth of the coverage of appeal the SABC’s decision to the DA or ANC posters that you the election period has not been remove the advert. ICASA sub- will see, most EFF posters have good, however. The media have sequently ruled in favour of the the image of party leader Julius seemed overly focused on sen- DA. On 25 April, however, the Malema. sationalistic stories that do not South African Police Services consider the substantive differ- also laid a compliant with ICA- The EFF’s manifesto indicates ences in policy, approach, ideol- SA about the content of the ad- that its ideological stance is ogy or party orientations between vertisement, claiming that part of markedly different to other prom- the different parties but appear its visual content incites violence inent opposition parties (DA and to focus on confrontational in- against the police. Agang) in this year’s elections. teractions between parties. For Following from this, the EFF’s example, the DA march in the END NOTES campaign strategy has been clear- Johannesburg CBD on 12 Febru- ly focused on the working class ary, which was conducted in op- 21 ANC Gauteng Province Election and issues of economic failures position to the ANC’s proposed Manual, Election 2014, C U of ANC policy from a pro-poor expansion of the public works Shortened version 22 perspective. programme that is meant to cre- South African Press Association, “DA billboard campaign destructive: ate six million job opportunities, ANC”, Independent Online, (21 Dali Mpofu has been positioned was covered only from the angle November 2013), as the EFF’s remier candidate in of the violence that ensued from http://www.iol.co.za/news/ Gauteng. Dali Mpofu is probably the march. The DA’s claim that south-africa/gauteng/da- the highest-profile EFF member the proposed expansion does not billboard-campaign- apart from the leader and is also guarantee job creation but merely destructive-anc-1.1610601#. U1eEm6I8GM8 himself a defector for the ANC. an expansion of short-term work 23 Van Onselen Gareth, “DA’s This, as with the DA, shows that and government economic deal- Poster Problem”, Business Day Live, the EFF has identified Gauteng ings exclusively, was completely (12 March 2014) http://www.bdlive. as the most important province in overlooked. The discourse that co.za/opinion/ which it will be competing. In a may have been able to be gener- columnists/2014/03/12/the-das- speech made at the EFF Gauteng ated as a result of a better-quali- poster-problem 24 Mmusi Maimane, DA Premier election campaign launch on 4 ty media coverage of the merits Candidate for Gauteng Speech April 2014, Mpofu set out the of this policy debate would have (2 November 2013), central tenets of the EFF’s plan gone a long way to informing the http://da.org.za/newsroom.htm? for Gauteng Province. This is electorate. action=view-news-item&id=13098 25 centered on job creation and the South African Press Association. “EFF launches Gauteng poll reduction of inequality. The fol- The public broadcaster, the South campaign”. Independent Online, lowing quote exemplifies the African Broadcasting Commis- (4 April 2014). http://www.iol.co. kind of strategy that the EFF has sion (SABC), has recently been za/news/special-features/eff- undertaken during its Gauteng shown to be biased towards the launches-gauteng-poll- campaign, which is directed as ruling party. The DA “Ayisafani” campaign-1.1671532#. an indictment of ANC econom- television campaign was pulled U1eu8qI8GM8 ic policies that have served to from being aired on the SABC deepen inequality: “There is no because the broadcaster claimed province in ... South Africa which that it incited violence. The ad- demonstrates the problems of the vert shows DA premier candi- country more than Gauteng; pov- date Mmusi Maimane talking in erty and squalor sit side by side the mirror about how the ANC with opulence”.25 has changed from its former glory days. In the advert, Maimane Media Coverage talks about several things that have gone wrong with the ANC A scan of the print media in the and South Africa in general, province indicates that the cover- which includes the gross over- age of the election period has been spending on the upgrades at Nk- 135 EASTERN CAPE

Malachia Mathoho; Musa Se- franchise, and continued in rec- cess to recruiting voters outside bugwawo, Lashiola Kutya and ognisable form in most post-in- urban areas as compared to oth- Stephen Shisanya – Afesis-cor- dustrial societies until at least the er provinces around the country. plan 1950s. The modern campaign is Like their national counterparts, defined as one in which a party opposition parties in the Eastern Political campaigning by oppo- organisation is coordinated more Cape are also centring their cam- sition parties closely at central level by polit- paigns on the weaknesses of the ical leaders, and advised by ex- ANC’s governance record. On 7 May 2014, South Africans ternal professional consultants will be going to the national polls like opinion pollsters. Post-mod- Media coverage for the fifth time to elect the na- ern campaigns are understood as tional and provincial govern- those where the coterie of profes- This section discusses the role ments. All political parties that sional consultants on advertising, of the print media – that is, the are registered with the Indepen- public opinion, marketing, and local newspapers in the Eastern dent Electoral Commission (IEC) strategic news management be- Cape Province – in covering par- to contest the national and provin- come more co-equal actors with ty campaigns, focusing on both cial elections are campaigning. politicians, assuming a more in- the governing and opposition The key message among almost fluential role within government parties. It also looks at the out- all parties is a promise to provide in a permanent campaign, as door media, namely party posters better governance than the one well as coordinating local activ- and billboards. The media has a offered by the current governing ity more tightly at the grassroots strong effect on educating as well party, the African National Con- (Norris, 2004).27 as an influencing role when it gress (ANC). comes to persuading and manipu- Rather than claiming that all cam- lating public views, be it political While democratic elections are paigns are inevitably moving into or any other issue. In the Eastern still relatively new in South Af- the post-modern category, this Cape Province the print media rica, Norris (2004)26 argues that view emphasises that contests appear to have allocated dedi- there is widespread agreement can continue to be arranged from cated columns for political news. that the process of election cam- the pre-modern to the post-mod- These columns report on politi- paigning, particularly the roles of ern, due to influence of a range cal party campaigns and general parties and the news media, has of intermediary conditions such political news that is regarded been transformed in recent de- as the electoral system, campaign as topical to EC audiences. For cades. One of the most common regulations, and organisational instance the Daily Dispatch con- observations heard in popular resources (Norris, 2004).28 How- firmed that it has dedicated page commentary, and widely echoed ever, as the argument by Norris 4 to political news, and the main in the political communication suggests, South African political headline (being the front page) literature, is that in recent de- campaigns cannot claim to have is open for any topical story re- cades many established and new- adopted any single form of the gardless of the focus as long as it er democracies have experienced above campaigns as a form of catches the audience’s attention. the Americanisation of election election campaign. South African campaigns. Norris goes on to political campaigns across prov- In an article published in the categorise campaigns as taking inces include both the pre-mod- Daily Dispatch30 on 11 February three forms: pre-modern, modern and modern forms of cam- 2014, it is clear that all media ern and post-modern campaigns. paigns. houses, including the television The pre-modern campaign is de- (Bay TV), newspapers (The Her- fined as a campaign that is based The Eastern Cape province of ald) and radio stations (Algoa upon direct forms of interper- South Africa is the third-largest FM), clearly state that they are sonal communications between province in terms of the IEC vot- against allowing party campaigns candidates and citizens at local ers’ roll, with 3.24 million vot- in their offices. level, with short-term, ad-hoc ers, a 24.53% increase from the planning by the party leadership. 1999 voters’ roll.29 The province In a telephone interview, The Pre-modern campaigning orig- is largely rural with a high level Herald political editor, Nwabisa inated in 19th century democ- of poverty and illiteracy, and po- Makunga,31 stated that the news- racies with the expansion of the litical parties do not have easy ac- paper dedicates page 4 to polit-

136 ical news and their journalists as a primary source of political advertising.36 always try to report on any party information and less on other campaigns taking place. When sources – for example, the fami- In a discussion with Umhlobo asked about the percentage ally, community and other interme- wenene FM current affairs man- located for each party, Makunga diary organisations (Mughan and ager, Fezile Mponzi, about cov- remarked that it depends on the Gunther 2000). The media play erage of the governing party elec- news of the day and how much a very crucial role in election tion campaigns, he noted that his space they have left for the col- campaigns. This role includes: station follows guidelines set by umn. The Herald editorial policy the provision of information to ICASA while conducting a po- promotes fairness and equal rep- voters to enable them make in- litical debate series which focus resentation of any party, and it formed decisions; provision of on key election issues. In such should be noted that The Herald a platform for debate through debates, all political party repre- is not aligned to any political par- allowing exchanges of opinions sentatives are given equal time ty. In conclusion, Makunga ac- among the different contending and space. knowledged that the parties that groups and citizens. The media’s make headlines almost on a daily role also includes that of acting The scenario is different with the basis (in order of prominence) as a watchdog for fairness during print media. For example, accord- are mainly the ANC, DA, COPE, election campaigning and providing to Daily Dispatch newspaper and EFF, followed by AGANG ing a voice to the voters35 (Davis political editor, the paper covers and the PAC. 2004). newsworthy election campaign stories without necessarily fo- Overall, parties received cov- The Eastern Cape Province is cusing on a single political party. erage in print media because of characterised by a vibrant me- However, a closer look at politi- their ability to generate ‘news’ dia sector. The television sector cal campaigns and media cover- and not because sections of the is made up of the public broad- age reveals that the ruling party, media were bent on promot- caster, the South Africa Broad- the ANC, easily attracts more ing ‘their’ party. Evidence sug- casting Corporation (SABC), media attention and coverage not gests that the well-resourced and ETV (ENCA news) and Port only from the public broadcaster, well-supported parties increase Elizabeth-based Bay TV. The ra- but from the private media hous- their dominance of media cov- dio sector, which is the biggest es as well. erage through their ability to ad- broadcaster in the province, com- vertise extensively in print, radio prises the SABC radio stations END NOTES and the outdoor media. In a tele- (including Umhlobo wenene, Tru phone interview with the Daily FM), private radio stations (Al- 26 Norris, P, 2004, The evolution of Dispatch personnel,32 they stated goa FM, etc.) and a host of com- election campaigns: Eroding that parties are allowed to use the munity-owned radio channels political engagements? Harvard paid-for advertorial space only spread throughput the province. University, USA 27 Ibid for announcements; thus any 28 Ibid negative statements against other To ensure that the interests of 29 http://www.politicsweb.co.za/ parties is strictly prohibited. the public are catered for and politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/ that fairness and a reflection of page71654?oid=560298&sn=Detail The ANC, DA, EFF, COPE and diverse and representative views accessed 16 April 2014 AGANG are making more head- of the public are represented in 30 Mkhululi Ndamase. “Editors reject lines even on news websites such the media, the Independent Com- ruling party’s bid to campaign in 33 34 newsrooms”. Page 4. Daily as the ENCA, SABC . ENCA munications Authority of South Dispatch, Tuesday 11 February reported on its website that on the Africa (ICASA) was established. 2014. weekend of 13 April parties were ICASA’s election responsibilities 31 Telephone Interview with the campaigning intensely in the include regulation of political Herald Political Editor Nwabisa Mthatha area. It states that “On advertising and election broad- Makunga (Thursday 17 April 2014) 32 Friday President Jacob Zuma casts during an election period. Telephone Interview with Daily Dispatch Political Editor Mr Zuzile opened a new water project in the The election period starts with (Friday 11 April 2014) area, on Saturday EFF leader Ju- the submission date of the party 33 SABC News website http://www. lius Malema held a rally in East lists to the IEC and ends 48 hours sabc.co.za/news/politics London, and on Sunday it was before the start of voting. During Accessed on 17 April 2014 the turn of the DA”. this period, all political parties 34 ENCA News http://www.enca. have to be treated on an equal ba- com/elections-2014-south-africa/ political- Across the world, citizens are in- sis in regard to the time allocated heavyweights-set-sights-eastern- creasingly relying on the media to party political broadcasts and cape Accessed 17 April 2014 137 35 Davis Gavin, 2004. Media coverage (Accessed 9 April 2014). missions/microsoftword- and the election: were some parties 36 Gabriel Marian, 2009. Culture, finalreport_ more equal than others? See. http:// governance and home affairs: “EU electionmissiontosouthafrica_ www.commerce.uct.ac.za/ Election Expert Mission to South 28sep.pdf Accessed 9 March 2014 Research_Units/CSSR/Working%20 Africa Papers/papers/wp69.pdf http://eeas.europa.eu/eueom/pdf/

LIMPOPO

Ralph Mathekga – Director It is only in Limpopo that the and different role-players having - Clearcontent Research and ANC has been able to break the emerged. Consulting 90% ceiling (in 1994). Therefore, Limpopo is clearly a place where It is not only the DA that sees The experience of the last four the opposition parties would not Limpopo province as vulnerable general elections demonstrates devote much of their resources, to a change in voting patterns. that Limpopo has been the ANC’s if one considers the fact that it is The newly launched Econom- stronghold: it is the province in costly to campaign for elections ic Freedom Fighters (EFF) also which the party has consistent- in South Africa and more so for seems to target Limpopo as its ly secured the highest share of opposition parties. first showing of strength in the votes. The picture of Limpopo 2014 elections. The formation of as a province where the ANC is The 2014 election campaign pe- EFF as a political party has much almost unassailable has inad- riod, however, demonstrates a to do with political fractures vertently shaped the patterns of different turn of events, where within the ANC in Limpopo. Ju- campaigning by opposition par- opposition parties are actually lius Malema’s burgeoning popu- ties. Opposition parties do not targeting Limpopo and devot- larity as the ANC Youth League allocate their campaign resources ing a visibly larger share of their president and his subsequent ex- across provinces equally. Thus, resources to campaigning in the pulsion from the party also has its parties devote resources in pro- province. The Democratic Al- roots in Limpopo Province. The portion to their perceived oppor- liance (DA) decided to launch main question, however, remains tunities to succeed in attaining its 2014 election manifesto in whether the political spectrum in votes in a province. Even when Limpopo province, defying the Limpopo has changed to such an parties declare during campaign- well-entrenched idea that the extent that opposition parties are ing that they are campaigning in province is dubbed the ANC’s justified in devoting significant all provinces equally, the reality “stronghold” (Nel, 2014). As the campaign resources to the prov- of resource constraints compels DA sees it, there has been re- ince. parties to avoid devoting resourc- markable development since the es to provinces where they do not previous elections – sufficiently Making sense of the political in reality stand a good chance of remarkable to warrant a renewed dynamics in Limpopo attaining a significant number of focus by the opposition parties on votes. capturing more support than they There is no doubt that the ANC is hitherto enjoyed in Limpopo. aware that it cannot allow its elec- Following this line of reason- toral hold on Limpopo to slide. ing, opposition parties would not The DA stated that the ANC in But the party’s campaign in Lim- spend much of their resources in Limpopo has become vulnera- popo is more of a ‘maintenance Limpopo province when it comes ble, with the ruling party having plan’, and not really an attempt to to campaigning for the May 7, worked through a difficult split, build something new. The ANC’s 2014 elections. This is simply with interventions in its gover- campaign in Limpopo is meant to because the ANC is much stron- nance from the National Govern- close or at least limit the opportu- ger in Limpopo, as the previous ment, replacements at the exec- nity gap for the EFF and also the pattern of results indicates. The utive government resulting from newly formed AgangSA. Male- Limpopo and Mpumalanga prov- factional battles in the ANC, ma, the EFF leader, has a size- inces remain the two provinces and a textbook delivery scandal able support base in the province where the ANC has been able twice over. This may mean that – some of which can be assumed to attain an average of 80% per there is an opportunity to change to have migrated with him into cent of electoral share of votes. the political spectrum, with new EFF after his expulsion from the

138 ANC. have no ethnic connection to the the appeals made by the EFF and province. AgangSA. It is also demonstrable that the EFF’s membership recruitment Voting patterns in Limpopo show The ANC appears to remain well in Limpopo way outstrips mem- that the province has been wel- entrenched in Limpopo and it is bership recruitment in other coming to newly formed political likely that the party will most provinces.37 The EFF’s Malema parties; however, to the extent likely secure another victory by often invokes the emotions of that newly formed political par- a significant margin of majority being from Limpopo Province. ties enjoy some support, all those in the 2014 elections. The cam- Besides EFF, AgangSA also sees parties have had a significantly paigns in Limpopo have been Limpopo Province as a place for lower share of the votes, with lit- well covered by both print me- the party to demonstrate its first erally very marginal showings in dia and broadcast media. Much showing in contemporary South proportion to the support enjoyed interest in the coverage of the African politics. Since its forma- by the ANC. province has been fuelled by the tion in 2013, AgangSA leader Dr fact that since President Jacob Mamphela Ramphele has been The intense campaigning that Zuma was elected to the second steadfastly invoking her identify the province is experiencing term as ANC party leader Lim- as someone who originates from in the lead-up to the 2014 elec- popo has had the most significant Limpopo. Mamphela’s entry into tions comes out of the realisation fallout recorded within the party politics has therefore become a that the ANC is now weaker in at provincial level. This has seen ‘homecoming’ initiative, where the province and an opportunity the ANC Provincial Executive she often sees her role as that may exist for opposition parties Committee being disbanded and of serving ‘her’ people. In one to make greater inroads in the Cassel Mathale subsequently re- of her statements in Limpopo, province. At this point, however, called as the head of the provin- Ramphele stated that “My home it is difficult to tell if the politi- cial government. communities are crying out for a cal fractures experienced by the clean government that works for ANC in Limpopo will indeed The institutionalisation of fac- people, not against them”.39 translate into electoral opportuni- tions in Limpopo has made the ties for opposition parties. ANC weaker, and opposition The campaigns by AgangSA parties have seen that as an op- and the EFF in Limpopo are dis- Conclusion portunity to gain ground in the tinctly organic, and quite differ- province. The ANC is clearly on ent from the type of campaign Among the three notable oppo- a mending campaign in Limpo- spearheaded by the DA. Both sition parties campaigning in po, and the party has had to deal Malema and Ramphele see them- Limpopo (i.e. the DA, AgangSA, with President Zuma’s growing selves as rescuers of the com- and the EFF), only one party has unpopularity in the province. The munities of Limpopo, while the driven a generic campaign. The results of the 2014 elections will DA’s campaign in the province DA is clearly an ‘outsider’ in demonstrate definitively whether is rather more akin to a modern Limpopo, while AgangSA and the sustained fractures and frag- political campaign based strict- EFF are seen as ‘homecoming’ mentation that have character- ly on the issues germane to the parties. The DA is the most ex- ised Limpopo Province and the province. The DA has no ethnic perienced of all of the opposition ANC in Limpopo since Zuma connection with Limpopo, while parties when it comes to driving was re-elected ANC president in AgangSA and EFF respective- campaigns, however. This is at- Mangaung are exaggerated, or ly invoke their ethnic base. The tested to by its record of being the whether such fractures presented ANC’s response to AgangSA and opposition party that has steadi- a real opportunity for opposition the EFF’s attempts to capture the ly increased its national share of parties to make some inroads into larger share of votes in Limpopo votes since its formation. Having garnering support in the prov- has been to send Cyril Rama- enjoyed some support in Lim- ince. phosa, who also comes from the popo even though in the 2009 province, to actively campaign election the DA lost the status of END NOTES there. This raises the question as official opposition to COPE, the to whether Limpopo is experi- DA’s current campaign in Limpo- 37 City Press, “Juju’s district not an encing an ethnic-based campaign po appears to be gaining traction, EFF stronghold”, 17 Nov 2013 38 AgangSA, “Mamphela Ramphele by three important role-players in suggesting perhaps that voters in returns home to Limpopo to report this election. This raises a signif- Limpopo are not that easily sus- back to elders and community” 17 icant hurdle for political parties ceptible to “ethnic-based” cam- December 2013 such as the DA or UDM who paigns as may be thought given 39 AgangSA, “Mamphela Ramphele 139 returns home to Limpopo to report back to elders and community” 17 December 2013

NORTHERN CAPE

Obakeng Bonokwane – Inde- tions COPE secured many of its Baardman, to win the hearts of pendent Researcher votes in Galeshewe, the largest more than 600 000 Northern Cape township in the province. people who are registered to par- The central message of opposi- ticipate in the upcoming general tion parties campaigning in the Opposition parties in the North- elections. On the 17 march this Northern Cape is that they can ern Cape have been relatively year Malema announced Baard- manage the Northern Cape better weak, with opposition parties man as EFF premier candidate than the currently governing Af- collectively sharing 11 seats out for Northern Cape. He said that rican National Congress (ANC). of the 30 seats in the provincial the EFF had a strong candidate in Most visible have been parties legislature. However, the oppo- Baardman – a man who reputedly such as Congress of the People sition is looking to use factors has only standard 7 high school (COPE), the Democratic Alliance such as unemployment, corrup- education, and is facing criminal (DA), and the Economic Free- tion, maladministration and pov- charges relating to alleged theft, dom Fighters (EFF) , attempting erty as indicators to show the Fraud and corruption at the mu- to capitalise on the 620 000 peo- people that the governing ANC nicipality.42 ple who are in the IEC’s voters’ cannot or must not be trusted to roll in the province. continue governing. Apart from The Democratic Alliance (DA) the national focus on Nkandla, has also conducted high visibility The Northern Cape is the largest the opposition have pointed to and high profile campaigning by province in the country and also province-specific projects which having its national leader, Helrn the most sparsely populated, ac- they charge are improper, such Zille, Gauteng Premier Candi- counting for only 2.2 percent of as the painting of the walls at the date Mmusi Maimane, and their the total South African popula- official residence of the premier, Northern Cape Premier candidate tion. The politics of the province which cost taxpayers R200 000, a campaigning together. In a gath- is dominated by the African Na- project that has been labelled the ering of more than a thousand tional Congress, whose domi- premier’s own Nkandla.40 party supporters at the Jim Sum- nance may be challenged, espe- mers Hall, Zille declared that the cially in the Frances Baard and From 1 April Malema made his DA “can win the Northern Cape”. John Taole Gaetsewe regions, the presence felt in the Phokwane most densely populated regions sub-region, which comprises Even though Zille spoke about of the Northern Cape where min- Jan Kemp Dorp, Hartswater and what the DA can do for the people ing in the province is based. Pampierstad. Malema was can- the Northern Cape if the DA gets vassing support ahead of the 7 voted into power, the larger part Political campaigning (opposi- May general elections, and the of her speech was directed at crit- tion) EFF held its provincial rally of icising the “ANC of Jacob Zuma the Northern Cape at the Mcdon- and John Block”.43 The DA in the The Democratic Alliance (DA), ald Pitso Stadium, and was high- province has positioned itself as Congress of the People (COPE), ly visible during this period in paragon of good morals. A clinic Economic Freedom Fighters the streets of Valspan Township, in Warrenton apparently refused (EFF), Freedom Front Plus (FF+), where it appears that everyone basic medical care to a resident United Christian Democratic Par- was clad in EFF regalia.41 The because she was wearing a DA ty (UCDP) and the newly former Phokwane sub-region is seen t-shirt. The DA leader in a state- Independent Civic Organization as the ANC stronghold, and the ment said that the party believed of South Africa (ICOSA), led by EFF’s supposed popularity must that the woman had the right to Cornelius Vernon Peterson, have be causing unease in the ANC. have access to health care, as en- been campaigning vigorously, The Economic Freedom Fight- shrined in the constitution.44 The with Galeshewe the focal point ers (EFF) will be counting on the DA will be using the incident to of many opposition parties, es- embattled municipal manager of drive its campaign message that pecially COPE. In the 2009 elec- Namakhoi municipality, Aubrey they can provide public services

140 for all inhabitants of the prov- MECs in the ANC government.45 block, the Economic Freedom ince, regardless of their political Fighters (EFF). affiliation. On 12 April, the DA What is evident in the Northern Parliamentary leader, Lindiwe Cape is that there is a race be- Formed less than a year ago, Mazibuko, and the DA premier tween opposition parties to be the EFF has managed to make candidate for the Northern Cape, crowned official opposition in the its mark in the province, and its Andrew Louw, took the DA’s provincial legislature after May 7 posters can be seen in every town campaign to Upington in the Si- general elections. The Freedom in the province, from Kimberley yanda region. This is the region Front Plus and other parties such to Kuruman and from Upington where the chairperson of the gov- as NFP, and ACDP are simply to De Aar. What again is clear- erning party comes from, and not strong contenders and it is ly in evidence is its fashionable the strategy to take its campaign unlikely, as it was in the past, that red berets: every second person there was aimed at trying to get they will feature in the Northern one meets around the province is support in the ANC stronghold. Cape provincial legislature. wearing a red beret to show his or The visit to Upington saw the DA her political support. Like COPE going door to door, a strategy of- Forms of political campaigning in the 2009 elections, the EFF is ten employed by the governing presenting itself as the real ANC, party. Opposition politics in the prov- and is willing to implement the ince is no different from that of freedom charter in it totality, Furthermore, the DA in the other provinces across the coun- starting with nationalizing the Northern Cape is hoping that the try: political parties employ more mines, which is what the peo- corruption charges faced by some or less the same strategies to win ple of the province would like to of the ANC top brass in the prov- the electorate over. However, the hear. Northern Cape is a mining ince will work to their advantage. DA has proved to stand above province, so people might think Northern Cape ANC chairperson its counterparts. The DA has that is a good idea to vote for EFF John Block and his fellow party positioned itself by focusing on because it is willing to address heavyweights, deputy provincial social media, and every premier the issues of wages at the mines. secretary Alvin Botes and provin- candidate has his/her personal social treasurer Yolanda Botha, are cial page on different platforms, Political Campaigning (govern- accused of having received huge Twitter and Facebook being the ing party) kickbacks from Trifecta Invest- main tools of campaigning. The ment Holdings in a government chief DA strategy is to portray its The African National Congress lease scandal. The DA is looking premier candidate as progressive has performed well in the North- at using such incidents as its cam- and honourable individuals who ern Cape in the past four elec- paign tools. The DA faces a tough can be trusted with government. tions, and it is expected to do battle, though, since it failed in And the Northern Cape premier fairly well in the May 7 general the 2009 elections to secure the candidate Andrew Louw has elections. Its strategy is to high- position of official opposition been promoted by the DA as an light its governing track record, in the legislature, managing to honourable man to take the prov- and being an incumbent it can get only 12% of the votes in the ince forward. Like the ruling use government achievements Northern Cape. party, the DA has also done door- to support its claims. It has also to-door campaigning, and sent criticised opposition parties in It remains to be seen if Con- SMSs to people to make them the province for making empty gress of the People (COPE) will aware of the DA’s campaign. promises. The ANC claims to be manage to hold on to their po- the only party that can deliver on sition as the official opposition Unlike the DA, COPE has fo- the needs of the people. National- in the province. In the province cused on door-to-door campaign- ly it has adopted a slogan “a good COPE appears to be dying a nat- ing, which it feels is a more ef- story to tell”, and the ANC in the ural death. In the 2014 elections fective method of campaigning. Northern Cape is using the same COPE has been neither visible Most COPE members are former message. nor audible. In March, two se- ANC members, so they still be- nior COPE members and mem- lieve in the strategies the ruling John Block of the ANC said to the bers of the provincial legislature party is employing to galvanize people of Noupoort and De Aar (MPLs) resigned their seats to support. COPE is no longer vis- that the ANC-led government focus full time on the elections. ible in the province, though, and, will continue to support ideas Both members, Pakes Dikgetse as things stand, it might lose its aimed at improving the lives of and Fred Wyngaardt, were previ- official opposition status to ei- the marginalized. Block was ac- ously members of the ANC and ther the DA or the new kid on the companied by the Northern Cape 141 premier Sylvia Lucas during a The ANC is resourceful: its mem- and deployment in strategic gov- visit to Noupoort, De Aar and bers in the province have made ernment positions are decided by Richmond, as part of the provin- their vehicles available for brand- the ANC, and provincial leaders cial outreach programme. They ing with ANC colours to indicate use this power to manage any launched various projects around their allegiance. Nationally the view that seeks to challenge their Pixley ka Seme district and also ANC has beefed up the campaign authority. launched the Nonzwakazi street by making available sound-fitted revitalization project worth 2.5 trucks, which are used for cam- Media Coverage million which employs more than paigning support. And mini-bus- 50 young people around the area. es in and around Kimberley are Media coverage is an important Block reminded members of the also branded green, yellow and indicator that indeed democracy community to take a stand on black. is in action. All political parties May 7 and make the right choice need to receive fair and equita- for a better life. Such statements The ANC has deployed senior ble media coverage in the run- do not sit well with the opposi- leaders to the province to inter- up to elections. The Northern tion parties, who feels that gov- act directly with communities on Cape is also fortunate to have a ernment-driven projects are been door-to-door visits in commu- regional office of the South Af- used for electioneering purpos- nities throughout the province. rican Broadcasting Corporation es.46 These leaders visited Pescodia, (SABC), which is based in Kim- Barkley West, De Aar, Spring- berley. The SABC has been a The African National Congress bok, Kuruman, Upington and major source of election informa- and its alliance partners have in Squarehill, among other areas. tion, most of which is reported in recent times come under serious Leaders included Gauteng pre- the SABC 2 news. The newly es- criticism from opposition parties mier Nomvula Mokonyane, Ang- tablished ANN7 is also contribut- for allegedly using government ie Motshega, Naledi Pandor, Aar- ing to election reporting, and the resources to boost their campaign on Motswaledi, Zweli Mkhize station has established a program work for the 2014 general elec- and Fikile Mbalula. which focuses on all provinces. tions. As part of its campaigning, on 9 April SADTU was distrib- Fractures and opposition in the Northern Cape Province does uting school shoes to school- ANC not have a high concentration of children in the community of media. The Diamond Field Ad- Steynville. According to the Di- Since the Moshaweng provincial vertiser (DFA) is the most pop- amond Field Advertiser, close to conference of the ANC, contes- ular daily and other publications 300 learners had received brand tation in the province has sub- are relatively small and at times new school shoes sponsored by sided, with all members rallying struggle with resources to cover SADTU. The teachers union is behind one leader. The ANC is what is the largest province in an affiliate of COSATU, which led by John Block and Zamame the country. There are number forms part of the tripartite alli- Saul respectively as chairperson of publications that are compet- ance with the ANC. and secretary. There no visible ing with the DFA, however: the signs of fractures and internal Afrikaans-language Volksblad Present at the community Hall of opposition. During the list con- Noordkaap and the New Age are Steynville was Grizelda Giekel- ference there were rumours that among the new entrants to the la-Lecholo, the MEC responsi- certain regional leaders were market together with the Weekly ble for education, together with actually having secret meetings Northern Cape and Express. In the MEC of Agriculture, Land to alienate or oust other leaders, terms of radio, the stations that Reform and Rural Development, yet little of this has come to pass. are reporting on the province, Norman Shushu. The union pro- The Northern Cape is a province and that feature news, features vincial secretary, Sipho Mayon- of few opportunities; therefore and current affairs, are Radio Te- go, was quoted as saying that the people rely on the government to maneng, which hosted President union had decided to give shoes provide in terms of business and Zuma when he was in Kimberley, to learners at Vukasiwe Primary job opportunities. Northern Cape Kurara Fm, a Kuruman-based School in Steynville to ensure politics, unlike politics in the station, and Motsweding FM. that they did not have to brave metropolitan provinces, can be Motsweding FM has hosted the cold winter weather without described as “stomach politics”, roundtable debates with various shoes in their quest for education. which in essence means that a political parties. 47 person cannot risk challenging those in political power for fear Coverage of the province by the of a loss of livelihood. Tenders public broadcaster has large- 142 ly been balanced, fair, factual lu-Natal had the highest number 41 George Mutloane “Parties go all out and accurate. Larger commer- with 2609, followed by Gauteng for elections” Express Northern cape 9 April 2014 cial print publications, including by 2401, North West 1667, 42 Micheal Mokoena “Town boss to run City Press, Sunday Independent Mpumalanga 603 and the North- for NC top office” DFA 18 March and Sunday Times, report on ern Cape 433. Of these 433, a to- 2014 the Northern Cape only when a tal of 74 protest incidences were 43 Micheal Mokoena “DA promises NC big or an influential figure is in- considered violent. However, in ‘real change’ DFA 17 March 2014 44 Chantal Halata “No help for DA volved in corruption. Other than the 2014 period the protests have member” DFA 7 March 2014 that they have not been giving the subsided. It is likely that the elec- 45 “Postponement of Cope MPL province much attention. tions in the Northern Cape will swearing-in ceremony cause anger” not be affected by protests, and Mail&Guardian 11 March 2014 46 Nkululeko Lucky Chonga Protests that they will take place in an en- “ANC – government ‘cares’ The vironment conducive to free and New Age 16 April 2014 Between April 2012 and March fair elections.48 47 “union buys shoes for learners” DFA 2014 this year, police respond- 9 April 2014 48 ed to 12 399 incidents of public END NOTES Municipal IQ unrest, of which 10 517 were regarded as peaceful. KwaZu- 40 Micheal Mokoena “Premier gets own Nkandla” DFA 9 April 2014

MPUMALANGA

Oupa Makhalemele – Indepen- parties. Political analyst Susan port which essentially put blame dent Researcher Booysen said the Nkandla issue on Tlakula and two senior staff had become important to the members of the IEC for presiding Political campaigning DA’s election campaign as the over a procedurally flawed lease mileage they got out of it was of the IEC’s head office51. In the Arguably, the 2014 elections “phenomenal”. 49 papers submitted to the Electoral have gifted opposition parties Court, these parties pointed out with more issues to campaign Also, the Chapter Nine institu- that Mufamadi was a candidate against the ruling party than any tions set up to consolidate democ- for the 2014 elections, placed at other elections since 1994. The racy in the country have come number 155 on the ANC list. The Democratic Alliance, for exam- under unprecedented attack. Of parties had been campaigning for ple, was the first party to cam- particular pertinence has been Tlakula’s removal following Pub- paign against the roll-out of the some opposition parties’ action lic Protector Thuli Madonsela’s Gauteng e-tolls, claiming in the against chairwoman of the Inde- report accused her of disadvan- process that its electoral pros- pendent Electoral Commission, taging other bidders by flouting pects in the province looked more Pansy Tlakula. Citing fears that procurement processes in favour promising than ever as a result the IEC chairwoman’s credibility, of Mufamadi’s company, Abland. of the general anger of Gauteng and by extension her impartiality, The same findings were made by residents towards the e-tolls. The could be compromised as a result an independent forensic report newly formed Economic Free- of her relationship with a promi- from PricewaterhouseCoopers, dom Fighters also took on the nent ANC leader Thaba Mufama- which was commissioned by the battle and made the fight against di, these parties approached the Treasury. Interestingly, the bigger the e-tolls one of their main rally- Electoral Court and filed papers opposition party, the Democratic ing calls. The massacre of miners requesting Tlakula’s removal Alliance, as well as the Freedom in Marikana in 2012 also sparked only weeks before the sched- Front Plus, have distanced them- ire among South Africans exas- uled elections. The parties lead- selves from this action. perated by the apparent failure ing this campaign are the UDM, of the government to govern. It ACDP, Agang SA, COPE and A question can be posed, al- was the Nkandla scandal, though, the EFF.50 The parties were act- though purely speculatively, that would be the most potent ing on reports from Public Pro- whether these applicants, antic- weapon to use against the ANC tector Thuli Madonsela, and the ipating further waning fortunes government in the 2014 electoral Treasury-commissioned Price- in the upcoming elections, are campaign by opposition political waterhouseCoopers forensic re- casting doubts as to the legiti-

143 macy and credibility of the elec- in Mpumalanga, as has the UDM. ing of President Jacob Zuma at toral results – especially against the memorial service of the late the backdrop of a real possibility Forms of political campaigning Nelson Mandela late in 2013 so of being trounced in the polls by (Opposition) worried the ANC that careful new kid on the block the EFF. measures were applied to man- What lends some credence to All parties have been careful to age the event of the January 8 this speculation is the fact that send high-profile leaders on their Statement, held in Mpumalanga the DA is projecting more elec- campaigns, going door-to-door, on Saturday 11 January 2014. In toral gains, continuing on its on- party volunteers handing out the end the event showed a dis- ward growing trend at the polls, party leaflets to would-be sup- ciplined crowd showing support hence its disinterest in pursuing porters and persuading them to to its leader, despite the negative this matter. The popularity of the vote for their party. Opposition publicity that had been following EFF, the feasibility of its policies parties point out the weakness of him with the revelation of the notwithstanding, is considered by the ruling ANC: citing rampant Nkandla scandal. some observers as testimony to corruption, ineptitude at local the party’s ability to have sparked government level which has led Premier David Mabuza is cred- for the first time since 1994 a real to some of the municipalities be- ited with astute political skills, alternative that resonates with the ing brought under administration holding sway in the provincial aspirations of the majority of vot- by national government, and the ANC’s activities through the var- ers. In an opinion piece published scandals surrounding the ANC ious organs of the party through- in the Business Day newspaper, leader and national president Ja- out the province. political analyst Steven Fried- cob Zuma. Tellingly, a number man criticised a campaign led by of independent candidates who An interesting strategy has been some veteran ANC members to emerged in Mpumalanga and that of the ANC (and some of encourage ANC supporters dis- contested by-elections at local the opposition parties in Mpum- appointed with the party’s current government level have defect- alanga) showing up at church leadership to intentionally spoil ed from the ANC, which further services and pleading with the their votes on May 7, arguing highlights intra-party weaknesses churchgoers to pray for the par- that: ‘Most voters see parties as within the ruling party. ty to succeed in the elections and vehicles to express their identity, to continue to deliver a better life not tools to make a point.’ It fol- Noteworthy is the website of for all. lows therefore that the EFF might the main opposition, the DA, in owe its appeal among the poor Mpumalanga: it provides snip- This is, however, only one part African electorate to their shared pets of its campaign activities of the ruling party’s campaigning frustration with 20 years of de- and encourages supporters to join strategy. A big party with a huge mocracy that has yielded noth- its campaigns around issues of public support, the ANC has re- ing more than a flag democracy particular interest. The website, lied on volunteers to conduct that has not translated to material while used to advise party sup- door-to-door campaigning. Pro- transformation in any meaningful porters of upcoming election-re- vincial luminaries are also roped way.52 lated events, also serves as a in to boost the effort. The party’s platform to embarrass the ruling national leadership has also vis- In Mpumalanga 16 parties will be party, highlighting incidents of ited the province canvassing for contesting the 2014 national and intimidation and intolerance on votes. The ANC also uses well- provincial elections. A glance at the part of the incumbents. The known public figures such as fa- the previous results in Mpum- EFF also has a website on which mous and popular actor Meshack alanga suggests that the ANC’s it uploads press releases, informs Mavuso, who shot to fame as dominance over the province supporters of upcoming events the character ‘Javas’ in the con- is not under threat. This is fur- and has interactive content such troversial but popular television ther affirmed by the recent Sun- as application forms and links to drama ‘Yizo Yizo’ and played the day Times/Ipsos surveys, which purchase party merchandise. character of Vusi Moletsane in showed the ANC’s share of the the soapie ‘Isidingo’. vote at a comfortable 71.7%, ANC Political campaigning while the DA trailed at 11% and Fracture and opposition in the the EFF at 7.4%. COPE, which The ruling ANC approached the governing party in the province broke away from the ANC fol- campaign for the 2014 elections lowing the party’s electoral con- with a sense of caution. The With the elections so near, the ference in Polokoane in 2007, has embarrassing and symbolical- tensions within the ruling par- seen a gradual decline in support ly powerful spectre of the boo- ty have been somewhat muted. 144 It had been reported earlier that in percentage terms. Some of From the point of view of the the province-to-province list the smaller parties in the prov- electorate, however, it seems the had excluded provincial ANC inces have been losing votes and ANC is a better devil than the veterans such as Fish Mahlalela have mostly been overshadowed DA, which is often regarded with (member of the legislature), Can- by the new-kid-on-the-block the suspicion by the majority of the dith Mashego-Dlamini (MEC for Economic Freedom Fighters. electorate, thanks in large part to health), Pinky Phosa (MEC for its identity as a party started and economic development), Ma- The ruling ANC’s election cam- dedicated to defend white interest dala Masuku (MEC for finance paigning was effectively launched – despite its record of good gov- and SACP central committee alongside the ANC’s traditional ernance acknowledged even by member) and Sibongile Manana January 8 statement in January the national government. None (MEC for arts and culture). in Mpumalanga. An ANC strong- of the other smaller parties seem hold, perhaps the choice of ven- to have touched the nerve for the Other senior members in the ue was propitious for President majority of the electorate in the province known to be in the an- Jacob Zuma, who had been em- way the EFF has and its popular- ti-Zuma camp, notably Thomas barrassed when crowds booed at ity, whatever reservations might Bongo and Peter Nyoni, also did him at the late President Nelson be held about the practical appli- not make the list. Mabuza’s for- Mandela’s memorial service, at- cations and implications of their mer deputy Charles Makola was tended by scores of international policies, speaks to the dearth in among the PEC members exclud- dignitaries. A carefully managed the opposition landscape in South ed from the list. Former cabinet affair, the launch demonstrated Africa, of substantial policy ori- members Clifford Mkansi turned support for the ANC and its lead- entation from the point of view of down his nomination and Me- er. The ANC seems to have man- the majority. shack Malinga was also left out. aged to gradually canvass ANC members and supporters behind The South African constitution Also not elected were tripartite the ANC, emphasizing the par- and the country’s electoral system alliance members, the provin- ty’s pedigree over the apparent enjoy widespread, well-consid- cial SACP’s Secretary Bonakele flaws of its current leadership, ered support. Regulations regard- Majuba and William Lubisi, the and portraying the party as the ing the media’s role and conduct Mpumalanga legislature speaker only vehicle to effect real social around elections are in place and SACP PEC member. transformation. The party has re- and seemingly enjoy legitimacy iterated the refrain from President among most role-players. The Allegations of impropriety were Zuma’s “We have a good story public broadcaster has in recent made against the procedure that to tell twenty years into our de- times been in the spotlight for all led to the creation of this list, mocracy” speech at the opening the wrong reasons, however, and including the failure of David of parliament. Focusing the elec- has required journalists to push Mabuza to recuse himself as the torate’s attention on the several back what is considered by many process’s chairperson, given that achievements the party managed to be attempts to capture the pub- he had an interest (that of being over the past two decades, the lic broadcaster by the ruling party on the list). Allegations were ANC has tried to downplay the (see Op Ed, City Press 20 April, made that monies were seen damaging scandals engulfing the 2014). On the whole, the media dished out and that there was a party under its current leadership, has generated a great deal of in- list of names that delegates were asking for more time to complete terest on the upcoming elections, instructed to vote for. These de- the transformation agenda it has although it could be argued that velopments notwithstanding, the set itself to achieve. substance has been compromised ANC does not seem to be in dan- for quantity. ger of losing its traditional sup- The soil for undermining the port at the polls, according to the ANC’s electoral hopes has ap- References recent Ipsos Markinor polls, dis- parently never been richer, with cussed elsewhere in this update the party suffering unprecedent- Democratic Alliance website - on Mpumalanga. ed levels of public discontent, http://www.da-mpu.co.za/ exemplified in the service deliv- Conclusions ery protests, the fallout from the Economic Freedom Fighters Marikana massacre, divisions in website - http://effighters.org.za/ The dominance of the ruling the labour movement (the par- ANC in Mpumalanga seems se- ty’s traditional support base), and Friedman, Steven, ‘Spoilt votes cure for the moment, with oppo- public outrage sparked by the are blunt instrument of democra- sition parties trailing by dozens Nkandla scandal. cy,’ Business Day (2014). 145 Genetzky, Karl, ‘Parties head for Nhlabathi, H. “Tlakula is com- END NOTES court to demand Tlakula resign’ promised,’ (2014). Sowetan 49 (2014). Genetzky, Karl, ‘Parties head for Business Day court to demand Tlakula resign’ Underhill, Glynnis, “Hlaudi reins Business Day (2014). Magubane, Pearl., “SABC in SABC’s leak brigade,” Mail & 50 Nhlabathi, H. “Tlakula is maintains stance on DA ad- Guardian (2014), available on: compromised,’ Sowetan (2014). 51 vert ban,” SABC News (2014), http://mg.co.za/article/2014-04- Vechiatto, Paul, “Audit backs public protector’s findings on IEC available on: http://www.sabc. 16-hlaudi-reins-in-sabcs-leak- tender,” Business Day (2014). co.za/news/a/2f8fd38043a789e- brigade, accessed 17 April 2014. 52 Friedman, Steven, ‘Spoilt votes are 9a81efa239b19c088/SABC- blunt instrument of democracy,’ mantains-stance-on-DA-advert- Vechiatto, Paul, “Audit backs Business Day ( 2014). ban-20141604, accessed 17 April public protector’s findings on 2014. IEC tender,” Business Day (2014).

WESTERN CAPE

Dr Cherrel Africa – Head of Forms of Political Campaign- of the Blind in Grassy Park, in Department, Political Studies, ing an effort to entice voter support University of Western Cape53 from people with disabilities.56 and The DA, ANC, Economic Free- On 6 April 2014 she led a march Nkosikhulule Xhawulengwe- dom Fighters (EFF), AgangSA, against gang violence and drug ni Nyembezi, Co-chairperson Congress of the People (COPE), abuse in Mitchells Plain, to high- of the Elections 2014 National Patriotic Alliance (PA), Nation- light efforts of the DA-led City of Co-ordinating Forum Intro- al Freedom Party (NFP) Inkatha Cape Town municipality to com- duction Freedom Party (IFP), United bat these social ills.57 The march Democratic Movement (UDM) also served to launch billboard This update focuses on political and Freedom Front Plus (FF+) messages showing Mayor Patri- campaigning that has occurred in all have posters lining the streets cia de Lille and other prominent the Western Cape in the run-up in the suburbs of the Cape Metro Capetonians promoting the cam- to the poll on 7 May 2014. The and other towns in the province. paign to combat gang violence Western Cape has the Democrat- Door-to-door campaigning and and drug abuse, as issues that ic Alliance (DA) as the govern- large public gathering campaign continue to affect communities in ing party and the African Nation- events have featured prominent- the Cape Flats. Two weeks later al Congress (ANC) as the main ly in the Western Cape. These on 19 April Helen Zille again ad- opposition party. Given that the traditional ways of getting their dressed an anti-drugs and gang- Western Cape is such a highly message across are doubly ef- sterism march in Manenberg.58 contested province, most polit- fective, as they usually generate ical parties have supplemented some level of media coverage On 12 April DA Western Cape their national campaign plans as well. The DA, ANC and EFF leader Ivan Meyer and party with strategies specifically aimed have been most visible in media provincial deputy Theuns Botha at reaching voters in the province. reports of the campaign trail in also hosted an election rally in Parties have targeted particular the Western Cape. Hartenbos close to George to get groups such as farming and fish- the DA message across and to ing communities as well as areas The DA launched its “West- consolidate party support that has affected by gang violence. Unfor- ern Cape Story” campaign on 8 been tested in the area in recent tunately, attempts to capture the March 2014 at Blue Downs Sta- by-elections.59 On 17 April Helen usually floating “coloured vote” dium in Cape Town.54 About 4000 Zille also delivered a speech at has degenerated into a situation people attended the event in blue the small harbours picket in Hout where campaigning is tainted by DA t-shirts emblazoned with the Bay, where she addressed fishing racially inflammatory rhetoric. DA logo.55 On 26 March West- communities in an effort to allay ern Cape Premier Helen Zille fresh fears that proposed govern- launched the DA Braille Mani- ment policies on allocation of festo at the League of the friends fishing quotas could negatively

146 affect livelihoods of many in the The party’s Facebook page indi- to address jobs, education, and fishing communities.60 cates that it has been hosting var- corruption.74 These themes ex- ious meetings across the Western tended to the DA’s campaign in As early as October 2013 the Cape and that ACDP President the Western Cape. A key strategy ANC sent two of its senior mem- Kenneth Meshoe had a five-day has been to highlight the DA’s bers to strengthen its volunteer walkabout in the province meet- successes and achievements by campaign: Public Enterpris- ing with churches, communities, the provincial government and es Minister Malusi Gigaba and businesses. The ACDP also de- City of Cape Town council since Home Affairs Minister Naledi ployed Members of Parliament 2009.75 The DA is using its record Pandor went to Khayelithsa to Cheryllen Dudley and Steve of governance in the Western engage with ANC door-to-door Swart as well as ACDP Western Cape to drive its national election election campaign volunteers.61 Cape MPL Grant Haskin and campaign in the hope to make The ANC held its Western Cape Councillors Ferlon Christians, inroads in provinces such as manifesto launch on 18 January Demi Dudley and Gerald Siljeur Gauteng, North West, Northern 2014 at Delft stadium, with Jessie in the province to meet with com- Cape, and Eastern Cape.76 Ac- Duarte as the main speaker.62 One munities, walk the streets, and cording to the DA, the Western newspaper article noted that the address churches.68 Cape story “highlights the great ANC is “pulling out all the stops strides made in the province since to win back the Western Cape”. The EFF engaged in some novel 2009” as it compares its record in forms of campaigning, hosting a government with the ANC’s re- In another high-profile event, “Western Cape Social Revolution cord in rest of the country.77 President Zuma spent his 72nd Party” at Club 169 in Long Street, birthday in one of the Cape Flats Cape Town.69 Later in January The ANC’s call for the support communities, holding a rally at Julius Malema gave an address of “smaller political parties” as it Vygieskraal Stadium, Athlone, at Khayelitsha’s Mew Way hall.70 prepares to win back the DA-led as part of his birthday celebra- The EFF had its official launch in province was shunned by parties tions.63 The ANC also noted that the Western Cape on 15 March in in the province, as FF+ leader members of its Women’s League Delft – Julius Malema also visit- Pieter Mulder said: “It … is not and Provincial executive com- ed the West Coast, the Overberg in the interests of South Africa to mittee members engaged “with and Mitchells Plain.71 strengthen the ANC:78 “We have South Africans across the West- (formed) a coalition with the DA ern Cape as part of their non-stop Campaign Content to ensure we keep the ANC out (of election campaign”, embarking provincial government).” Cope on door to door activities and The ANC campaign has centred leader Mosiuoa Lekota said his listening to the concerns of com- on the South Africa’s twentieth party had formed coalitions with munity members.64 Additionally anniversary of democracy and the DA in the Western and North- former Western Cape premier the fact that it has “a good story ern Capes because of the “strong and current South African ambas- to tell”. This key message was position taken by both parties to sador to the US, Ebrahim Rasool, kicked off in President Zuma’s deal decisively with rampant cor- went on a “whistle-stop” tour of pre-election State of the Nation ruption and maladministration, Cape Town in a bid to convince Address and has been the golden among many of the failings of the middle-class electorate, espe- thread weaving the ANC’s elec- the (ANC)”. Also, AgangSA said cially those of the Muslim faith, tion campaign messages together. that the party’s aim was to put an to vote for the ANC.65 Provincial Much of the DA campaign strat- end to “ANC government corrup- ANC leader Marius Fransman egy has been focused on refuting tion that is robbing the country of was also particularly active in this. While delivering her State its development potential”. his campaign efforts. In his cam- of the Province Address, Helen paign tour of the Cape farmlands Zille responded by saying that The opposition in the province and the West Coast, he addressed “we have the best story to tell”.72 mainly the ANC, EFF and ACDP, farmworkers at a rally near De The DA launched its 2014 elec- have strongly criticized the DA’s Doorns on April 22 and lashed tion manifesto on Sunday 23 ‘Western Cape story’. The ANC out at the DA, accusing the rul- February in Polokwane, where has argued that Helen Zille has ing party in the province of sid- the ANC held its conference that not kept her promises and has not ing with farm owners instead of culminated in the removal of delivered to poor communities. workers.66 Thabo Mbeki as South Africa’s For example, ANC Deputy Pres- president. Their campaign slogan ident, Cyril Ramaphosa, accused The ACDP held its official party is “Together for change, Together Helen Zille of neglecting deliv- launch at the beginning of March. for jobs”.73 Helen Zille promised ery in the province, saying that 147 “wherever we go, they (people that voters “sit in a quagmire of employment equity legislation, in the Western Cape) are crying misery whilst they sling mud at companies with more than 150 tears because of poor service”79. each other; completely forgetting employees would have to use Sports Minister Fikile Mbalula about you”.85 the national economically active also criticized the DA’s failure population demographics to de- to deliver basic services for poor A key theme emerging from the termine the equity targets of their communities. However, beyond ANC and the EFF is that the peo- top and senior management as criticizing the DA’s record in of- ple of the Western Cape need to well as their professionally qual- fice he accused the party of op- be rescued from the DA’s racist ified staff. The DA argues that pressing the people of the West- governance. Public Enterprises this would clash with provincial ern Cape saying “these witches Minister Malusi Gigaba criti- racial demographics and margin- are oppressing us, they are tram- cized the DA’s policies on land, alise certain race groups from the pling on us”.80 saying the party “wanted land to workforce in the Western Cape.91 remain in the hands of a white mi- At a rally in the Free State Helen nority”.86 Marius Fransman also In reaction to this, the ANC in the Zille responded in like manner to told farmworkers at a rally near Western Cape laid a complaint ANC secretary-general Gwede De Doorns that “apartheid still with the Independent Elector- Mantashe’s description of at- reigned in the Cape farmlands”.87 al Commission.92 In his letter of tacks on President Jacob Zuma complaint to the IEC requesting being akin to the crushing of the Linked to the theme of saving the investigation, Songezo Mjongile head of a snake in order to para- Western Cape from racist gov- argues that the pamphlet consti- lyse the rest of its body, arguing ernance, are campaign appeals tutes a clear violation of the Act, that “an attack on Zuma was an designed to attract the Coloured the Electoral Act and the Elector- attack on the whole political par- vote. One media article indicated al Code of Conduct, in that the ty”.81 She was recorded as saying that “the battle for the Coloured pamphlet “was clearly published “Mantashe was right. The ANC vote is heating up”, with the ANC and distributed with false infor- is a snake. Snakes symbolise Sa- saying its newest member – formation in order to create hostility tan”.82 mer DA councillor Grant Pascoe or fear in order to influence the – has great influence in crucial conduct of voters or the outcome According to another newspaper constituencies. But the DA says of the upcoming election (section report, the DA threatened legal he “would not be able to swing 89 of the Act and section 9(1) of action against the Al Jama-ah votes to the ANC”.88 The ANC the Electoral Code of Conduct)”. party for printing an election also threatened to take the DA He added that “the whole essence pamphlet calling on voters not to to court for refusing to apologise of the pamphlets is clearly geared vote for the DA because it was a for claiming it had bribed former to divide communities on racial “Zionist-funded” party.83 In the DA mayoral committee member lines, and cause serious discon- pamphlet Al Jama-ah warns that Grant Pascoe with R1 million in tent amongst voters and possible “a vote for Zionist-funded Hel- cash and a car to cross over to the voters”.93 Additionally, Presi- en Zille of the DA is a betrayal ANC.89 dent Zuma told supporters at his of the Palestinian struggle” and birthday celebrations “the West- refers to the failed DA-AgangSA Added to this was the fact that ern Cape needs a government merger reportedly engineered by the DA issued a pamphlet spe- that will treat the people of the a billionaire businessman with cifically aimed at Coloured vot- Western Cape equally. Enough close ties to Israel, a move which ers. The pamphlet quotes former is enough with the neglect of contributed to the Al Jama-ah po- ANC Director General of La- predominantly African and Co- litical party declaring it haraam bour, Jimmy Manyi, who in 2010 loured areas in this province… to vote DA.84 said that there is an over-supply There’s nothing to fear. The ANC and an over-concentration of is your family.”94 The campaign in the Western Coloured people in the Western Cape has thus degenerated into Cape. The pamphlet is captioned Meanwhile, Cosatu provincial a series of negative appeals, with with the title ‘The ANC wants to secretary Tony Ehrenreich re- politicians and political parties stop you from getting a job, or portedly called for white senior discrediting one another. As early a promotion’ and indicates that civil servants in the provincial as November 2013 UDM leader the ANC has issued new em- government to be sacked. He ex- Bantu Holomisa made the point ployment regulations which will plained that if the ANC won con- that the Western Cape had be- “prevent thousands of Coloured trol of the provincial government come a battlefield for the powers people in the Western Cape from in the coming election, Cosatu that govern the province, saying getting jobs”.90 Under the draft would call on the ANC to dis- 148 continue white preference in the as they can to portray a positive Alliance (2014). Retrieved provincial government.95 Some image in the hope of gaining sup- 22 April 2014 from http://www.da.org.za/newsroom. leaders chastised voters in the port in the upcoming elections. htm?action=view-news province. After a two-day visit to -item&id=13596 the Cape Flats, Gwede Mantashe Provincial media outlets have 57 Sesant, S. “Helen Zille rallies in said Coloured people would re- been extensively covering the Mitchells Plain”. Eye Witness News main a minority if they did not election campaign in the prov- (2014). Retrieved 16 April 2014 from http://ewn.co.za/2014/04/06/ define themselves properly. He ince. In some instances local ra- helen-zille-rallies-in-mitchells-plain reportedly said “You call yourself dio stations have hosted debates 58 News24. “We will give you a minority. You are governed by a and panel discussions. The DA police – Zille”. (2014) Retrieved minority all the time. It’s a mind- and the ANC campaigns that 19 April 2014 from http://www. news24.com/Elections/News/We- set. We must liberate ourselves ... have had high media visibility will-give-you-police-Zille-20140419 and appreciate you are part of a in the campaign thus far, despite 59 Phakathi, B. “ANC, DA campaign majority.” “One thing we are not the fact that twenty-six political enter overdrive as parties battle for going to do is give Coloureds parties are contesting for seats Western Cape”. Business Day Live presents. Coloured people must in the provincial legislature. The (2014). Retrieved 17 April 2014 from http://www.bdlive.co.za/ play their role and earn their re- newly-formed Economic Free- national/politics/2014/04/11/anc- sponsibilities. They must earn dom Fighters has also gained sig- da-campaigning-to-enter-overdrive- it among all of us.”96 Songezo nificant media coverage over the as-parties-battle-for-western-cape Mjongile was cited as saying past few months. 60 Zille, H. “President Zuma’s government has ignored fishing that internal ANC polls showed communities”. Democratic Alliance that “DA support in the coloured The main problem with the cam- (2014). Retrieved 22 April 2014 community is weakening”.97 paigns in the Western Cape is the from http://www.da.org.za/ way in which political parties di- newsroom.htm? The fundamental problem in rect messages aimed at “coloured action=view-news-item&id=13677 61 Kobokana, A. “ANC beefs up all of this is the special signifi- votes” and appeals to entice the campaign to reclaim W Cape”. cance of the vote to a particular “coloured electorate”. In many SABCnews (2013). Retrieved 16 demographic bloc, in this case cases the messages are directed April 2014 from http://www.sabc.co. Coloured voters. As elsewhere in aggressively at opposing parties za/news/a/ ca1d78804172c107a332fff the country, different race groups and party leaders. An additional b86cbdaf7/ANC-beefs-up- in the Western Cape are confront- problem is the way in which the campaign-to-reclaim- ed with very different forms of media frames news stories about W-Cape-20131410. persuasion, different information the “coloured vote” as well as its 62 African National Congress. networks as well as different life preoccupation with conflict and Western Cape Provincial Manifesto Launch. African experiences and socio-economic hostility between parties and par- National Congress (2014) Retrieved positions. In the Western Cape, ty leaders. While these conflicts 22 April 2014 from http://www.anc. perceptions of the importance of are newsworthy, in many instanc- org.za/2014/events/ the ‘Coloured vote’ have resulted es they divert attention away 63 Phakathi, B. “ANC, DA campaign enter overdrive as parties battle for in leaders using racially inflam- from substantive issues, and such Western Cape”. Business Day Live matory political rhetoric. reporting can contribute to nega- (2014). Retrieved 17 April 2014 tive campaign strategies by par- from http://www.bdlive.co.za/ It is worth noting is that, despite ties in an attempt to secure media national/politics/2014/04/11/anc- the inflammatory racial rheto- attention. da-campaigning-to-enter-overdrive- as-parties-battle-for-western-cape ric in the Western Cape election 64 African National Congress. Western campaigns, there were no signs END NOTES Cape Provincial Manifesto Launch. of high levels of political intoler- African National Congress (2014) ance, no no-go areas, or reported 54 Democratic Alliance. Election Retrieved 22 April 2014 from http:// Campaign 2014. Retrieved 16 April www.anc.org.za/2014/events/ incidents of political violence. 2014 from http://www.da.org.za/ 65 Kemp, Y. “Rasool on ‘vote ANC’ campaigns.htm? drive”. Cape Argus (2014). Media Coverage action=view-page&category=13496 Retrieved 22 April 2014 from http:// 55 Geldenhuys, H. “DA is the www.iol.co.za/news/politics/rasool- The media can play a pivotal role champion of the poor-Zille”. on-vote-anc-drive-1.1678516 Independent Online (2014). 66 Geach, C. “Fransman: Guilty in providing information about Retrieved 18 April 2014 from http:// farmers will pay”. Cape political parties and their leaders. www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ Argus (2014). Retrieved 23 April Leading up to the elections, the da-is-the-champion-of-the- 2014 from http://www.iol.co.za/ major political parties have in- poor-zille-1.1658420#. news/politics/fransman-guilty- U1JSHKI1eAY farmers-will-pay-1.1678713 creased their campaigning in the 56 Zille, H. “The Launch of the DA 67 Norton, L. “ACDP launches province and are doing as much Braille Manifesto”. Democratic Western Cape election campaign”. 149 Gateway News (2014). Retrieved 78 Knoetze, D. “ANC urges from http://www.iol.co.za/news/ 22 April 2014 from smaller parties to work with it”. politics/anc-says-pascoe-key- http://gatewaynews.co.za/ Cape Argus (2014) Retrieved on to-mitchells-plain-1.1676156#. acdp-launches. 17 April 2014 from http://www.iol. U1bntlXoQYQ 68 African Christian Democratic co.za/news/politics/anc-urges- 89 Coetzee, C. “Pascoe bribery spat Party (2014) Retrieved 22April 2014 smaller-parties-to-work- hots up”. Cape Times (2014). from https://www.facebook.com/ with-it-1.1631342#.U1acSFL8Lcs Retrieved on 22 April 2014 from acdp.western.cape 79 SAPA. “Ramaphosa campaigns to http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ 69 Economic Freedom Fighters (2014). reclaim Western Cape”. Independent pascoe-bribery-spat- Retrieved 22April 2014 from Online (2014). Retrieved 22 April hots-up-1.1677679 https://www.facebook.com/ 2014 from 90 Democratic Alliance (2014). EconomicFreedom http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ Retrieved from 22 April 2014 from FightersWesternCape/photos/ ramaphosa-campaigns-to- www.da.org.za a.224596487720078.107374182 reclaim-western-cape-1.1647682#. 91 Watters, A. “Battle over 70 Damba, N, “Malema talk makes U1Z3PKLOSB4 election campaigns hots up” Cape Khayelitsha resident realise she’s 80 Koyana, X. “DA using witchcraft Argus (2014). Retrieved 17 April ‘tired of living in a shack”. West in Cape – Mbalula” Independent 2014 from http://www.iol.co.za/ Cape News (2014) Retrieved 22 Online (2014). Retrieved April 15, news/politics/battle-over- April 2014 from http://www. 2014 from http://www.iol.co.za/ election-campaigns- citypress.co.za/politics/ news/politics/da-using-witchcraft- hots-up-1.1675734#.U1afAlL8Lcs malema-talk-makes-khayelitsha- in-cape-mbalula-1.1672180#.U0m 92 Phakathi, B. “IEC asked to probe resident-realise-shes-tired- V7hUaLcs DA’s ‘racist leaflet’”. Business Day living-shack/ 81 Aboobaker , S. “Zille slithers into (2014). Retrieved 22 April 2014 71 Coetzee, C. “ANC, EFF to launch voting controversy”. Independent from http://www.bdlive.co.za/ campaign trail in Cape”. Online (2014). Retreived on 22 April national/politics/2014/04/14/ Cape Times (2014). Retrieved 22 2014 from http://www.iol.co.za/ iec-asked-to-probe-das-racist-leaflet April 2014 from http://www.iol. news/politics/zille-slithers-into- 93 Text of Songezo Mjongile’s co.za/capetimes/anc-eff-to-launch- voting-controversy-1.1678612 letter to the IEC requesting campaign-trail-in-cape-1.1631791#. 82 Aboobaker , S. “Zille slithers into investigation. (2014) Retrieved 22 U1Zpd6LOSB4 voting controversy”. Independent April 2014 from 72 Makinana, A. “Zille says Western Online (2014). Retreived on 22 April http://www.politicsweb.co.za/ Cape has SA’s ‘best story’”. Mail 2014 from http://www.iol.co.za/ politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ and Guardian (2014). Retrieved news/politics/zille-slithers-into- en/page71656?oid=589842&sn= April 22, 2014 from http://mg.co.za/ voting-controversy-1.1678612 Detail&pid=7161 article/2014-02-21-zille-says- 83 Watters, A. “Battle over 94 Cronje, j and Van Schie,K. “Zuma western-cape-has-sas-best-story election campaigns hots up” Cape in Cape to woo coloured support.” 73 Democratic Alliance. DA Argus (2014). Retrieved 17 April IOL News (2014). Retrieved 17 election manifesto as at 23 2014 from http://www.iol.co.za/ April 2014 from http://m.iol.co.za/ February 2014. Democratic news/politics/battle-over-election- article/view/e/1.1675 Alliance (2014). campaigns-hots-up-1.1675734#. 95 Williams, M. ‘We’ll sack whites if Retrieved 16 April 2014 from U1afAlL8Lcs ANC wins in Cape’. Cape http://www.da.org.za/newsroom. 84 Watters, A. “Battle over Argus (2014). Retrieved 17 April htm? election campaigns hots up” Cape 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/ action=view-news-item&id=13452 Argus (2014). Retrieved 17 April news/politics/we-ll-sack-whites- 74 SAPA. “ZIlle: DA manifesto for 2014 from http://www.iol.co.za/ if-anc-wins-in-cape-1.1677316 jobs” News24 (2014). Retrieved news/politics/battle-over-election- 96 News24. “Mantashe appeals to Cape 16 April 2014 from http://www. campaigns-hots-up-1.1675734#. coloureds”. News24 (2014). news24.com/elections/news/ U1afAlL8Lcs Retrieved 17 April 2014. From zille-da-manifesto- 85 News24. “Holomisa: Cape a http://www.news24.com/ for-jobs-20140223 battlefield for those in power”. SouthAfrica/Politics/Mantashe- 75 Phakathi, B. “The DA has “laid News24 (2013). Retrieved 22 April appeals-to-Cape- the foundation for success, 2014 from http://www.news24.com/ coloureds-20131108 prosperity” in the Western Cape” SouthAfrica/News/Holomisa- 97 Underhill, G. “New parties muscle Business Day (2014). Retrieved 18 Cape-a-battlefield-for-those-in- in”. Mail and Guardian (2014). April 2014 from http://www.bdlive. power-20131130 Retrieved 17 April 2014. co.za/national/politics/2014/04/04/ 86 Etheridge, J. “DA is the devil: From http://mg.co.za/article/ da-has-laid-foundation-for-success- Gigaba” Independent Online (2014). 2014-03-13-new-parties-muscle-in prosperity-in-western-cape Retrieved 15 April 2014 from http:// 76 Phakathi, B. “The DA has “laid www.iol.co.za/news/politics/da-is- the foundation for success, the-devil-gigaba-1.1664672#. prosperity” in the Western Cape” U0mVPBUaLcs Business Day (2014). Retrieved 18 87 Geach, C. “Fransman: Guilty April 2014 from http://www.bdlive. farmers will pay”. co.za/national/politics/2014/04/04/ Independent Online (2014). da-has-laid-foundation-for-success- Retrieved 22 April 2014 from http:// prosperity-in-western-cape www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ 77 Democratic Alliance. Campaigns. fransman-guilty-farmers- Democratic Alliance (2014). will-pay-1.1678713 Retrieved 18 April 2014 from http:// 88 Nicholson, Z. “ANC says Pascoe www.da.org.za/campaigns.htm? key to Mitchells Plain”. Cape Times action=view-page&category=13496 (2014). Retrieved on 17 April 2014 150 KWAZULU-NATAL

Shauna Mottiar98- Post-Doctor- ‘coloured’ area), where he ad- have campaigns underway that al Fellow at the Centre for Civil dressed supporters, and has held began in the run-up to the prov- Society, University of KwaZu- rallies in Mariannhill and KwaN- ince’s by-elections. Zululand lu-Natal dengezi (both areas where there District Municipality has been a have been protest).104 The ANC focal site of campaigning by the ANC campaigning campaign in KwaZulu-Natal IFP and NFP given a breakdown also includes other senior ANC in the post-election (local) agree- On the ticket ‘Together we move representatives, including Cyril ment between the ANC and NFP South Africa forward’ the African Ramaphosa, Baleka Mbete, Ma- and a rise in support for the IFP National Congress (ANC) cam- lusi Gigaba, Zweli Mkhize and by municipal level leaders.109 The paign in KwaZulu-Natal is well Jesse Duarte, who have been IFP has also been campaigning underway. President Zuma cele- campaigning in various parts of in poverty-stricken rural areas brated his birthday at an event at the province.105 Over the Eas- such as eMaqadini-Ndwedwe,110 Currie’s Fountain in Durban on ter weekend the ANC focused and NFP leader Zanele Magwaza Saturday 12 April. The event was its campaign on the theme ‘in- Msibi led a campaign to the ur- also held to mark the 22nd anni- ter cultural’. It held a festival in ban Umlazi (the site of the 2012 versary of the South African Na- Chatsworth (a historically Indian ‘Occupy’), where she interacted tional Civic Organisation (SAN- area) addressed by the provincial with people in taxi ranks, shop- CO). The president employed his premier Senzo Mchunu, who em- ping areas and also visited stu- well-known crowd pleasing tac- phasised that the ANC promoted dents at the Mangosuthu Univer- tic of singing a struggle tune and unity of age, gender and race and sity of Technology.111 Among the dancing to the rhythm. He also that the point of the festival was IFP’s campaign promises are the used the opportunity to appeal to to create ‘social cohesion’ and to creation of a special corruption the media to ‘tell the good sto- ensure that Indians, ‘coloureds’ court, an overhaul of the prison ries’ and not just to write ‘twisted and whites did not feel marginal- system, an audit of state land to stories about the president’.99 Re- ised by the ANC.106 In the same address land distribution and the garding protest he suggested that vein, President Zuma attended a revision of labour laws to create SANCO take a leadership role in Hindu prayer service in Mt Edge- greater flexibility.112 For its part communities, which would curb combe, where he spoke of build- the NFP is promising free tertiary the protests. The president dis- ing cohesion and urged people education, a social grant for wid- missed opposition parties such to vote in memory of struggle ows, increasing the social grant as the Economic Freedom Front era hero’s Nelson Mandela, Yu- and reducing the pension age for (EFF) and the Congress of the suf Dadoo, Billy Nair and Albert women.113 IFP national chairper- People (COPE) as parties formed Luthuli.107 ANC KwaZulu-Natal son Albert Mncwango claims that ‘out of anger’ and parties ‘de- provincial secretary, Sihle Zika- IFP voters who cast their ballot pending on a judge to appoint its lala, contends that ANC support ‘along ethnic lines’ in 2009 by leader’ respectively.100 His view in the province is strengthening voting for President Zuma will is that a vote for the opposition and that the party is ‘gunning for abandon the ANC in the May is as good as wasted.101 He then overwhelming support’. Zikalala election owing to ‘buyer’s recalled on people to vote for the argues that the ANC has received morse’ similar to those who took ANC, saying that it would be like increased interest from minori- an ‘emotional’ decision to follow ‘planting a seed that would grow ties evidenced by 300 new mem- the NFP. NFP leader Magwaza and flourish for the benefit of the bers from Isipingo and 40 new Msibi disagrees, however, argu- country’.102 members from Amanzimtoti. He ing that violence around recent also argues that ‘people are leav- by-elections proves that the NFP President Zuma has been active- ing in large numbers from the IFP is considered a significant threat ly campaigning in the province, (Inkatha Freedom Party) to the by both the IFP and ANC.114 conducting door-to-door cam- ANC’.108 paigns in Empangeni and Ham- DA and MF campaigns marsdale, where he also visited IFP and NFP campaigns a local shopping mall and hand- The established political party ed out t-shirts.103 Earlier he vis- The ANC’s strongest opponents opposition in KwaZulu-Natal, ited the Interfellowship church in the province, the IFP and Na- the Democratic Alliance (DA), in Wentworth (a historically tional Freedom Party (NFP), also has also begun campaigning. A

151 delegation headed by leader Hel- competing for representation in Media coverage en Zille accompanied by Diane the KwaZulu-Natal legislature. Kohler Barnard visited Phoenix, According to its national spokes- According to Media Monitoring Chatsworth, Wellbedacht and man Andrew Gasnolar, the party Africa the media plays a pivotal Wentworth in a clear target of has registered candidates for only role during elections by commu- the province’s minority Indian seven provinces and the nation- nicating information to voters and and ‘coloured’ voters. Speaking al assembly. Gasnolar blamed enabling them to make informed in the informal settlement ‘tran- the political system for failing to decisions.123 The mainstream sit camp’ of Wellbedacht, Zille, support new parties and said that (English) print media in Kwa- following the party’s election AgangSA had only fallen short Zulu-Natal during the run up to promise of ending corruption,115 of building a competitive party the May elections has been fair- focused on the Nkandla scandal, in two provinces, one of which is ly comprehensive. An election and, noting the illegal electrici- KwaZulu-Natal.120 focus took hold during the vari- ty connections, stated that every ous by-elections in the province ‘transit camp’ under DA control Campaign tactics and headlines centred mainly on was electrified.116 The so-called the ANC, IFP and NFP jostling ‘Indian areas’ of Phoenix and In addition to the traditional for power. The emphasis was Chatsworth have also been the tactics of political campaigning usually on violence or conflict, focus of Minority Front (MF) such as posters, flyers, address- however, such as: Witness ‘KZN campaigning in the province. The es, rallies and door-to-door vis- councillors hold their breath as longstanding MF, despite suffer- its, KwaZulu-Natal contenders volatile wards hold by-elections’; ing major setbacks in the form have also taken on other forms of Sunday Tribune ‘War wounds re- of dwindling support, in-fighting campaigning. These include so- open at hell’s hostel’ and ‘Rein and defections to the DA, insists cial media – specifically Twitter, in KwaMashu cops’; Daily Sun that it has a strong support base in Facebook and Mixit. The ANC ‘By-election won’t be free and its call for the scrapping of affir- has the strongest social media fair’. Print media has also begun mative action and race quotas.117 profile, with over 100,000 fol- to profile recent political party According to its leader, Shameen lowers on its Twitter profile and campaigning. Headlines have Thakur-Rajbansi (wife of the late 99,866 ‘likes’ on its Facebook focused on the ANC consolidat- party founder Amichand Rajban- pages. The DA follows with ing the province as a stronghold: si), its election promises include 68,000 Twitter followers and New Age ‘ANC wants to make setting up a Minorities Ministry 76,000 Facebook ‘likes’. The IFP history’; Sunday Tribune ‘Gun- and Minorities Commission.118 has 38 Twitter followers and the ning for glory’. The ANC cam- NFP has 52. Newcomers EFF paign in the province has more or EFF and AgangSA campaigns and AgangSA have 39,500 and less focused on President Zuma, 42,700 respectively.121 Political with articles centred on the presi- The rally of newcomer EFF in parties have also continued the dent’s activities rather than on the KwaZulu-Natal is scheduled for trend of using celebrities to in- party in general: Witness ‘Zuma Freedom Day (27 April). EFF voke support. It seems that the on a charm offensive’; Mercu- provincial convener Vusi Khoza provincial tradition began with ry ‘Come back to the party says claims that the party has not be- the IFP in 1999 when it added Zuma’. The Witness and the Dai- ing carrying out any high profile popular Ukhozi FM DJ Mandla ly News both reported President campaigning in the province be- Malakoane to its provincial leg- Zuma’s critique of the media and cause ‘there are those parties that islature list. The NFP has tak- the Mercury published a piece like to disturb us’. He added that en up the trend, including DJ (on page 4) detailing a study that the EFF has found it difficult to Zimphi ‘Zimdolar’ Biyela to its found the ANC to be a transgres- campaign freely in KwaZulu-Na- candidate list. The ANC celebrity sor in incidents involving intim- tal and cited the arrest of ANC support list includes Kwaito star idation.124 Opposition parties supporters in January when they Thulisile Mdihlaba, Bafana Bafa- have also featured significantly attempted to block Julius Male- na players Helman Mkhalele and in provincial print media, with ma’s engaging with Nkandla Andile Jali and DJ Siyanda. Even news of the DA campaign as well residents. Khoza added that the the EFF has employed the tactic, as profiles of MF leadership and party was however hard at work enlisting former soap star Fana EFF leadership. These were fea- ‘on the ground’, and if it failed Mokoena.122 tured in Sunday Tribune pieces. to win the province it would at Opposition party complaints also least be a ‘deciding factor’.119 received coverage such as the Another newcomer AgangSA Witness account of IFP election has announced that it will not be poster vandalism and the Mercu- 152 ry’s report of the DA and IFP’s liftment-1.1648036 objections to SABC election cov- 114 Harper, P. 2014. The fight for Zululand. City Press, 13 April, p.4. erage bias. Pertinent issues such 115 DA manifesto for jobs, Zille. 2014. as service delivery protest in the SAPA, 23 February: http://www.iol. run-up to elections and education co.za/business/news/da- have received coverage by the manifesto-for-jobs-zille-1.1651393 116 and the Olifant, N. Naidoo, M. Hlongwane, Daily News Sunday Tri- A. 2014. Politicians in KZN bune. vote blitz. Sunday Tribune, 6 April, p.7. END NOTES 117 DA, MF woo Durban voters. 2014. SABC News, 6 April: 98 Shauna Mottiar is a Post-Doctoral http://www.sabc.co.za/ Fellow at the Centre for Civil news/a/7213fd00438994058e14 Society, University of KwaZulu- cf806cf46596/DA,-Minority- Natal, South Africa – Mottiar@ukzn. Front-woo-Durban-voters-20140406 ac.za 118 Hlongwane, A. Shaikh, N. 2014. MF 99 Hans, B. 2014. Embrace of free press still roaring says party’s tigress. pleases president. Mercury, 14 April, Sunday Tribune, 13 April, p.18. p.4. 119 Mbanjwa, B. 2014. EFF’s KZN man 100 Ibid. has criminal past. Daily News, 18 101 Mbanjwa, B. 2014. Opposition offer March: http://www.iol.co.za/news/ only criticism. Daily News, 10 April, politics/eff-s-kzn-man-has-criminal- p.2. past-1.1663164 102 Mngoma, N. 2014. Fiery ANC lays 120 South Africa: KZN supporters urged into opposition parties. Daily News, to vote Agang nationally. 2014. 14 April, p.2. AllAfrica, 30 March: http://allafrica. 103 Ngalwa, S. 2014. Zuma puts his com/stories/201403311739.html 121 money where his mouth is. Sunday Joyce, L. 2014. A little birdie told Times, 13 April, p.7. me. Sunday Tribune, 30 March, p.4. 104 Madlala, M. 2014. Come back to 122 Olifant, N. 2014. Famous faces score the party, says Zuma. Mercury, 10 at the polls. Sunday Tribune, 6 April, April, p.4 and Maqhina, M. 2014. p.6. 123 Zuma on a charm offensive. Witness, Govenden, P. Duncan, C. Radu, W. 10 April, p.2. 2009. National and provincial 105 Hlongwane, A. 2014. Politicians elections 2009. Media Monitoring in KZN: Vote bliss. Sunday Tribune, Africa: http://www. 6 April, p.7. mediamonitoringafrica.org/images/ 106 ANC invites minorities to its big uploads/elections_report09.pdf 124 cultural party. 2014. Sunday Tribune, Seale. L. 2014. ANC the biggest 20 April, p.4. bully, study finds. Mercury, 10 April, 107 Attwood. V. 2014. Zuma takes road p.4. show to temple. Sunday Tribune, 20 April, p.4. 108 Olifant, N and Hlongwane, A. 2014. Chasing big poll win. Sunday Tribune, 30 March, p. 35. 109 Harper, P. 2014. The fight for Zululand. City Press, 13 April, p.4. 110 Makhosini, V. 2014. ANC IFP pulling all the stops to sway KZN voters. SABC News, 26 March: http://www.sabc.co.za/news/f1/ ada61e004367a31a93f39785635 9f483/ANC,-IFP-pulling-all-the- stops-to-sway-KZN- voters-20140326 111 Mdletshe, C. 2014. NFP election campaign gains steam. New Age, 22 January: http://www.thenewage. co.za/116910-1010-53-NFP_ election_campaign_gains_ steam/?switcher=1 112 Harper, P. 2014. The fight for Zululand. City Press, 13 April, p.4. 113 Mbanjwa, B. 2014. NFP ticket promises social upliftment. Daily News, 17 February: http://www.iol.co.za/dailynews/ news/nfp-ticket-promises-social-up 153 154 ELECTION UPDATE 2014 Resources: State and Private – 5 Use or Abuse?

Gregory Solik, Independent re- ment policies, tenders, contracts searcher, writer and coordina- and relationships with individu- tor at My Vote Counts als, governments and business, CONTENTS who enjoy power and privilege. Introduction Because it is often hard to draw “Unregulated a distinction between campaign Private Funding of Secrecy in private donations to costs and costs associated with Political Parties: 155 political parties continues to con- parties’ routine expenses, party Linking Money, tribute to the erosion of the future finance can refer to party funding Power and Corrup- envisioned in the Constitution. generally: tion” The failure of Parliament to regulate these donations in the first ‘[p]olitical finance thus 161 20 years of liberation ought to be generally refers to money that North West considered one of the most seri- is used for electioneering, the ous and significant failures of our costs of maintaining party Gauteng 162 democracy. It affects just about offices and employing staff, every possible aspect of society carrying out research, and Kwa-Zulu Natal 164 and it allows a political culture engaging in voter registration. that is inimical to the Constitu- Beyond campaigns, and tion to spread like a cancer. How parties, money is also spent Limpopo 165 does this affect voters? Overtly on other direct purposes such we lose trust in politicians, par- as political foundations, Eastern Cape 167 ties, and even the “system” of political lobbying, democratic accountability, broad- media-related work, and ly speaking. litigation in politically Mpumalanga 169 relevant cases.’1 Definitions Northern Cape 170 Citizens require this information The narrowest definition of po- about financial contributions litical finance is “money for annually and not just in elec- Free State 172 electioneering”. This kind of fi- tion years in order to constantly nancial information is important monitor decisions made by their Western Cape 173 to voters, because knowing who political representatives. Finan- funds a political party provides an cial contributions given to par- essential tool to consider govern- ties are known as direct funding,

155 while contributions in kind (e.g. their performance in the past million was allocated to political voluntary work or free office election. New political entrants parties from provincial coffers. space, advertising, equipment like the Economic Freedom The allocation varies, but most or printing facilities) are known Fighters (EFF) and AgangSA will seem to provide for a proportion- as indirect funding. Both direct not receive any of this money. All al and an equal component for and indirect funding is drawn of their funding will come from the allocation. There are serious from private and public sources. private sources. doubts as to the constitutionality A significant difference between of these laws, and despite queries the two sources of funding is that A second major source of pub- made by civil society organisa- while there are regulations that lic funding, which is often over- tions, government has done noth- govern the income and expendi- looked, is the Parliamentary Con- ing to address these doubts over ture of public sources, there are stituency Allowances and Party the last five-year term. Below is still no limits, laws, guidelines Administrative Allowances made a table of the latest financial con- or any kind of regulation that in terms of the Policy on Political tributions from provincial coffers shape the influence of private Parties.3 The total annual budget in the election cycle (the previous money in politics leading up to for constituency allowances and financial year). South Africa’s 5th general elec- associated services has increased tions. The corollary of this deeply from ±R60 million in 2002/2003 problematic scenario is that this to ±R330 million in 2013/14.4 landscape sows the seeds for cor- This represents a 500% increase ruption, political inequality, and a in the past decade, despite serious loss of democratic accountability, doubts expressed by the Report both in terms of “internal party of the Independent Panel Assess- democracy” and the democracy ment of Parliament that the role, envisaged under the Constitution. function and success of constituency offices remain highly ques- Public Funding tionable.5

The Public Funding of Repre- A third source is the provincial sented Political Parties Act (Pub- funding of political parties. Al- lic Funding Act), passed in 1997, most all provinces have funding was intended to give effect to the laws, which allow for the allo- constitutional obligation to pass cation of additional constituency national legislation to regulate funds to political parties. The first party funding. The Act estab- piece of provincial legislation to lished a public fund, administered provide funding for parties was by the Independent Electoral the Gauteng Political Party Fund Commission, which for the pre- Act,6 which encouraged a spate vious financial year increased the of enactments that preceded the allocation to all represented polit- 2009 elections.7 This trend con- ical parties from R108,2 million tinued with three new Acts passed to R114,8 million in 2013/2014.2 by the end of 2010,8 only the The African National Congress Western Cape Province seeming- (ANC) receives 62% of this pub- ly choosing not to provide such lic pot, because 90% of the fund provincial funds. For the year is allocated to parties based on ending 2012/2013,9 about R250

156 Province Name of Bill/ Year of en- Formula 2012/2013 2013/2014 Act actment Eastern Cape Eastern Cape 1 of 2010 100% pro- R75m Party Funding Act of Political Party portionately 2010 Repealed by East- Fund Act (EC Appropria- ern Cape Political Party tion Act 2012) Fund Repeal Act, 2013

Free State Free State 3 of 2008 100% pro- R47.9m R30.2m Political Party portionately ( FS Appropria- Fund Act tion Act 2012) (FS Appropriation Act, 2013) Gauteng Gauteng Polit- 3 of 2007 80:20 R58m R63.8m ical Party Fund Act (Gauteng Provin- (Gauteng Provincial cial Budget Re- Budget Review & Esti- view & Estimate mate • Vote 2) • Vote 2) KwaZu- KwaZulu-Na- 7 of 2008 80:20 R30m R30m lu-Natal tal Funding of ( KZN Appropria- (KZN Appropriation Act, Represented tion Act, 2012) 2013) Political Parties Act Limpopo Limpopo Polit- 4 of 2008 100% pro- Not Found R53.5m ical Party Fund portionately Act ( Limpopo Appropriation Act, 2013) Mpumalanga Mpumalanga 2008 Not found R25.3.m R36.9m Political Parties Support Fund (Mpumalanga (Mpumalanga Provincial Bill Budget Review & Budget Review & Esti- Estimate, Vote 2) mate • Vote 2) Northern Northern Cape 7 of 2009 80:20 R22m R39.9m Cape Political Party Fund Act (NC Appropria- (NC Budget Review & tion Bill 2012) Estimate, Vote 2) North West North West 3 of 2010 Not Found Not Found R23.3m Political Party Fund Act ( NW Appropriation Act ,2013) Western Not applicable Cape

Private Funding to enact such laws, IDASA took lution to fix these gaps, private political parties to court in 2003 funding remains a black hole. Private funding is the most sig- using the newly enacted Promo- It is therefore difficult to report nificant of party political funding tion of Access to Information on private donations to political in South Africa. There is still, 17 Act to force parties to disclose.11 parties, because they are made in years into our democracy, no le- IDASA failed in its bid to force complete secrecy. gal requirement for private dona- parties to disclose their sources. tions by companies or individuals Despite promises made by politi- The Open Society Foundation re- to be made public, despite prom- cal parties to remedy the situation ported that approximately R550 ises of regulation. These promises (under oath during the IDASA million was collected from pri- were originally discussed when litigation), and the ANC’s 2012 vate funding sources leading up the Public Funding Act was first Mangaung Resolution,12 which to the 2009 elections.13 Since debated. When Parliament failed affirmed the Polokwane Reso- 2009, however, private donations

157 to political parties seem to have ANC’s investment arm Chancel- The threat posed to opposition increased exponentially. For ex- lor House is a focal point for this parties is slightly different, but in ample, Matthews Phosa reported analysis and the Hitachi Power some respects no less problemat- that the ANC alone raised R1,66 Africa deal16 – that won contracts ic. The danger here is that oppo- billion from 2007-2012.14 The worth R38.5bn from Eskom to sition parties become reliant on official Parliamentary opposition install boilers at the Medupi and wealthy individuals and corpo- Democratic Alliance (DA) is less Kusile coal-fired power stations rations – as opposed to individ- transparent about its income and – is the example extraordinaire of ual voters – because of the high expenditure. We know nothing this pernicious practice.17 Simply costs involved in running politi- about new entrants such as the put, the ANC has made hundreds cal parties. To this end, we must EFF and AgangSA. of millions by selling electricity accept that money constitutes to its voters over a five-year pe- an essential electoral resource Money in Politics riod. necessary for media campaigns, specialised skills, offices, goods The sources of private funding The creation of the Progressive and services. What we must not can be divided into three catego- Business Forum in 2006 as a accept is that, because of this, and ries: individuals, corporations – fundraising vehicle for ‘[b]usi- the need for strong, well-funded including foreign companies and ness people sympathetic to the opposition parties, secret funding state-owned corporations – and agenda of the ANC [to] partici- is justified. foreign governments. Each cate- pate in its activities and mobilise gory poses its own opportunities financial resources for its con- The Threat to Democracy and and concomitant risks. Certainly tinued existence’ is a second ex- The Right To Vote analysts in South Africa should ample of a practice that demands home in on these categories both transparency, because it creates The landscape of money in poli- individually and collectively, in the opportunity for corruption, tics described above poses a tri- order to more accurately under- or the appearance thereof.18 The ple threat to democracy, which stand the circumstances in which high-profile gala dinner at the can be summarised in this way: they operate and thus their threat ANC’s Mangaung Policy Confer- (i) it fosters political inequality; to democracy. For example, it ence in 2012, where elite titani- (ii) sows the seeds for corruption; would seem that donations from um packages were sold for R500 and (iii) contributes to the loss of the top 40 companies on the JSC 000 to guarantee the sponsor a democratic accountability. and the 10 largest private compa- seat at President Zuma’s table at nies is not as widespread as one the dinner,19 certainly creates the Political Inequality would imagine.15 Indeed, ABSA’s perception that ‘influence over decision to discontinue all politi- or access to’20 elected officials or Political inequality is affected in cal donations to political parties political parties can be bought. A two ways. First it has a dispro- in December 2013 is perhaps a similar example would be the re- portionate impact on ordinary sign of greater awareness of the ports in 2012 about the purchase citizens. South Africa is a deep- lack of regulation and corrupt of a table by parastatal Telkom ly unequal society – geographi- practices. at the SACP’s 91st Celebratory cally, linguistically, financially, Gala Dinner.21 educationally, and in every other This is not to say that private conceivable way. Because money money in politics is not a threat. It terms of the ANC’s relation- matters in modern democracies ship with foreign governments, so much, and because wealthy In terms of the threats posed by it should not be surprising that individuals and corporations ex- money in politics from wealthy China’s two largest rolling-stock ert enormous power, a system individuals and business it is manufacturers are the biggest that does not effectively regulate helpful to distinguish between winners of a R50bn deal in March money in politics provides these the impact on the ANC as the 2014 to manufacture more than entities with unequal opportunity ruling party, and opposition par- 1,000 locomotives for Transnet.22 to have their voices heard. Fail- ties trying to compete with their The government’s refusal in 2009 ing to limit this influence poses might. In terms of the former, the to grant a visa to His Holiness the a threat to democracy, as it pro- blurry line between government Dalai Lama, allegedly an attempt vides the opportunity for a small and the ANC, and its relation- to maintain ANC funding from minority of wealthy individuals ship with business, particular- the People’s Republic of China, and corporations to exercise an ly through questionable Black set the scene for secretive foreign electoral influence stronger than Economic Empowerment deals, funding and its impact on gov- a single vote. The recent so-called remains highly contentious. The ernment decisions. Pharmagate scandal, which ex- 158 posed large corporations trying to the absence of regulation, prob- Loss of democratic accountabil- influence South African intellec- ably undue influence, over polit- ity tual law, policy and legislation, ical parties. So voters’ concerns is a good example.23 Secret fund- might in fact matter less to parties The loss of democratic accounting therefore disenfranchises and than the agendas of their donors. ability is also affected in two disempowers ordinary citizens ways. First, this is not the culture from participating in the political Corruption the Constitution envisages. With- process on an equitable basis. out information on party funding, Corruption in South Africa is one including campaign finance, a In a second way, though, it cre- of the greatest threats to fighting culture of secrecy ensues which ates inequality between parties, inequality and poverty. Tradi- is inimical to the Constitution. as the ANC still has enormous tionally it is understood as ‘the The Constitution demands bud- power over the state. The North abuse of public resources to en- getary and expenditure processes Gauteng High Court’s dismissal rich or give unfair advantage to underpinned by openness, ac- of the EFF’s application to have individuals, their family or their countability and effective finan- the payment of financial depos- friends’.24 However, corruption cial management of the economy. its to the Independent Electoral in this context is not simply quid The Constitution is founded on a Commission (IEC) reduced is a pro quo corruption – payment of multi-party system of democratic good example. Political parties monies in exchange for a favour. government to ensure account- are required to pay a deposit of As the minority in the recent ability, responsiveness and open- more than R600 000 – R45 000 US decision McCutcheon v the ness. per province, as well as R200 000 Federal Election Commission25 – to contest the polls nationally. recognises, the “appearance of In a second way though, it affects Whatever the merits of such set corruption”, or efforts to garner internal party democracy. The amounts, which in themselves influence or access to elected of- way in which money is received carry much weight for vetting se- ficials based on one’s wealth, is and spent is opaque. Political rious contestants, it is clear that just as destructive: parties are a special kind of pri- there is a disproportionate burden vate body that must operate ac- on newer and less rich parties to cording to standards that ensure compete in elections. “Just as troubling to a those who vote, or claim to asso- functioning democracy as ciate themselves with a political Without any information or classic quid pro quo corruption grouping, understand the financ- knowledge about who funds is the danger that office es of political parties. parties and to what extent, there holders will decide issues not is no transparency. The lack of on the merits or the desires of Conclusion transparency means that citizens their constituencies, but do not know who is contribut- according to the wishes of “Where enough money calls the ing to which party and what way those who have made large tune, the general public will not they might be influencing that financial contributions valued be heard”.28 These were the words party and in which direction. by the officeholder”.26 of Justice Breyer as he lamented This can lead to huge amounts the majority judgment, which of corruption, since without any But we must go further: it’s not “eviscerated” the US’s campaign transparency we don’t know simply about public abuse, in- finance laws in April this year.29 whether donors to parties are influence or appearances. The op- At the heart of the majority’s fluencing their policy decisions, eration of this political system, tragic decision is a fundamental the awarding of state tenders, or so often cemented by laws, and misunderstanding of how money large contracts. When ordinary a lack of regulation, is in itself in politics works. voters do not have this informa- “corrupt”, and it therefore en- tion they have no reliable way sures the maintenance of business Our electoral landscape exists of deciding whether to support as usual, and might perpetuate in- within a climate that does not a party because that party devis- herited power and privilege. We protect and insulate democracy es policies that are responsive to are all young fishes at democracy from the threats above, thereby societal challenges or whether school asking innocently, what imperiling the foundational value those parties devise and support does the ocean look like?27 of every citizen’s right to vote. policies that favour their donors South African policymakers, cit- instead. This allows donors to ex- izens, activists and legislators ert a disproportionate amount of should look to these internation- influence, and in the context of al best practices as guidelines 159 for reform.30 But, ultimately, the money by state-sponsored arms; business with the state; development of a party finance direct and indirect funding; establish base and aggregate regime must be crafted by tak- ensure that whatever finance contributions in bi-annual ing into account our own specific system is developed, the cycles; require disclosure legal, political and societal chal- system must ensure a link thresholds; challenge laws lenges. These include: between voters and parties, that serve special interests; rather than money and parties; • Accountability: establish best • Political inequality: reduce • Corruption: regulate state and practice in openness and the need for and influence of political party investment transparency.

ANNEXURE A

A similar survey of 180 countries in 2011 shows a marked trend towards increased party funding regulation and disclosure.31

International practice 2011 Ban on donations from government resources 85% Ban on foreign donations to political parties 68% Ban on foreign donations to individual candidates 51% Ban on corporate donations 22% Limit size of donations to parties or candidates 45% Public funding 68% Free or subsidised access to public media 69% Limits on spending by parties 29% Limits on spending by candidates 44% Reporting on finances by parties 88% Reporting on finances by both parties and individual candidates 53% Institution to monitor and investigate financial reporting 75% Financial reports publicly disclosed 75%

END NOTES Political Parties Support Fund Bill; 9.9 Foreign funding should be 8 Eastern Cape Political Party Fund permitted but must be regulated to 1 See Michael Pinto-Duschinsky Act, 1 of 2010; Northern Cape avoid abuse and manipulation by “Financing Global Politics: A Global Political Party Fund Act, 2 of 2009; external forces in the political affairs View” (2002) Journal of Democracy Northern Cape Political Party Fund of our country.” 2 See IEC website and recent Act 11 of 2011. 13 See, for example, “Money and regulations published under the 9 Research by Gary Pienaar. Politics in South Africa: Meeting Public Funding Act. 10 Table compiled by Karabo Rajuili. our Next Democratic Challenge”, 3 The Policy is available here Footnotes omitted for the purposes Money and Politics Project http://www.parliament.gov.za/ of space. Details available on policy paper, 25 October 2011, content/POLICY%20on%20 request. (Special thanks to Gary available at http://osf.org.za/ political%20parties%20 Pienaar for data for 2012/2013 year publication-types/money-and- allowances~1.pdf and guidance on reading the politics-project/ 4 Appropriation Act, 2013 available applicable statutes.) 14 “ANC looks at cuts to staff as its here 11 Institute for Democracy in South operating costs soar”, Cape Times 18 http://us-cdn.creamermedia.co.za/ Africa and Others v African National December 2012. assets/articles/attachments/45589_ Congress and Others 2005 (5) SA 39 15 Unpublished research by Gary act_9.pdf (C) (“IDASA”). Pienaar. 5 Independent Panel Assessment at 12 Resolution: 16 (25% of which is held by the ANC). page 60. “9.1. Public funding should be 17 After severe criticism for this 6 Gauteng Political Party Fund Act, 3 expanded in order to promote and obvious conflict of interest and abuse of 2007. support democracy. Such funding of state power the ANC sold its share 7 Free State Political Party Fund Act, will be accompanied by full back to Hitachi Power in early 2014, 3 of 2008; Kwa-Zulu Natal Funding financial accountability and months before the general elections. of Represented Political Parties Act, transparency by political parties, 18 http://www.politicsweb.co.za/ 7 of 2008 Limpopo Political Party including regulation of private politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ Fund Act, 4 of 2008; Mpumalanga financing of political parties. en/page71639?oid=351770&sn= 160 Detail&pid=71639 “The government owns 38,9 percent leaked-pharmagate-emails- 19 http://m.iol.co.za/article/view/ of Telkom. If the stake by the prove-big-pharma- s/11/a/247585 Public Investment Corporation is involvement-scandal 20 The recent majority decision in included, the South African public 24 http://www.corruptionwatch.org.za/ McCutcheon v. Federal Election has a 51 percent investment in content/what-corruption Commission does not define this as Telkom. This means that South 25 See above. corruption. The Minority judgment African citizens paid, at least in part, 26 McConnell 540 U.S at 153. by Breyer J illustrates persuasively for the lavish dinner enjoyed by 27 Conversation with Pastor Alan that excluding this from the SACP comrades.” Storey in Heaven on Wednesday definition is problematic. 22 http://www.bdlive.co.za/business/ 23 April. 21 http://www.iol.co.za/the-star/ transport/2014/03/18/china-wins- 28 McCutcheon at page 6. why-did-telkom-donate-money- lions-share-of-transnets-r50bn- 29 McCutcheon at page 2. to-sacp-coffers-1.1343688#. train-tender 30 See Annexure below. Uz2E2Cjrb8s 23 http://www.tac.org.za/news/

NORTH WEST

Dr Ina Gouws – North West The most recent allegation of province. The DA branded the University (Vaal Triangle Cam- inappropriate use of state funds project pure electioneering.34 pus) comes from within ANC ranks in the North West, the latest ex- State of readiness of the IEC Use of state resources ample of a ‘two-centres-of-power struggle in the province’. The The IEC declared that they were The use of state resources for North West MEC for finance an- ready for the 2014 National and campaigning purposes has be- nounced the project in November Provincial Elections in South come a contentious issue in the 2013, claiming it would provide Africa during the opening of the 2014 election campaign period. temporary jobs for the youth on a IEC results centre in Pretoria.35 Allegations of inappropriate use one-year contract. Selected may- of state resources became prom- ors’ offices across the province The IEC in the North West has inent during the Tlokwe by-elec- were central to the process. Some however come under scrutiny tions in August 2013. councillors were tasked with since allegations of vote-rigging compiling lists of names which during the Tlokwe by elections in The South African National Civic were collected by government 2013. Several independent candi- Organisation (Sanco) accused the officials. An employee of the pro- dates laid charges against the IEC Social Development Minister in vincial government alleged that for the following: North West of trying to buy votes they did not know how the names with food parcels by distribut- that would benefit from the pro- • At least 500 voters whose ing these food parcels ahead of gramme were chosen, but that the addresses fall outside of the the by-elections. The minister in project was meant to score politi- by-election wards were turn stated that there were 17 000 cal points in a strategy to win the allowed to vote; child-headed households in Tlok- elections. The communications • At least 600 voters registered we who needed the aid and they manager of North West Province with incomplete or false would not stop their programmes said their process was inclusive addresses on voter just because there are by-elec- and that they’d consulted various registration forms; tions. It was later revealed that databases of the unemployed to • At least 31 voters were re there were 5 681 such households choose candidates. registered in contested wards in the entire North West Province. and transported from the A report issued by Sanco alleged There are allegations from the North West towns of that residents of the Dr Kenneth Supra Mahumapelo faction of the Delareyville and Klerksdorp, Kaunda district (Klerksdorp) North West ANC that taxpayers’ and Free State towns were warned that if they did not money is being abused by this including Bothaville and vote for the ANC, they would project. Officials are also ques- Parys, especially for the lose food parcels and grants.32 tioning why only some council- by-elections; and The DA made a complaint to the lors were involved and not all. • The Independent Electoral Public Protector, which her office This faction in the ANC claims Commission and the ANC is now investigating.33 that this programme will desta- colluded to inflate voter bilise the party even more in this numbers in contested wards.

161 The chairperson of the IEC, tion to the SAPS presence, the votes”. (2014). City Press. http:// Pansy Tlakula, claimed that it SANDF has 9 companies (one www.citypress.co.za/politics/ food-votes was ‘impossible to stage perfect per province) deployed and on 33 Sapa. “Tlokwe food parcels a vote elections’, that ‘things will go standby to assist SAPS if need- campaign – Sanco”. (2013) wrong, that is the nature of elec- ed.39 The IEC said that it was also City Press. http://www.citypress.co. tions’. She demanded that the increasing security in the North za/politics/tlokwe-food-parcels- allegations be proven.37 Under West. a-vote-campaign-sanco/ 34 Mnaledi Mataboge. “ANC in this cloud the IEC had to prepare jobs-for-votes probe”. (2014). for the elections in North West. Several hotspots were identified Mail & Guardian. http://mg.co Overview of the province for the in the North West Province: .za/article/2014-01-23-anc-in-jobs- upcoming elections: for-votes-probe/ 35 Masego Rahlaga, Stephen Grootes. Bojanala Region: “Troubled IEC declares state of • 4 district municipalities readiness” (2014). Eyewitness • 19 local municipalities • Ledig (Moses Kotane) News. • 3 457 013 population • Rustenburg Mines http://ewn.co.za/2014/04/30/ (census 2011) (detailed list attached) troubled-iec-declares-state-of- readiness • 1 716 voting districts/stations • Madibeng (see attached list) 36 Yolandi Groenewald, Siyanbonga • 1 716 presiding officers Sithole. “Tlokwe vote fixed”. • 1 822 Deputy presiding Ngaka Modiri Molema Region: (2014). City Press. officers http://www.citypress.co.za/ politics/tlokwe-vote-fixed-2/ • 11 342 Voting station staff • Khunotswane 37 Sapa. “Tlokwe vote rigging • 1 669 349 registered on • Ditsobotla allegations must be proved says the voters’ roll.38 (Itsoseng and Matile I) Pansy Tlakula”. (2014) City Press. • Mmasutlhe (Mafikeng) http://www.citypress.co.za/politics/ Security issues have been a con- tlokwe-vote-rigging-allegations- must-proved-says-pansy-tlakula/ cern for the IEC in the run-up to Dr Ruth Segomotsi Mompati 38 North West overview provided to the elections – not just for voters Region: election observers for the 2014 but also for IEC staff members. National Elections in South Africa In the North West province an • Taung (Seoding) 39 Kim Heilfrich. “SANDF ready inter-ministerial committee led • Lekwa-Teemane (Bloemhof) for voting day”. (2014). DefenceWeb. by the national police minister http://www.defenceweb.co.za/index. assessed security concerns in Dr Kenneth Kaunda Region: php?option=com_content&view= Rustenburg after President Zuma article&id= abandoned a meet-and-greet in • Tlokwe (Ikageng) 34475:sandf-ready-for- 40 voting-day&catid=54: the area. According to Minister • Matlosana (Jouberton). Governance&Itemid=118 Mthethwa, “anyone who says 40 Information provided to election ob there will be no-go areas on elec- END NOTES servers by the office of the North tion day is day-dreaming” and West Provincial election officer of warned that disruptive actions 32 Carien du Plessis, Yolandi the IEC will not be tolerated. In addi- Groenewald. “ANC’s food for

GAUTENG

Waseem Holland, Independent in order to gain an unfair advan- the governing party separating Researcher tage over other parties within the itself from government as such, multi-party system in the election but when state resources have Introduction period. The South African elec- been used in electioneering ac- toral system at times lends itself tivities for the party that happens A major challenge and test for to instances of the blurring of to be governing in that particular a governing party that operates lines between the party and the province, it means that the gov- within an electoral system such state. erning party is blurring the lines as the one that is used in South between party and government Africa is the onus placed upon on In the electoral period especially, when it is most crucial that those it not to use its position of power there is great emphasis placed on lines remain clearly defined. The

162 use of state resources for election electioneering activities. One is- picture of a member of the pres- purposes does not necessarily in- sue was a complaint brought to idential VIP security unit delet- dicate that the governing party the Public Protectors Office by ing images captured by E News is desperate to gain more votes, AgangSA which relates to the Channel Africa (eNCA) journal- but it does perhaps indicate that it use of ANC colours on govern- ist Nickolaus Bauer. Across the does not value the notion of fair- ment billboards.41 Other reports country, there have been allega- ness in the electoral period. on the abuse of state resources tions of the South African Social in the province relate to Gauteng Security Agency administering Use of State Resources traffic police being used to trans- the distribution of food parcels port T-shirts to an ANC rally in at ANC rallies.42 The Public Pro- Media reports have showed a few the East Rand. tector is currently investigating instances of the use of state re- these allegations. sources in the governing party’s The Sunday Times published a

Current Registration Figures

Municipality Wards Voting Districts Registered Voters EKU - Ekurhuleni [East Rand 101 615 1,546,439 JHB - City of Johannesburg [Johan- 130 825 2,182,812 nesburg] TSH - Tshwane Metro [Pretoria] 105 707 1, 455,714 Wards Voting Districts Registered Voters GT421 - Emfuleni [Vereeniging] 45 168 358,518 GT422 - Midvaal [Meyerton 14 36 52,072 GT423 - Lesedi [Heidelberg] 13 39 46,909 DC48 - West Rand No Wards Wards Voting Districts Registered Voters GT481 - Mogale City [Krugersdorp 34 107 186,729 GT482 - Randfontein [Randfontein] 22 46 79,717 GT483 - Westonaria [Westonaria] 16 34 52,009 GT484 - Merafong City [Carleton- 28 70 98,599 ville] Totals 508 2,647 6,059,518

In Gauteng, 2,647 polling sta- and deployed the relevant offi- process of campaigning and ad- tions have been set aside for elec- cials to the appropriate areas. vocacy free and fair. One fact of tion-day. The IEC was not able incumbency in any electoral sys- to confirm the exact number of While there have been numerous tem is that it by definition affords staff that have been trained and allegations of state resources be- the governing party some kind of deployed in the province, but has ing used in order to further the advantage over its adversaries. confirmed that, as a rule, each electoral ends of the governing station must have at least three party in Gauteng and across the END NOTES officials inside it. Therefore, country, the complaints are not Gauteng will have no fewer than so severe and widespread for the 41 South African Press Association, “Madonsela investigates ANC’s 60,000 officials that have been electoral period to be considered ‘abuse of state resources’”, Mail and trained and deployed. unfair. It seems that the govern- Guardian Online, (22 April 2014). ing party has increasingly used http://mg.co.za/article/2014-04-22- Conclusion its position of relative advan- madonsela-mulls-over-claims-of tage in its election tactics. Some -ancs-abuse-of-state-resources/ 42 Editorials. “We Risk Becoming A Through discussions with IEC representatives in the opposition Banana Republic”, The Citizen officials, it is clear that no major believe that there should be a Online, (28 April 2014), http:// issues have been reported in the banning of government advertis- citizen.co.za/166722/risk- multi-party liaison committees in ing during the electoral period, becoming-banana-republic/ 43 February, Judith. Cape Argus. Gauteng. While the period right as it is always closely associated Independent Online, (30 April 2014), 43 before the election is always the with that of the ruling party. It http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ most difficult for the Commis- is difficult to decide what kind all-s-fair-in-love-war-and- sion, it seems that the IEC has of regulations should be made in politics-or-is-it-1.1682170#. distributed all relevant materials this regard in order to keep the U2NcqKI8GM8 163 KWAZULU-NATAL

Shauna Mottiar44 - Post-Doc- February contends that this lack parcels form the Department toral Fellow at the Centre for of transparency is problematic of Social Development prior to Civil Society, University of and suggests that ANC treasurer by-elections. This is especially so KwaZulu-Natal Zweli Mkhize’s suggestion of a in areas where the ANC is con- ‘trust fund’ has merit. This sug- tested. A DA representative stat- Public and Private Funding of gestion proposes that companies ed that just before a by-election Political Parties or individuals make donations in Umzimkhulu (Sisonke District into a ‘trust fund’ the proceeds Municipality) toilets were de- According to the Public Funding of which will be allocated among livered to the community by the of Represented Political Parties political parties according to a set ANC who then went on to win Act, there is public funding avail- formula. In essence companies the election. able to maintain political parties and individuals would be making between elections. In the 2012 / their donations to a ‘democra- In a similar vein the National 2013 financial year, the African cy fund’ and supporting the idea Freedom Party (NFP) has ac- National Congress (ANC) as the of a multi-party democracy. The cused the IFP of misusing funds party with the greatest number of transparency aspect could then for their election campaign in seats in parliament received R69 be managed by an independent three municipalities: uMsinga, million of the R104.8 million set body.48 iNkandla and Ulundi. The misuse aside for the funding of the four- involves hiring and branding cars teen political parties that qualify Abuse of State Resources with IFP colours for the purpose for funding.45 Analysts have ar- of campaigning.51 The NFP also gued that this practise has led to A recent study conducted by the levelled allegations at the ANC the ANC consolidating its dom- Community Agency for Social and the DA claiming that state re- inance at the expense of smaller Enquiry (CASE) entitled ‘Just sources were being put to work in parties. The public funding mod- Singing and Dancing’49 argues their favour and that ‘there should el also requires political parties that ruling party, the ANC has be a difference between election- to pay a deposit of R200, 000 to abused state funds in order to eering, campaigning and deliver- contest the national poll and R45, garner electoral victory. The re- ing services to the people’.52 000 to contest each province. port cites examples of this from This invariably disadvantages KwaZulu-Natal. One such exam- State of IEC Readiness smaller, less resourced parties.46 ple is the ANC distributing food parcels, fences and irrigation The KwaZulu-Natal Independent Aside from public funding, systems to Nongoma (Zululand Electoral Commission (IEC) lead South African political parties District Municipality) residents by Mawethu Mosery claims to be are also able to receive private just before the by-elections in prepared for the May elections. funding and this is especially so October 2013. In January 2014 it The IEC held an aggressive re- with regards funding of election was reported in the mainstream cruitment drive which resulted in campaigns. South Africa has no media that the budget for ‘Social 5.1 million people registering to legislation regulating private do- Relief’ from which food parcels vote. This is almost double com- nations to political parties. Judith are paid had been supplemented pared to the 3.4 million voters February of the Institute for Se- by R200 million in October 2013. targeted by the provincial IEC ten curity Studies (ISS) has argued The CASE report argues that ‘It years ago in the 2004 elections. that this ‘leaves the door wide was understood that this measure This makes KwaZulu-Natal the open for corruption and the buy- aimed to support increased dis- province with the second high- ing of influence’.47 tribution of food parcels in the est number of registered voters build up to the 2014 elections’.50 behind Gauteng with a count of In 2005 the Institute for a Dem- The report draws from several just over 6 million.53 According ocratic South Africa (IDASA) interviews with representatives to Mosery over 1 million of the took five major political parties of opposition parties namely registered voters are under the to court to reveal their funding the Democratic Alliance (DA), age of 25.54 According to the IEC sources. The court found how- Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and 56.57% of these registered voters ever that political parties are AgangSA who stated that it was are female and 43.43% male.55 private bodies and therefore not established practice for ANC Mosery argues however that ac- bound to reveal their funders. leadership to distribute food cording to the 2011 census there

164 are 6.2 million people eligible to (SAPS) Air Wing. Areas that suspicion. Business Day, 18 March: vote in the province and that the would see the biggest deployment http://www.bdlive.co.za/national/ politics/2014/03/18/secret- IEC’s task before the 2016 local include the ‘hot spots’ for vio- party-funding-fuels-electorates- government elections is to reg- lence, KwaMashu and Wembezi. suspicion ister the remaining 1.1 million. The deployment plan also allows 46 Ibid. Among the provinces challenges for a Provincial Priority Commit- 47 February, J. 2014. Democracy fund Mosery cites voter apathy and tee which is to oversee and coor- will foster political donation transparency, Mail & non-participation. He argues that dinate law enforcement before, Guardian, 20 March: incidents of electoral related vio- during and after the elections. http://mg.co.za/ lence are ‘concerning’ but not a It is to be led by the provincial article/2014-03-19- cause for alarm given that they commissioner, lieutenant-general democracy-fund-will-foster- political-donation-transparency are ‘sporadic’ and ‘isolated’ and Mmamonnye Ngobeni. The de- 48 Ibid. not comparable to historic rates partment also plans to work with 49 Bruce, D. 2014. Just singing and of violence in KwaZulu-Natal. community safety structures such dancing: Intimidation and the He does however concede that as community police forums and manipulation of voters and the politically motivated killings the KwaZulu-Natal Community electoral process in the build up to the 2014 elections. CASE: http:// have the potential to comprise Crime Prevention Association. www.nelsonmandela.org/uploads/ free and fair elections.56 Mosery The plan further provides for files/intimidation-in-electionss.pdf emphasises the fact that South election observer missions and 50 bid, p.42. Africa’s electoral system has accredited independent lawyers. 51 NFP calls for crackdown on IFP. 2014. SA Breaking News, 18 been strengthened by the atten- According to Mchunu 50 inter- April: http://www.sabreakingnews. dance of various observer mis- national and 550 local observers co.za/2014/04/18/nfp-calls-for- sions and has also served as an are expected. Also 175 lawyers crack-down-on-ifp/ example for good practise. Here will be employed on voting day 52 Ibid. 53 he cites counting ballots and pro- to provide legal advice while 58 Bapela, K. 2014. 80.8% of eligible voters registered – IEC. PoliticsWeb, ducing results at voting stations officials will monitor policing 6 March: http://www.politicsweb. and the party liaison concept.57 outside voting stations and 1,595 co.za/politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ volunteers have been signed up en/page71654?oid=560298&sn= In a briefing to the legislature to aid crime prevention.58 Kwa- Detail 54 Hlongwane, A. 2014. IEC head MEC Willies Mchunu stated that Zulu-Natal has 4,746 polling sta- cautious as he marks progress. the Department of Transport, tions. 128 of them are categorised Sunday Tribune, 6 April, p.23. Community Safety and Liaison high risk, 756 medium risk and 55 Certification of voters roll for 2014 aims to secure violence-free elec- 3,862 are considered low risk.59 elections. IEC: http://www.elections. tions in KwaZulu-Natal. Special org.za/content/About-Us/News/ Certification-of-the-voters--roll-for- units are to be deployed to high- END NOTES 2014-elections/ risk stations. Among them are the 56 Ibid. Public Order Police, the Nation- 44 Shauna Mottiar is a Post-Doctoral 57 Ibid. al Intervention Unit, the Tactical Fellow at the Centre for Civil 58 Olifant, N. 2014. Poll security plan Society, University of KwaZulu- unveiled. Sunday Tribune, 20 April, Response Team, the Special Task Natal, South Africa – Mottiar@ukzn. p.6. Force, Detective Task Teams, ac.za 59 Ibid. Cluster Roving Teams and the 45 Phakathi, B. 2014. Secret party South African Police Service funding fuels electorate’s

LIMPOPO

Ralph Mathekga – Director Those parties are vying for 49 eligible voters in the province. - Clearcontent Research and seats in the Limpopo provincial Consulting legislature. Limpopo IEC elec- The voter education programme toral officer, Nkaro Mateta, stated has been largely successful, ex- Election readiness in Limpopo that there are 2.5 million voters cept for few instances where the registered to vote for the May 7 IEC could not carry out voter According to the Electoral Com- elections.60 The IEC has prepared registration and voter education mission of South Africa, twenty ballot papers for 2.5 million reg- programme due to disruptions by political parties are contesting istered voters in the province. members of communities. Such the provincial ballot in Limpopo. Limpopo has registered 81.2% of incidents were isolated. In such 165 incidents, however, the IEC was not make the decisions alone. should stop rolling out services barred from carrying out its pro- Political party campaigning in because such services are giving gramme on site due to conflicts Limpopo, and also IEC elec- the party a competitive advantage relating to service delivery and tion preparation initiatives, were over other parties. The ANC is also labour-related strikes. The largely confronted with prior the party that has an opportunity IEC in Limpopo stated that it concerns that communities in the to use state resources to campaign would be recruiting 40 000 elec- province had regarding service for elections in Limpopo and toral officials across the province. delivery and also matters such as other provinces where the party the demand for their own munic- forms an incumbent government. While Limpopo has experienced a ipality in Malamulele. The griev- One of the disadvantages that a relatively calm campaign season, ances affected the ANC and IEC, party has if it has been in pow- the tension between the ANC and because these institutions are er for a sustained period of time the Economic Freedom Fighters seen as being close to power and and is also an incumbent is that (EFF) was quite stark. Limpopo therefore legitimate targets when the party has no reasonable ex- is often referred to as ‘Malema’s it comes to expressing concerns cuse not to take responsibility for Limpopo’ due to the former ANC that communities might have. some of the ills and challenges in Youth League president’s ‘home’ government. Conversely, oppo- support in the province.61 The The dilemma of identifying sition parties have an advantage ANC had sent approximately 50 whether an incumbent party because they have no record; nei- members of the party’s National is using state resources in cam- ther do they have a poor record Executive Committee to embark paigning of governing. The advantage of on a door-to-door campaign in the being an incumbent party, how- province. The ANC campaign The campaigning for elections in ever, is that a party may use the team was headed by the party’s Limpopo has been characterised leverage of being in power to un- deputy president Cyril Rama- by a sense of suspicion and mis- fairly amplify its name and rep- phosa. Conflicting reports came trust between the ANC and the utation. It is difficult to imagine out in the newspapers indicating opposition parties. Being in gov- a political party that would not that Ramaphosa was not warmly ernment, the ANC is in control take advantage of its incumbency welcomed when he kicked off the of public resources. The DA has in the immediate period towards campaign leg in Seshego, outside been the most vocal party raising elections. Polokwane.62 The intimation that alarm about the use of food par- Ramaphosa would not receive a cels to lure voters. The challenge Conclusion good welcome in Seshego comes regarding identifying where state from the idea that the suspension resources are being used to cam- The IEC records show that Lim- of Malema from the league by a paign for elections lies in the popo has had fewer conflicts Ramaphosa-chaired disciplinary fact that an incumbent party can among political parties in the pe- committee is something that always get away with the expla- riod leading towards May 7 elec- would be taken personally by res- nation that its conduct is consis- tions. The IEC office in the prov- idents of the township. Reports tent with measures aimed at roll- ince also stated that the number of that Ramaphosa was ‘shunned’ ing out public policy, instead of voting stations will be increased in Limpopo during the campaign aiming at using state resources to to 3 066, from 2 783 in the 2011 were subsequently withdrawn by ‘buy’ votes. If one considers the local government elections. Also the papers that reported about the fact that the government does not worth noting in Limpopo is the incident. cease to exist until elections are increase in voter registration, ex- held – a governing party would ceeding the 80 percent IEC target President Jacob Zuma’s cam- have influence on allocation or of eligible voters in the province. paign visit in Limpopo was also distribution of state resources not without incident. At a cam- until the votes are cast – such an END NOTES paign event in Malamulele in incumbent party would therefore Limpopo during April, President have all opportunity to infuse the 60 Nyambeni Mandiwana ‘Limpopo voters can choose from 20 parties’ Zuma was confronted with a jeer- rollout of public policy in a way , 1 April 2014 63 Look Local ing crowd at a packed stadium. that maximises the party’s con- 61 Moloko Moloto, ‘ANC Big Guns Malamulele communities have tact with voters. Head for Limpopo’, Sunday engaged in protests where they Independent, February 23, 2014. 62 were demanding their own mu- It is difficult for opposition par- ‘Ramaphosa campaigns in Limpopo’, News24 nicipality. Zuma had to promise ties to make a convincing case December 07,2013 them he would look into the mat- that the ANC as governing party 63 ‘Zuma loundly booed: Report’ ter, stating, however, that he does in the period towards elections Sowetan, April 17, 2014 166 EASTERN CAPE

Lashiola Kutya, Malachia food parcels at ANC election ral- IEC state of readiness in 2014 Mathoho, Stephen Shisanya – lies.64 The Democratic Alliance elections68 Afesis corplan has stated that it can reveal that over the last year the Department There are a number of challenges Use of State Resources has distributed food parcels in 23 facing the IEC in running these wards where by-elections were elections; however, IEC officials The Electoral Code of Conduct going to be held, and that more have indicated that they have pre- is aimed at producing a political than 23 000 food parcels were pared adequately and are ready to context conducive to free and fair distributed across those wards. conduct the elections. elections, fostering acceptance DA branches and volunteers of democratic political activity, across the country report that this The IEC has been training staff encouraging free political cam- abuse is continuing, and intensi- since the voter education campaigning and stimulating open fying, in the lead-up to the May paigns which started in 2013. public debate on pertinent social, 7 election. The DA revealed that The IEC has indicated that there economic and political issues the South Africa Social Services are 190 Democracy Education affecting the broader South Af- Agency (Sassa), under the De- Facilitators (DEFs) employed rican society. The Code of Con- partment of Social Development, across the province, doing Bal- duct stipulates that no person or distributed food parcels to at least loting Education, 41 Municipal political party may offer an in- 170 families in the Mbashe mu- Outreach Coordinators (MOCs), ducement or reward that might nicipality, just outside Dutywa.65 who supervise the DEFs. MOCs influence political party identifi- are placed at Municipal Electoral cation or allegiance. Moreover, Agang SA states that the gov- Offices, and 39 Electoral Provin- it prohibits any political party or erning party also offered food cial Coordinators (EPCs) are re- person from misusing a position parcels in the Western Cape; and sponsible for outreach in 39 local of power or influence to alter the that the Gauteng provincial gov- IEC Offices. 1 565 events have regulation and end result of an ernment used ANC colours on also been held since Registration election. its billboards.66 The ANC is also Weekend 2 in February 2014, and accused of handing out blankets 87 297 people have been reached. In the run-up to the 2009 elec- and toiletries at its election ral- tions opposition parties accused lies. Mail & Guardian reports The Eastern Cape (EC) is the sec- the ANC of abusing state funds have confirmed that the office of ond-largest province in the coun- and state resources for campaign- the Public Prosecutor Thuli Ma- try. For the 2014 elections, the ing purposes and further alleged donsela is investigating some of IEC aims to have 80% of eligible that the ANC engaged in illegal these allegations. voters, whom the IEC has indicat- activities by removing opposi- ed that it has reached.69 The EC tion parties’ posters (i.e. those of The Electoral Act states that “no province stands at more than 3.2 the ACDP). In addition, oppo- person may offer any inducement million registered voters (85.4% sition parties accused the ANC or reward to another person to of the voting age population), 1.4 of threatening voters residing in join or not to join a party”. How- million of whom are males and RDP houses by suggesting that ever, recent reports published in 1.9 million females. The EC prov- they would lose their RDP houses newspapers show that President ince has 4 615 voting stations in if they did not vote for the ANC. Jacob Zuma gave cash out of his 715 wards in total. There are four In the run-up to the 2014 elec- pocket to some members of the mobile voting stations70 and 58 tions the same allegations have public. The Times Live reported voting centres (95 sub-stations). been made against the ANC. many incidences, including a case The number of temporary vot- where Nompithi Limaphiwho, a ing stations (tents) stands at 179. The DA claims that the ANC has pensioner from Port Elizabeth, The political parties registered to been distributing food parcels in got R200 to buy “small things” contest the 2014 elections in the Tlokwe (Potchefstroom) since for her two-year-old grandson province total 18 in number. The 2013. The Democratic Alliance is from the president.67 This has left EC has 49 capturing sites (MEO said to be taking the ruling par- most of the beneficiaries singing offices and additional sites where ty and the Social Security Agen- the praises of the president and applicable), and 9 230 (4 615 cy (Sassa) to the Electoral Court the ANC in particular. VDs X 2 ballots) results slips are over the alleged distribution of expected to be verified, captured

167 and audited. All contesting politi- by SAPS trainers in preparation Detail&pid=71619 cal parties have been given a CD for the elections. Security risks Accessed 27 April 2014 66 ANN7 Reporter April 2014. Public with a provincial segment of the areas have been identified and the Protector investigates claims ANC voters’ roll, and the hard copies IEC is closely working together used state resources for campaign. were made available at the IEC’s with SAPS on a deployment plan. http://www.thenewage. provincial warehouse for collec- It was reported that discussions co.za/123655-1007-53-Public_ tion by the contesting parties. have also been held with the pro- Protector_investigates_claims_ ANC_used_state_resources_for_ vincial government on the issues campaign Accessed 27 April 2014 The following voting station in- mainly related to service delivery 67 Sibusiso Ngalwa, April 2014. Zuma frastructure (VSI) needs are beat voting stations. Arrangements giving cash to voters out of his own ing addressed by the voting sta- have been put in place for infra- pocket http://www.timeslive.co.za/ politics/2014/04/14/zuma-giving- tion infrastructure task team. The structural and natural disaster cash-to-voters-out-of-his-own- Roads & Public Works Depart- risks. Plans are also in place for pocket ment is attending to the access prisoner voting, and Correction- Accessed 26 April 2014 roads to make voting stations al Services has been informed of 68 The information in this article was more accessible. The IEC has in- voting needs. It is planned that provided by the IEC Eastern Cape Provincial Office. It was presented dicated that there are indeed chal- two SAPS members will be de- at the Media Briefing for the State lenges at some voting stations; ployed at all voting stations, and of Readiness of the province however, there are measures in special votes teams will be ac- delivered by the Eastern Cape place to make sure that the vot- companied by SAPS members on Provincial Electoral Officer Mr Tami Mraji on 25 May 2014. ing process runs without prob- home visits. 69 IEC, 2014, IEC readiness for 2014 lems in these areas. Stations that elections; Committee Legacy have challenges are those without In terms of the other practical Report, 11 March 2014. electricity – 906, without water – and logistical arrangements, the 70 Mobile voting stations are normally 526, without toilets – 355, with- IEC indicated that it was ready used in voting districts where the population is sparse (i.e. a small out communication – 194 and to conduct special votes from 7 number of people spread over a very with bad access roads – 718. to 17 April. The packing of ma- large area). terials for voting stations with The IEC has indicated that ballot special votes applications started papers are ready and have already on 23 April. Lists of approved been delivered to provincial special votes applicants will be warehouse from the printers. It handed to presiding officers on was shown that 136 storage facil- 4 May 2014. It has been reported ities have been identified to keep that the total special vote appli- the ballot papers and all police cations approved in the province station commanders have been is 57 428, and the five municipal- informed. Vetting of these facilities with the highest number of ities has been done by Crime In- special votes are: 1) Buffalo City telligence as well. The overnight Metro – 6 409, 2) Nelson Mande- storage on special votes days will la Bay Metro – 6 209, 3) Nyande- be provided for both days at se- ni Local Municipality – 3 380, 4) cure storage facilities. Mbhashe Local Municipality – 3 277 and 5) Mnquma Local Mu- In terms of the security arrange- nicipality – 3 192. ments in the province, the IEC has indicated that the environ- END NOTES ment in the province is relatively calm, but there are concerns 64 Matiba Mutheiwana, April 2014. Elections 2014: Is your party about the political intolerance and breaking the rules? http://www.sabc. intimidation experienced in some co.za/news/a/ areas during the voter registration e5ea9e0043c071af92b2 weekends in November 2013 and d2239b19c088/Elections-2014: in February 2014. Key stakehold- -Is-your-party-breaking-the-rules Accessed on 28 April 2014 ers have been briefed via regular 65 Helen Zille, April 2014. How the meetings with the South African ANC is abusing state funds for Police Service (SAPS), Correc- election campaigning. tional Services and all MEO of- http://www.politicsweb.co.za/ politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ fices. Training of SAPS was done en/page71619?oid=587022&sn= 168 MPUMALANGA

Oupa Makhalemele – Indepen- bitions concerning placards and on from Mpumalanga specifical- dent Researcher billboards during elections and ly in the 2014 elections. defacing or unlawfully removing The issue of the use of state re- any billboard, placard or poster Number of voting stations sources for campaigning has published by a party or candidate come up again in the run-up to for the purposes of an election. There are 1 680 voting stations the national and provincial elec- Other prohibited activities on in Mpumalanga for the 2014 nations of 2014. In April, news voting day include campaigning, tional and provincial elections, channel ANN7 reported that the and party agents are not allowed according to the Mpumalanga office of the Public Protector to wear political party T-shirts, IEC. Citizens aged 18 and above confirmed that it was investigat- berets or caps within a certain ra- who have registered for the 2014 ing three cases of alleged abuse dius around voting stations. elections will be able to do so at of state resources that involve the voting station that they regis- the South African Social Se- Multi-party liaison committees tered in. Voters who cannot be at curity Agency, the Department the voting stations they registered of Social Development and the In 1999 in Mpumalanga seven in can vote at any voting station Gauteng provincial government. opposition parties banded to- in the country for the national as- In the Mpumalanga province the gether, under the auspices of the sembly. They can still vote for the opposition party leader, the DA’s Institute for Political Leadership provincial legislature at a voting Anthony Benadie, appealed at (IPL), in order ‘to pool resources station in the province they are the pledge-signing ceremony in and staff to monitor voting polls registered in, provided they fill March that the ANC should stop and election rallies.’ The key aim in Section 24A form at the voting using state resources to campaign of the forum was to ensure that station. during the elections. No reports the ruling ANC did not use state have surfaced, however; neither resources for party political pur- Number of ballot papers dis- has any claim emanated from op- poses. The members of this forum tributed position parties that the ANC in were the New National Party, the Mpumalanga has used its access Federal Alliance, Freedom Fo- It was not clear by the end of the to state resources in its campaign. rum, Democratic Party, Inkatha week before elections how many Freedom Party, and the African ballot papers had been distribut- State of readiness of the IEC Christian Democratic Party.71 ed in Mpumalanga. Whereas the The New National Party has sub- IEC had held regular information Training and preparation of sequently folded, while the Free- sessions with the media, interest electoral staff dom Forum and the Democratic groups and the public, the IEC Party have since morphed into website itself needs to be im- The Mpumalanga IEC office the Freedom Front Plus and the proved if the IEC is to provide has trained 15 000 electoral staff Democratic Alliance. regular updates on its operations members. The office claims that ahead of elections. Such basic in- half of these are women and two With less than a week before the formation should be easily avail- percent are people living with elections a number of parties able. disabilities, thus demonstrating it have banded together to call for has made efforts to comply with IEC chairwoman Pansy Tlakula’s Security arrangements the demographic representation resignation following reports that of the country. she unfairly and unprocedurally The IEC has explained that the disadvantaged bidders to a lease security arrangements during the In addition, the IEC in Mpum- agreement for the IEC headquar- elections will take place in the alanga trained party agents of ters in order to favour her asso- sphere of the security cluster, and all the parties in Ermelo and in ciate, who is also on the ANC’s will not be an IEC focus. Nelspruit (Mbombela). The com- candidate list. The parties lead- mission also introduced a handing this campaign are the UDM, The South African National De- book on electoral offences. It ACDP, Agang SA, COPE and the fence Force will form part of the states clearly the punishment for EFF. effort to ensure security during breaking the regulations around the elections. Five Oryx’s from elections. These include prohi- No such forum has been reported squadrons in KwaZulu-Natal,

169 Limpopo, Mpumalanga and mandate. Its legitimacy rests in of well-run, clean, and free and Western Cape will be standing the continuing public perceptions fair elections leaves many still ready to assist if needed in what- that it is impartial and beyond re- confident that the IEC is ready. ever capacity, according to army proach. The commission at pres- Lieutenant-Colonel Piet Pax- ent is sitting with a case against its The Mpumalanga office of the ton.72 The SANDF deployment chairperson, launched by some of IEC, while it has taken steps to will be in support of agencies the opposition parties. Whatever keep the public in the know, run- and departments, which include the outcome of this challenge to ning workshops with media and the South African Police Service, get the commission chairperson training hundreds of people to the IEC and the Department of to step down, the commission has take part in the elections, will Home Affairs. Paxton said an- to act in a way that demonstrates strengthen itself by improving other 50 soldiers had undergone prudence and a commitment to their website. A more engaging IEC training and would serve as keep the commission legitimate attitude towards the media and plainclothes support to IEC staff in the eyes of the South African other stakeholders can only serve at stations on Election Day. public. to strengthen the view that the commission is transparent. Conclusions As often cited, South Africa’s democratic transition has sym- END NOTES As South Africans head for the bolised a beacon of hope for elections for the fifth time, twen- many countries in the Global 71 Mail & Guardian, ‘Mpumalanga Opposition Pact,’ available in: ty years into democracy, the in- South. Our institutions of democ- http://mg.co.za/ stitution responsible for the elec- racy ought to be seen to be strong article/1999-04-30-mpumalanga- tions has come a long way. The and resilient. opposition-pact/, accessed 29 April ability of the Independent Elec- 2014. 72 toral Commission to preside over Another important aspect to the Defence Web, SANDF ready for voting day, (2014), available at free and fair elections rests on its public perception of the IEC is www.defenceweb.co.za, accessed adherence to the country’s con- its own efficiency. The degree of 2 May 2014. stitution as well as the Electoral preparedness and all the efforts so Act which gives the institution its far made to accomplish the goal

NORTHERN CAPE

Obakeng Bonokwane – Inde- mean that there was unfair cam- turning them into political rallies. pendent Researcher paigning. However, this trend of In 2013 different provincial gov- unfair campaigning is not a new ernment departments had printed Use of State Resources for phenomenon, as we had wit- yellow T-shirts bearing the face Campaign Purposes nessed similar accusations being of President Zuma and provincial levelled against the ANC by the government coat of arms. These The forthcoming general elec- opposition in the run-up to the t-shirts are part of the provincial tions in South Africa will presum- 2009 elections. government celebration of 20 ably be one of the most fiercely years of democracy. This action contested elections this country Opposition parties in the North- has however angered the oppo- has witnessed since the dawn of ern Cape have also raised con- sition, because it feels that these democracy. There have been al- cerns that the ANC in the prov- T-shirts have the potential to un- legations of state resources being ince is indeed using provincial fairly advantage the governing used to advance the campaign of government resources to garner party because the face of Presi- the governing party, the African electoral support ahead of the dent Zuma is synonymous with National Congress (ANC): the forthcoming elections. They the ANC. organization is accused of using claim that members of executive state machinery to garner elec- council of the provincial govern- Programmes such as handing toral support ahead of the May ment (MECs) abuse the govern- over of bicycles to underprivi- 7 general elections. If such alle- ment platform when launching leged pupils in 10 schools in the gations are true, then that could government programmes. It is John Taole Gaetswe district,73 the compromise the legitimacy of alleged that MECs promote the distribution of school shoes by the election, because that would ANC in government platforms, the South African Democratic 170 Teachers’ Union (SADTU) in the province. They also have a com- preparations made to deliver vot- Steynville community74 and the plete staff of 5 531 people, which ing materials to cater for the 620 launch of the Nonzwakazi street includes voting station managers, 000 people on the provincial vot- revitalization project in Pixley ka voters’ roll officers and people ers’ roll. Seme75 are some of the examples who will be managing queues of the alleged use of state resourc- at the different polling stations. END NOTES es by the ANC in the province, There were allegations that most according to the opposition par- of the people hired to work in 73 Zandisle Luphahla “Bicycles for poor Gaetswe schools”, the New ties. For example, the provincial various polling stations are ac- Age Northern Cape 14 April 2014 chairperson of the ANC, John tually aligned to the African Na- 74 Micheal Mokoena “Union buys Block, told people of De Aar and tional Congress (ANC), through shoes for learners” DFA 9 April 2014 Richmond to take a stand on the their membership to the South 75 Nkululeko Lucky Chonga “ANC – May 7 and make the right choice African Democratic Teachers’ government ‘cares’” The New Age 78 16 April 2014 for a better life during the launch Union (SADTU). 76 Sowetan. 2014 .Protector probes of Nonzwakazi project. The proj- food parcels for votes. http://www. ect is part of the provincial gov- However, the Independent Elec- sowetanlive ernment programme. However, toral Commission (IEC) had 77 News24.2014.ANC, NFP use state money-Buthelezi. John Block is also an MEC for since denied this claims, saying http://www.news24.com/elections/ Finance in the Northern Cape. that all people who will be work- news/anc-nfp-use-state-money- ing for the IEC in May 7 general buthelezi-20140422.22April 2014 However, there is little evidence elections have been vetted by the 78 Michael Mokoena “IEC ‘cautious’ to back up the abovementioned Multi-Party Liaison Commit- about NC elections” DFA 23 April 2014 allegations. Apart from the lat- tee. This committee consists of ter incidents, the provincial gov- all parties which will be partic- ernment has not being accused ipating in the election. And the of distributing food parcels, as vetting process includes, among was the case in other provinces. others things, checking if these In the Eastern Cape the United people are active members of any Democratic Movement (UDM) political parties or not. has criticized the ANC for distributing food parcels and using Last year four people who were state resources for electioneer- linked to the Economic Freedom ing purposes. Similarly, Agang Fighters (EFF) were arrested for SA and the Democratic Alliance allegedly closing down three IEC have lodged complaints with the voter registration stations and public protector about the rul- setting alight some of the regis- ing party using taxpayers’ mon- tration material. This action has ey in their election campaigns prompted safety concerns among across the country.76 Moreover, IEC staff members, who fear that the Inkatha Freedom Party has they could be caught in the cross- accused both the ANC and NFP fire should a similar event occur of using the Zululand District at any of the polling station in the Municipality for furthering their province. respective election campaigns.77 However, that seems to be un- State of Readiness of the IEC likely, because, according to the police in the province, senior The Independent Electoral Com- officers will be deployed on mission (IEC) in the Northern the ground at different polling Cape has said through its provin- stations to ensure the safety of cial electoral officer Mr Bonolo voters. They also plan to deploy Modise that it is ready to conduct most of their experienced mem- the elections in the province, and bers, including generals, briga- that everything was in place for diers and colonels to ensure that May 7. According to Modise they they deal with any situation that had appointed and trained staff might arise during the course of members who will be working the election. The IEC has assured at 394 polling stations across the that there have been sufficient 171 FREE STATE

Dr Sethulego Matebesi – Chair- in the past elections. The abuse of state resources may person: Department of Sociolo- also include buying political sup- gy, University of the Free State This article mainly discusses the port from voters in exchange for use or rather allegations of the in- job security. In the past, there Introduction appropriate use of state resources have been serious allegations that for campaigning purposes and the ANC provincial leadership The many accomplishments the state of readiness of the IEC. is using its influence in public of the South African govern- Regarding the former, the focus administration to enable indi- ment can be lauded, including is on how this alleged irregular- vidual voters to access housing the democratic right of freedom ity affects voting behaviour. It is and employment opportunities. of association. Much of this argued that if one wants to under- Interviews with several public achievement can be attributed stand how the alleged inappropri- servants who lost their jobs re- to many ordinary South African ate use of state resources affects veal that they are victims of this. citizens who lost their lives for voting patterns, one needs to un- It is difficult for individual vot- a free and democratic country. derstand how both political insti- ers in the employ of the province Despite this remarkable achieve- tutions and processes work. Gen- to make truly informed choices ment, many challenges related erally, it seems that government’s about whom to vote for due to to efforts to strengthen the elec- attitude towards this allegation the power wielded by politicians. toral institutions in the country has only served to make the rela- This widespread abuse of polit- still remain. One major challenge tionship between the ruling party ical power limits free political is the widespread belief that and opposition parties more mud- activity and thought, to the detri- the African National Congress dled rather than more cordial. ment of opposition parties. (ANC) is abusing state resources for campaigning. This practice Allegations of the inappropriate State of readiness of the IEC causes damage to democracy by use of state resources for cam- creating a playing field that is paigning purposes Two registration weekends were not level, which inappropriately successfully concluded, and the improves the re-election chances Generally, the social sectors such high percentage of voting-age of incumbents. It also negatively as health, education, housing, as people in the FS who are regis- influences the quality of service well as cash transfer programmes, tered to vote is a clear illustration delivery provided to the public. have been the sectors most prone that the citizens of the province In the Free State (FS), allegations to abuse for campaigning purpos- have embraced both previous of the abuse of state resources are es. This is partly due to the “high and current opportunities to par- often countered with the mantra volume of resources involved, ticipate in the decision-making that: “we cannot suspend service the weakness of their institution- process of the country’s repre- delivery just because it is an elec- al controls, and their capacity to sentative democracy. It is envis- tion year.” generate significant short-term aged that the turnout will be even political benefits.”79 A recent vis- better than the previous national Another challenge for South Af- it of President Jacob Zuma to the and provincial elections. rica and the Independent Elec- FS was marred by allegations of toral Commission (IEC) in par- a blankets-for-votes scandal in- The IEC stated that its prepa- ticular has been the management volving the SA Social Security rations started in good time and of election bodies in accordance Agency (SASSA). In addition, various strategic plans were de- with national legislation. Over parcels of toiletries were also dis- veloped to safeguard free and fair the past 20 years, the FS has suc- tributed to the elderly at the rally. elections. Altogether, the prov- cessfully held eight elections. In a clear attempt at blurring the ince has 1 523 polling stations, of This achievement could not have lines between the state and the which 211 are temporary voting materialised without the dedi- ruling ANC, the party’s spokes- stations (tents). These polling sta- cation and commitment of the woman, Khusela Sangoni, retort- tions cover 20 municipalities and IEC staff in the FS. However, the ed that the party did not know 317 wards, and areas that experi- province – which has the highest that SASSA would be there. She, enced challenges regarding long percentage of registered voting however, admitted that the ANC queues and disturbances will age population (86%) – experi- had requested donations from have more contingency staff that enced serious logistical blunders state agencies.80 can be called on for assistance.

172 Preparations are also in place for will be transported to the various the embarrassing logistical chal- inmates in 28 prisons in the prov- voting stations under strict secu- lenges experienced during the ince to cast their votes. rity. The IEC has vowed to do ev- previous elections. Planning lo- erything in its power to avert the gistics for the 2014 national and Contingency plans are in place logistical blunders it experienced provincial elections started ear- for the South African Police Ser- in previous elections, when some ly in 2013, and the Commission vice to deal with any disturbanc- of the voting stations ran out of increasingly recognizes the im- es and intimidation tactics by ballot papers.81 Accordingly, the portance of civic education and citizens and political parties at Commission in the province is precise logistical arrangements. these voting stations. In addition, confident of delivering a world- An important challenge for the various media workshops have class election experience for the province will be to ensure that the been conducted with the media citizens of the FS. high number of people registered since 2013 to engage journalists to vote actually cast their ballots on preparations undertaken. The Conclusion on 7 May. province operational centre is ready to provide voters with rel- This article highlights that the END NOTES evant information. The Commis- state and the incumbent party, sion has also conducted training the ANC, are two separate en- 79 Brunio, Speck & Alessandra, Fontana. “Milking the system. of electoral staff members over a tities. However, the state and Fighting the abuse of public three-day period in all FS towns. the ANC are still so interlinked resources for re-election.” No 7 11 This training was followed by a that resources under state con- August (2011). http://www.u4.no/ written assessment to evaluate trol are understood as resources publications/milking-the- the competency of staff mem- that can legitimately be used by system-fighting-the-abuse-of- public-resources-for-re-election/ bers. According to the outreach state agencies such as SASSA 80 Shanti, Aboobaker. “State agency manager, many staff members to enhance the party’s chances gives blankets at ANC rally.” 6 April have been working in earnest of re-election. A worrying trend (2014). http://www.iol.co.za/news/ with communities at local events is the willful disdain for follow- politics/state-agency-gives-blankets- at-anc-rally-1.1671750#. doing civic and voter education. ing legal rules and rules of gov- U2ePlPmSy24 ernance by the ruling party. It 81 SABC. “31 million ballot papers As far as technical and logistical seems that the ruling party’s atti- already printed for 2014 polls: matters are concerned, the FS tude to governance has degener- IEC.” 23 April (2014). http://www. Commission has received an ad- ated to such a level that abuse of sabc.co.za/news/a/ 84adbf8043be3860a75bf equate number of ballot papers, power and disregard for the rule 7239b19c088/31-million-ballot- allocated to the province accord- of law, including the IEC code of papers-already-printed-for-2014- ing to the number of voters. The conduct, are seemingly routine. polls:-IEC-20142304 voting equipment has been tested regularly since late 2013. All It also appears that the FS IEC voting material and equipment has learned a hard lesson with

WESTERN CAPE

Dr Cherrel Africa, Head of the ed to the training and preparation took place on 30 April 2014. Political Studies Department, of electoral staff, the allocation of University of the Western Cape. polling stations per province, dis- Monitoring Developments in ands tribution of ballot papers, securi- the Province Nkosikhulule Xhawulengwe- ty arrangements as well as other ni Nyembezi, Co-chairperson practical and logistical arrange- In the run-up to the elections, proof the Elections 2014 National ments. Much of the basis for this test action which has plagued the Co-ordinating Forum. update is a provincial update re- Western Cape and the prevalence port presented to Commissioners of gang violence were raised as Introduction and external stakeholders by the key areas of concern which could Western Cape’s Provincial Elec- hamper the electoral process. As in all other provinces, the IEC toral Officer, Courtney Simpson, However, it would appear that in the Western Cape follows na- at the Western Cape IEC Results processes are proceeding as an- tionally mandated processes relat- Centre in Bellville South, which ticipated. The IEC in the Western 173 Cape has adopted an anticipative change in demographics in areas moved due to logistical problems approach by developing means such as the City of Cape Town such as unavailability of venues of detecting potential risks to free have also posed a challenge. that were earmarked to be used and fair elections, including: clar- as voting stations. This is a com- ifying roles and responsibilities Voting Station Network, mon problem in informal settle- of the different organs of civil so- Sub-stations and Mobile Voting ments, where population mobili- ciety (election observers, conflict Stations ty is high and where some areas resolution panel, voter education are vulnerable to disasters such teams, and party agents), work- The revision of the voting station as shack fires and flooding. In ing with community structures network has been concluded, re- cases where voting stations have to address challenges such as the sulting in 22 263 voting districts, been moved, it has only been af- relocation of voting stations, de- with 1 578 located in the West- ter members of the Western Cape veloping means of detecting and ern Cape. Each voting district PLC all approve the relocation tracking conflict such as individ- has a voting station. Some vot- of the voting station to another ual squabbles that are sometimes ing stations will have substations venue. According to the IEC in mistaken as political rivalry, and linked to the main voting station. the Western Cape, the reliance on identifying potential hotspots. There will be 283 substations in political parties to communicate The IEC, together with election the densely populated parts of decisions to affected communi- observers from civil society for- Cape Town. Substations are ful- ties has proved ineffective and a mations, has been monitoring ly-fledged voting stations with- source of conflict in the affected election campaigns in areas such in the same premises and will areas, and it has therefore im- as Dun Noon, Masiphumelele, have a deputy presiding officer proved its communication strate- Imizamo Yethu, and Khayelitsha. who will report to the presiding gy with affected communities. officer of the main station. Vot- The IEC in the Western Cape ing and counting will take place In anticipation of long queues has been able to put its systems at the substation, and the results caused by late arrivals in some in place far in advance of the up- will be merged with those of the voting stations, the Western Cape coming elections. The overlap of main voting station. Because of IEC has assembled roving teams by-elections and the voter regis- these new aspects in the electoral that will be deployed as rein- tration campaign have been used system, it has been important for forcement at voting stations. In as rehearsal events. Political par- the Commission to discuss with the past, long queues has been a ties also had the opportunity to political parties matters relating sources of conflict, as some vot- gauge the capacity of the IEC to to party agents deployment pro- ers – especially those working in deal with election-related prob- cedures and numbers of election the transport, retail, and service lems that are likely to occur on officials who will be deployed in sector of the economy – usually a larger scale in the May 7 elec- these stations. work on the day and show up at tions. voting stations after dark. The It is expected that the Western Western Cape IEC will use the The Voters’ Roll Cape will also have a number voters’ roll to assess voter turn- of mobile voting stations (out of out by noontime to see which When the voters’ roll was certi- 31 mobile voting stations coun- stations are likely to get an influx fied by the IEC in March 2014 2 trywide) and an explanation of of late-comers and deploy roving 941 333 out of 3 771 271 eligible how these stations will operate teams to assist. voters in the Western Cape were was given to political parties. registered to vote. This amounts These mobile stations are creat- Persons with visual impairments to a registration level of 78 per ed in terms of Section 33 of the will be allowed to use the Univer- cent.82 Thus a high proportion Electoral Amendment Act, which sal Ballot Template (UBT) during of voters in the Western Cape makes accommodation for per- special votes, as the use of the are registered to vote. The IEC sons who are bedridden, heavily UBT in both the voting stations in the Western Cape expressed pregnant, and frail to apply to be and during the special voting day concern about the fact that voter visited on the special voting days has been reinforced in the elec- registration results indicate that – May 6 in the case on 2014 election regulations. The possibility there are large numbers of young tions. They will have a maximum of bringing in a person for assis- people in the urban parts of the five stopping points with a time tance, if desired, for the purposes province who have not registered allocation for each stop. of voting was explained in detail to vote. According to the West- to political parties. ern Cape IEC, the ongoing trends The Western Cape IEC noted on urbanisation and the resulting that some voting stations were 174 Supplies structures, and the Conflict Res- systems in order to satisfy them- olution Panel. There has been selves that these systems are in- The Western Cape IEC will re- extensive communication of deed fit for purpose. ceive its share from ballot papers the electoral process to political that have been printed for the parties, in terms of the Electoral END NOTES 25.4 million registered voters. Timetable as published in Gov- Printing of the 62 892 200 bal- ernment Gazette No. 37387 on 82 Independent Electoral Commission. Registration Statistics as at 26 Mar lot papers – 31 411 100 national 26 February, and this has domi- 2014 (2014). Retrieved March 26, and 31 491 100 provincial – was nated the content of discussions 2014 from http://www.elections.org. shared among printing presses of the party liaison committee za/content/Voters-Roll/ in Johannesburg, Durban, Cape meetings. Registration-statistics/ Town and Polokwane. Keeping abreast of the cut-off dates in the Electoral Timetable Ballots papers are subjected to helps to ensure a smooth election high levels of security through- management process. The Elec- out the stages of the supply toral Amendment Act, passed on chain – from printing, distribu- November 26, 2013, has meant tion, storage and allocation to that liaison committee meetings voters. This starts at the printing have spent substantial amounts works, where the ballot produc- of time dealing with new proce- tion is quarantined from the rest dures that will be experienced for of the factory. The product itself the first time in the 2014 elec- is closely monitored throughout tions, and several training ses- the print process until the ballot sions have been conducted in an books are packed and sealed. The effort to both minimize chances inevitable spoils during print- of conflict and enhance capacity ing are immediately retrieved to resolve conflict. and shredded and/or stored under lock and key until after the Final Preparations project. Dispatch staging and delivery take place under 24-hour The Western Cape IEC participat- guarding and surveillance. The ed in an IT national system dry- same applies to storage at the run on 7 April and 9 April 2014 to various levels of the supply chain ensure necessary enhancements down to municipal level. Packing to the results system to accom- of the books up to voting station modate additions for the new and ward and municipality level out-of-country voters brought within each province will also be about by the amendments of the controlled, and labelled accord- Electoral Act 73 of 1998. On 29 ingly. One of the security control April 2014 the Western Cape measures that voters will notice IEC moved to the election results is that ballot papers will first be centre in Proteaville Community stamped by election officials on Centre in Bellville South. Anoth- Election Day immediately pri- er dry-run was held on 30 April or to handing them to a voter to 2014 to ensure that the IT system make their mark. Any unstamped is ready. In the Western Cape, lo- ballots will not be counted. gistics appear to be place for the 7t May 2014 election. Multi-party Liaison Commit- tees Outcomes of ongoing PLC deliberations indicate that the Com- The Commission in the West- mission is confident that prepa- ern Cape has confirmed that the rations for these elections are Party Liaison Committee (PLC) at an advanced stage, including continues to meet regularly. The the results systems, which have consultations are multi-pronged undergone independent audits to include NGOs, CBOs, FBOs, followed by an opportunity for security structures, multi-party political parties to test the results 175 176 ELECTION UPDATE 2014 SA Elections 2014: Post Election 6 Provincial Review

Editorial Team: Ebrahim Fakir, Waseem Holland & Kerryn Kotler; EISA Copy Editing and Proofreading: Professor Craig MacKenzie; University of Johannesburg Website: Duncan Russell

FREE STATE CONTENTS

Dr Sethulego Matebesi – Chair- has made in enshrining and con- Free State 177 person, Department of Sociolo- solidating democratic process- gy, University of the Free State es. This article reviews critical issues and challenges regarding Mpumalanga 179 Introduction voter turnout, voting processes, evaluation of the performance of KwaZulu Natal 181 Elections form the bedrock of the Independent Electoral Com- democracies, as they provide mission (IEC), declared disputes, citizens with the opportunity to conflicts and irregularities, the Gauteng 183 choose leaders of their choice role and impact of election ob- or to voice their resentment at a servers and party agents, and the North West 186 ruling party. “Yet experience … role of social movements and increasingly suggests that elec- civil society in the Free State toral events conceived and held (FS) province. Eastern Cape 189 in isolation from their broader political context can become as Northern Cape 192 much part of the prevailing political ‘problem’ as their democratic ‘solution’.”1 The recent elections Western Cape 193 in South Africa, which generally unfolded smoothly, are indica- Limpopo 197 tive of the progress the country

Data for citizen participation/ voter turnout 2014

Table on Turnout and valid votes- Free State Province 20142

% Voter turnout %Voter *Eligible Popu- Registered Spoilt or in- Year based on regis- lation Population turnout based on valid votes tered population eligible population 2014 1,710,490 1,499,488 71.01% 60.1% 14, 634

*NOTE: This data, obtained from Statistics South Africa, includes only the population 20 years and older. Voting processes it was going to be a daunting task worthy aspect of the elections in for the IEC to ensure that their its the FS is the polling stations. All With a registered voting popula- two-year preparatory work was polling stations, the majority of tion of 1,449,488 and 1,523 poll- implemented effectively on Elec- which were located in public fa- ing stations, it was expected that tion Day. A particularly praise- cilities, were clearly marked and 177 the layout sufficiently guaranteed electoral process and demonstrat- election complaints adjudication the secrecy of the vote. Voting ed high levels of competence and processes in place. Elections in began with special votes, which understanding of their roles and the FS were not mired in alleged involved more than 4,400 vot- responsibilities. Secondly, one irregularities, and hence no dis- ing station visits and over 10,700 factor that played a major role in putes were declared by political home visits. The special vote pro- ensuring the safety of voters and parties in the province. The IEC cess was not without its anoma- IEC officials was the presence of in the province fired an area man- lies. According to Chris Mepha the South African Police Service ager during the special voting of the provincial IEC, special (SAPS). This view was shared by period after he refused to hand voting did not open in ward 25 of the provincial commissioner, Lt voting material to the presiding the Mangaung Metro. At Khotso- Gen Simon Mpembe, who stated officer of the Khotsofalo farm fatso farm school, which had 14 that more than 8,000 police were school voting station. This partic- special votes, the area manager deployed across the province ular voting station had 14 special failed to provide the presiding during the election period. He vote applications. The IEC has officer with election material. noted: “our members, together not yet provided the outcome of In Moqhaka (Kroonstad) not all with other law enforcement agen- its investigation into the Kestell voting stations opened on time, cies such as community policing Old Age home voting station in and chairs and tables were not forums and traffic police, showed the Maluti-a-Phofung area. The available at a temporary voting a high level of commitment .... facility apparently told IEC staff station.3 We managed to address the chal- no proper arrangements had been lenges before they could become made for special votes.7 On May 7, voting started at a problem.” 7:00am as scheduled at the ma- Role and impact of Election jority of voting stations. Howev- Evaluation of the IEC - ap- Observers, Party Agents and er, a total of 52 voting stations praisal of counting process and Civil Society Organisations opened late, with a voting sta- announcement of results tion at Smithfield being the last The fundamental difficulty with to open shortly after 08:00am on A key element of any election the study of the role and impact that day. The official reason pro- process is to ensure all ballot re- of election observers and party vided for this delay in Smithfield sponses are handled quickly, effi- agents is its measurement. In the was that the IEC’s area manager ciently and with the utmost accu- case of the African Union (AU) was involved in a car accident racy. In this regard, the IEC has Election Observer Mission, ob- en route to the voting station.4 been able to implement proven servers played a significant role IEC officials did not experience systems that enable it to produce by being present at some of the major challenges throughout the sound and credible results for the polling stations and IEC centre day. At around 15:00pm, a total elections. In the FS, the counting in the FS. Similarly, civil society of 228,961 voters at all 1,523 process was preceded by an elab- organisations such as church- voting stations had already cast orate process of reconciliation of es, trade unions and communi- their votes.5 A serious concern on the ballots, which in some cases ty-based organisations assisted the part of voters is that too many delayed the counting process. observers. In addition to enhanc- voters waited until the last mining transparency, these organisa- ute to visit polling stations. This Shortly before 11am on May 7, tions encouraged many registered contributed to long queues early 604 of the 1 523 voting districts voters to cast their votes early on in the evening and around 9:00 had been counted. Vote counting the elections day. It can be argued pm. This was especially prev- in the province was completed on that the presence of these various alent in QwaQwa in the eastern Friday night on May 9. The IEC stakeholders at polling stations FS. Voting was, however, extend- did, however, experience delays may have may have contributed ed for those already in the queue. in the release of results from the to voters feeling less intimidated large regions in the provinces by possible problems. Generally, though, voters in the such as Maluti-A-Phofung Local province managed to cast their Municipality in QwaQwa, Man- There is no doubt that political votes without any interference. gaung Metro in Bloemfontein party agents play a pivotal role in There were a number of factors and Matjhabeng in Welkom.6 elections. A notable feature of the that contributed to making the en- past elections was that the ruling vironment conducive for the elec- Declared disputes, conflicts party managed to post a few party tions. Firstly, voters commented and irregularities agents, supported by several vol- that the IEC personnel were ad- unteers, at each polling station in equately trained on aspects of the The IEC has a great variety of the province. While most party 178 agents were seen encouraging and to exercise their right to vote. 3 Siphiwo, Nzawumbi. Free State’s their members to go to the voting Generally, despite a few setbacks, special Votes. 6 may (2014). http:// elections.sabc.co.za/Elections2014 / stations, the ANC party agents the IEC in the FS appears to have Election were the most visible at the ma- been prepared, and this avoided 4 Christal-Lize, Muller. http://www. jority of the polling stations. The the recurrence of problems that ofm.co.za/article/145809/IEC-FS- party agents played an oversight characterised previous elections head-says-Mangaung-voting-going- role inside the polling stations in the province. A major concern well 5 Christal-Lize, Muller. Elections and also had to sign the provi- is that too many voters wait until Day: ‘Smooth sailing in FS’. 7 May sional results released by the IEC a few hours before the closing of (2014). before they were announced out- polling stations. If not addressed, http://www.ofm.co.za/ side the polling station. A few re- this problem can impact nega- article/145841/Elections-Day- Smooth-sailing-in-FS ports of party agents that caused tively on voting processes in fu- 6 Teboho, Letshaba. Free State problems in polling stations were ture. voters await results announcement. reported in the Botshabelo area. 8 May (2014). This, one can contend, is because END NOTES http://www.sabc.co.za/news/a/ the political parties that recruited a879150043eb3c429234b6866b9 1 bf97e/Free-State-voters-await- them failed to provide them with Andrew, Ellis. Electoral processes and democracy: a moving field. results-announcement-20140508 7 adequate and accurate training. 19 May (2009) http://www. SAPA. Free State IEC fires area opendemocracy.net/article/idea/ manager. 6 May (2014). http://www. Conclusion electoral-processes-and- sabc.co.za/news/a/ democracy-a-moving-field 0aea980043e60 2 9dda5e2ad8e5b194ed0/Free- The elections in the FS were held Statistics South Africa. Mid-year population estimates 2013. 14 May State-IEC-fires-area-manager in an environment which allowed (2013). the electorate to effectively par- http://beta2.statssa.gov.za/ ticipate in the electoral process publications/P0302/P03022013.pdf

MPUMALANGA

Oupa Makhalemele – Indepen- polls. The total number of votes on 7 May. Of these 1,336,259 dent Researcher cast, though, was 18,654,457. were valid votes, whereas 19,333 Of these 18 402 497 were valid, were spoilt. In percentage terms Citizen participation – Voter while 252 274 were spoilt votes. the voter turnout was 72.85%8 . turnout In percentage terms the national Special voters who registered in turnout was 73.43%. In Mpum- Mpumalanga numbered 51,000, In the months leading up to the alanga, as Table 1 below shows, and of those 65% cast their bal- 2014 elections the IEC recorded the picture was not very different. lots on Monday and Tuesday (5 the highest number of registered More than 1.8 million residents and 6 May). voters since 1994. 25,381,293 of Mpumalanga registered to people registered for the 2014 vote. 1,355,592 votes were cast

Table 1: Voter turnout in Mpumalanga

Mpumalanga voter turnout Registered Voters 1 860 834 Total Votes Cast 1 355 592 Total Valid Votes 1 336 259 Spoilt Votes 19 333 Percentage of Voter Turnout 72.85% Source: IEC, http://www.elections.org.za/resultsNPE2014 When read in the context of the Madlala-Routlege just before the very high. campaign led by former ANC elections, the so-called ‘Sidiki- leaders and cabinet ministers we! Vukani! Vote No!’ campaign, Voting processes Ronnie Kasrils and Nosiviwe the turnout in Mpumalanga was 2014 marked 20 years of de- 179 mocracy in South Africa, and the registered, and was thus able to of the African Court on Human Independent Electoral Commis- observe the performance of the and Peoples Rights, Election sion was running its fifth nation- IEC staff at the station, most of Management Bodies, and Civil al elections. By most accounts whom did not know him. The Society Organisations from the the overall performance of the queue was long and he waited following countries: Algeria, commission was commendable. 30 minutes for his turn. He was Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cam- Many of the problems, particu- impressed, though, with the ef- eroon, Comoros, Democratic larly concerning long queues and ficiency and conduct of the IEC Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, shortages of ballots, were attribut- officials at the station. Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, ed to voter behaviour as opposed Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, to inefficiencies of the institution, Evaluation of the IEC (ap- Rwanda, South Africa, Senegal, or its lack of readiness. In cases praisal of counting process, an- Sierra Leone, Somalia, South where there were late opening nouncement of results) Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, Ugan- times of some polling stations, da, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The the IEC reported those to be the The counting process in Mpum- Mission is supported by a team of result of deficiencies in the South alanga was expeditious, with experts from the African Union African Police Service, whose Mpumalanga one of two provinc- Commission (AUC), the Pan-Af- officials failed to arrive on time es, the other being the Northern rican Parliament (PAP) and the to escort its officials as they were Cape, where the votes were fully Electoral Institute for Sustainable taking voting materials to differ- counted by Friday morning on Democracy in Africa (EISA). ent voting stations.9 According to 9 May – just two days after the the IEC provincial chairman, the elections were cast. The ruling The IEC in Mpumalanga had IEC officials are not allowed to party, the African National Con- trained party agents of all parties transport voting materials with- gress, enjoys dominance in the in Ermelo and Mbombela, intro- out police escort. There were de- province, with the Democratic ducing a handbook on electoral lays at a school in Bhekiswayo, Alliance achieving a distant 2nd offences. The role played by a near Hazyview, Celani Primary place with 10.4% share of the party agent in the case of Bush- School, where the voting station votes to the ANC’s 78.33% of the buckridge incident related above opened at 8:30am, an hour and votes cast in the province. illustrates the role played by these party agents. The AU Observer half after the stipulated opening Declared disputes, conflicts time of 7am. Mission’s preliminary report on and irregularities the 2014 elections praised party In Bushbuckridge voters were There were no reports of declared agents involved in the elections mistakenly informed that they disputes, conflicts or irregulari- highly. were only eligible to cast their ties in Mpumalanga. national ballot, and could not Role and impact of social move- vote for the provincial legisla- Role and impact of Election ments and civil society ture. Bushbuckridge was previ- Observers and Party Agents ously under the Limpopo prov- It was not clear what role social ince before being re-demarcated The African Union Observer mis- movements and civil society or- into Mpumalanga. A party agent sion was invited, comprising 54 ganisations played in Mpuma- brought the matter to the IEC’s observers drawn from the Pan langa around the elections. Apart attention, which allowed voters African Parliament. African Am- from a generalised mention in the to cast their votes both on the bassadors to the African Union IEC’s and the AU Observer Mis- national and provincial ballots. (AU) were unequivocal in their sion’s statements, no acknowl- The IEC in the province gave a praise of the IEC running of the edgement of any particular role directive to all voting stations in elections. John Kufuor, former played by these groupings was Bushbuckridge alerting them of President of Ghana, on behalf made in relation to the elections. the matter. of the African Union observer References missions said the 2014 elections The chairman’s personal account were held in an environment African Union Election Observer of his voting experience demon- “which allowed the electorate to Mission to the 7th of May 2014 strates a well-prepared and func- effectively participate in the elec- National and Provincial Elections tioning commission. According toral process and exercise their to the Republic of South Africa – to the account he approached right to vote10.” Preliminary Statement, available: a voting station incognito in http://www.gov.za/issues/elec- Mbombela, away from his home Also forming part of the Observ- tions_2014/observer-statement. town of Ermelo where he was er Mission were representatives htm 180 IEC, Available at: http://www. lays-1.1684897 Mpumalanga IEC. http://www.iol. elections.org.za/resultsNPE2014 co.za/news/crime-courts/iec-blames- cops-for-voting-delays-1.1684897 END NOTES 10 SAPA, “IEC blames cops for Allison, Simon, ‘SA votes finished voting delays,” IOL, http://www. 8 IEC results. Available at: http:// but not klaar,’ Daily Maverick, 2014. www.elections.org.za/ iol.co.za/news/crime-courts/ resultsNPE2014 iec-blames-cops-for-voting-de- 9 Steven Ngwenya, chairman of the

KWAZULU-NATAL

Shauna Mottiar - Post-Doctor- election in KwaZulu-Natal has 3,887,840 votes cast in the prov- al Fellow at the Centre for Civil been described as ‘massive’. ince, resulting in a voter turn-out Society, University of KwaZu- The Mercury reported that ‘snak- of 75.98% as depicted in the table lu-Natal ing queues and voters sleeping below:2 overnight at polling stations Voter Turn-Out caught Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) officials off Voter turn-out for the 7 May guard’.1 Indeed, the IEC recorded

Total valid votes 3,836,009 Spoilt votes 51,831

Total votes cast 3,887,840

% Voter turn out 75.98%

Registered population 5,117,131

President Zuma cast his vote in turn for the DA fighting housing Voting in traditional ‘hot-spots’ Nkandla and was greeted by a tender and allocation corruption, for violence such as Wembezi mass of ululating African Na- speeding up housing delivery, en- and KwaMashu ran smoothly. tional Congress (ANC) sup- suring only lawful land evictions The atmosphere in Wembezi was porters.3 Both Inkatha Freedom and treating informal settlement described as ‘jovial’, especially Party (IFP) leader Mangosuthu residents with dignity.7 around the ANC, IFP and NFP Buthelezi and National Freedom tents, which were pitched side by Party (NFP) leader Zanele Mag- Voting Processes side.11 Likewise there were no dis- waza-Msibi cast their ballots in ruptions in KwaMashu (hostel) Ulundi,4 while the Democratic Voting processes in the province where voters wearing IFP, NFP Alliance’s (DA) Lindiwe Mazi- were, for the most part, unprob- and ANC t-shirts alike queued buko and Sizwe Mchunu voted lematic. The IEC did however to cast their ballots. Voters were in Sunningdale.5 Following a sur- encounter various challenges. described as ‘cordial’, but there prise announcement by Abahlali These included: a shortage of was nonetheless a visible police baseMjondolo (ABM), the shack ballot papers, a lack of stamps to and army presence following in- dwellers movement, that it would mark ballot papers and ink pens stability in the area during recent to mark voters’ thumbs in some 12 abandon its ‘no land, no house, 8 by-elections. It was also report- no vote’ campaign and throw its polling stations in eThekwini, ed that voters in Nkandla did not support behind the DA, its lead- the turning away of unregis- seem preoccupied with the scan- tered voters in Nongoma and er S’bu Zikode voted in Inan- 9 dal in their midst and that many da along with DA youth leader KwaMashu and the incorrect use voters here were seen at the ANC Mbali Ntuli.6 ABM and the DA of Section 24(a) forms (special desk collecting t-shirts, which in KwaZulu-Natal have signed circumstances) by voters in the began to run out. eThekwini, Msunduzi and Um- an agreement whereby ABM 10 pledges support for the DA in re- hlathuze municipalities. Voting in Pietermaritzburg was also reported to have progressed 181 smoothly aside from minor iso- May where 35 protesters were ar- with political parties ahead of lated incidents in Northdale rested for burning down a voting the 2014 elections’, event which where ANC and DA members station. The IEC, however, set up took place in the run-up to the were removed by police for ral- a temporary voting station and election. The event brought to- lying voters and in Sweetwaters voting proceeded as planned on gether political parties in the where an altercation occurred Election Day.19 province providing a platform between a voter who proudly de- for discussion and debate. Civ- clared he had spoilt his ballot and Counting and Announcement il society also played a role in more loyal voters in the queue of Results monitoring and evaluating the behind him.14 provincial election. The Kwa- Counting occurred at 4 746 poll- Zulu-Natal Christian Council Disputes / Conflicts ing stations in KwaZulu-Natal (KZNCC) facilitated the SADC and concluded on the evening of Lawyers Association (SADCLA) The National Joint Operation- Friday 9 May. Provincial chief observer mission focused on the al and Intelligence Structure electoral officer Mawethu Mos- province. The observer mission has logged that 97 people have ery stated that five issues raised stated that ‘polling day was gen- been arrested for election-related 15 by political parties in the prov- erally calm and peaceful with no crimes and 131 cases registered. ince had been resolved.20 Com- major incidences of violence and Election-related crimes include plaints included the IFP contest- intimidation’. It also found that public violence, intimidation, ing the IEC having run out of ‘the electoral machinery operat- assault, damage to property and ballot papers at some voting sta- ed efficiently and smoothly’. The any contravention of the Elector- tions. The IFP particularly took report did however express con- al Act. issue with the DA stepping in to cerns about politically motivated Indeed, despite peaceful elec- help by printing more ballot pa- violence still apparent in KwaZu- tions in KwaZulu-Natal there pers, which was deemed to be in lu-Natal albeit on a smaller scale were incidents of violence and order by the IEC. The DA raised than in the past. The report also reports of disruptions. A shooting the issue of parties who contin- expressed concerns about con- incident at a KwaDukuza voting ued to campaign inside voting tinuing political intolerance in 24 station just after the polls closed stations and the NFP raised con- the province. left an ANC volunteer shot dead cerns about party members being allegedly by IFP members. This turned away from voting stations END NOTES 21 is coupled with reports of an as- for wearing party regalia. An- nouncement of the election re- 1 Massive turn-out takes officials by sault by the IFP on an ANC mem- surprise. 2014. Mercury, 8 May, p1. ber in Greytown. Both claims are sults logged the ANC in the lead 2 IEC 2014 Provincial Results. being investigated by police.16 followed by the DA, IFP, NFP Available at: http://www.elections. 22 Protest action on the day before and EFF as opposition. Results org.za/resultsnpe2014/default.aspx seemed to have been well re- Accessed on 12 May 2014. the elections was also a cause for 3 ceived in the province, although Masango, S. 2014. Zuma hailed at concern in the province, as there Nkandla. Mercury, 8 May, p4. were fears that it would spill over there were reports of stand-offs 4 Hans, B. 2014. Battle for hearts and into Election Day and disrupt vot- between ANC and IFP supporters minds in Ulundi. Mercury, 8 May, ing. Protests in Ulundi on 6 May at KwaMashu hostels following p4. announcement of the results – it 5 Ntuli, N. 2014. Mazibuko waits her for example threatened to disrupt turn in poll queue. Mercury, 8 May, special voting, but the police in- is alleged that an ANC motorcade p3. 23 tervened to contain it. Protesters infringed on IFP celebrations. 6 Dzanibe, S. 2014. DA, shack claimed that they would not be dwellers seal election pact at voting Role of Civil Society and Elec- station. Daily News, 8 May, p2. voting because of failed service 7 tion Observers Olifant, N. Naidoo, M. 2014. Shack delivery in their area.17 The pro- dwellers support for DA has ANC in test continued on Election Day a huff. Sunday Tribune, 4 May, p6. but was, once again, contained Civil society played an important 8 Padayachee, K. Bongani, N. by police, who kept protesters at role in KwaZulu-Natal during Regchand, H, S. 2014. IEC admits the elections through its involve- some polling pickles. Mercury, bay allowing voting to continue 8 May, p3. smoothly. Protesters numbered ment in civic and voter education 9 Ibid. ‘hundreds’ and made various initiatives and also by providing 10 Massive turn-out takes officials by attempts to intimidate voters. spaces for engagement with elec- surprise. 2014. Mercury, 8 May, p1. 11 Mngoma, N. 2014. Groups revel in They called for water, sanitation, toral processes and politics. An example of this was the Democ- Wembezi streets. Daily News, electricity and bridges to be in- 8 May, p3. stalled.18 There were also protest racy Development Programme’s 12 Fourie, B. Ntuli, N. Msane, S. 2014. incidents in Richards Bay on 5 (DDP) ‘Conversations engaging Young and old voters make a mark 182 for change. Mercury, 8 May, p1. 18 Mlambo, S. 2014. Ulundi service will appear in the next Election 13 Magubane, T. 2014. At the polls in delivery protesters kept at bay. Daily Update. Nkandla. Witness, 8 May, p2. News, p3. 23 Police intervene in ANC IFP 14 Peters, S. 2014. Maritzburg voting 19 Voting station destroyed in KZN. members stand-off. 2014. SABC runs smoothly. Daily News, 8 May, 2014. IOL News. Available at: News, 11 May. p5. http://www.iol.co.za/news/ Available at: 15 An election KwaZulu-Natal can be politics/voting-station-destroyed- http://www.sabc.co.za/ proud of. 2014. Witness, 8 May, p1. in-kzn-1.1684393 news/a/14e86d8043f60f3d8a 16 Mbanjwa, B. Pillay, K. Mertens, Accessed on 14 May. 5ebe866b9bf97e/Police- M. 2014. Murder at polling station: 20 EThekwini results likely to be last in intervene-in-ANC,-IFP-members- Shooting mars peaceful voting day. KZN. 2014. Citizen. Available at: stand-off-20140511 Accessed on Daily News, p1. http://citizen.co.za/172749/ 14 May. 17 Mhlongo, A. 2014. KZN ethekwini-results-likely-last-kzn/ 24 SADCLA Preliminary statement protests mar special voting. SABC Accessed on 14 May. on the election observation mission News. Available at: http://www. 21 Mbanjwa, B. Pillay, K. Mertens, M. to KwaZulu-Natal province South sabc.co.za/news/a/d53ded8043e 2014. Murder at polling station: Africa. 8 May 2014. Available at: 52f388c938c8e5b194ed0/-KZN- Shooting mars peaceful voting day. http://www.sadcla.org/?q=node/187 protests-mar-special-voting Daily News, p1. Accessed on 14 May. Accessed on 14 May 2014. 22 A detailed analysis of election results

GAUTENG

Waseem Holland, Indepen- der pressure to perform well, the ter during these elections meant dent Researcher and Lindelwe 2014 elections may have seen a that information was able to flow Dube, Intern, EISA magnification of any errors the freely on the ground in real time. IEC may have made due to the Armed with social media access, Introduction doubts being cast over the whole citizens have become a kind of institution because of the cloud micro-reporter, which means By way of context, it should be that is looming over the Chairper- that the IEC and the media have noted that the 2014 national and son. The second reason the work been able to receive much more provincial elections were the first of the IEC is being scrutinised reports of irregularities than they elections in which the work of more closely than in previous may have in previous years. The the IEC was closely scrutinised years is because of the fact that mainstream media and the public for a few reasons. The first rea- these elections were the eighth might therefore have thought that son is that the Chairperson of democratic elections conducted there were many more irregu- the IEC is under investigation for public representatives in the larities at voting stations than in because of administrative irreg- country. By now, it could be rea- previous years. Because percep- ularities that the Public Protector sonably assumed that elections tions of efficiency and impartial- reported on, also noted in the re- have become routinised and that ity of the IEC is paramount to the port by PricewaterhouseCoopers South Africans have become rel- continued legitimacy of the elec- (commissioned by the National atively acclimatised to the electoral process and the outcomes Treasury), which finds irregu- toral process. Therefore, citizens thereof, the IEC must therefore larities in a lease agreement that are no longer simply satisfied just by and large be seen to be above the current Chairperson of the to be voting but are increasingly reproach. The widespread use of Commission entered into when holding democratic institutions platforms like Twitter, which of- she was the Chief Electoral Offi- like the IEC to much higher stan- fer real-time information, means cer. Opposition parties called for dards. The third reason the work that the IEC will need to develop her resignation and questioned of the IEC was more closely in- capacity to attend immediately to the credibility of the institution spected is due to the widespread challenges that may arise in fu- in general. Therefore, while the use of social media platforms like ture. IEC may have always been un- Twitter. The prevalence of Twit-

183 Voter turnout in Gauteng previously

Year Registered Popula- Completed VD’s Total Votes Cast in Com- %Voter tion pleted VDs Turnout 2004 4,650,594 4,650,594 3,553,098 76.40 % 2009 5,555,159 5,555,159 4,391,699 79.06 % Gauteng voter turnout in 2009

Municipality Registered Registered Voters Total Votes Cast % Voter Turn- Population in Completed in Completed out VDs VDs EKU - Ekurhuleni [East Rand] 1,420,748 1,420,748 1,120,768 78.89 % GT421 - Emfuleni [Vereeniging] 344,673 344,673 273,686 79.40 % GT422 - Midvaal [Meyerton] 44,045 44,045 36,352 82.53 % GT423 - Lesedi [Heidelberg] 43,709 43,709 36,406 83.29 % GT461 - Nokeng tsa Taemane 31,426 31,426 26,118 83.11 % [Cullinan] GT462 - Kungwini [Bronk- 61,077 61,077 56,523 92.54 % horstspruit] GT481 - Mogale City [Krugers- 168,006 168,006 138,590 82.49 % dorp] GT482 - Randfontein [Randfon- 72,754 72,754 57,237 78.67 % tein] GT483 - Westonaria [Westonar- 50,813 50,813 36,801 72.42 % ia] GT484 - Merafong City [Car- 93,187 93,187 70,538 75.70 % letonville] GTDMA48 - West Rand [Sterk- 2,797 2,797 1,935 69.18 % fontein DMA] JHB - City of Johannesburg 2,003,007 2,003,007 1,567,230 78.24 % [Johannesburg] TSH - Tshwane Metro [Pretoria] 1,218,917 1,218,917 969,515 79.54 % Total 5,555,159 5,555,159 4,391,699 79.06 %

Gauteng voter turnout in 2014

Municipality Registered Voters Total Votes Cast % of Voter Turn- out Ekhuruleni (East Rand) 1, 547,126 1, 141, 695 73.8 % Emfuleni (Vereeniging) 358, 891 263, 134 73.3 % Heidelberg (Lesedi) 46, 948 34, 165 72.8 % Midvaal 52, 126 41, 144 78.9 % Mogale City (Krugersdorp) 186, 914 132, 640 70.9 % Randfontein 79, 806 58, 269 73.01 % Westonaria 52, 054 33, 123 63.63 % Merafong (Carletonville) 98, 695 67, 102 67.98 % City of Johannesburg 2, 184, 484 1, 585, 179 72.56 % Tshwane 1, 456, 362 1, 058, 995 72.71 % Total 6,063,739 4,424,424 72.96 %

184 Evaluation of the IEC from previous years and there- conflict arose inside the town- fore its performance has been ship. The Mail and Guardian re- The IEC is widely considered to adequate, there are some com- ported that a voting station had have conducted a successful na- plaints that were also made in closed early due to an argument tional and provincial election that the 2009 national and provincial that broke out between EFF and by and large conformed to the elections. These relate largely to ANC members.4 It was further re- primary democratic principles of insufficient ballots at polling sta- ported that the officials had diffi- freeness and fairness. While the tions because apparently voters culties resolving the conflict, but elections are believed to have chose to vote at a different station once the police arrived the situ- been generally peaceful, nation- to where they were registered. ation calmed down. Later, ten- ally there were various incidents The fact that the IEC was not sions and conflicts intensified in that occurred that are not deemed able to plan for such instances, the community following a video to have been within the ambit especially when these were sim- that was circulated of community of accepted practices during an ilar complaints in the previous members beating a woman who election. There were incidences election, opens the institution up was seemingly an ANC support- of violence in certain parts across to some criticism.2 er; this led to the South African the country on Election Day, the National Defence Force being de- direst example of which was an In the main, the elections were ployed in the community in order ANC volunteer being killed out- well conducted by the Commis- to quell the conflicts. The SABC side a polling station in KwaDu- sion despite numerous set-backs. reported that 44 people had been za in KwaZulu-Natal.1 Most of the complaints against arrested due to public violence.5 the IEC have come from rural ar- Leaders of political parties sent According to media reports, there eas despite the IEC initiative of messages to the communities en- seems to have been a disparity erecting 10% more polling sta- couraging their supporters to stop between urban and rural areas tions in rural areas. TIEC press fighting. The EFF in particular with regard to the standard of op- statements suggest that the reason sent a message calling on its sup- erations by the IEC. Rural areas for the long queues in urban ar- porters to accept defeat. seemed to be where the bulk of eas was due to a higher-than-ex- reports of electoral irregularities pected voter turnout: “The most On 8 May some controversial came from. On Election Day, pressing challenge we are facing election irregularities emerged there were reports of insufficient at the moment is an extremely in Gauteng when it was shown election materials at polling sta- high turnout at voting stations, es- that a number of marked ballots tions which were apparently pecially those in urban and metro were found in Alexandra, Lyn- caused by people voting in a dif- areas where long queues continue wood Ridge and Diepsloot. The ferent station to where they were to be experienced at a number of question became whether these registered. In addition, polling voting stations,”3 the IEC Chair- ballots had been counted and stations opened late for a num- person told the press on Election then dumped or simply disposed ber of reasons mainly to do with Day. The data, however, indicates of before counting. Upon further materials not arriving on time that the turnout percentage was investigation it was revealed that and the vandalising of voting sta- lower in these elections in the the ballots had been counted, tions. Despite claims that metro metropolitan areas of Gauteng but the electoral agents had not areas had higher than expected compared to the 2009 elections. disposed of them in a manner voter turnout, complaints coming In 2009 Johannesburg saw a consistent with IEC regulations. from large urban areas were min- voter turnout of 78.24%, while Despite these anomalies, the dis- imal compared to rural regions. in this year’s election there was putes were resolved and the re- While the fact that the ineffi- a 72.56% voter turnout. There sults accepted. While these kinds ciencies reported in the electoral were similar percentage drops in of controversies may not have process seems largely confined the other two metropolitan areas had any bearing on the results, to rural areas, which may point of Gauteng from the 2009 to the the mistake adds to existing per- directly to inefficiencies at the 2014 elections. ceptions of the inefficiency of the hands of the IEC, this disparity Commission. Other instances of could merely be caused by a gen- Disputes, conflicts and irregu- officials not following protocol eral infrastructure deficit in rural larities too add to concerns about IEC South Africa when compared to performance that do not bode other more developed and urban- Despite the fact that these elec- well for electoral democracy. ised parts of the country. tions are considered to have been relatively peaceful throughout While it could be argued that the most parts of the country, Alex- IEC has had to lift its standards andra stood out in Gauteng after 185 Role and impact of social move- endorsement of the manner in News (8 May 2014). http://www.iol. ments, civil society and election which the IEC performed in its co.za/news/crime-courts/murder-at- the-polling-station-1.1685392#. observers function of conducting credible U3shaXY8GM8 7 and efficient elections. 2 The 2009 EISA Election Update An examination of the Election compendium shows that the issue of Updates reveals that the elec- Following its first election ob- shortages of election materials was tion-related activities of civil so- servation mission to Zimbabwe prevalent throughout the country 3 ciety are sufficiently robust in the in 2013, the Unisa Election Ob- South African Press Association, “IEC dealing with high voter major urban centres of provinc- server Mission (UEOBM) was on turnout”, News 24, 7 May 2014. es. However, there seems to be the ground during the 2014 South http://www.news24.com/elections/ a dearth of civil society activity African national and provincial news/iec-dealing-with-high-voter- around elections in provinces that elections. The Mission conducted turnout-20140507 4 http://m.mg.co.za/ do not have major urban centres. training of team members in the index.php?view= These facts, in conjunction with observation of elections so that article the fact that the IEC claimed to those who received training will &urlid=2014-05-07-eff-anc- have a higher voter turnout in the in future be able to attend other arguments-disrupts-alexandra- metropolitan areas, may serve to observer missions in the country voting#U3ms2vVBuSw : accessed: 2014/05/19 illustrate that civil society’s im- and elsewhere on the continent. 5 http://www.sabc.co.za/news/ pact in these elections was seen Headed by former Chairperson a/b427a0043f138d39e42be86 in the emphasis on urban rather of the IEC Bragalia Bam, the 6b9f97e/SANDF-deployed-to- than rural areas. It is difficult to UEOM deployed teams across Alexandra-amid-post-poll-violence accessed: 2014/05/19 make a proper assessment of the voting stations in Gauteng Prov- 6 Khulekani Magubane. “SA election broad impact of civil society on ince. ‘sets bar high for African peers’, says these elections so soon after the AU observer mission”. BusinessDay elections, but the high turnout in Southern African Catholic bish- Live, (09 May 2014). http://www. urban areas may be an indicator. ops teamed up to form the In- bdlive.co.za/national/2014/05/09/sa- ter-regional Meeting of Bishops election-sets-bar-high-for-african- peers-says-au-observer-mission With the support of the Elec- of Southern Africa (IMBISA) in 7 Rivonia Naidu-Hoffmeeste, toral Institute for Sustainable order to conduct election obser- “Unisa Election Observer Mission Democracy in Africa, the Afri- vation missions in the Southern ready for Wednesday”. can Union launched a compre- African Development Commu- Unisa website (retrieved 20 May hensive, country-wide election nity. South Africa is one part of 2014) http://www.unisa.ac.za/news/ index.php/2014/05/ observation mission. During the series of election observation unisa-election-observer- a press statement, the African missions the body plans to con- mission-ready-for-wednesday/ Union representatives reported duct.8 8 Media Statement from IMBISA from that in their assessment the IEC the South African Catholic Bishops END NOTES Conference website conducted the 2014 elections in http://www.sacbc.org.za/page/31/

South Africa to the highest stan- 1 6 Bheki Mbanjwa, Kamcilla Pillay and dards of excellence. These kinds Marianne Mertens. “Murder at the of assessments are an important Polling Station”. Daily News. Iol

NORTH WEST

Dr Ina Gouws – North West delivery protests and threats to than expected. There were how- University (Vaal Triangle Cam- boycott the elections were made ever a few hiccups which could pus) by some communities. Ultimate- have had the potential for disrup- ly elections in North West went tions. The voting station in Mari- Introduction mostly smoothly, however. The kana (identified as a possible few incidents reported are high- hotspot), did not open on time. Elections in the North West Prov- lighted below. The IEC official said that the ince worried the IEC as well as station opened late because of a the provincial government in Voting process faulty scanner.1 According to the the run-up to the elections. As Daily Sun, the voting station at described in previous issues of The voting process in North West nearby Freedom Park also opened these updates, several service concluded with fewer incidents late and residents allegedly start- 186 ed shouting and insulting the IEC North West Province, although and the determination of officials.2 these were not incidents of seri- results, can tell the world that ous violence or corruption.6 the process was transparent, Another incident reported at the free and fair. The opinion of Marikana Community Hall vot- The EFF has however lodged an an impartial witness carries a ing station was that of eight for- objection to voting at a Rusten- great deal of weight’.8 eigners who tried to vote. They burg mine shaft (Khuseleka), were turned away after it was dis- where the presiding officer al- Election observers from the AU covered that they were not South legedly made the mistake of not and SADC have declared the African. According to the presid- issuing voters registered in the 2014 national and provincial ing officer of this voting station, province with provincial ballot elections in South Africa free and they also had to turn away sever- papers. The EFF accused this fair.9 al South Africans who were not officer of intentionally under- supposed to vote in that voting mining the party’s share of the Some of the observers, such as district. They were assisted by provincial vote. The EFF region- the German delegation (who vis- being shown where to vote.3 al chairman said that the mistake ited 13 voting stations in Gauteng was discovered around 4pm after and North West), tweeted about Evaluation of the IEC thousands of voters have passed their experience in North West, through the station. and had praise for the South Af- By most accounts the voting pro- rican electoral process: cess in North West went smooth- According to Business Day the ly. By 10:30 am on 9 May 99% young IEC presiding officer was of the counting in the North West ‘distraught and terrified’ at the had been completed, making it time and took refuge in a police the third province to eventually vehicle while the voting station finalise counting after Mpuma- was still open. He admitted his langa and the Northern Cape.4 mistake. The IEC provincial leader said they believed 4 000 vot- Declared disputes, conflicts ers did not get provincial ballot and irregularities papers.7 Evidence of an official complaint with the IEC provin- There were a few irregularities cial office or any final outcome and conflicts reported in North does not seem to be available. West. In Bloemhof, residents alleged that they were intimidated Role and impact of election ob- during the voting process. A man servers who wished to remain anonymous told the Daily Sun that he The role and responsibilities of wanted to vote but that people election observers are to observe threatened to cut off his fingers if proceedings during an election. they found ink from the polling According to the IEC, observers station in his fingers. These alle- both foreign and domestic are ex- gations were investigated by the tremely valuable to the electoral police, and police assured voters process. that they would be protected. ‘They are neutral outsiders, According to an OFM news re- who have been present and port, the bulk of arrests for elec- seen what has happened toral misconduct took place in the during voting, counting

187 Role and impact of social move- strong membership to use the to remove the indelible ink from ments and civil society opportunity, when casting their his/her thumb after voting. There votes, to check that important were also complaints of national Civil society has played a role requirements are met. A special and provincial ballots ending up in the run-up to the election e-mail address as well as an SMS in the same box (which is not a concerning voter education and line was created for this purpose, problem). AfriForum was satis- awareness. In a province such where members of the public fied that the election results are a as North West, where the prob- could report irregularities. 7.5% true and fair reflection of the will ability of election violence was of the complaints they received of the voters that took part in the at times high, voters’ responsible from their members were from 2014 elections. and genuinely positive attitude is North West Province. The biggest commendable. number of complaints related to They made a final important the logistical management of the point about the role civil organi- Not much publicised evidence election as well as administra- sations can play in elections: exists about the role or impact of tive issues. Complaints inter alia social movements during elec- related to voting stations which ‘In order to ensure that tions in the North West. How- had opened late, voters who had elections are free and fair, ever, some civil organisations become impatient with proce- civil rights organisations such asked to be election observers dures, including long lines at the as AfriForum have an during these elections. One such stations and IEC personnel who important role to play, not organisation is the civil rights did not assist in executing the only to expand the democratic organisation AfriForum. Afri- steps of the process. A voter also space but also to hold radical Forum made a call to its 90 000 alleged that he/she had managed elements to

188 account. While the broad co.za/view/politicsweb/ 7 Carol Paton. “EFF lodge objec integrity of the election en/page71619?oid=612380&sn= tion at Rustenburg mine shaft”. Detail&pid=71619 (2014). http://www.bdlive/national/ process had not been 3 Luyolo Mkentane. “Eight foreigners politics/2014/05/08/eff-lodge- obviously infringed upon, it try their luck at voting”. (2014). objection-at-rustenburg-mine-shaft is clear that there is room for http://www.thenewage. 8 IEC. “Observers”. (2014). http:// improvement in terms of co.za/124930-1007-53-Eight_ www.elections.org.za/content/ public complaints.’10 foreigners_try_their_luck_at_voting Elections/Observers/ 4 SAPA. “Results for last 7 provinces 9 Xolani Mbanja. “Observers give IEC expected later Friday”. (2014). top marks”. (2014). City Press. END NOTES http://www.news24.com/Elections/ http://www.citypress.co.za/politics/ News/Results-for-last-7- observers-give-iec%E2%80%89 1 News24. “Marikana voting station provinces-expected-later- top-marks/ not open, crowd gets restless” (2014) Friday-20140509 10 AfriForum. “Our findings on http://www.news24.com/elections/ 5 Ibid 2 the May 7 elections- news/marikana-voting-station-not- 6 OFM. “Election news May 7” AfriForum”. (2014). open-crowd-gets-restless-20140507 (2014). http://www.politicsweb.co.za/ 2 Daily Sun. “Mzansi’s big http://www.ofm.co.za/ politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ day!”. (2014) article/146019/Podcast-1600- en/page71654?oid=615063&sn= http://www.politicsweb. election-News-7-May-2014 Detail&pid=71654

EASTERN CAPE

Musa Sebugwawo, Lashiola The main role of observers (in hindering the entrance of voters Kutya, Sibulele Poswayo and the form of election observers, among other things. Stephen Shisanya – Afesis-cor- party agents, social movements plan and civil society) is to safeguard Nationally, several irregularities the right of all voters to freely involving thousands of votes Introduction express their will without undue were reported. However, with pressure. Their role also includes all the irregularities, independent Free and fair elections are the ensuring that the electoral pro- observers gave the elections pro- cornerstone of every democracy. cesses are not conducted in such cess overall the thumbs-up. In order to ensure free and fair a way as to advantage certain po- elections certain safeguards are litical parties above others. In the Eastern Cape there were put in place by the Independent four election observer groups Electoral Commission (IEC) to Role and Impact of Election made up of: ensure that all election process- Observers es are run with integrity and are 1. Mqanduli Community Advice free and fair. Encouraging the Observer missions comprise Office involvement of observers in the members of the community – 2. Matatiele Advice Centre electoral process is one of the communities of interest as well 3. Moltene Ministers Fraternal safeguards put in place. as communities of location – who 4. African Lifelong Initiative have a shared interest in ensuring Regular elections do not neces- that elections are free and fair and The above observers applied for sarily guarantee a citizen’s right that the will of the people is duly observer status with the IEC, and to freely and fairly elect a cho- reflected. their applications were success- sen representative. Aspects such ful. They are to compile reports as violence, intimidation, fraud, It is important to note that the on their findings and meet in or- unfair rules, censorship and tam- duty of an election observer is not der to compile one observer re- pering with election processes to take an active part in the elec- port by the end of May 2014. interfere with democratic election but rather to evaluate and to toral processes and subvert the ensure that the code of conduct of Role and Impact of Social will of the people. Even in cas- the IEC is adhered to and to doc- Movements es of well-established electoral ument and report any violations systems there is a constant need of such codes. Violations of the Since long before the fight for vigilant observation and im- code of conduct of the IEC may against apartheid, and before, provement of the system. inter alia include violence and social movements have moved public intimidation, display of from the margins of society to a weapons at voting stations and much more centralised and per- 189 sistent presence. day. 4. In Mdantsane and Potsdam, a voting station was alleged- While the impacts of movements Some of the irregularities identi- ly branded with ANC banners and the outcomes of elections are fied by party agents in the East- and t-shits despite parties being difficult to predict (and even as- ern Cape include: banned from setting up anywhere sess in some cases) it would be within 500 metres of a voting sta- interesting to explain the social 1. In the Eastern Cape town of tion. force that shape movements and Sterkspruit – a ballot box filled their political legacies. There with papers from the 2 days of Conclusion and Recommenda- have been unusually high levels special voting – was found. This tions of movement mobilisation since discovery was made as police the last presidential election in cleared barricaded roads and It is suggested that more atten- 2009. opened access to voting stations tion is paid to adequate training the locks of which had been of election staff and in particu- The 2014 general elections saw changed by community members lar, mentoring presiding officers an increase in the role of social intent on boycotting the voting. to be prepared to give guidance movements in the Eastern Cape This issue was addressed and the towards a systematic approach in from even during campaign- response given to the party agents finalising the counting process in ing prior to the elections. Social was in line with Provincial Elec- a more inclusive and transparent movements like the Association toral officer, Thamsanqa Mrayi manner. But more importantly for Independent Publishers held who said the boxes had been from emphasis needs to be placed on workshops on responsible infor- the first two days and had been training on how to run elections mation sharing by independent counted. He also emphasised and respond to issues on the media players and social move- that roads leading to the voting ground decisively and promptly. ment leaders who continuously stations in the troubled town on shared information with their Sterkspruit had been barricaded A report on declared disputes constituencies and urged them to to prevent voters from voting and conflicts and irregularities go a cast their votes. some stations had been illegally locked. More than 500 police On the eve of announcing 2014 Role and impact of Party officers were deployed to keep South African national and pro- Agents the peace and voting there was vincial election results, the chair- recorded by observer missions person of the Independent Elec- The IEC did not play any role in as free and fair, despite the above toral Commission (IEC) Pansy the recruitment of party agents mentioned problems. Tlakula declared the election and this role was a role for the process as free and fair. Like all respective parties to play. Party 2. In the Mnquma area of the the previous elections, the 2014 agents underwent intense train- province of the Eastern Cape, national and provincial elections ing over one day. The training Cope party agents were turned saw political parties registering took the form of training of train- away because their party agent disputes, conflicts and irregular- ers wherein parties provided informs did not display the party’s ities in different polling stations dividuals to be trained and had to logo as required by the electoral in the Eastern Cape. Eighteen commit to train their own party code. There seemed to have been (18) political parties registered agents. a misunderstanding wherein the numerous complaints with the party agents in question misin- provincial IEC during the voting It is not easy for the IEC to state terpreted the code to believe that period (Daily Dispatch May 7). the number of party agents which if the forms had authorisation by were involved in the elections. the IEC, party logos were not an In Sterkspruit, Economic Free- This is because although all par- issue. dom Front (EFF) political party ties were urged to have a maxi- agent reported stuffed and un- mum of two party agents – with 3. The ANC’s electoral co-ordi- sealed ballot boxes found at a no party branding – in the voting nator in the Province who is also voting station. In other areas, sites, some did not have the ca- the MEC for Local Government other political parties such as pacity to place two party agents and Traditional Affairs also reg- Agang SA registered concern in all voting sites of the province. istered a complaint that ANC over the African National Con- The IEC was also clear that the supporters and members wear- gress (ANC) display of the party presence, or lack of party agents ing party t-shirts were reportedly materials including banners and in voting sites would not affect turned away from voting stations T-shirts near polling stations. the continuation of voting on the when they tried to vote. Specific areas where these inci- 190 dences were noted are Mdantsane reportedly turned away in Mnqu- Source: Michelle Solomon. “Al- (NU15), Potsdam, and Buffalo ma (ward 23) because party agent leged irregularities mar start of Park’s Billy Francis Hall in East forms did not display their par- Eastern Cape elections” Daily London). The ANC was also dis- ty’s symbol. When Afesis Cor- Dispatch online. (May 7, 2014) satisfied. Through the provincial plan researchers visited the IEC Available on, http://www.dis- electoral coordinator, the party offices in East London to verify patchlive.co.za/news/alleged-ir- complained about their support- complaints registered during vot- regularities-mar-start-of-east- ers who were reportedly turned ing period, researchers were in- ern-cape-elections/ away from voting stations be- formed by Siyabonga cause they wore ANC t-shirts. Maki, an electoral official that The Congress of the People the complaints received were (Cope) was dissatisfied when dealt with and satisfactorily re- their political party agents were solved speedily.

Table on Turnout and valid votes- 2014 - 1994

Election year Eligible popu- Registered Percentage Percentage Spoilt or inval- lation population turn out based turn out based id votes on registered on eligible population population

2014 3,794,3521 3,240,0592 68,33 85.34 32 6575

2009 3,582,1006 3,056,559 74,97 32,2998 2004 3,559,309 2,849,486 80,1 81,1 28,3609 1999 3,693,90010 2,454,54311 89,912 30,46913 1994 Not available Not available 2,922,154 Not available 13,24814

END NOTES P03022009.pdf Accessed 14 May Accessed 13 May 2014 2014. The total was derived by 10 Midyear population estimates 2010. 1 The figure is for South Africa adding the numbers for both males http://www.statssa.gov.za/ Voting Age Population. http:// and females from the age group publications/P0302/P03022010.pdf www.politicsweb.co.za/ 20+. Accessed on 14 May 2014. The total politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/ 7 22 April 2009 Provincial Legislature was derived by adding the numbers page71654?oid=560298&sn=Detail Elections in South Africa. http:// for both males and females from the Accessed on 13 May 204 africanelections.tripod.com/ age group 20+. 2 http://www.elections.org.za/ za_1999provincial.html Accessed 11 Information on the Registered resultsNPE2014/ Accessed on on 15 May 2014. population for the years 1999; 2004 13 May 2014 8 http://electionresources.org/za/ and 2009 was retrieved from the 3 Voter turnout http://www.elections. provinces.php?election=2009& IEC Electoral Report 2009 http:// org.za/resultsNPE2014/ province=EC Accessed 13 May www.elections.org.za/content/ 4 Bapela K, February 2014. 25.3m 2014 Elections/Election-reports/ Accessed South Africans registered to 9 http://books.google.co.za/ on 14 May 2014 vote – IEC. http:// books?id=mWbJAAAAQ 12 2 June 1999 Provincial Legislature www.politicsweb.co.za/ BAJ&pg=PA253&lp Elections in South Africa. http:// politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ g=PA253&dq=Voting+age+ africanelections.tripod.com/ en/page71651?oid=540293&sn= population+2004+-+South+ za_1999provincial.html Accessed Detail&pid=71651 Accessed 13 Africa&source=bl&ots= on 15 May 2014. May 2014 EHZchAqpM3&sig= 13 http://electionresources.org/za/ 5 http://www.elections.org.za/ iD1zcmLzhhm_nb-VmeIQvO provinces.php?election=1999& resultsNPE2014/ Accessed on 13 PoLjA&hl=en&sa=X&ei= province=EC Accessed 13 May May 2014 fQ9yU8G0IuyI7 2014 6 Midyear population estimates Aafq4D4BA&ved=0CGYQ6A 14 http://electionresources.org/za/ (2009): Table 16: Provincial EwBw#v=onepage&q=Voting%20 provinces.php?election=1994& population estimates http://www. age%20population%202004%20 province=EC Accessed 13 May statssa.gov.za/publications/P0302/ -%20South%20Africa&f=false 2014

191 NORTHERN CAPE

Obakeng Bonokwane – Inde- and voting got underway smooth- against two staff in the Northern pendent Researcher ly, albeit later than expected. No Cape. One official was removed incidents of shortages of ballot from duty immediately after at- Voting Process papers were reported anywhere tempting to advise a voter where in the province. There were, to mark her cross, while anoth- The Independent Electoral Com- however, three separate minor er official was found to have mission (IEC) in the Northern incidents of charges being laid swapped his shifts with his wife Cape reported that the elections against voters in Upington for and will be facing disciplinary went ahead well without major taking pictures of ballot papers. action. disruptions. And it also declared This act is a prohibited act, as it the general elections success- is deemed to compromise the se- In the Dikgatlong sub-region, two ful in the province. There were, crecy of the ballot. ANC party agents were killed in however, long queues early in a motor vehicle accident while the morning of May 7 at differ- Some unusual and creative steps travelling to Blikfontein polling ent voting stations. However, by had to be taken in some instances station. In Platfontein and Green- 17H30 about 52 percent of the such as in Upington, where a bus point voting stations voters com- registered voters had already had to be used as a voting station plained that there had to wait too made their mark, most voting when a tent originally erected for long before they could cast their stations opened on time, voting use as a voting station was up- votes.1 materials were also delivered on rooted and blown off its poles by time to most voting stations, with strong winds. However, on the whole voting the exception of a voting station across the province went off fair- in Ganspan, where voters had to While there was no widespread ly well and people exercised pa- wait until 8H30 to start voting be- ill-discipline among IEC offi- tience and tolerance throughout cause the scanning machine was cials and polling station staff, the the day. not working. This was replaced IEC reports having to take action

Voter Turnout 2009 General Elections

Registered Voters Voter Turnout 554 900 421 490 Voter Turnout 2014 General Elections

Registered Voters Voter Turnout 601 080 443 714

Evaluation of the IEC who are not allowed to wear par- can be singled out is the alterca- ty regalia inside a voting station. tion that took place in Galeshewe The Independent Electoral Com- The Northern Cape Province was at the Boitumelo special school mission (IEC) in the Northern the first province to declare re- voting station. It was reported Cape delivered credible elections sults on 8 May, and this is due that an ANC member was thrown in totality. However, it is clear to the fact that it has the lowest out of the voting station after she that while voting processes pro- number of voters, but, equally, was accused of campaigning for ceeded smoothly, the level of ex- that the IEC staff were effective. her party inside the voting sta- pertise and training varied among Voter turnout for the province tion. Other than that no disputes, IEC staff and it appears that more stood at 71.29 percent.2 conflicts or irregularities were re- intensive training with regard to ported. the electoral law is required. In Declared Disputes, Conflicts some voting stations people were and Irregularities The Role and Impact of Elec- turned away for wearing their tion Observers and the Media political party regalia, which is The general elections on May 7 improper, as the electoral law is went well, and without major dis- Civil rights organisations were clear that it is only party agents ruptions. The only incident that accredited by the independent 192 electoral commission to act as Moses Mani and Rev Mzwandile province as a whole did not re- observers during the elections Thethani. The SACC will release ceive much media attention. on 7 May 2014. There was an a report on its Northern Cape ob- adequate presence of election servations in due course. Though END NOTES observers in the province along the electoral process proceeded with a good spread and represen- without any major incidences and 1 Sandi Kwon HOO, “voters slam tation of party agents. Election disruptions there were interesting long queues” DFA 8 May 2014 observers in the province were dynamics present in the province largely drawn from the South as well as some noteworthy and African Council of Churches interesting events, such as the use (SACC), under the leadership of the bus as a voting station in of Canon Daniel Segalo, who Upington. This, however, was serves as the provincial secretary lighthearted and did not receive of the SACC, assisted by Pastor any media attention. Indeed, the

WESTERN CAPE

Dr Cherrel Africa, Head of the AgangSA lodged a complaint before the elections. DA council- Political Studies Department, about the fact that its posters lor for the area, Nceba Hinana, University of the Western Cape were being removed in certain said that DA supporters in the and Nkosikhulule Xhawulen- areas in DA-controlled Cape area live in fear and even though gweni Nyembezi, Co-chairper- Town, and that the party strug- he could not confirm whether or son of the Elections 2014 Na- gled to secure permission to use not the man was a member of tional Co-ordinating Forum. community halls for meetings the DA, it was possible that his across the Western Cape. Spe- death was the result of wearing Introduction cifically identified were areas on the t-shirt.4 the Cape Flats, including Grassy This update focuses on voting Park, Lotus River, Lavender Hill Civil Society Organisations and processes in the Western Cape. It and Parkwood.1 Faith-based Organisations played appraises the environment in the an important role in election run-up to the elections as well as In another incident a few days be- monitoring and encouraging cit- the logistics of Election Day and fore the election, ballot boxes fell izens to vote; however, it is diffi- the counting process. It also re- off a vehicle in transit and were cult to assess their impact so soon views the extent of declared dis- found with the help of police. after the elections. The Archbish- putes, conflicts and irregularities. Rev. Sampson indicated that the op of the Anglican Church in As elections drew close, protest ballot papers that were retrieved South Africa, Thabo Makgoba, action and gang violence were were isolated and removed from urged South Africans to vote.5 raised as key areas of concern the allocated election materials.2 This was done largely in response that could hamper the elector- to the “Sidikiwe, Vukane, We are al process in the Western Cape. fed up” campaign, which was However, these factors were not A more serious matter was the spearheaded by Ronnie Kasrils, identified as major impediments stoning of DA buses on their way to either spoil votes or vote for to the electoral process in the to Nyanga by a group of people any party other than the ANC.6 province. The anticipative ap- wearing ANC t-shirts.3 While Archbishop Makgoba, also the proach adopted by the IEC in the ANC leaders intervened and chairperson of the Electoral Code Western Cape yielded dividends, ANC provincial chairman Mari- of Conduct Observer Commis- as most concerns related to prob- us Fransman condemned the vio- sion in Western Cape, held a lems with the length of queues lence, it is clear that political ten- prayer meeting at the IEC offices and materials rather than elec- sion remains a concern in areas of in Bellville South, Cape Town, tion-related violence. the Western Cape. Another inci- on Wednesday morning before dent of concern was that a man heading to polling stations.7 Ad- The run-up to the elections wearing a Democratic Alliance ditionally on 28 April the shack t-shirt was stabbed and stoned to dwellers movement, Abahlali In the run-up to the elections, death in Philippi about two weeks BaseMjondolo, announced that

193 the movement would abandon election observers, and members that the provincial commission it’s “no land, no house, no vote of the security services based at would reinforce its complement campaign” to cast a strategic vote the results centre. On two occa- at the station, with roving staff to on 7 May.8 sions political party representa- assist. The police were called to tives also addressed the media control access from the school’s Election Observation in the during these briefing sessions – gate and not only at the entrance Province first at 22h00 on 7 May to reflect to the voting hall. of the Election Day and at 13h00 The election observer team not- Electoral processes were moni- on 9 May to reflect on the elec- ed that when stations opened tored by a wide range of observ- tion results. These briefings form late they were not able to cope ers. The South African Council of much of the basis for this election with the voters. In some instanc- Churches, Election Monitoring update. es IEC officials didn’t have the Network, Congress of Traditional attire or t-shirts that make IEC Leaders of South Africa, Western Voting Processes in the Prov- staff easy to identify on Election Cape Religious Leaders’ Forum, ince Day. The election observer team Ruminet Volunteer Centre, Mus- also brought to the attention of lim Judicial Council, The Ubun- While more systematic research the IEC that voting at the Ma- tu Centre, The Law Society of would be required on the matter, nenberg Community Centre was SA, Women’s National Coalition it appears that there were no re- delayed because officials had to and the Commission on Gender ported acts of violence and intim- wait for the arrival of ballot box- Equality deployed about 120 ob- idation against voters attempting es. The effect of these delays was servers throughout the province to cast their ballot in the Western long queues and voters at some on Election Day. Additionally, a Cape. Security was also provid- polling stations having to wait group of foreign observers from ed where necessary, with a heavy several hours to cast their ballot. the United Kingdom, the United police presence at stations in ar- While some voters expressed an- States of America, Jamaica, and eas affected by gang violence ger at the delay, tolerance largely Namibia toured voting stations in such as Manenberg and Heide- prevailed among those wanting Cape Town to monitor the elec- veld. 9 to vote.11 tion process. Speaking to the media at the election results centre, There were however several lo- Speaking at the briefing session an observer from Jamaica said gistical problems in the Western on 7 May, Western Cape IEC they were impressed by the rate Cape. One of the major problems provincial head Rev. Courtney of voting and the resourcefulness was that many polling stations Sampson said running the first of some polling station staff. opened late. Queues at temporary three hours of the election in the voting stations in informal settle- Western Cape was like “trying to ments snaked for many metres. ride a wild horse”. The IEC Results Centre Cape Town’s northern suburbs appeared to have experienced By 21h00, closing time for vot- The IEC results centre was a hub a higher voter turn-out than in ing stations, a number of stations of activity during the election 2009, according to IEC officials in Khayelitsha – Cape Town’s period. This was especially so and party agents. biggest township – and in Philip- from 5 May (the day for special pi – the city’s largest informal votes) through to 9 May as the An election observer tour of some settlement area – were still open last day of vote counting. The voting stations in some dense- and voters continued to stand in IEC held three media briefing ly populated parts of the City winding queues with the hope sessions a day at the results cen- of Cape Town on Election Day of casting their votes. Election tre (from 6 to 8 May) and a final also revealed logistical glitches observers had planned to con- briefing session on the afternoon that resulted in some voting sta- centrate the presence of their of 9 May. At these briefing ses- tions not being able to open at personnel in areas that were an- sions updates on the election op- 07h00. For example, a polling ticipated to have long lines after erations were provided. Updated station at Bhongolethu Primary dark, after assessing the number information on how the IEC was School also opened late, at about of people who had voted in these processing the reported problems 10h00, and the staff were over- stations by late afternoon against from various parts of the prov- whelmed.10 This situation ne- the expected number of voters as ince was provided at the media cessitated an intervention by the reflected in the voters’ roll. briefing sessions. These briefing election observer team, and, after sessions were attended by rep- discussions with IEC officials There were complaints on resentatives of political parties, and party agents, it was decided Wednesday night from politi- 194 cians about the preparedness of spread practice of handing out of tered “vast inequalities”, as some the IEC. ANC provincial sec- party T-shirts on Election Day areas are very well resourced, retary Songezo Mjongile said was not prohibited by law, but while in others the IEC struggled voting stations across the city IEC officials had engaged with just to find a little bit of space to had run out of ballot papers. He political parties to discourage it. put up a tent for a voting station indicated that there were prob- because there is no infrastruc- lems in Gugulethu and Khayelit- An allegation of irregularities ture”.14 sha, where ballot papers ran out. at a voting station in Philippi He added that people had waited by AgangSA leader Mamphela Nevertheless, the IEC together four to five hours and then they Ramphele received a fair amount with election observers, the con- left and that it was very difficult of media coverage. However, flict resolution panel, voter ed- then to get those voters back to when the matter was investigat- ucation teams, and party agents the station. DA provincial elec- ed, it was found that the official working in conjunction with tions manager Jaco Londt said had legitimately been moving community structures ensured a they had “constantly reported material from one sub-station peaceful process in the Western problems with ballot papers run- to another. In some areas where Cape. While there are underlying ning out at stations” and that it the IEC expected a particular- tensions, which remain a cause took “really long for more ballots ly high voter turnout, a voting for concern in the province, the to arrive”. He said voting stations station was divided into several election in the Western Cape was in ward 23 in Atlantis were par- substations to speed up the pro- challenging because of logistical ticularly troublesome. cess. The substations involved problems rather than due to voter both fell within the same voting intimidation, electoral violence At the afternoon briefing session station in Philippi.13 According to or fraud. Where problems were on 7 May, Rev. Sampson indicat- an AgangSA spokesperson, who highlighted, they were dealt with ed that one of the key challenges was part of AgangSA’s group of in a swift and transparent manner. was the fact that many voters had leaders at the party booth at the In sum, there was no opposition opted to cast their ballot in areas results centrw, the party was still to the declared results by any of outside their voting districts. As a learning the formal procedures on the political parties. Addition- result of this, the IEC had run out how to lodge complaints with the ally, Rev. Sampson concluded of ballot papers in some areas, in- IEC. This view was echoed by that there were no issues that cluding townships, Sea Point and the EFF premier candidate Nazi- concerned the result auditors. Milnerton. Rev. Sampson was er Paulsen, who also announced He indicated that the IEC in the quoted as saying that “if peo- at the briefing session on 7 May Western Cape is convinced that ple are moving into other voting that his party has lodged a com- what it achieved “is to have a stations, where they are not reg- plaint with the IEC. He had ex- fair expression of the will of the istered, we have to move ballot pressed concern about reports of people of the Western Cape”. The papers after them.”12 several people using the same ID IEC in the Western Cape should book to vote. Other matters in- therefore be commended for a Conflicts, Irregularities and cluded an EFF complaint about job well done despite the numer- Declared Disputes music being played at a voting ous challenges it faced. station in Barrydale, an Agang- In terms of the processes on the SA complaint about a voters’ roll END NOTES day of the election and during only starting at N, and an ACDP counting, challenges were pres- complaint that one of its party 1 Merten, M. “Agang complains of ent largely because of logistical agents was prevented from enter- poster removal” Cape Argus (2014). problems. Where problems were ing a counting centre. Retrieved on 17 April 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/news/ highlighted, they were dealt with south-africa/western-cape/ in a swift and transparent manner, Conclusion agang-complains-of-poster-removal or referred to the IEC’s legal ser- http://www.iol.co.za/news/ vices department. Rev. Sampson The IEC in the Western Cape has south-africa/western-cape/ said during one of the briefing emphasised that inequalities and agang-complains-of-poster-remov sessions at the results centre that disparities in infrastructure and al-1.1674253#.U1aYQlL8Lcs 2 SAPA. Election events concerning: there had been a few objections in facilities in the province played a Agang IOL News (2014). Retrieved the Western Cape – “not many” – major role in planning and man- on May 16, 2014 from http:// but that the commission had dealt aging the elections in the prov- www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/ with each one. Instances of cam- ince. Rev. Sampson told a media western-cape/election-events- paigning on Election Day were briefing session at the election re- concerning-agang 3 reported. Furthermore, the wide- sults centre that they had encoun- Koyana, X. DA motorcades 195 attacked. IOL News (2014). News (2014). Retrieved 9 Independent Online (2014). Retrieved on May 16, 2014 from May (2014) from http://ewn. Retrieved May 13, 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/news/crime- co.za/2014/05/07/ http://www.iol.co.za/news/ courts/da-motorcades-attacked Elections2014-is-finally-upon-us politics/voters-wait-in-the-cold- 4 Mahashe, M. Political violence 8 Sisobo, K. “Shack dwellers offer after-delays-1.1684554#.U33dX_ feared as ‘DA man’ dies. City movement offers voting block for mSy24 Vision (2014). Retrieved on living conditions guarantee” Mail 12 SAPA. Nation stuns IEC with May 16, 2014 from http://cityvision. and Guardian (2014). massive turnout. Independent mobi/news/read/1726/political- Retrieved 1 May, 2014 from Online (2014). Retrieved May 13, violence-feared-as-da-man-dies http://mg.co.za/article/2014-04-28- 2014. http://www.iol.co.za/news/ 5 SAPA. “Anglican churches urges 56-shack-dwellers-movement- politics/nation-stuns-iec-with- people to vote” News24 (2014). considers-change-of-pace massive-turnout Retrieved 1 May, 2014 from http:// 9 SAPA. ‘I don’t want to regret not 13 Van Schie K. Issue raised by Agang www.news24.com/elections/news/ voting’ Independent Online (2014). SA resolved – IEC. Cape Argus anglican-church-urges-people-to- Retrieved May 13, 2014. From (2014). Retrieved on May 13, 2014. vote http://www.iol.co.za/search-results- From http://www.iol.co.za/news/ 6 Merton, M. “Small parties need page politics/issue-raised-by-agang-sa- 38 000 votes for a seat” IOL (2014). 10 Makinana A. Mayibuye iWestern resolved-iec Retrieved 8 May, 2014 from http:// Cape! Mail and Guardian (2014). 14 Meyer W. ‘Inequality a factor in www.iol.co.za/news/politics/small- Retrieved May 13, 2014. From planning election’ Cape Argus parties-need-38-000-votes-for-a-seat http://mg.co.za/article/2014-05-08- (2014). Retrieved May 13, 2014. 7 Fisher, S. Isaacs, L. September, anc-mayibuye-iwestern-cape From http://www.iol.co.za/news/ C. Gerbi, G. “Elections 2014: 11 Germaner S, Legg K. Voters wait politics/inequality-a-factor-in- Western Cape ready” Eyewitness in the cold after delays. planning-election

196 LIMPOPO

Ralph Mathekga – Director, voters recorded in the country, al- elections is increasing election Clearcontent Research and though slightly lower in terms of on election. Consulting the percentage who registered.1 The highest percentage of voter Limpopo province has however Introduction turnout was recorded in the 1999 recorded the lowest percentage election, where 89.3 per cent of when it comes to voter turn- The voter registration in the 2014 voters participated. Therefore, at out compared to all provinces election has been recorded at national level, the percentage of in the country. Figure 1 shows 25,388,082; with a 73 per cent voters has declined slightly while that Limpopo has been having a turnout. Thus, 18 654 771 peo- the number of voters increased. steady decline in terms of voter ple voted in the May 7 elections. This also indicates that the num- turnout since the first measured This is the highest number of ber of people who register for voter turnout in 1999 elections.

100 90 80 70 60

% 50 Limpopo 40 National 30 20 10 0 1999 2004 2009 2014 Voter turnout

Figure 1 Election turnout, Limpopo and National comparison

The 2014 elections also indi- popo. Approximately 1 543 986 the lowest turnout in the country cate that despite a rise in voter voters participated in the May 7 despite the province having re- registration in Limpopo (from elections. While the decline is corded an increase in the voter 2.2 million voters in 2009 to 2.4 only in tens of thousands, it is registration? million voters in 2014), there significant in the sense that it is has been a decline in the actual measured against an increase in The atmosphere in Limpopo in number of voters who turned out voter registration. the run-up to the May 7 elec- in the May 7 election. In 2009, tion about 1 570 592 voters partici- It is important to explain why pated in elections in the Limpo- Limpopo is experiencing the de- The 2014 elections have been po province. The 2014 elections, cline in voter turnout, particular- tenser in Limpopo than in other however, show a decline in the ly the sudden decline in the 2014 provinces – and this is in a prov- actual number of voters who par- elections. The question to consid- ince that compared to the others ticipated in the elections in Lim- er is why did Limpopo register has demonstrated relatively high-

197 er levels of peace and stability Adding to the tension in Limpopo as many incidents of service-de- during electoral periods histor- is also the relationship between livery protests as there were in ically. In 2014, there have been farm workers and their employ- the period leading up towards the community–state tensions in ers. In one incident, a Limpopo 2014 elections, nor were there de- Limpopo at unprecedented levels farmer threatened to dismiss his liberate acts of disruption as were in the period leading up towards workers if they did not provide reported when police were called elections. The Electoral Commis- him proof that they voted for his in to address “violent protests sion in the province has recorded favourite party.5 While the elec- that halted the casting of special approximately 30 incidents in- toral commission decided to pro- votes in eight voting stations in volving confrontations between hibit voters from taking pictures Maruleng, Limpopo, after Inde- political parties, communities of their ballots, as this might un- pendent Electoral Commission and also staff from the electoral duly influence how people vote, (IEC) officials working there commission. Most of those ten- this type of remarks impinge were threatened with violence”.6 sions were service-delivery-relat- upon free and fair elections. It is the first time during an elec- ed and did not necessarily derive toral period that the Limpopo specifically from perceived irreg- The lower voter turnout in Lim- province has had violent protests. ularities in the electoral process. popo might have been influenced Though unrelated to the electoral by the tensions that characterised Conclusion process, these tensions, however, the province in the period leading bore the potential to impact upon up towards the elections. The un- Service-delivery protests might the elections on May 7, the actual happiness and tensions that have have been the single main in- Election Day, which they appear characterised state–community fluencer of perceptions of vot- to have done. relations caused by unhappiness er safety leading up to the 2014 about service delivery and re- elections. There is a need to con- There were confrontations report- lated protests may have played duct further research on the ex- ed during voting day in Limpopo. out through the electoral pro- tent to which the protests have It was reported that in Tzaneen cess, resulting in acts of intimi- impacted the voter turnout in the “voting materials were damaged dation during voter registration 2014 elections in general. after an attack on the polling and voter education initiatives. station [the previous night]”.2 Such events and continuing ten- END NOTES Electoral commission staff were sions most likely affected voters’ attacked in Tickeyline in Limpo- perceptions regarding safety on 1 Electoral Commission of South po, resulting in political parties Election Day. Africa, http://www.elections.org.za 2 protesting the election results, Karl Gernetzky, “More than half of SA’S Voting stations have stating that the ballot papers were The possible explanation that the submitted results, Says IEC”, 3 contaminated. lower voter turnout in Limpopo Business Day, 8 May 2014. might have to do with a general 3 “Parties except ANC accept In a strange turn of events, the creeping sense of apathy does Limpopo vote exclusion”, electoral commission ordered a not accord with the fact that the SABC, 9 May 2014 http://www. sabc.co.za/news/a/b894510043 recounting of votes at a voting province experienced an increase efdac486b3b6866b9bf97e/ station in Musina, Limpopo, af- in voter registration as recorded Parties-except-ANC-accept- ter it emerged that the Democrat- on the 2014 voters’ roll. An in- Limpopo-vote-exclusion ic Alliance (DA) and Economic crease in voter registration shows 4 “Votes recounted in Limpopo”, ENCA, 10 May 2014, Freedom Fighters (EFF) did not that there is interest in voting and http://www.enca.com/ secure a single vote on the na- participating in elections in Lim- elections-2014-south-africa/ tional ballot after the two parties popo Province. The decline in the votes-recounted-limpopo secured a combined total of 200 turnout in Limpopo appears to votes on the provincial ballot.4 It be directly influenced by percep- appeared odd that of all the 200 tions of voter safety on Election people who voted for either one Day as well as a likely demon- of these two parties on the pro- stration of an increasing distrust vincial ballot, not a single one of in the current set of political lead- them had voted for either of the ers. two parties on the national ballot. The 2009 elections in Limpopo were not as tense as the 2014 elections. In 2009 there were not 198 ELECTION UPDATE 2014 SA Elections 2014: 7 The Problems of Unregulated Private Funding of Political Parties - Protests and the Provincial Results Patterns

Karabo Rajuili - My Vote Counts

CONTENTS

“A Detective Story: following the money to understand the influence of se- 199 cret political party funding on the 2014 elections”

Gauteng 205

North West 209

Northern Cape 212 I. INTRODUCTION only 13 secured positions in Par- liament, with the bottom eight Limpopo 213 Political parties are the cen- parties sharing below 10% of the tre-stage of South Africa’s de- national vote combined (see table mocracy, as their members – our below). Leadership, campaign Eastern Cape 215 representatives – determine the strategy, and party policy certain- laws and public policy that shape ly played important roles in de- Free State 216 the future. 50 political parties termining the composition of the registered to contest South Afri- National Assembly. However, ca’s national and provincial elec- there is an underlying green story KwaZulu Natal 218 tions on 7 May 2014. Of the 20 – not of the environmental kind, parties that competed nationally, and not chiefly one that involves Western Cape 220 199 envy: it’s the story of money. In al and provincial elections an- sons for this may be complex, as analysing the performance of ticipated a shift in the political Anthony Butler suggested in his these parties, we know precious landscape, with large campaign 2 May Business Day Column, little about their total advertising budgets invested in the most there is no doubt that money costs, the size of their staff, how competitive elections yet. Yet de- in politics played a significant much money was spent on poli- spite this, the outcomes of elec- role in entrenching existing pat- cy development and consultants, toral polls reflected only margin- terns of ANC power (including where their funds came from, and al shifts. The ANC won a clear through its use of the state appa- what their overall income and ex- majority nationally, and control ratus) and limiting the space for penditure looks like. of all provinces, except for the new entrants, thereby weakening Western Cape, where the DA re- the electoral system as a whole.1 The run-up to the 2014 nation- tained control. Although the rea-

Source: Independent Electorate Commission: http://www.elections.org.za/resultsNPE2014/

II. MONEY IN THE 2014 budgets rapidly rise, financial Africa, like in most other de- ELECTIONS need meets political opportuni- mocracies, is raised by politi- ty: individuals, corporations and cal parties with the intention of “The more funds a political party foreign governments try to ex- “influenc[ing] the outcome of has at its disposal, the more ef- ercise their influence and power elections as well as [funding] fective the campaign it can run. through making donations – both the parties’ routine operations.” This places new entrants to the of a financial and non-financial All political parties registered in political scene at a disadvantage nature – to parties. Though do- the national elections were re- because they do not qualify for nations made to parties may be quired to pay a minimum deposit election funding as they do not made in good faith, or in support of R200 000, and an additional have any seats in the legislature” of a party’s already defined poli- R45 000 per province contested. – Pierre De Vos2 cy posture, in the absence of any In 2009, it is estimated that the regulation, and especially in the ANC spent around R200 mil- It is always critical to know who absence of disclosure, the public lion on its campaign generally. funds political parties and on at large simply has no idea who Total campaign spending on the what terms. But the influence is influencing which party and in 2014 elections remains unknown. of money in political parties be- what ways. However, the ANC and the DA comes even more pressing during are estimated to have spent over election season. As campaign Campaign finance in South R100 million on their campaigns

200 in the Gauteng province alone.4 allocation of public funds does selling merchandise (for instance little to help the development of the R80 red beret) and donations Advertising budgets from larger multi-party democracy – a foun- from party members. However, political parties provide useful dational constitutional require- early on in the election season insights. We know that the ANC ment. Rather, the situation helps the EFF recognised that the funds spent an estimated R17 million consolidate the dominance of al- required for a campaign were far on over 600 advertising spots on ready strong and well-resourced greater than the revenues gener- television prior to the voting peri- parties, at the expense of other ated from donations, membership od, and the DA spent an estimat- smaller or new political parties.8 fees and the sale of merchandise. ed R13.1 million on 377 spots.5 Moreover, in public statements In addition, the ANC is known to In addition to this public source, the party spoke of the possible have spent around R1 – R2 mil- political parties attempt to raise negative impact insufficient cam- lion on 52 electronic billboards funds through party-owned busi- paign funds would have on the countrywide, with some being ness interests, membership fees party’s electoral outcomes.13 placed in prime locations, such and funds raised by regional as the M1 highway in Johannes- branches.9 Compared with the Indeed, the party was not without burg.6 Budget constraints meant amount that political parties re- scandal in the raising of private smaller parties did not use TV ceive from private donors, the funds to support its campaign as a campaign medium, and in- public funding and party fund- expenditure, particularly in the stead used the free party election ing figures are significantly low- sourcing of alleged funds from broadcast slots allocated by the er. Private sources of funding to foreign governments. The allega- public broadcaster on its radio political parties increased from tions by the ruling party that EFF platforms, provided to each party 100 million in 1994, to an esti- had accepted funds from allies contesting the election. mated 550 million leading up to of Zimbabwean President Rob- the 2009 elections. The ANC ert Mugabe were denied by the The Independent Electoral Com- alone raised R1.66 billion be- party.14 Despite these challenges, mission (IEC) budget for this tween 2007 and 2012.11 While the EFF was able to garner suf- year’s elections was a little over comprehensive data on private ficient votes to position itself as R1.5 billion. Of this budget allo- political funding is not available, the third-largest party represent- cation, through the Represented the approximate 500% increase ed in the National Assembly. It Political Parties Fund (RPPF), in 1994 to more than R550 mil- also succeeded in becoming the political parties represented in lion in 2009 elections is telling. official opposition in Limpopo. Parliament received a combined All this occurs in an environment However, as with other political R114.8 million in 2013/2014. of complete secrecy. Political parties that have found them- This funded 14 political parties parties are able to negotiate these selves in the midst of scandals and covered costs of staff, trav- secret deals, with no requirement through the eliciting of private el, accommodation, meetings, to disclose the source or amounts funds, the lack of transparency rallies and other expenses relat- of private donations, and have no (publicly disclosed accounts) ed to furthering political, orga- limits on budgets for campaign leaves questions of accountabil- nizational, policy development, and operation expenditure.12 ity and ethical administration party outreach, communication open to endless speculation. and campaigning objectives. Of III. THE ELECTORAL the R88 million that the IEC dis- CHALLENGE OF PRIVATE Similarly, AgangSA struggled to tributed to parties in 2009, R61 FUNDING stay afloat amid high campaign million went to the ANC, R10.5 expenditure. The party is said to million to the DA and R5.4 mil- Case Study: Transparency – have estimated that it required lion to the Inkatha Freedom Par- AgangSA and the Economic R960 000 to effectively cam- ty. The proportional distribution Freedom Fighters (EFF) in the paign to its targeted 4.8 million of funds in this election saw the 2014 elections: voters.15 However, within months ANC receive about five and a of the 2014 elections, allegations half times more of the taxpayer’s For new entrants into the polit- emerged that the party was strug- money in 2009 as the next two ical scene, the allure of private gling to meet costs both for cam- parties combined.7 In analysing funding is particularly powerful, paign materials and staff salaries. the impact of these public funds, as they receive no public fund- Party insiders spoke of the diffi- Susan Booysen and Grant Mas- ing. The EFF attempted to raise culties the party faced in raising terson argue that the proportional funds through membership fees, money: “Most companies, organ- 201 isations and individuals do not in the COPE manifesto. The cess to “the inner circle of public offer support in cash, it is mostly NFP manifesto, however, decision-makers” drives many in kindv... by allowing the party contains 8 references to it, of the practices in secret private to use venues for free and print- amongst others in relation to donations to political parties. Ex- ing T-shirts, among others.”16 crime, corruption, and amples of this abound. As with the EFF, the ANC and hospital management.18 other political opponents made IV. TOWARDS A REGULAT- claims that the party was being The lack of commitment by polit- ED ENVIRONMENT funded by foreign organisations ical parties to enact legislation on Currently in South Africa there in an attempt to “destabilise” its the private sources of funding for are no laws in place to regulate momentum.17 Agang’s financial political parties was confirmed private donations to political woes reached their climax in the again, just a month shy of the parties. Party funding laws are brief but damaging merger with May 7 elections. In March 2014, intended to reduce the potential the DA, allegedly driven by a a broad base of civil society and for corruption, or even the ap- wealthy private donor. The pub- mass-based organisations sent a pearance of corruption, increase lic trust quotient was lost, and letter to 14 political parties, re- political equality and establish a the timing of this failed merger questing that they reveal the culture of transparency. The mo- proved costly to AgangSA. sources of their private funding tives and focus of the regulation for the previous financial year (1 vary to a large extent, but at least The problems associated with a March 2013 – 28 February 2014). four distinct reasons can be iden- lack of transparency None of the 14 political parties tified for the introduction of laws: disclosed this information as re- Both cases illustrate the impact quested, despite it being essential i. regulation prevents abuse and of party funding on political for voters to make informed de- the buying of political campaigning, and pose serious cisions. influence; questions about the viability of ii. regulation enhances fair a true representative multi-party The incentives for private donors competition among democracy in the current, unreg- to contribute in this unregulated competing parties; ulated environment. In different environment are best summed up iii. regulation empowers voters to ways, both cases point to the by statements made in the court become engaged and active growing political inequality. The documents from the Brett Keb- citizens; and scandals which emerged during ble estate. On 30 May 2014, the iv. regulation strengthens both these campaigns point to the Western Cape High Court handed political parties, making them lack of public accountability and down its decisions in African Na- more open, accountable and transparency. The voting public tional Congress v Steenkamp N.O effective democratic actors. were left to merely trust public and Others and ordered the ANC statements made by the parties, to return the secret R14 million Disclosure without the necessary evidence donation. Kebble had paid R25 as assurance. Despite this, con- million to the ANC, party poli- Disclosure tends to be the most testing political parties placed ticians, the DA and journalists. popular form of regulatory re- regulation low on their 2014 The ANC explains why the 2004 form. It is a key means to con- campaign agenda, if at all. Demi- donation was made: front conflicts of interest and im- an and Du Toit provide useful proper influence on parties and insights in this regard. They note In return for the disposition, candidates. It is also an essential that while political parties spoke Kebble obtained the benefit of tool to ensure voters are able to of the need for transparency, their access to political make an informed decision. For election manifestos failed to re- decision-makers and opposition parties in South Afri- flect this commitment: lawmakers that would be ca, the option of disclosure con- beneficial to him both tinues to be a bone of conten- In the ANC manifesto, there directly and indirectly by tion, with such parties arguing are only two mentions of virtue of its benefits to that such disclosure will lead to transparency. The DA and companies in which he had an problems of victimisation of their EFF manifestos make no interest.19 business donors by the governing reference to the word, while party, and a possible loss of fi- there is only one reference to This crude buying of influence nancial support. But this needn’t it and special favours to gain ac- be the case. 202 Pienaar (2014) offers a useful dis- fluence, which may even extend finance regimes, with his con- cussion on some of the provisions to undermining a country’s sover- cept of the “magic quadrangle”. this form of regulation could eignty. Expenditure limits, on the Essentially, he argues that for take. To prevent this mechanism other hand, could focus on limit- any form of regulation to be im- from becoming overly cumber- ing excessive and wasteful goods plementable, it must include the some, given the complexities, he and services, especially those four elements of transparency, suggests disclosure thresholds, that serve to distance candidates professional accounting, admin- where anonymity would be per- from the electorate or that create istrative practicality, and the pos- mitted for smaller donations.20 the impression of vote-buying. 21 sibility of sanctions in the event Whether the threshold should The risk of this form of regula- of violations. None of these, he be R1000, R10,000 or R50,000 tion lies in “excessively strict le- argues, can be ignored; none of needs to be discussed. Important- gal limits”, which will drive such them can stand alone in any effort ly, such regulation would require donations underground, through to frame and implement rules to some form of independent mon- unreported illegal transfers.22 regulate the flow of money into itoring and enforcement agency, politics.24 In considering interna- and the continued vigilance of Public Funding tional experience, February notes civil society. that there is no panacea for the While public funding is already influence of money on the politi- In this discussion on disclosure provided for in South Africa un- cal system. In the US, the UK and and transparency, a Democracy der the Political Parties Fund, Germany, regulation has helped Fund has been offered as a sug- the opaque manner in which it is create greater transparency, yet gested alternative. Managed by distributed and reported does lit- scandals still occur.25 Moreover, an independent body, corporate tle to promote the constitutional funding regulation regimes often donations would be channelled vision of an open multiparty de- become “a patchwork of different into this fund, rather than direct- mocracy. In addition, more ap- laws and regulations with numer- ly to a particular political party. propriate measures could be used ous loopholes and poor possibili- While it is an interesting propo- to bring campaign costs down. ties of enforcement”.26 sition, concerns about this option One might be the idea of “patriot centre on how funds would be rands”, a concept that is gaining Given the plethora of options distributed, and whether the pro- momentum in the US.23 Here, available and the complexity of portional system, currently fa- each tax-paying citizen would the task, most analysts agree that voured by South Africa’s public be allocated a yearly tax-deduct- whichever path is chosen to reg- funding, would simply repeat the ible “democracy cheque”, which ulate private funding, it should inequities and problems of pure could be donated to any political take into consideration the spe- proportional distribution inher- party in a discreet, anonymous cific socio-economic, political ent in the current public funding and accountable manner when and legal environment, for the system. Moreover, this affects the tax returns are filed. For those in legislation to be effective. ability of donors choosing to do- the informal economy, a similar nate to a party of their choice, and mechanism could be implement- The issue of funding to political would compel the donor to effec- ed through the banking system, parties ought to open a debate on tively be providing resources to a where a similar “democracy much more fundamental prin- party to which it may not in fact cheque” could be donated elec- ciples, such as: do corporations want to donate. tronically to political parties in have the right to make financial the national and provincial leg- donations, when section 19 of the Bans and caps on donations and islatures. This has the potential Constitution applies specifically expenditure to raise billions of much-needed to citizens? What impact does money. Most importantly, how- this have on the ANC’s Chancel- In this scenario, bans and caps ever, it democratises party fi- lor House or on the ability of par- on donations would target “high- nance in a way that is far more ties in general to own investment risk donors” to curb corruption. It efficient than the current R330 vehicles? Are political parties’ seems relatively uncontroversial million of public money spent private or public entities operat- that foreign governments should through the Parliamentary and ing under the current South Afri- not be permitted to donate to po- Constituency Allowances Policy. can Constitution? litical parties because of the obvious potential and scale of abuse Nassmacher provides a useful ca- and the exercise of inordinate in- veat in thinking through political 203 V. CONCLUSION poses in South Africa, and South OSF_MPP_May2014 Africa’s obligation to regulate 11 Figure confirmed by former ANC treasurer Matthews Phosa http:// The South African National and private funding of parties in line www.citypress.co.za/business/anc- Provincial elections were de- with conventions with the Af- raises-r1-5bn-in-5-years/ clared free and fair for the fifth rican Union and the United Na- 12 EISA, 2011 time since 1994, and proceeded tions, the time is ripe for regula- 13 PowerFM. “Economic Freedom mostly peacefully. While this is tion, which will mitigate political Fighters admits it’s broke.” PowerFM (2013) http://www. an achievement to acknowledge, inequality, corruption and lack of powerfm.co.za/general-news/ Bruce notes that “the deeper pre- accountability. economic-freedom-fighters- conditions for political partici- admits-its-broke/ 14 pation in elections” remain un- END NOTES Hlongwane, Sipho. “Does it matter 27 where Malema’s EFF gets its resolved. The corrosive effect money?” Business Day July 1 Duncan, Jane. “South Africa: The of money in politics, particularly (2013). http://www.bdlive.co.za/ Dangers of Transactional Elections” the secrecy around private dona- opinion/columnists/2013/07/23/

South African Civil Society does-it-matter-where-malemas-eff- tions to political parties, threat- (2014) < Information Service May gets-its-money ens the very heart of true political http://sacsis.org.za/site/ 15 Magome, Mogomotsi,Shanti article/1989>. participation in our 20-year-old Aboobaker and Candice Bailey. 2 De Vos, Pierre. “South Africa’s democracy. “Agang’s funds dry up”. Sunday elections: How can we level the Independent January (2014). http:// playing ?” April DailyMaverick www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ South African political analyst (2014) < http://www.dailymaverick. agang-s-funds-dry-up-1.1628622#. co.za/opinionista/2014-04-23- Steven Friedman’s incisive ob- U4n_y_caIrw. elections-how-can-we-level-the- servations on the problem of 16 Ibid. playing-field/#.U5bEfPcaIqw> money in politics are telling: 17 Ibid. 3 IDEA. “Funding of Political Parties 18 Demian, Mina and Christelle du and Election Campaigns.” Toit. “Political party funding under The damage this does to January (2013) International IDEA spotlight after 2014 elections.” http://www.idea.int/publications/ democracy is obvious: South African Broadcasting funding_parties/summary.cfm. decisions are shaped not by Corporation May ( 2014) http:// 4 In an interview with City Press www.sabc.co.za/news/a/ the needs of voters but the ANC treasurer Zweli Mkhize said b6a3dc00442fb395a interests of people with his party was going to spend a little c02af5458681f02/ over the DA’s R100-million budget money. Those who donate do Political-party-funding-under- on its election campaign http:// not have to demand some spotlight-after-2014- www.destinyconnect. thing in return – even if elections-20143005 com/2014/03/17/the-cost-of-an- 19 Basson, Adriaan. “How Kebble the money gets the donor into election/ bought ANC favour.” News24 April the inner circle of public 5 Speckman, Asha. “Election windfall (2012) http://www.news24.com/ for ad industry” decision-makers, it may buy Independent Online SouthAfrica/News/How- May(2014) http://www.iol. influence at democracy’s Kebble-bought-ANC- co.za/business/news/election- favour-20120429. expense. It would take great windfall-for-ad- 20 Pienaar, Gary. “The Business Case naivety to imagine that industry-1.1684990#. for Party-funding Reform.” spending time with politicians U4o9MPcaIqw. Money in Politics Project, 6 Dubbelman, Brad. “The effect of does not offer opportunities to Open Society Foundation April political campaign advertising.” pass [off] self-interest … as (2014) http://osf.org.za/wp/wp- May(2014) http:// HKLM content/uploads/2014/05/OSF- public interest. www.hklm.co.za/blog-article. MPP-Business-Case-PB-final-web. htm?blogID=79&show=1 pdf 7 EISA. “South Africa: Political 21 Ibid. party funding.” While the threat to Electoral Institute 22 Ibid.

for Sustainable Democracy in Africa 23 Ackerman, Bruce and Ian Ayers. democracy is clear, we have March (2011). “Down With Plutocrats and Fat Cat no laws that require political < http://www.content.eisa.org.za/ Donors.” Slate June (2007) http:// old-page/south-africa-political- parties to say where they get www.slate.com/articles/news_and_ party-funding> their money, let alone to politics/politics/2007/06/down_ 8 Ibid. regulate the size of donations with_plutocrats_and_fat_cat_ 9 Ibid. donors.html. (since the more donors give, 10 Pienaar, Gary. “The State of Party 24 Nassmacher, Karl-Heinz. the more influence they Funding in South Africa” “Monitoring, Control and 28 have. Money in Politics Project Policy Enforcement of Political Finance April (2014)https://www. Brief Regulation.” in Tjernström, academia.edu/7289551/The_State_ Reginald Austin. “ Funding of Given the deeply problematic im- of_Party_Funding_in_SA_PB_ pact the unregulated environment Political Parties and Election 204 Campaigns.” International IDEA new party-funding model.” Human model. (2003).< http://www.idea.int/ Sciences Research Council March 26 IDEA, 2013. publications/funding_parties/upload/ (2013) http://www.hsrc.ac.za/en/ 27 Duncan, 2014. chapter_8.pdf p.139 review/hsrc-review-march-2013/ 28 Pienaar, 2014. 25 February, Judith. “In search of a in-search-of-a-newparty-funding-

GAUTENG

Waseem Holland, Independent Researcher, and Ebrahim Fakir, Manager: Political Parties and Par- liamentary Programme at EISA and 2014 Ruth First Fellow at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg

Provincial Results Analysis

2009 Results in Gauteng

ANC DA COPE VF National 64.761% 21.268% 7.776% 1.376% Provincial 64.036% 21.857% 7.778% 1.628%

Source: IEC website http://www.elections.org.za/content/Elections/National-and-provincial-elections-results/

2014 Results in Gauteng

National Ballot Provincial Ballot ANC DA EFF ANC DA EFF Gauteng 54.92% 28.52% 10.26% 53.59% 30.78% 10.3% Johannesburg 53.63% 29.762% 10.149% 52.28% 32.367% 10.13% Tshwane 50.963% 31.324% 11.414% 49.306% 33.751% 11.509% Ekhuruleni 56.409% 26.883% 10.653% 55.074% 29.046% 10.615%

Source: IEC website http://www.elections.org.za/content/Elections/National-and-provincial-elections-results/

The above data shows that in this estingly in 2014, however, there Gauteng residents are vote-split- 2014 national election the ANC seems to be a noteworthy dif- ting, it does show that they have lost close to 10% of the vote- ference between the percentage become more open to the practice share in Gauteng. The DA gained share of support for the two ma- of voting for a certain party na- about 9%, which is a significant jor parties between the provincial tionally and voting for a different increase, while Cope experienced and national ballot. Across the party provincially. The numbers a substantial loss in voter sup- major urban centres of Gauteng, show that the DA received a sub- port. The EFF, with about 10% of the ANC received around 1% less stantially higher number of votes the vote-share, was able to garner of the vote-share from the nation- in the province compared to na- a higher percentage of the vote- al to provincial ballot and the DA tionally. These numbers may share in Gauteng Province than accumulated a higher percentage serve to justify the reportedly Cope did in 2009. (+3%) of votes in the province large budget allocated to Mmusi compared to nationally, demon- Maimane’s campaign to be the The above data shows that in strating a small amount of likely premier of the province,1 or that 2009 in the province of Gauteng, vote splitting or a different pref- perhaps voters are beginning to the provincial vote-share and the erence for province as against na- separate national and provincial national vote-share of the major tional. While the numbers are not issues when casting their ballot. parties are almost identical. Inter- sufficient to make the claim that The DA’s better showing pro- 205 vincially may illustrate the elec- dition, internal fractures within problems of speedy socio-eco- torate’s anger at perceived ANC the Gauteng ANC as well as the nomic and workplace transforma- policy in the province, such as difference in posture between the tion may have been the impetus the controversial e-toll, or the ref- Gauteng ANC and the Jacob Zu- for the EFF’s markedly different erence to urbanised and upwardly ma-led ANC nationally may ac- showing in Gauteng, in which it mobile black citizens as “clever count in part for both the lower shared 10.30% of the provincial blacks”, when complaining about voter turnout as well as the shift vote as opposed to its national corruption and nepotism. In ad- in party support patterns. The share of 6.35%.

Gauteng Results with Population Statistics

2014 2009 Party Votes Cast Party Party Votes Party Votes Votes Cast Party Party Votes % Vote Share % Share % as a % Vote Share % as share as a pro- proportion of Share a proportion portion of whole Pro- of registered registered vincial Voting Voters Voters Age Popula- tion ANC 2’348’564 53.6% 38.7 29.9 2’662’013 64.0 47.9 DA 1’349’001 30.8% 22.2 17.2 908’616 21.9 16.4 EFF 451’318 10.3% 7.4 5.7 - - - IFP 34’240 0.8% 0.6 0.4 61’856 1.5 1.1 NFP 20’733 0.5% 0.3 0.3 - - - UDM 19’486 0.4% 0.3 0.2 16’480 0.4 0.3 VF 52’436 1.2% 0.9 0.7 67’660 1.6 1.2 PLUS

VAP= Voting Age Population (estimate based on Census 2011)

The table above indicates that the gible to vote. can townships, however, remain ANC received 53.6% of the total racially homogeneous and com- number of votes cast in the prov- The election results in a major prise exclusively black African ince, but, interestingly, the ANC black township may empirically voters. Tracking the results from received only 38% of the vote- illuminate the support patterns of areas such as these may give an share of the entire Gauteng pop- the province generally. The for- indication on a sample of the Af- ulation that is registered to vote. mer “white” suburban areas have rican population in Johannesburg The ANC’s vote-share percent- become racially mixed over the which constitutes a significant age drops even lower (29.9%) past 20 years, so taking results portion of the electorate of the when its percentage of vote-share from these areas does not enable city and would be important data is calculated against the entire one to get a grasp of how a partic- in parties’ preparations for the population of Gauteng that is eli- ular race is voting. Former Afri- 2016 local government elections.

Average Party support patterns in Alexandra Township

National Province National Province 2009 2009 2014 2014 ANC 83.73 82.07% 66.77 67.2% DA 1.77 2.03% 6.95 7.6% COPE 8.64 8.6% - 0.52% EFF - - 18.44 18%

Source: IEC website

206 The results from Alexandra across many parts of South Afri- most high-profile flashpoint in Township show that the ANC ca. The data obtained from studies Gauteng during the 2014 elec- maintained its dominant electoral conducted by Municipal IQ indi- tion. support-base in the township in cates that, on average, Gauteng is the 2009 elections, with an aver- the province with the highest vol- From mid-2013, Bekkersdal saw age support of 82.07% across 32 ume of protests in South Africa. numerous violent protests, and voting districts. The opposition The data obtained from studies following offensive comments percentage support amounted to conducted by Municipal IQ in- made by the then premier of approximately 17%, with COPE dicates that, on average, Gauteng Gauteng, Nomvula Mokonyane, taking the larger portion of that is the province with the highest during an address to a crowd fol- percentage at 8.6%. The average volume of protests in South Af- lowing a spate of quite violent and percentage support for the ANC rica.2 Because there is yet to be disruptive protests, the relation- across 32 voting districts inside a definitive study conducted on ship between the community and Alexandra in the 2014 provincial the number of protests that took the governing party soured. The election indicates that the ANC place in the period immediately precarious relationship reached a remains dominant, but its aver- preceding the elections of 2014, tipping-point on 13 March 2014, age support percentage dropped it is difficult to say conclusively when ANC members doing door- to 67.2%, which resulted in the that there was an upsurge in the to-door campaigning were driven opposition support share increas- frequency and severity of protests out from the area, with residents ing to approximately 22%. The in Gauteng immediately prior to pelting them with stones.3 The bulk of that support now lies with the 2014 Election Day, relative area was thus declared a no-go the Economic Freedom Fight- to other times over the last five area for the ANC. ers, with 18% across the voting years. However, it can be assert- stations in Alexandra. The DA ed that there appears to have been The area received a significant gained 5% percentage points an increase in the number of pro- amount of media coverage, and from 2009 and had a 7.6% share tests that occurred in the period election-related disruptions in- of the overall vote in Alexandra immediately preceding the elec- cluded the torching of an Inde- in 2014. tion, judging from the amount of pendent Electoral Commission media coverage that the protests (IEC) tent during the last regis- These patterns demonstrate that were able to generate. tration-drive weekend, which re- while the ANC’s support has de- sulted in Bekkersdal being iden- creased significantly, the drop To provide a comprehensive tified by the IEC as one of four has been insufficient to consti- evaluation of the impact of pro- hotspots for election violence tute a major crisis for the party, tests on the province of Gauteng, across the country. On the morn- while the DA has increased its one must observe the way that ing of Election Day, with heavy vote-share by 6%, demonstrating protests were able to colour the police and military presence in the slow but steady inroads it is political climate in the lead-up the area, some residents staged a making into the black African to the elections as well as assess protest, with the burning of tyres electorate. whether the protests had any tan- and blockading of roads that led gible and identifiable effect on the to some polling stations.4 Impact of Protests election, most directly evidenced from the levels of voter turnout An examination of the election As the earlier editions of the and party support patterns. results in the area, however, pro- Election Update documented, a vides a slightly better empirical plethora of community protests, We use Bekkersdal as a case understanding of the impact of sometimes referred to as “service study through which to ascer- the protests. delivery” protests, have some- tain the likely impact of protests times spontaneously erupted in Gauteng, because it was the

207 ANC percentage support in Bekkersdal

Voting sta- 2009 Result % on 2009 Result % on 2014 Result % on 2014 Result % on tion Provincial Ballot National Ballot Provincial Ballot National Ballot 33270162 88.54 88.6 81.8 81.8 33270151 89.95 89.85 78.8 78.8 33270173 91.2 89.76 80 80.15 33270274 87.4 87.4 79.17 79.17 33270094 76.8 76.7 60 60.74 33270072 78.2 78.07 66.5 66.5 33270083 70.9 72.12 59 59.57 33270342 - - 77.2 76.08 33270140 90.33 91.12 75.3 76.93 33270061 83.76 84.03 68.15 68.22 33270207 80.16 79.37 77.73 78.23 33270139 85.6 85.76 77.73 78.8 Average 83.9 83.88 73.4 73.74

Source: IEC website http://www.elections.org.za/content/Elections/National-and-provincial-elections-results/

DA percentage support in VDs in Bekkersdal Provincial Ballot

Voting 2009 Result % on Pro- 2009 Result % on 2014 Result % on 2014 Result % on Station vincial Ballot National Ballot Provincial Ballot National Ballot 33270162 0.5 0.34 3.6 3.55 33270151 0.3 0.17 9.6 9.58 33270173 0.2 0 6.8 6.84 33270274 0.7 0.5 7.4 7.4 33270094 0.9 0.93 5.5 5.48 33270072 0.8 0.72 5.1 5.08 33270083 1.3 0.96 5.6 0 33270342 - - 8.9 8.01 33270140 0.4 0.31 5.9 5 33270061 0.8 0.98 8.3 8.03 33270207 0 0.7 2.3 1.48 33270139 0.6 0.65 5.3 4.27 Average 0.6 0.57 6.2 5.39

Source: IEC website http://www.elections.org.za/content/Elections/National-and-provincial-elections-results/

The average turnout for voting percentage turnout of registered not drop by much in this year’s districts in Bekkersdal in 2009 voters in the area from 2009 to election. The protests therefore was 59.9%. The average turnout 2014. The common assumption did not have a significant impact for voting districts in Bekkersdal would be that in areas that have on the turnout of voters in the in 2014 was 58.7%. seen constant protests, the turn- 2014 elections, but is out of sync \ out may drop from election to with both provincial and national The above data from voting election. The data in Bekkersdal voter turnout levels. districts located in Bekkersdal shows that the turnout percentage illustrates that in an area with in the previous election was close The results in Bekkersdal are not constant and violent protests, to 20% lower than the national particularly remarkable when there was not much change in the average, and that percentage did examined against the backdrop 208 of the province in general. In of the vote by 5%, which is sig- community-protests/Final%20 Gauteng generally, the ANC nificant but not sufficiently sub- Report%20-%20Community%20 Protests%20in%20South%20Africa. lost around 10%, while the DA stantial to indicate a change in pdf gained about 9%. Therefore, the voter support patterns. 3 South African Press Association. results patterns from 2009 and “Bekkersdal: ANC takes action 2014 in Bekkersdal do not devi- END NOTES against gun-wielding member”, ate markedly from the province CityPress Online,(17 March 2014) http://www.citypress.co.za/politics/ 1 Williamson Simon. “Why is broadly, and seem by and large bekkersdal-anc-takes-action-gun- Gauteng so important?”, People’s to mirror the results in Gauteng wielding-member/ Assembly Blog. http://www.pa.org. 4 South African Press Association. generally. It would appear that za/blog/why-gauteng-so-important “Rioting erupts in Bekkersdal the DA’s engagement with issues 2 Hirsch J “Community Protests in ahead of vote”. Times Live (7 May South Africa: Trends, Analysis in Bekkersdal and other protest 2014) http://www.timeslive.co.za/ and Explanations”. Local hotspots was unable to induce a politics/2014/05/07/ Government Working Paper rioting-erupts-in-bekkersdal-ahead- significant increase of support at Series No 1. (August 2010) of-vote the polls, even though, based on http://www.mlgi.org.za/publications/ a similar turnout percentage to publications-by-theme/local- 2009, the DA increased its share government-in-south-africa/

NORTH WEST

Dr Ina Gouws – North West Universi- Bojanala Region: Ledig (Moses Ko- Ngaka Modiri Molema Region: Khu- ty (Vaal Triangle Campus) tane), Rustenburg Mines and Madibeng notswane, Ditsobotla (Itsoseng and Matile I) and Mmasutlhe (Mafikeng) The impact of protests on the electoral During protests over water and sani- period tation in the township of Mothutlung Protests in Khunotswane village near (Madibeng) earlier in 2014, four protest- Zeerust turned violent and disrupted The North West Province experienced ers were killed at the hand of police of- schooling in the district the day before several service delivery protests and an ficers. Because of this, residents of Mo- elections May 7. By then the protest ongoing labour protest in the run-up to thutlung vowed to boycott the elections. have been going on for three weeks. A the elections. Opposition parties in the The consequences for the ANC were traditional council office and a council- province banked on doing well in the contemptuous criticism and allegations lor’s house were burnt down. Residents elections on the back of these protests, of corruption and cronyism. Eventual- vowed to boycott elections unless pro- which were largely seen as evidence of ly the mayor and two council officials vincial government intervened, and once discontent with ANC-led municipal ser- stepped down before the elections.2 The again residents called for the resignation vice delivery. The North West, as with ANC and EFF went head to head in this of municipal officials. There were no re- Mpumalanga, Free State and Limpopo, area and both parties accused each other ports of violence on Election Day. is seen as an ANC stronghold, even if of electioneering close to voting stations there is a definite steady decline in sup- in the area. On Election Day, however, Dr Ruth Segomotsi Mompati Region: port. There was no doubt that the ANC the area remained peaceful. Taung (Seoding) and Lekwa-Teemane would win in the North West; the ques- (Bloemhof) tion was whether it would lose signifi- The ongoing labour strikes in the plat- cant support in the wake of violent pro- inum belt put pressure on the IEC, and Bloemhof (Boitumelong) caused serious tests. The last section of this update takes the Rustenburg mines area was there- concerns during the period leading up to a look at whether this was the case. fore also declared a hotspot. Marikana the elections. Service delivery protests in particular became a no-go area for earlier in 2014 turned violent and disrup- The one big impact of protests is the fact ANC campaigners, and the EFF used the tive. The demand was once again for the that the IEC ended up identifying several opportunity to move in and declare its removal of municipal officials because hotspots in North West where additional support for disillusioned mine workers. of tender fraud and corruption, which the security was deployed around Election On Election Day most voting stations ANC refused to do. Some officials had Day.1 Head of IEC North West, Tumel- opened late, and allegations were made to be evacuated in the midst of violent ontle Thiba, said all the places that were that the IEC and ANC tried to sabotage protests. Residents seemed to have ad- earmarked as hotspots were actually rel- what they feared would become an EFF hered to their threat to boycott the elec- atively calm, except for Khunotswane in stronghold. The Marikana massacre and tions. A large police presence on Election the Zeerust area and a bit of confusion on the strikes that followed dashed ANC Day was supposed to reassure voters and day one and two of the special votes in hopes of getting above 70% of the vote in motivate them to vote. Business Day re- Goseleka in the Khukwana area. the province. The EFF entering the field ported that the police presence seemed also dashed hopes for the DA of capital- to have had the opposite effect. Trauma- Each identified “hotspot” is dealt with ising on votes in the mining region. tised residents feared the presence of po- separately. lice would provoke more violence, and therefore the voter turnout in this district 209 was very low: 20% of 12,000 registered investigation.4 Opposition parties spoke Dr Kenneth Kaunda Region: Tlokwe voters ended up voting.3 out against this suspension, stating that (Ikageng) and Matlosana (Jouberton) this can only be done by a council resolu- Inaction of the municipal officials has tion. They alleged that the ANC needed Tlokwe has reflected the divisions in the most likely led to the recent water cri- a scapegoat for the death of three babies ANC in the North West ever since the sis in Bloemhof. Three babies died from and therefore the provincial government election of a DA mayor in 2013. The mu- taking in sewage-contaminated water. acted arbitrarily in suspending the municipality also entered the election with In reaction, the newly elected premier, nicipal manager.5 a cloud of suspicion over the IEC due to Supra Mahumapelo, announced the sus- alleged misconduct during by-elections. pension of the municipal manager of No incidents were reported on Election the Lekwa-Teemane arera, pending an Day.

Election results patterns and implications

The results for the National and Provincial elections in North West Province are:

National Election Results - NWP

Total registered voters Total valid votes Spoiled ballots Voter turnout National

1 669 349 1 126 691 21 095 68.76% Provincial Election Results – NWP

Total registered voters Total valid votes Spoiled ballots Voter turnout Provin- cial 1 669 349 1 107 079 18 629 66.32%

Party Name Abbr. No. of % Votes Seats in Provincial Votes legislature

AFRICAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC ACDP 5 728 0.53% 0 PARTY AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ANC 733 490 67.39% 23 AFRICAN PEOPLE’S CONVENTION APC 4 398 0.40% 0 AGANG SOUTH AFRICA AGANG 4 736 0.44% 0 SA AZANIAN PEOPLE’S ORGANISATION AZAPO 1 796 0.17% 0 CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE COPE 8 692 0.80% 0 DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE DA 138 521 12.73% 4 ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS EFF 143 765 13.21% 5 INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY IFP 1 496 0.14% 0 NATIONAL FREEDOM PARTY NFP 1 582 0.15% 0 PAN AFRICANIST CONGRESS OF AZA- PAC 1 473 0.14% 0 NIA SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICAL PARTY SAPP 662 0.06% 0 UNITED CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC UCDP 12 811 1.18% 0 PARTY UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT UDM 9 615 0.88% 0 VRYHEIDSFRONT PLUS VF Plus 18 746 1.72% 1 WORKERS AND SOCIALIST PARTY WASP 939 0.09% 0

210 It is no surprise that the ANC affairs but ended up in a heavily The only other party with a seat won the provincial elections in contested battle with the EFF to in the provincial legislature is the North West. The discontent that become the official opposition in VF+, with 1.72% of the votes in the service delivery protests re- the province, a position held by the province. The UCDP lost its flect as well as the memory of COPE since 2009. COPE failed two seats in the legislature and Marikana and subsequent labour to get enough votes in North West only got 1.18% of the vote. protests did however cost the to get even one seat in the legis- ANC votes. The party got 5.50% lature. The DA did gain 4.34% The areas where protests took less votes than in 2009 (down to to bring it up to 12.59%, but the place the ANC lost significantly. 67.39% from 72.89%). The DA EFF edged past with 13.20% to However, it seemed to have ab- hoped to cash in on this state of become the official opposition. sorbed some votes lost by COPE.

ANC 2009 2014 Teemane (Bloemhof) 75.13 67.43 Rustenburg (mines) 72.32 56.57 Madibeng 76.45 64.59

The DA gained over 7% in Tee- going Nono Maloyi, Raymond END NOTES mane (Bloemhof), and over 4% Elisha, Paul Sebegoe and Mot- in Madibeng. The EFF got 13% lalepule Rosho. 1 Williamson Simon. “Why is of the vote in Madibeng, a whop- Gauteng so important?”, People’s Assembly Blog. http://www.pa.org. ping 21% in Rustenburg and 8% Of the six retained, only two continued in their previous portfolios za/blog/why-gauteng-so-important in Teemane. It is clear that al- 2 Hirsch J “Community Protests in though the vast majority of ANC and these are Dr Magome Masike South Africa: Trends, Analysis supporters stayed loyal in these at health and Wendy Matsemela and Explanations”. Local volatile areas, the EFF made sig- at education and sports develop- Government Working Paper nificant inroads into ANC sup- ment. The reconfigured Rural, Series No 1. (August 2010) http://www.mlgi.org.za/publications/ port, especially in Rustenburg. Environmental and Agricultural Development (Read) has been publications-by-theme/local- government-in-south-africa/ Winning in the North West did taken by former local govern- community-protests/Final%20 not mean that it was going to be ment MEC, Manketsi Tlhape. Report%20-%20Community%20 business as usual for the ANC. Former Member of Parliament Protests%20in%20South%20Africa. Not for the near future anyway. Wendy Nelson is the new MEC pdf 3 In previous updates mention was for Treasury and Enterprise De- South African Press Association. “Bekkersdal: ANC takes action made several times of the pro- velopment while a stand-alone against gun-wielding member”, and anti-Zuma factions within Tourism department is headed CityPress Online,(17 March 2014) the ANC in the province. Supra by Desbo Mohono. The social http://www.citypress.co.za/politics/ Mahumapelo was appointed the development portfolio was giv- bekkersdal-anc-takes-action- new premier, replacing Thandi en to Reginah Mochware, public gun-wielding-member/ 4 Modise. His faction has been put- works and roads went to SACP South African Press Association. “Rioting erupts in Bekkersdal ting a lot of pressure on Modise leader in the province Madoda ahead of vote”. Times Live (7 May to resign after the Mangaung con- Sambatha. Local government is 2014) http://www.timeslive.co.za/ ference. He was finally appointed now combined with human set- politics/2014/05/07/rioting-erupts- as premier and quickly filled the tlements and the new MEC is in-bekkersdal-ahead-of-vote cabinet with MECs close to him Collen Maine while community and also in the so-called Zuma safety and transport management camp. This kind of preferential is under Saliva Molapisi. treatment towards certain individuals can only serve to deepen As with all new appointees, Ma- the rifts in the province. humapelo has promised to do better and interestingly enough The New Age explains Mahuma- said that a “saamwerk-saamtrek” pelo’s restructured provincial de- (Afrikaans for work together – partments as follows: pull together) philosophy would guide his term in office. Four new MECs were appointed, filling in vacancies left by out- 211 NORTHERN CAPE

Obakeng Bonokwane – In- ernment is adept at issues Cape electoral politics, we dependent Researcher management, and through the need to reflect on the 2009 EPWP programme dealt with general elections to compare Impact of Protests on the an issue that it knew was go- and contrast those with 2014 Electoral Period ing to cause problems. The electoral outcomes. In so do- programme both addressed the ing an understanding about The electoral period in the longstanding issue of unem- the outcome of 7 May will be Northern Cape went off with- ployment by providing EPWP properly formed. The African out reports of serious protest jobs and keeping the youth National Congress’s support marches. The province is ad- busy and engaged in this, and nationally has quantitative- ministratively divided into five by doing so, minimised their ly declined. However, in the districts and in turn these are proclivity to protest. Northern Cape, the ANC’s split into 25 local municipali- electoral support increased as ties. The latter factor makes it Gender and Youth Partici- compared to the 2009 general easier for the provincial gov- pation in the Elections elections. In the province the ernment to deal with any issue ANC was able to reclaim its which might cause people to The Northern Cape population electoral strength by increas- go onto the streets and pro- is estimated at 1.1 million, ing the seats it gained in 2009, test. For instance, just before and, of that number, 55 percent and currently the ANC is com- the May 7 general elections, are women, 45 percent men fortably placed, with 20 out of there was a dirty water crisis and 31 percent young people. the 30 seats of the provincial in the Phokwane Municipal According to the Independent legislature. area, similar to that of Bloem- Electoral Commission (IEC), hof in the North West. In the 601 080 people registered to The Democratic Alliance is North West, people were on vote, and 443 714 turned out currently the official opposi- the streets protesting and bar- to vote on 7 May. Women and tion in the province; howev- ricading the N12. Action by young people were the major- er, unlike in Gauteng, the DA residents of Bloemhof forced ity in the provincial voters’ in the province was unable the council to suspend the mu- roll, and if the IEC’s statistics to cause a dent in the ANC’s nicipal manager of the Lekwa are anything to go by, then it electoral support. However, Temang Municipality. Howev- would be safe to say that wom- it benefited from two things: er, the Phokwane water crisis en and youth participation was their merger with the Indepen- was dealt with quietly, without at a high level in the province. dent Democrats (ID), and the protests. Furthermore, the 2014 elec- collapse of the Congress of the tions were characterised by People (COPE) in the prov- On the whole, there was lit- the participation of a group of ince. tle impact caused by protests young people who were born during the electoral period. in 1994. This group is known With respect to COPE, it is In the Northern Cape, the in the country as the “born worth noting that this organ- provincial government had frees”, because they were born isation was formed in 2008, a massive Expanded Public within the period of the first and it managed to garner suffi- Works Programme (EPWP) democratic elections in 1994. cient electoral support in 2009 that absorbed a large number to gain the status of official of young people across the Analysis of the Election Re- opposition in the provincial province. That strategy meant sults and Implications in the legislature. In a dramatic turn that the province experienced Northern Cape of events COPE fell from five a quiet and peaceful electoral seats to one, and it remains period. The provincial gov- When analysing the Northern to be seen if it will make any 212 significant impact in the 2016 interesting test for both the To sustain its hegemony, the local elections. COPE and the EFF. The ANC ANC may use the same strate- as a party is also not without gy to get back members it may In contrast, the Econom- its problems when it comes to have lost to the EFF. In reality, ic Freedom Fighters (EFF), local government elections: the ANC in the province was which like COPE is in the main in 2011 the compilation of its aiming for 70 percent of the a splinter organisation from lists proved so problematic electoral support, but this was the ANC, managed to gain two that the ANC had to appoint disturbed by the emergence of seats in the legislature in its a committee to investigate the EFF. first electoral contest, whereas the compilation of its ward COPE managed five in its first and list candidates. This time electoral contest. round should there is likely to be much unhappiness among In terms of campaigning, there ANC members, and if list pro- was a large difference between cesses are not satisfactorily the ANC’s campaign and that inclusive, then people who are of the opposition. The ANC disgruntled might cross from had operation centres in each the ANC to join and campaign and every community in the for the EFF, which has posi- province, and that strength- tioned itself as the party of or- ened its electoral support dinary people and the poor. through very direct connections with communities. Op- The ANC was instrumental position parties, on the other in dealing with COPE in the hand, campaigned in a much Northern Cape Province by less direct way, and with an ensuring that it targeted in- adversarial tone. fluential individuals within The 2016 local government COPE to return to the ANC elections will prove to be an before the 2014 elections.

LIMPOPO

Ralph Mathekga – Director, mon understanding among decline in the voter turnout as Clearcontent Research and communities that take part in shown in the 2014 elections. Consulting protests that the more disrup- The picture might become tive protests are to society, the clearer with the forthcoming Introduction: what shaped more likely their concerns will local government elections in voter participation in 2014 be attended to. 2016. At this point, however, protests have become the sin- The protests in South Africa Although there is no scientific gle most noticeable factor in in the period leading up to the measure accounting for the ex- the elections whose impact re- 2014 elections have had an tent to which protests have im- quires extensive enquiry. The impact on the environment of pacted on the 2014 elections, fact that the majority of youth free and fair elections. Protests it is observable in the case of in South Africa tend to partic- in South Africa are generally Limpopo Province that the ipate in the protests is an indi- violent and confrontational, as growing number of confron- cation the protests might have opposed to being passive and tations emanating from pub- the most significant impact on peaceful. It has become a com- lic protests coincides with the the youth turnout in elections

213 in South Africa. evident from the 2011 local The youth seem to be gradual- government elections, which ly withdrawing from the pro- Before the 2014 elections, ex- showed a decline from 42% cess of voting as a platform for pectations were that the youth of youth registration to 40%.2 raising concern. Elections are in South Africa would turn out This continues to be evident in formal mechanism of partici- en masse to lodge their “pro- the 2014 elections. As Limpo- pation and they are treated as test vote”.1 The 2014 elections, po recorded the lowest turnout such by the youth. This means, however, have not demon- in the 2014 elections, this can therefore, that if the youth are strated any significant shift in perhaps be largely attributed beginning to lose trust in for- terms of youth participation. to the increasingly disgruntled mal means of engaging with youth. There is no evidence government, elections would The low turnout by the youth yet that the youth in Limpopo also most likely be seen as in the 2014 elections shows have contributed significantly another formal platform that that the youth see protesting to the lower turnout, however, might not work as a means of as the only viable platform and the question that emerges voicing concerns. It is not a through which to engage with regarding the youth is whether question of whether or not this the system. They are steadily they should be seen as a dis- sentiment is correct; it is rather losing trust with elections as a tinct voting camp. a matter of how the youth in platform to lodge a protest and South Africa perceive formal voice their concerns regarding What makes it difficult to platforms of democracy. On the confidence in leadership. characterise the youth in South the other hand, the youth seem Limpopo Province does not Africa as a distinct voting to be developing more trust demonstrate a significant de- camp capable of undertaking and participation in informal viation in terms of voter par- collective political or social means of engaging with the ticipation of the youth in elec- action is the lack of evidence state in the form of protests. tions. There are, however, two demonstrating this to be the Thus, while the 2014 elections factors that have the potential case. There is also a lack of do not show the youth as a dis- to shape voter participation identifiable voting patterns tinct participating group in the and that require further ex- attributable to the youth as process of voting, the elections planation in the context of the a collective. It is important, demonstrate a gradual shift to 2014 elections: however, to assess the youth’s the situation where the youth collective action not only in begin to engage in collective • Has the youth expressed terms of their ability to vote action not to participate in itself as a distinct group in a distinct manner, but also elections qua formal methods during the 2014 elections, by their ability to collectively of participation. and, if so, how? withdraw their participation • Do South Africans vote in from formal participatory pro- Identifying the gender vote a way that allows for a cesses such as voting. This is disaggregation of votes – an important part of collective According to the IEC, 59% by gender, for example? action, particularly when giv- of registered voters in Lim- en that it seems to coincide popo are female. However, The youth as a distinct vot- with rising youth participation there seems to be no way of ing camp in protests. It is therefore im- disaggregating votes in order portant to classify categories to arrive at voting patterns by The electoral commission of- of activities that elicit distinct gender. Across different polit- fice in Limpopo Province not- participation from the youth ical parties that were contested that it is concerned about on one hand, and other activ- ing the 2014 elections, there the declining number of youth ities that seem to be met with was no party that could have who registered to vote in the collective withdrawal by the said to have targeted the ‘gen- elections. The trend of de- youth. der vote’. It is not clear as to clining youth participation is whether further formations of 214 political identities in South Af- along youth or gender lines. also clear that gender has not rica are at the stage where the There is however a growing been a significant factor in the gender vote exists. It is a con- collective effort by the youth 2014 elections. cern, however, that with such a to stay away from elections. large number of female voters, This trend would not be a con- END NOTES there is no identifiable distinct cern if it did not coincide with 1 Erik de Ridder, South Africa’s collective action along gender the growing participation of promise delivery gap, 7 May 2014, lines. the youth in what has come http://www.oneyoungworld.com/ to be termed service delivery blog/south-africas-promise- delivery-gap Conclusion protests. It is important there- 2 Lucky Masakona, Limpopo youth fore to explore the extent to refuse to vote, Rise ‘n Shine, Friday The 2014 elections do not which youth have confidence 31 May, 2013. demonstrate an identifiable in formal participatory mech- positive collective action anisms such as elections. It is

EASTERN CAPE

Lashiola Kutya – Afesis-cor- number of seats won per party position parties are performing plan in the provincial legislature for well or need to re-structure their the 1994, 1999, 2004, 2009 and game plan if they are to be taken Table 1 below shows the results 2014 elections. The results will seriously. of the elections, focusing on the help us to understand if the op-

Table 1: Number of seats won per Party in Provincial Legislature (1994 – 2014 National and Provincial Elections)

Party name 1994 1999 2004 2009 20141

Africa National Congress (ANC) 48 47 51 44 45

Democratic Alliance (DA) - - 5 6 10 United Democratic Movement (UDM) - 9 6 3 4 Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) - - - - 2

Congress of the People (COPE) - - - 9 1

African Independent Congress (AIC) - - - 1 1 National Party (NP) 6 - - - - Democratic Party 1 4 - - - Pan African

Congress of Azania (PAC) 1 1 1 -

Source: Compilation from IEC figures.

215 The electoral strength of the gov- the steady progress of the DA is that election, the Congress of the erning party, the Africa National also worth mentioning. Although People (COPE), which had just Congress (ANC), has not been in there is a huge gap between the entered the political scene, won doubt since the inception of the ANC and the DA in terms of the 13% of the vote to become the of- new democratic dispensation. number of seats, the latter solid- ficial opposition in the province, Both the 1994 and 1999 elections ified its position as the main op- ousting Bantu Holomisa’s United saw the party (ANC) gaining position party. The DA has had a Democratic Movement (UDM), electoral votes sufficient to occu- significant increase in the num- which got 4%. The DA had about py three-quarters of the seats in ber of seats, from five seats in 10% of the provincial vote.3 the provincial legislature. 2004, to six seats in 2006 and 10 seats in 2014. An interesting shift to be noted In the run-up to the 2004 elec- in the 2014 elections is the emer- tions, the opposition parties dwelt As can be seen from the outcome gence of a newly formed party, on the failures of the governing of the past elections, the electoral the Economic Freedom Fighters party, while the governing party dominance of the ANC was first (EFF), which managed to secure focused on its achievements. Pre- manifested in the 1994 polls, and two seats in the provincial legis- dictably, despite the criticism lev- this has seen a steady increase lature. elled against the ANC, the party since then. In contrast to the maintained its electoral domi- ANC’s consolidating hold on the ANC voter percentage share re- nance.2 electorate, the opposition share mains high (70%) regardless of of the vote has declined since the the numerous scandals faced by Table 1 above clearly illustrates inception of the “new democra- the party. the electoral performance of the cy” in 1994. ANC from the 1994 elections to END NOTES the recent 2014 elections. A gen- Though the ANC has been faced eral overview of the elections by factional battles in recent 1 http://www.elections.org.za/ shows that the ANC has managed times, the party still has a strong resultsNPE2014/ Accessed on 13 May 2014 to increase its electoral percent- support base, especially in rural 2 http://wiredspace.wits.ac.za/ age with each election, scooping areas. In the 2009 national elec- bitstream/handle/10539/2179/ a significant 79.2% in 2004 and tion the ANC won nearly 70% of NnadikaCA_Chapter%203.pdf? a decrease to 70% in 2014, but the votes in the Eastern Cape. In sequence=6 Accessed 29 May 2014

FREE STATE

Dr Sethulego Matebesi – Chairperson, relatively peaceful environment in which gence service, showed that 88 percent Department of Sociology, University the elections was held bodes well for the of the violent protests took place in the of the Free State advancement of pluralist democracy in FS and Western Cape.3 Overall, howev- general and the conduct of an acceptable er, the elections in the FS were peaceful, Introduction election in particular. with no reports of major protests.

Many provincial legislatures, like that in Appraisal of impact of protests on the Analysis of election results patterns the Free State (FS), have already sworn electoral period and implications in all party representatives, who now have the responsibility of playing a sig- The political history of South Africa, as Table 1 depicts the election results and nificant role in advancing the aspirations illustrated by a plethora of evidence, is seat allocation in the FS provincial leg- of their constituencies. This contribution characterised by violent rioting and pro- islature. The ANC recorded a landslide mainly focuses on two issues: (i) the im- testing.1 The impact of violent conflict victory, with 69.85% of the share of pro- pact of protests on the electoral period; and fragility on a country’s society, econ- vincial votes. This represents a 1.25% de- and (ii) an analysis of election results omy and political governance is devas- cline of votes for the ANC, however. The patterns and implications per province. tating and all-encompassing. In South DA has become the official opposition, Generally, the FS did not experience Africa, the effects of community protests with five seats, which is one seat more any protests that had an impact on the have been tangible and visible, with al- than the four seats COPE gained in 2009. elections, except for a few incidences of most daily reports of violent confronta- The remaining three seats were won by intimidation and incitement from party tions with police, extensive damage to the newly formed EFF (one seats) and political agents. The results of the elec- property, looting of businesses, and at VF Plus (one seat). An analysis of the tions yet again confirm the dominance times, the injuring or even killing of ci- long-term patterns of the past five proof the African National Congress (ANC) vilians.2 In 2012, data of the Municipal vincial elections shows that the ANC has in the province. It is concluded that the IQ, a local government data and intelli- managed to maintain its electoral support 216 base since 1994. The party, however, lost 22 seats). The results further reveal that ince will have the largest number of seats three seats in 2009 (dropped from 25 to the current opposition party in the prov- since 1994.

Table 1: Results 2014 – Free State

Party name and abbreviation Total actual num- Percentage Number of seats in ber of votes share % Provincial Legislature African National Congress (ANC) 708,720 69.85 22 Democratic Alliance (DA) 164,672 16.23 5 Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) 82,674 8.15 2 Vryheidsfront Plus (VF PLUS) 21,339 2.10 1 Congress of the People (COPE) 16,516 1.63 0 African Christian Democratic Party 5,150 0.51 0 (ACDP) African People’s Convention (APC) 3,198 0.32 0 Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) 2,133 0.21 0 United Democratic Movement (UDM) 4,127 0.21 0 Agang South Africa (AGANG) 2,065 0.20 0 Azanian People’s Organisation (AZAPO) 1,581 0.16 0 Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) 1,124 0.11 0 National Freedom Party (NFP) 1,115 0.11 0 United Christian Democratic Party 1,139 0.11 0 (UCDP) Patriotic Alliance (PA) 651 0.06 0 Independent Civic Organisation of South 459 0.05 0 Africa (ICOSA) Total 1,014,663 100.00 30

Source: Independent Electoral Commission4

What are the implications of oric in the FS has always been ment in which the elections were these results for political dynam- dominated by criticising the per- held bodes well for the advance- ics within the FS? Firstly, the formance of the ANC. Moreover, ment of pluralist democracy in election results illustrate that the it is still to be seen what impact general and the conduct of an tremendous frustration commu- the fiery rhetoric of the EFF will acceptable legislative election nities experience over the provin- have on the operations within the in particular. The voters in the cial government’s failure to live legislature. It is clear, however, province have yet again given up to its promises regarding ba- that the opposition parties in the the ANC a resounding majori- sic services did not cost the ANC province will find it difficult to ty in the provincial legislature. votes. It also leaves the govern- devise any effective or coordinat- It remains to be seen how seri- ing party reliant on its own mem- ed strategy for contesting policies ously the ANC will take this re- bers to get its policies passed due to their different political ide- sounding vote of confidence by in the provincial legislature. A ologies. Thus, opposition parties fulfilling not only its promise to major concern characterises this will have to work among them- its own constituency, but also its particular approach, which has selves cooperatively and engage obligation to provide quality ba- often been used by the governing constructively with the ANC to sic services to all citizens in the party. Should the ANC decide to address the challenges faced by province. use its numerical advantage to FS citizens. Similarly, the will- pass through motions and pol- ingness to engage constructively END NOTES icies without allowing genuine needs to be reciprocated by the engagement with opposition par- ruling party. 1 Karl, von Holdt. “The smoke that ties, this will attract open hostil- calls: Insurgent citizenship, collective violence and the struggle ity. Conclusion for a place in the new South Africa. Eight case studies of community Secondly, opposition party rhet- The relatively peaceful environ- protest and xenophobic violence.” Johannesburg: Centre for the Study 217 of Violence and Reconciliation/ (2011). U5A_xPMaI2w Society, Work and Development 3 George, Matlala & Shanti, 4 Independent Electoral Commission. Institute (2011). Aboobaker. “Why our townships “National and Provincial Elections”. 2 A, Goebel. “Our struggle is for the are burning.” IOL News. May (2014): http://www.elections. full loaf: Protests, social welfare and 17 November (2013): org.za/content/ gendered citizenship in South http://www.iol.co.za/news/ NPEPublicReports/292/Results%20 Africa.” Journal of Southern south-africa/why-our-townships- Report/FS/FS.pdf African Studies, 37: 369-388, are-burning-1.1608166#.

KWAZULU-NATAL

Shauna Mottiar - Post-Doctor- Democratic Alliance (DA) fol- its votes, receiving 1.02% of the al Fellow at the Centre for Civil lowed with 12.76% of the vote, provincial vote share compared Society, University of KwaZu- also an increase from its 9.15% to its 2.05% in 2009. The Eco- lu-Natal in 2009. The DA further over- nomic Freedom Fighters (EFF) took the Inkatha Freedom Party received 1.85% of the provincial Analysis of Election Results (IFP) as official opposition in the vote. Twelve other parties con- province. The IFP captured only tested the provincial election and The 2014 provincial election re- 10.86% of the vote – a significant each gained less than 1% of the sults returned another victory decrease from its 2009 showing vote. This includes the Congress for the African National Con- of 22.40%. It did however out- of the People (COPE), which in gress (ANC) in KwaZulu-Natal. run its main rival, the National 2009 gained 1.29% of the vote. The ANC captured 64.52% of Freedom Party (NFP), which The table below reflects the re- the vote, which was an increase captured 7.31% of the vote. The sults of political parties which from its 62.95% in 2009. The Minority Front (MF) lost half contested the provincial election.

2014 Provincial Results by Political Party: KwaZulu-Natal1

Party Votes % Votes AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ANC 2,475,041 64.52 % DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE DA 489,430 12.76 % INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY IFP 416,496 10.86 % NATIONAL FREEDOM PARTY NFP 280,425 7.31 % ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS EFF 70,823 1.85 % MINORITY FRONT MF 38,960 1.02 % AFRICAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY ACDP 16,803 0.44 % VRYHEIDSFRONT PLUS VF Plus 7,695 0.20 % AFRICAN PEOPLE’S CONVENTION APC 7,040 0.18 % UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT UDM 6,632 0.17 % CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE COPE 5,968 0.16 % AZANIAN PEOPLE’S ORGANISATION AZAPO 5,873 0.15 % TRULY ALLIANCE TA 4,082 0.11 % PAN AFRICANIST CONGRESS OF AZANIA PAC 2,930 0.08 % KWAZULU- NATAL TRANSPORT ALLIANCE KZNTA 2,796 0.07 % UNITED CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY UCDP 2,186 0.06 % KINGDOM GOVERNANCE MOVEMENT KGM 1,903 0.05 % UBUMBANO LWESIZWE SABANGONI UBUMBANO 926 0.02 % Total 3,836,009 100.00 %

218 The ANC’s lead was reflected in In the former IFP strongholds of is only a slight increase on its its 64.59% in the Durban Metro Nongoma and Ulundi the contest 2009 14.92%.5 In the 2009 elec- (eThekwini), as against the DA between the IFP and NFP played tion Nongoma and Ulundi were with 21.89%. The IFP and NFP out with the NFP taking the lead both IFP strongholds, where it followed with 3.72% and 3% rein Nongoma with 40.49% to the captured 81.63% and 83.62% of spectively.2 In Pietermaritzburg IFP’s 30.78%. The ANC gained the vote respectively. In Nkand- (Msunduzi Municipality) the 26.42%, a significant strength- la the ANC captured 52.49% of ANC had a strong showing of ening on its 2009 16.82%.4 In the vote (not much more than 71.70%, with the DA less so at Ulundi the IFP took the lead with its 2009 50.01%)6 to the IFP’s 16.78% and the IFP and NFP at 55.37% to the NFP’s 27.56%. 39.45, the NFP’s 6.09% and the 4.18% and 3.59% respectively.3 The ANC gained 15.08%, which EFF’s 0.60%.7

2014 Election Results: Durban Metro, Pietermaritzburg, Nongoma, Ulundi and Nkandla

ANC DA IFP NFP EFF eThekwini 64.59% 21.89% 3.72% 3% 2.44% Msunduzi 71.70% 16.78% 4.18% 3.59% 1.79% Nongoma 26.42% 0.74% 30.78% 40.49% 0.81% Ulundi 15.08% 0.89% 55.37% 27.56% 0.50% Nkandla 52.49% 0.44% 39.45% 6.09% 0.60%

The ANC has further consoli- provincial convener Vusi Khoza Free’ campaign.14 dated its dominance in KwaZu- argued that the EFF had suffered lu-Natal – gaining about 2% more intimidation by ANC members Impact of Protest during the votes since 2009.The DA has during its campaign and on Elec- Electoral Period also made gains in the province, tion Day.12 which it credits to its strength in Protest leading up to the elections urban areas, the splintering of the Gender and Youth Participa- and on Election Day in KwaZu- IFP, a growth in the number of tion lu-Natal does not seem to have Indian votes and an endorsement had an adverse impact on voting. by the shack dwellers movement According to the Independent Incidents in Ulundi which threat- Abahlali baseMjondolo (ABM).9 Electoral Commission (IEC), of ened to disrupt both special and The rivalry between the IFP and the 5,112,464 registered voters general voting were contained by NFP culminated in a win for in KwaZulu-Natal 2,892,589 security forces, and protesters’ the IFP, which gained about 4% were female. The higher number attempts to sabotage voting at a of female voters was mirrored Richards Bay voting station were more than the NFP. This is de- 15 spite claims by the NFP that the in the 18-19 year age group, managed by the IEC. IFP was a ‘dying horse’ and also where 78,243 males registered and 92,700 females registered.13 An interesting turn of events in admissions from the IFP that the Durban was the shack dwellers 10 The SADC Lawyers Association NFP ‘did damage us’. A bigger movement ABM abandoning its blow for the IFP, however, was (SADCLA) Observer Mission, which monitored elections in long-held boycott of elections its loss of the official opposi- in favour of supporting the DA. tion in the province to the DA.11 the province, noted that in some areas there was higher partic- ABM is a movement represent- The MF’s poor showing reflects ing informal settlement dwellers its various internal challenges, ipation of women voters than men. It further noted the high- in Kennedy Road on Clare Es- including the death of its lead- tate, who live in shacks and tem- er Amichand Rajbansi and fac- er numbers of female presiding officers at polling stations. The porary makeshift shelters. The tionalism within the party. Party movement is self-organising and leader Shameen Thakur Rajbansi Observer Mission also reported a high number of youth voting maintains horizontal links among noted that ‘their people’ (Chats- other shack settlements, utilis- worth and Phoenix voters) had at the KwMkhulu voting station and long queues of young voters ing a repertoire of tactics from transferred their votes to the DA. marches and protest action to The EFF claims to be pleased at the YMCA polling station in Durban’s CBD. It attributed this seeking legal relief in the courts. with its performance in KwaZu- ABM is well known for rejecting lu-Natal in the light of the ‘strong to the IEC’s initiative to attract young voters through the ‘Born the discourse on ‘service deliv- provincial parties in KZN’. Party ery’, arguing that its demands are 219 about ‘being human’, which may END NOTES provincial-elections-results/ translate into demands for hous- 9 Pillay, V. 2014. KZN: IFP loses ing and land. It is argued that 1 Sourced from the IEC Website. position as official opposition. Mail & Guardian, 9 May: ABM’s struggle is not simply Available at: http://www.elections. org.za/resultsnpe2014/default.aspx http://mg.co.za/ for houses or even for political Accessed on 2 June 2014. article/2014-05-09-kzn-ifp- power: ‘they want to change how 2 Accessed on 30 May 2014 from IEC loses-its-position-as-official- things are done. In other words Website: http://www.elections.org. opposition/ they are struggling not merely za/content/NPEPublicReports/292/ 10 Hans, B. Padayachee, K. 2014. for “delivery” but for a vision Leading%20Parties/KN/ETH/ETH. Tussle for official opposition. 16 pdf Mercury, 9 May, p3. of a different kind of politics’. 11 3 Accessed on 30 May 2014 from IEC Padayachee, K. Mdlala, M. 2014. The movement’s decision to vote Website: http://www.elections.org. Voters turn their backs on MF. in the 2014 elections is based on za/content/NPEPublicReports/292/ Mercury, 9 May, p3. its aim to ‘weaken the ANC’. Its Leading%20Parties/KN/KZN225/ 12 Padayachee, K. Rawlins, L. 2014. leader S’bu Zikode argues that al- KZN225.pdf EFF sure of getting a seat in KZN. though ABM does not agree with 4 Accessed on 30 May 2014 from IEC Mercury, 9 May, p4. 13 IEC Website. Available at: the DA on ‘core issues’ the deci- Website: http://www.elections.org. za/content/NPEPublicReports/292/ http://www.elections.org.za/content/ sion was not an ideological one. Leading%20Parties/KN/KZN265/ Voters-Roll/Registration-statistics/ Zikode added that ABM does KZN265.pdf Accessed on 2 June 2014. not believe electoral politics to 5 Accessed on 30 May 2014 from IEC 14 SADCLA Preliminary statement be ‘doomed’, but notes that elec- Website: http://www.elections.org. on the election observation mission za/content/NPEPublicReports/292/ to KwaZulu-Natal province South toral spaces are often influenced Africa. 8 May 2014. Available at: by narrow interests. ABM there- Leading%20Parties/KN/KZN266/ KZN266.pdf http://www.sadcla.org/?q=node/187 fore aims to advance the politics 6 Accessed on 30 May 2014 from IEC Accessed on 14 May. of the poor in spaces outside of Website: http://www.elections.org. 15 See previous Election Update. electoral politics. Supporting the za/content/NPEPublicReports/169/ 16 Gibson, N. 2011. Fanonian DA ensures that the struggles Leading%20Parties/KN/KZN286. Practices in South Africa: From Steve Biko to Abahlali of shack dwellers will be put on pdf 7 baseMjondolo. Pietermaritzburg: the opposition’s agenda.17 Ana- Accessed on 30 May 2014 from IEC Website: http://www.elections.org. University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, lysts will no doubt be watching za/content/NPEPublicReports/292/ p 156 & 171. ABM’s endorsement of the DA in Leading%20Parties/KN/KZN286/ 17 Tshabalala, S. 2014. Why Abahlali the run-up to the next local gov- KZN286.pdf endorsed the DA: S’bu ernment elections in 2016. 8 Table compiled using data from the Zikode speaks to GroundUp. IEC website Provincial Election Available at: http://groundup.org.za/ Results 2014: content/why-abahlali-endorsed- http://www.elections.org.za/content/ da-sbu-zikode-speaks-groundup Elections/National-and- Accessed on 2 June 2014.

WESTERN CAPE

Dr Cherrel Africa, Head of the became the centre of vigorous to 32% in 2009, hoped to unseat Political Studies Department, campaign efforts. Many political the Democratic Alliance (DA) University of the Western Cape parties sent key national leaders from power since the DA won by and Nkosikhulule Xhawulen- to campaign in the province. In a very narrow margin in 2009. gweni Nyembezi, Co-chairper- the lead-up to the elections the Af- son of the Elections 2014 Na- rican National Congress (ANC) Despite escalating protests in tional Co-ordinating Forum. felt that it had done sufficient to the province, the outcome saw a regain control of the province, significantly strengthened DA, Introduction especially in light of deep-seated which obtained 59% of the pro- disillusionment in many commu- vincial vote. The ANC main- The election in the Western Cape nities with the current DA pro- tained its support base, obtaining was once again a high-stakes, vincial administration and the vi- votes from about a third (33%) fiercely contested affair. Political olent protests which had occurred of the provincial electorate. De- parties saw the Western Cape as prior to the elections.1 The ANC, spite being the most competitive an “open race” and the province which dropped from 45% in 2004 province, with 26 parties con-

220 testing the 2014 provincial elec- zens registered to vote. When the a slight decline in turnout from tion, small parties fared poorly, voters’ roll was certified in March the 75% turnout rate in 2009, with only the Economic Free- 2014 by the IEC 2.9 million out participation as a proportion of dom Fighters (EFF) and Afri- of 3.8 million eligible voters in the eligible voting age population can Christian Democratic Party the Western Cape, had registered. increased slightly from 53% in (ACDP) gaining enough votes to This amounted to a registration 2009 to 57% in 2014. There was obtain a seat each in the provin- level of 78 per cent.2 In terms of a negligible portion of spoilt bal- cial legislature. turnout, a total of 2.1 million peo- lots (0.88%). ple cast their ballot. Thus, 73% of Turnout in the 2014 Election registered voters in the Western Cape participated in the 2014 A large proportion of eligible citi- elections. While this represents

Table 1: Voting age population, registration and turnout in the Western Cape

Eligible Voting Registered Percentage Valid Votes cast Percentage turn Age Population population Registered out based on eligi- (VAP) ble population 1994 2 405919 NA NA 2 137 742 88.85% 1999 2. 317 171 1 864 019 80.44% 1 587978 68.53% 2004 3. 024 207 2 220 283 73.41% 1 582 503 52.32% 2009 3 746 547 2 634 439 70.31% 1 987 777 53.05% 2014 3 771 271 2 941 333 77.99% 2 140 090 56.74%

Sources: Africa, C. 2014 South Africa Election Update Number 2 - SA Elections 2014: Continuity, Con- testation or Change? Retrieved June 5, 2014 from http://www.electionupdate.org.za Independent Electoral Commission. Retrieved June 5, 2014 from http://www.elections.org.za

Results in the Western Cape in the province declined from 8% only one seat in the provincial in 2009 to less than 0.6% in 2014. legislature, down from the two As seen in Table 2 below, small COPE’s dramatic loss followed a seats it held after the 2009 elec- parties in the Western Cape re- very public battle for the leader- tion. While the EFF was far less ceived negligible support in the ship of the party. COPE lost the popular in the Western Cape than 2014 election. Parties such as three seats it won in the Western in other provinces, the party man- Agang SA and the Patriotic Alli- Cape Legislature in 2009. aged to obtain 2% of the vote in ance did not feature at all. Agang the province. It thus also secured SA obtained 0.3%, while the The African Christian Democrat- one seat in the Western Cape leg- PA obtained 0.4%. COPE saw a ic Party (ACDP) saw its support islature. sharp decline in support in the base drop from 2% in 2009 to 1% Western Cape. COPE’s support in 2014. This secured the party

221 Table 2: Western Cape Provincial Results

Party Name No. of Votes % Votes AFRICAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY 21 696 1.02% AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CONGRESS 6 508 0.31% AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 697 664 32.89% AFRICAN NATIONAL PARTY 1 249 0.06% AFRICAN PEOPLE’S CONVENTION 1 291 0.06% AGANG SOUTH AFRICA 6 398 0.30% AL JAMA-AH 13 182 0.62% AZANIAN PEOPLE’S ORGANISATION 844 0.04% CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE 12 520 0.59% DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE 1 259 645 59.38% ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS 44 762 2.11% FIRST NATION LIBERATION ALLIANCE 635 0.03% INDEPENDENT CIVIC ORGANISATION OF SOUTH AFRICA 11 949 0.56% INDIGENOUS PEOPLES ORGANISATION 1 180 0.06% INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY 1 078 0.05% KINGDOM GOVERNANCE MOVEMENT 490 0.02% NATIONAL FREEDOM PARTY 763 0.04% NATIONAL PARTY SOUTH AFRICA 2 694 0.13% PAN AFRICANIST CONGRESS OF AZANIA 3 591 0.17% PATRIOTIC ALLIANCE 8 510 0.40% PEOPLES ALLIANCE 440 0.02% SIBANYE CIVIC ASSOCIATION 478 0.02% SOUTH AFRICAN PROGRESSIVE CIVIC ORGANISATION 642 0.03% UNITED CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY 1 158 0.05% UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT 10 199 0.48% VRYHEIDSFRONT PLUS 11 587 0.55% Total Valid Votes 2 121 153 100.00% Spoilt Votes 18 937 Total Votes Cast 2 140 090

Source: Independent Electoral Commission. Retrieved June 5, 2014 from http://www.elections.org.za

The ANC maintained its level after former president Mbeki was ularities in the list process looked of support in the Western Cape, recalled as president of the coun- at 10 wards in Cape Town and with 33% of voters casting their try, Rasool was told to resign as three in the Overberg and found ballot for the party in the 2014 premier4 and replaced by then-fi- that the processes leading to the provincial elections compared nance MEC Lynne Brown.5 nominations of Mzwakhe Nqa- to 32% in 2009. While the 2014 vashe from Ward 40 and Coetzee election must have been a bitter- In the run-up to the 2011 lo- Ntotoviyane from Ward 42, both ly disappointing election for the cal government elections the in Gugulethu, had been flawed ANC, this result must be seen in ANC offices in Cape Town were and recommended that the party its broader context. Deep divi- stormed as a result of anger with begin the processes afresh.8 sions and concerns about faction- the list process.6 In fact, former alism have negatively affected ANC deputy president Kgalema In another incident, Western Cape the ANC in the Western Cape for Motlanthe admitted that internal ANC provincial chairperson a long time. Even before the for- upheavals in the ANC caused Marius Fransman had to be res- mation of COPE in 2008, there the party to lose 40 wards in the cued by his bodyguards from an were reports about the internal Western Cape.7 The fallout from attack in Oudtshoorn following battles between factions aligned the 2011 elections continued well a meeting to replace the town’s to former premier Ebrahim Ra- after the elections were conclud- mayor, Gordon April.9 The 2014 sool and then-provincial secre- ed. An internal ANC task team list process also presented sig- tary Mcebisi Skwatsha.3 Months investigating allegations of irreg- nificant challenges to the ANC 222 in the Western Cape. The final The ANC saw also increased crit- The DA’s main challenge has list included Mbulelo Ncedana icism from its own supporters been to shed an image of being and Moegamat Majiet – both of and indeed former party leaders. a party concerned with “elite in- whom left the ANC to join Cope So much so that Ronnie Kasrils, terests” and providing a coherent when it was formed. Majiet had a former liberation figher, Com- position in its stance on affirma- been the ANC’s secretary in the munist party Central Committee tive action. In fact Helen Zille Boland, while Ncedana was lead- Member, ANC National Execu- apologised for confusion regard- er of the Dullah Omar region – tive Committee Member member ing the party’s position on Em- the party’s biggest in the Western and Government Minister, among ployment Equity.21 The Western Cape. Ncedana, an MPL, had others former ANC activists, em- Cape has also been beleaguered lost his Cope membership for al- barked on the “Sidikiwe, Vukane, by violent service-delivery pro- legedly failing to pay his fees.10 We are fed up” campaign, to ei- tests, with a particular focus on ther spoil one’s vote or vote for a housing and sanitation. Addition- While many voters in the West- small party. The party also faced ally, many farming towns in the ern Cape may not have been criticism from the Congress of Western Cape experienced pro- aware of the trials facing the South African Trade Unions longed protests around poor wag- ANC in the province, they would (COSATU) for the rollout of es and working conditions. The most likely have followed na- highway tolling fees in Gauteng17 DA and Helen Zille also received tional events, which also created as well as sections of the Nation- widespread criticism and nega- a challenging environment for al Development Plan.18 The Na- tive publicity around the disas- the ANC. Most notably there has tional Union of Metalworkers of trous deal in which Dr Mamphela been sustained controversy and SA (NUMSA) strongly criticised Ramphele agreed to become the a significant public uproar about the ANC and President Zuma DA’s presidential candidate.22 the Public Protector’s findings for various implementation fail- The defection of prominent DA regarding the inappropriate use ures,19 and decided not to endorse councillor Grant Pascoe present- of funds to upgrade President the ruling party in the 2014 elec- ed a challenge which necessitated Jacob Zuma’s private residence tion.20 significant damage control just in Nkandla.11 There was also an prior to the election.23 outcry after an influential family The DA increased its majority in (the Guptas) was granted clear- the Western Cape, obtaining 59% ance to land their private aero- of the vote compared to 51% in plane at a national key point, the 2009. Further research would be Waterkloof Air Force Base. This needed to assess whether this is was cited as a demonstration of primarily an anti-ANC/EFF vote, undue influence on the ANC and the result of growing loyalty to- President Zuma.12 Events such wards the DA, positive percep- as the televised death of com- tions of DA performance or stra- munity activist Andries Tatane tegic voting based on the premise in 2011 at the hands of police that it is better to vote for a party in the Free State13 and the lethal that does not face the same cause of force in which 34 Lon- pacity constraints as other op- min mineworkers were shot and position parties. Some voters killed by police officers in what might have felt that they needed has become known as the “Mari- to counter the electoral domi- kana Massacre” in August 2012 nance of the ANC, or may have highlighted issues of community been concerned about the extent frustration and police brutality.14 of support for Julius Malema’s Additionally, civil society organ- newly formed party, the EFF. isation Right2Know led a highly Thus, the radical platform upon visible campaign against the so- which the EFF contested might called “secrecy bill”,15 while an have galvanised DA supporters, organisation called Section 27 even though most of the DA’s highlighted inefficiencies in the campaign efforts were directed at public school system, particu- the ANC. larly around the non-delivery of textbooks in Limpopo.16 223 The DA ran a highly visible national campaign, which was simultaneously complemented with campaign strategies specifically aimed at reaching particular groups such as farming and fishing communities as well as areas affected by gang violence. Many of the ANC’s challenges (the public protector’s report on Nkandla and the textbook crises in Limpopo in particular) provided the DA with rallying points for their campaign. Much of the DA’s strategy was focused on refuting the ANC’s “good story” message while simultaneously highlighting their achievements in the Western Cape.

The DA also ran an aggressive campaign against smaller parties. The DA distributed pamphlets and ran a series of radio advertisements which pointed out that a vote for an opposition party, besides the DA, was a ‘wasted’ vote. In one pamphlet (see adja- cent image), the DA used a graph to point out that it had won the Western Cape by 1.5% of the vote, and that a vote for a small party could result in an ANC- led coalition taking back the Western Cape. It further pointed out that abstaining could benefit the ANC. As the results indicate, the “Sidikiwe, Vukane, We are fed up” campaign was not heeded in the Western Cape.

Implications of the results centre in Bellville during the last towards constructive yet briefing session on 9 May 2014.24 critical dialogue in the Relations between the DA and Democratic Alliance provincial interests of all citizens”25 the ANC in the Western Cape leader Ivan Meyer initially called have been characterised by dys- for called for co-operation in the However, at his victory speech functional competitiveness and aftermath of the “heated” elec- Meyer contradicted his earlier acrimony. Constructive engage- tion atmosphere. He said that calls for unity and co-operation, ment has been rare, and gover- stating: “Not the ANC’s race- nance marked by high levels of “after the results are based divide and rule tactics, distrust. Even as the results were known, we must all come especially in vulnerable commu- being announced both parties re- down from our thrones ... nities like De Doorns, nor their verted to a destructive mode of and come together in the efforts to bribe DA councillors, engagement. spirit of cooperation in the nor their outrageous so-called interest of protecting our faeces war could unseat the DA Western Cape DA and ANC lead- young democracy. May this in this province.” Marius Frans- ers exchanged insults at the Inde- election be the beginning of man congratulated the DA for pendent Electoral Commission’s the end of confrontational winning the province, but prom- Western Cape results operations politics in the Western Cape ised a “formidable” ANC team 224 in the provincial legislature to the part of both the DA and the From http://www.iol.co.za/cape keep the DA in check. He ac- ANC. It will need both parties to times/public- protector-s-speech-on-nkandla cused the DA of running a racist break their well-established pat- 12 News24. Gupta scandal divides campaign, saying “Every time an terns of destructive engagement. ANC-report. News24 (2013) election happens, the Democratic Retrieved June 9, 2014. From http:// Alliance push the ‘swart gevaar’ END NOTES www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/ tactics”. “What you see now, un- Politics/Gupta-scandal- divides-ANC-reports 1 Davies, L. “ANC will definitely ashamedly so, is the DA has gone 13 Parker, F. “Cops behaving badly: take Cape – Fransman” Independent out ... in the media saying that the M&G readers speak out”. Online (20014) Retrieved June 9, Mail (2013) Retrieved ANC does not care for coloured 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/ and Guardian 26 June 9, 2014. From http://mg.co.za/ people.” Fransman adopted a news/politics/anc-will-definitely- tag/andries-tatane take-cape-fransman more conciliatory tone during a 14 Mail and Guardian. “Special 2 Independent Electoral Commission. radio discussion held on Heart Report Marikana”. Registration Statistics as at 26 Mar Mail and (2013) Retrieved June 9, 104.9 FM shortly after the elec- 2014 (2014). Retrieved March 26, Guardian 2014. From http://mg.co.za/report/ tion. 2014 from http://www.elections.org. lonmin-platinum-mines-in-chaos za/content/Voters-Roll/ 15 Right2Know. “Parliament’s rush and Registration-statistics/ Despite the violent demonstra- President’s silence makes Secrecy 3 News24. “DA slams ANC ‘circus”. tions which preceded the elec- Bill ‘referral’ a sham” . News24 (2005) Retrieved June 9, Right2Know (2013) Retrieved June 9, 2014. tion, the election itself was not 2014. From http://www.news24. From http://www.r2k.org.za/ hampered by protest action. com/SouthAfrica/Politics/DA- 16 Veriava, F. “The 2012 Limpopo slams-ANC-circus However, political dynamics in Textbook Crisis: A Study in 4 Makinana, A and Williams, M. the Western Cape seem to have Rights-based Advocacy, the Raising “Goodbye and thank you, Mr of Rights Consciousness and picked up exactly where they Rasool”. Independent Online (2008) Governance”. (2013) Retrieved June left off before the elections, with Retrieved April 17, 2014. From 9, 2014. From http:// poor communities expressing http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ www.section27.org.za/ goodbye-and-thank-you-mr-rasool their dissatisfaction with the DA- 17 The Congress of South African 5 Johns, L. “Premier Brown stirs led provincial government. Pro- Trade Unions. “ NW things up”. Independent Online COSATU continues fight against expensive tests erupted less than a month (2008) Retrieved April 17, 2014. toll gate”. COSATU (2013) after the elections. At the end From http://www.iol.co.za/news/ Retrieved June 9, 2014. From politics/premier-brown-stirs- of May residents of Illingelethu http://www.cosatu.org.za/show. things-up in Malmesbury marched to the php?ID=8029 6 Independent Online “ANC members 18 The Congress of South African Swartland municipal offices to storm W Cape offices”. Independent Trade Unions. “Summary of demand houses, land and better Online (2011) Retrieved June 9, Critique of the National services. In another protest, resi- 2014. http://www.iol.co.za/news/ Development Plan”. politics/anc-members-storm- COSATU dents of Elsies River burned tyres (2013) w-cape-offices and blocked streets with rub- Retrieved June 9, 2014. From 7 Mtyala, Q. “ANC won’t win Cape 27 http://www.cosatu.org.za/docs/dis ble. Within a week the protests – Motlanthe”. Cape Times (2011) cussion/2013/NDPcritiquesummary. in Malmesbury escalated, with Retrieved April 17, 2014. From pdf http://www.iol.co.za/news/south- protesters blocking roads with 19 du Plessis, C. “Numsa: ANC africa/western-cape/anc-won-t- burning tyres and throwing rocks election promises ‘just words on a win-cape-motlanthe page’” City Press.(2013) Retrieved at police, who responded with 9 Coetzee, C. “ANC pair could lose June 9, 2014. http://www.news24. rubber bullets, tear gas, stun gre- seats”. Cape Times (2013) Retrieved com/SouthAfrica/Politics/Numsa- nades and arrests.28 Furthermore, April 17, 2014. From ANC-election-promises-just-words- http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ the eviction of about 850 Nom- on-a-page anc-pair-could-lose-seats zamo residents to make way for 20 Mail and Guardian. “Gatvol Numsa 10 Barnes, C. “Attack a sign of deep cuts ties with ANC”. Mail and a Sanral development reveals the ANC divisions”. Cape Argus (2013) . (2013) Retrieved June complexity of intergovernmental Retrieved April 17, 2014. From Guardian 9, 2014. From http://mg.co.za/ 29 http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/ relations in the Western Cape. article/2013-12-20-00-gatvol- attack-a-sign-of-deep-anc-divisions numsa-turns-off-anc-tap 11 Hartley, A. “ANC lists WCape Whatever the election outcome, 21 Williams, M. “ DA ‘sorry’ for candidates”. Cape Times (2014) backing EE Bill” the resumption of hostility be- Retrieved April 17, 2014. From Independent (2013) Retrieved June 9, tween the DA and the ANC was http://www.iol.co.za/capetimes/anc- Online. 2014. From DA ‘sorry’ for backing lists-wcape-candidates seemingly inevitable. Progress in EE Bill http://www.iol.co.za/news/ Cape Times. “Public protector’s the Western Cape, especially for politics/da-sorry-for-backing-ee-bill speech on Nkandla”. Cape Times 22 . “Ramphele and Zille people living in poor areas, will (2013) Retrieved June 9, 2014. Underhill,G require a monumental effort on Brief DA Marriage Over” Mail and 225 Guardian. (2013) Retrieved June 9, 2014. From http://mg.co.za/ article/2014-02-02-ramphele-and- zilles-da-marriage-over 23 Nicholson, Z. “ANC says Pascoe key to Mitchells Plain”. Cape Times (2014). Retrieved on 17 April 2014 from http://www.iol.co.za/news/ politics/anc-says-pascoe-key- to-mitchells-plain-1.1676156#. U1bntlXoQYQ 24 Presence C. DA, “ANC trade insults in W Cape”. Independent Online (2014). Retrieved on May 13, 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/news/ politics/da-anc-trade-insults-in- w-cape 25 Van Schie K, Cronje J. “ANC punished for ‘poo-litics’, says DA”. Cape Argus (2014). Retrieved on May 13, 2014. From http://www.iol. co.za/news/politics/ anc-punished-for-poo-litics-says-da 26 Presence C. DA, “ANC trade insults in W Cape”. Independent Online (2014). Retrieved on May 13, 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/news/ politics/da-anc-trade-insults-in- w-cape 27 Jason Felix, J. “ Two housing protests in Cape” Independent Online (2014). Retrieved on June 9, 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/ news/crime-courts/two-housing- protests-in-cape 28 Knoetze, D. “Homes riot hits Malmesbury” Independent Online (2014). Retrieved on June 9, 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/news/ crime-courts/homes-riot-hits- malmesbury 29 Cronje, J and van Schie, K. “Eviction despair: 850 remain in limbo”. Independent Online (2014). Retrieved on June 9 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/news/south- africa/western-cape/eviction- despair-850-remain-in-limbo

226 ELECTION UPDATE 2014 SA Elections 2014: The Media and 8 Provincial Cabinet Composition

Editorial Team: Ebrahim Fakir, Waseem Holland & Kerryn Kotler; EISA Copy Editing and Proofreading: Professor Craig MacKenzie; University of Johannesburg Website: Duncan Russell IS THERE A GOOD STORY TO TELL ABOUT THE SOUTH AFRICAN MEDIA COVERAGE OF THE COUNTRY’S 2014 NATIONAL AND PROVINCIAL ELECTIONS? Wellington Radu and William different candidates and political Bird - Media Monitoring Africa parties to clarify the core issues of principles and policies so that CONTENTS Introduction the public are in a better position to make an informed vote. Or, to “Is there a good South Africa held its fifth dem- ask what information citizens do story to tell about ocratic national and provincial not know and what do they need the South African elections on 7 May 2014. Elec- to know in relation to the elec- media coverage of 227 tions not only represent the pos- tions. the country’s 2014 sibility of instituting political national and pro- change in a democracy, they also With every election, there is al- vincial elections?” provide an opportunity to exam- ways a need for media to critical- ine the role the media play in ly engage with politicians, politi- either contributing to or under- cal parties and their policies, and Western Cape 236 mining free and fair elections. In ask the right questions in order other words, elections offer the for the electorate to cast informed North West 239 possibility to assess whether the votes. To become informed vot- media are fulfilling their task of ers, the electorate requires a va- Eastern Cape 242 being an “independent” observer riety of information on govern- as well as their function to inform ment and political parties, and and educate the electorate, giving the democratic system itself. The Gauteng 246 citizens the opportunity to make information comes from a variety informed choices at the polls. of sources, including the media. 247 More importantly, elections pres- In order to contribute to free and Mpumalanga ent citizens and the media with fair elections, media coverage the chance to engage on issues must be balanced, equitable, fair Northern Cape 250 that impact the people’s live- and accurate. This is a significant lihood and development. This and certainly demanding respon- means that the media must nav- sibility that makes it essential Free State 252 igate between the personal con- for the media’s coverage of elec- tentions and accusations of the tions to be explored. In light of KwaZulu Natal 254

227 this, Media Monitoring Africa mocracy and particularly during authorities; (MMA) has extensively analysed an election period.1 The media • Difficulties in accessing election coverage in all the na- bear the significant responsibili- information; and, tional, provincial, and municipal ty of ensuring that the electorate • Inflaming discourse from election periods in South Africa are provided with the informa- political candidates. since 1994 with the view to deep- tion they need to make informed en democracy through encourag- decisions. Generally, the more Although Frère writes about ing responsible and quality media information people receive, the these and other obstacles in rela- that enables an engaged and in- better their connection to can- tion to the media in post-conflict formed citizenry. This article is didates and political party posi- countries in Central Africa, these based on MMA’s elections mon- tions and promises.2 Therefore, constraints are also faced by the itoring experiences since 1994, an independent and critical me- media in South Africa. with specific attention given to dia can and must present high findings from the 2014 national quality dialogue on party policy South African media landscape and provincial elections monitor- issues, thereby allowing voters ing. to make choices that are more In relation to the South African informed.3 When this happens, media landscape, Krüger (2012, We ask the question: Is there a voters are better equipped to hold p. 231) argues that it is largely good story to tell about the South governing and opposition parties dominated by a small number African media coverage of the accountable.4 This is the media’s of companies that focus primar- country’s 2014 national and pro- democratic as well as democra- ily on national and metropolitan vincial elections? We do not seek tising role. audiences. Print media is large- to provide an answer to this ques- ly urban and elitist.9 Four large tion. Our aim rather is to ask you The effective fulfilment of this media companies dominate the the reader to make up your mind function begins with the gen- print media space in terms of the by revealing some of the findings eration of interest, awareness, number of titles they own. These we noted in the media coverage knowledge and understanding.5 are: Caxton, with 130 newspaper of these elections. In trying to It also begins with the acquisi- titles (89 wholly owned and 41 help you make the call, we would tion of skills and techniques in co-owned); Naspers (Media24), like you to consider whether the the use of communication to sup- with more than 64 titles; the Irish- coverage was balanced and fair, port socio-cultural, political and owned Independent Newspapers comprehensive and people-cen- economic development.6 Over group, with 35 titles; and Avusa tred. We further raise even more and above this, the effectiveness (formerly known as Times Media questions in the hope that by the of the media in support of demo- Limited and then Johnnic Com- time you finish reading this arti- cratic governance requires that all munications), with 22 titles.10 A cle you will have made up your sectors of society have access to smaller, but influential print title mind regarding the media’s per- news, information, opinions and is the Mail & Guardian news- formance. ideas as well as the opportunity to paper largely owned by Zimba- express their own viewpoints in a bwean publisher and entrepre- First, we briefly discuss the role language they normally use and neur Trevor Ncube.11 The Mail of the media during elections and understand.7 However, the ability & Guardian is the sole survivor the South African media land- of the media to provide nuanced of the alternative media sector scape. We then move on to dis- and in-depth information that al- that flourished in the 1980s.12 In cuss how we monitored the me- lows voters to make informed de- 2010, The New Age newspaper dia’s coverage of these elections. cisions is not without constraints. was launched. This newspaper We conclude by providing some Frère (2010) notes that some of is owned by the Gupta family of the major findings, which we the obstacles the media face in- group, which has close ties with feel would help you determine clude: the current president of the coun- whether there is a good story to try, Jacob Zuma.13 Fighting off tell or not. • The ownership structures and allegations that it would be the intrinsic weaknesses of media mouthpiece of the ruling African The role of media during elec- enterprises; National Congress (ANC) party, tions • The media’s close contacts its then editor, Henry Jeffreys, with the political sphere; wrote: “The New Age has no for- The media play an essential com- • Media freedom violations; mal links with the ANC (or any munication function in any de- • The weaknesses of regulatory other political party, for that mat- 228 ter) … [However], we will, gen- centrated in major metropolitan the people who were accessed di- erally, support the government of areas, namely, Gauteng, Western rectly or indirectly by media, for the day, at all levels.”14 Cape and KwaZulu-Natal.21 With example, politicians, profession- With regard to broadcasting, the regard to regulation, print media als, civil society members, etc. South African Broadcasting Cor- self-regulates through an inde- The gender and race of all the poration (SABC) is by far the pendent press ombudsman, while people accessed were also noted. biggest and arguably the most broadcast media is regulated by important player. The majority of the Independent Communica- • Issues covered: This was de- the country’s population rely on tions Authority of South Africa termined by looking at the top- the broadcaster’s radio and tele- (ICASA) in an election period. ics/issues that media focused on vision services for news, because Outside of an election period, the during the election period. By ex- the services are broadcast in all broadcast media also subscribe to tension, this allowed us to see the 11 official languages of the coun- the self-regulatory system under issues that were in turn neglect- try.15 The SABC has over 40 per the auspices of the Broadcast- ed.23 cent of the country’s total radio ing Complaints and Compliance audience and 70 per cent of the Commission of South Africa Using these criteria, we were able television audience.16 However, (BCCSA). Whether regulatory to reveal some of the major find- the broadcaster has been and is frameworks are effective or not ings that will help you determine still experiencing financial and is another issue. What is clear, whether the South African media managerial crises, which have though, is that the country’s 2014 coverage of the 2014 national affected its credibility17 and per- national and provincial elections and provincial elections was bal- haps its ability to effectively de- took place within the context of anced and fair, comprehensive liver quality news. Apart from media that is dominated by a few and people-centred. the SABC, there are two private big media companies. television stations, etv and ANN7 Was the coverage balanced and (also owned by the Gupta fami- How we monitored the 2014 fair? ly group), and about 13 private elections commercial radio stations, which 27 political parties contested have taken a significant share In these elections, we analysed the 2014 national elections.24 Of of the audience since the liber- the coverage of the following 48 these, only five received 84.1% alisation of the airwaves in the online and broadcast media from of the total media coverage, mid-1990s.18 This is aside from 7 March 2014 to 14 May 2014.22 namely, the ANC with 38.2%, the approximately 150 commu- These media were purposely se- Democratic Alliance (DA) with nity radio stations and more than lected in order to be representa- 25.3%, Economic Freedom 130 community newspapers also tive of the South African media Fighters (EFF) with 13.4%, Con- available in the country and sev- landscape described earlier. The gress of the People (COPE) with eral subscription television ser- news content of these media titles 4.1% and Agang SA with 3.1%. vices provided by Multichoice. was analysed using the following This means that the remaining basic criteria: 22 political parties shared the Duncan (2009) observes that the remaining 15.9% of total media media landscape in South Africa • Political party coverage: coverage. Some core questions to has developed the character of a This was determined through consider: Does this show balance funnel, with more media catering counting the number of political in terms of coverage? Does it al- for the few elite being clustered party officials that were accessed low the electorate got to know further up the funnel, while me- directly or indirectly by all me- about other political parties and dia access tapers off drastical- dia whose content was analysed. what they represented in order to ly towards the lower end of the This was also achieved by amal- make an informed choice? With funnel.19 Although 940 million gamating all the direct and indi- such coverage, would we be able newspapers circulate in South rect quotes from political party to understand the country’s polit- Africa per year,20 radio still com- officials into word clouds. So the ical landscape in its entirety and mands vast listenership, with bigger the word in the cloud the complexity? community stations catering for more it was repeated by the poli- specific target audiences, and ticians. More importantly, when we com- national stations targeting peo- pare the amount of media cov- ple across the country. However, • Alternative voices: This was erage these five political parties both print and broadcast are con- achieved by looking at roles of all received to the amount of votes 229 they received we see interesting When it comes to actual fairness the coverage was comprehen- patterns. Although the ANC re- of reporting the media monitored sive, a number of issues need to ceived 38.2% media coverage performed extremely well.25 be considered. On the one hand, it received 62.1% of the votes That is to say, the overwhelming it is important to consider what cast. On the other hand, EFF, the majority of media made clear ef- politicians actually say, because new kid on the block, received forts to ensure that they covered often during electioneering poli- 6.3% of the votes although it had different political parties, that ticians have a lot to say and me- 13.4% of the media coverage. they covered them fairly when dia give them space to articulate The same could be said for COPE they did cover them and where what their parties represent. As and Agang SA, which together parties made allegations against highlighted earlier, to determine failed to get more than 1% of the another the media made signif- what politicians actually said we votes yet together, received 7% icant efforts to offer a response. amalgamated all the direct and media coverage. These findings There can be no doubt that this is indirect quotes from the political raise a few questions. How much a significant achievement for me- parties that received the most me- coverage should media dedicate dia in a developing democracy. dia coverage into word clouds.26 to political parties? Does it really In the clouds that follow the big- matter how much coverage a par- Was the coverage comprehen- ger the word, the more prominent ty gets? More importantly, what sive? it was in politicians’ quotes. do these findings mean for equitable coverage? In order to determine whether

Figure 1: What the ANC said

230 Figure 2: What the DA said

Figure 3: What the EFF said

231 Figure 4: What COPE said

Figure 5: What Agang SA said

What is clear from these word and the DA’s messages, issues riod in the media. clouds is that these parties were that would help voters make an concerned with personalities informed vote were choked by On the other hand, elections are rather than the issues that affect Malema politics. Agang SA also not just about politicians but also South Africans in general. Inter- tried to raise issues around cor- about people who vote, so it’s estingly, the DA’s word cloud ruption and education, but that also important to look at other could be confused with that of the was pretty much all it could do. voices that were amplified during ANC, as there was a lot of talk The word clouds present a sub- the electioneering period. The about the ANC. Although jobs stantial dilemma. They could be following is a chart that shows and corruption (read Nkandla) read to suggest that politicians all the sources that were accessed were raised, not much was said during the election period had no by all media during the election about the other critical issues real substance to offer the elec- period. that affect the country. Given the torate and instead chose to focus media hype around the EFF and on party branding and vacuous what it was expected to bring to messaging, or they could be read the political landscape of South to suggest that the media failed Africa, one would assume the to quote them when they were party would bring up issues re- talking about the real issues. In lating to economic freedom such either event it seems there is lit- as land, mining, etc., to the fore. tle value to be gleaned from what However, just like the ANC’s politicians say in an election pe- 232 1.1% 1.1% 0.4% 2.2%

3.4% Politicians 3.6% Commissions 7.5% Government officials Professionals Ordinary people 7.9% Justice system 52.7% Experts

8.0% Unions Corporations Civil society 12.1% Election observers

Figure 6: Sources accessed by all media

As can be seen from Figure 6, a Given the country’s past, it is Was the coverage people-cen- variety of people were accessed not surprising that politics is still tred? for their views, but over half of structured mainly along racial all the people were politicians lines. As of July 2011, Statistics In order to determine whether and less than 10% were “ordi- South Africa revealed that black the coverage was people-centred nary” people. The question is: people constitute 79% of the pop- or not, we allocated an overall Who should be accessed during ulation, while white and coloured theme or topic to each story we the pre-election period to give the people make up 9% each and In- analysed. The graph that follows voters the most comprehensive dian (and Asian) people make up shows the top ten topic break- information? 3% of the country’s population. down across all media moni- Our findings reveal that white tored, and the top ten accounts Also, women constitute 52% of people are generally overrepre- for 89% of all topics identified. It South Africa’s population, yet sented by media at 18%, while also shows that 40% of all cover- only 25% of all the people quoted coloured and Indian people are age was about party campaigning directly and indirectly by the me- underrepresented at 4% and 1% and party politics. dia are women. This is less than respectively. Is the media mere- the 29% recorded in the 2011 mu- ly portraying existing power dy- nicipal elections. So what’s going namics along racial lines? Does on? Is the media at fault for not the overrepresentation and under- being more proactive about ac- representation of the races impact cessing more women, or should the information for voters? More- we be looking to political parties over, assessed as a whole, should to offer more female voices? We the media reflect the country’s see that women are marginalised racial demographics or should it not only in terms of voice but cater for its targeted audience, ir- also as regards critical issues of respective of race? immediate relevance to them.27

233 21% 19%

16%

12% 11%

6% 4% 4% 3% 3% 2% Other Media Protests Corruption Party politics Opinion polls Opinion Justice system Election results Election logistics Election Political violence Party campaigning Party Figure 7: All topics covered by all media

That high levels of stories fo- complaints process around the media coverage. The coverage of cused on party campaigning and decision to ban the broadcast of children and HIV and Aids were party politics is hardly surprising political advertisements by both virtually non-existent. Ironically, given previous trends in media the DA and the EFF. the coverage was inversely pro- coverage. As this was an elec- portional to the importance of the tion period, however, we would The coverage of the 2014 nation- impact of the issues. Women ac- expect parties themselves to fo- al and provincial elections is thus count for the majority of the pop- cus on these issues. We would very similar to that of previous ulation yet scant regard was paid also hope that media would have elections, where party campaign- to the policies affecting them, adopted a citizens’ agenda and ing and party politics dominated, and the differential impact they afforded less coverage to these aided by a few running stories. have. Given the Oscar Pistorius areas, as their dominance adds In the 2011 municipal elections trial and the saturated coverage little to the understanding by au- coverage was around the toilet afforded to that it was anticipat- diences of the big election issues saga, with missed opportuni- ed that gender, gender-based vio- or parties’ policies. ties to unpack sanitation issues lence or issues around masculini- more broadly. This is the case ty could have featured as election Corruption was unusually high, with Nkandla, the IEC Chair and themes. but the majority of stories were the SABC and political adverts. focused on Nkandla. Election lo- While there were some outstand- Children account for 37% of our gistics was also relatively high, ing pieces of reporting on these population, yet again their issues but again this is largely attribut- issues, issues directly affecting were marginalised. The spectre able to the focus on the Indepen- citizens were neglected. of racism continues to inform our dent Electoral Commission (IEC) politics and national discourse, Chairperson, Pansy Tlakula, We know this because key issues yet, again, aside from a handful following the Public Protector’s such as voter education, crime, of stories the issues, policies and report implicating her in wrong- development, service delivery, potential solutions went under the doing. Media for the first time land, labour, racism, affirmative radar. Issues around our environ- was in the top ten, but not as a action, disabilities, education, en- ment and climate change, which focus on media policy issues but vironment, gender, health, hous- impact the poor most directly, more around the attention giving, human rights and poverty were also missed. Even “big” en to the SABC and the ICASA each received less than 1% of the stories like economics, where po- 234 tential models could have been wazimap.co.za – an online tool 14 Sapa. The New Age begins – at last. tested or hotly debated, or crime that combines census and elec- Timeslive. Accessed from: http:// www.timeslive.co.za/ and gun control, land and hous- tion data in one place in order to local/2010/12/06/the-new-age- ing – all critical issues for the ma- help media do their work better. begins---at-last jority of South Africans – were We also know that the challenge 15 Krüger, F. Fourth estate or fifth under-reported. Again, it would of churnalism is also difficult to column? The media on the 2011 appear that with some notable overcome. In this regard we have campaign trail. In S. Booysen (Ed.), Local elections in South Africa: exceptions media allowed their developed www.newstools.co.za Parties, people, politics. agendas to be determined by pol- where you can check articles for Bloemfontein: Sun Press, 2012, iticians and political parties, and churnalism. The decision rests p.231. not citizens. with you, the reader. 16 Media Development and Diversity Agency. Trends of ownership and control of media in South Africa. This again raises more ques- END NOTES Johannesburg: MDDA, 2009, p.9- tions. Which issues should take 17 Krüger, F. Fourth estate or fifth precedence over others in terms 1 Schulz Herzenberg, C. Managing column? The media on the 2011 of media coverage? And whose public opinion during the 2009 campaign trail. In S. Booysen (Ed.), South African elections. In H. E. Local elections in South Africa: role is it to put these issues on Thuynsma (Ed.), Public opinion and Parties, people, politics. the agenda? How much coverage interest group politics: South Bloemfontein: Sun Press, 2012, should be given to these issues, Africa’s missing links? Pretoria: p.231. given that they are so important Africa Institute of South Africa, 18 Ibid, p.232. 2012, p. 137. 19 This is hardly a justifiable situation to South Africa? Perhaps most 2 Ibid. for a media system aiming for importantly, how do we ensure 3 Ibid. universality and diversity. See that the media cover crucial is- 4 Ibid. Duncan, J. (2009). The uses and sues and move away from per- 5 Kwame Boafo, S. T. Supporting abuses of political economy: The sonalities? The answer is all the democracy, good governance and ANC’s media policy. Accessed peace building in Africa: Some from: http://www.academia.edu/ more challenging when it is (or ethical challenges for the African Papers/in/African_National_ seems) clear that audiences also media. In C. Ukpadi (Ed.), Congress want personalities over issues, or Handbook on journalism ethics: 20 Media Development and Diversity do they? African case studies. Windhoek: Agency. Trends of ownership and The Media Institute of Southern control of media in South Africa. Africa, 2001, p.23. Johannesburg: MDDA, 2009, p.16. Conclusion 6 Ibid. 21 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 22 For a list of all the media we Given how the media performed 8 Frère, M-S. The media and elections monitored see: http://elections2014. in these elections do you think in post-conflict Central African mediamonitoringafrica.org/ countries. Paper presented at the 23 For a full description of the there is a good story to tell? For Election Processes, Liberation methodology also see: http:// us, the picture is not as bright as Movements and Democratic Change elections2014. it could or should be, but that is in Africa Conference, Maputo, mediamonitoringafrica.org/ indicative of our democracy as Mozambique, 2010, p.5-10). 24 For a full list of the political parties 9 Krüger, F. Fourth estate or fifth that contested the 2014 national well. It is also worth noting that column? The media on the 2011 elections see: http://www.elections. there were numerous cases where campaign trail. In S. Booysen (Ed.), org.za/content/ media engaged, unpacked and Local elections in South Africa: 25 To see how media performed analysed critical issues. The real Parties, people, politics. in terms of fairness see: challenge for our media is how Bloemfontein: Sun Press, 2012, http://elections2014. p.232. mediamonitoringafrica.org/ to do more of that with fewer re- 10 Media Development and Diversity 26 A word cloud is a visual sources, especially when faced Agency. Trends of ownership and representation of text that shows by the slick, well-resourced spin control of media in South Africa. keywords from a text. The more the machines of political parties. We Johannesburg: MDDA, 2009, p.16. word is repeated in the text, bigger 11 Mail & Guardian website http:// it is in the word cloud. see these findings as a call for mg.co.za/page/history 27 See next section on whether the real and long-term investment 12 Krüger, F. Fourth estate or fifth coverage was people-centred. in the skills and capacity devel- column? The media on the 2011 opment of our journalists and campaign trail. In S. Booysen (Ed.), media houses. We also hope that Local elections in South Africa: Parties, people, politics. the findings will help in high- Bloemfontein: Sun Press, 2012, lighting areas and opportunities p.232. for further in-depth coverage. We 13 Ibid. have therefore developed www. 235 WESTERN CAPE

Dr Cherrel Africa, Head of the Results in the Western Cape party in the 2014 provincial elec- Political Studies Department, tions compared to 32% in 2009. University of the Western Cape The Democratic Alliance (DA) The African Christian Democrat- increased its majority in the ic Party (ACDP) saw its support Introduction Western Cape, obtaining 59% base drop from 2% to 1%, while of the vote in 2014 compared to the Economic Freedom Fighters The province has the same pre- 51% in 2009. The African Na- (EFF) managed to obtain 2% of mier and there is significant con- tional Congress (ANC) main- the vote in the province. Other tinuity in the provincial legisla- tained its level of support in the small parties in the Western Cape ture and the provincial cabinet. Western Cape, with 33% of vot- received fractional support in the ers casting their ballot for the 2014 election.

Table 1: Western Cape Provincial Results (1994-2014)

Party Total no. of votes Percentage % Name 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014 DP/DA 141,970 189,183 424,832 1,012,568 1,259,645 7% 12% 27% 51% 59% ANC 705,576 668,106 709,052 620,918 697,664 33% 42% 45% 32% 33% EFF NA NA NA NA 44,762 NA NA NA NA 2% FF/FF+ 44,003 6,394 9,705 8,384 11, 587 2% 0.40% 0.62% 0.43% 0.55% ACDP 25,731 44,323 53,934 28,995 21,693 1% 3% 3% 2% 1% ID NA NA 122,867 92,116 NA NA NA 8% 5% NA UDM NA 38,071 27,489 14,013 10 199 NA 2% 1.75% 0.71% 0.48% COPE NA NA NA 152,356 12 520 NA NA NA 8% 0.59% NP/NNP 1,138,242 609,612 170,469 NA NA 53% 38% 11% NA NA

Source: Independent Electoral Commission. Retrieved June 5, 2014 from http://www.elections.org.za

The Western Cape Provincial Legislature

The Western Cape Provincial Legislature consists of 42 members. The DA is the ruling party, holding 26 of the 42 seats – up from its previous term, where it occupied 22 seats. The party gained four more seats after absorbing the Independent Democrats (ID) and the demise of the Congress of the People (COPE) in the province. The ANC maintained the 14 seats that it obtained after the 2009 elections, while the ACDP lost one of its two seats. The EFF managed to gain enough votes to receive one seat in the Western Cape.

Table 2: Western Cape Seat Allocation (1994-2009)

Party Name (abbreviation) Total no. of seats 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014 Democratic Party (DP)/ Democratic Alliance 3 5 12 22 26 African National Congress (ANC) 14 18 19 14 14 Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) NA NA NA NA 1 Freedom Front (FF)/ Freedom Front Plus (VF Plus) 1 0 0 0 0 African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) 1 1 3 2 1 Independent Democrats (ID) NA NA 3 3 NA United Democratic Movement (UDM) NA 1 1 0 0 Congress of the People (COPE) NA NA NA 3 0 National Party (NP)/ New National Party (NNP) 23 17 5 NA NA

Source: Independent Electoral Commission. Retrieved June 5, 2014 from http://www.elections.org.za 236 The Provincial Cabinet

DA leader Helen Zille remains the premier of the Western Cape, and only minor changes were made to the provincial cabinet. There are ten Members of the Executive Council (MECs) who are appointed by the premier. Two vacancies arose after Agriculture MEC Gerrit van Rensburg moved to the National Assembly and Transport and Public Works MEC, Robin Carlisle, retired. There are two newcomers to the provincial cabinet. University of the Western Cape academic Nomafrench Mbombo will take up the Cultural Affairs and Sport portfolio from Dr Ivan Meyer and former parliamentary member Debbie Schafer will replace Donald Grant in the Education portfolio.1 In 2009 Helen Zille faced significant criticism for not being trans- formative in her cabinet appointments. This has continued after her announcement of the 2014 cabinet.2

Table 3: Western Cape Provincial Cabinet

Helen Zille Premier Position retained Debbie Schafer Education New appointment Nomafrench Mbombo Cultural Affairs and Sport New appointment Theuns Botha Health Position retained Local Government, Environmental Affairs and Devel- Position retained Anton Bredell opment Planning Albert Fritz Social Development Position retained Donald Grant Transport and Public Works Formerly Education Bonginkosi Madikizela Human Settlements Position retained Formerly Cultural Af- Ivan Meyer Finance fairs and Sport Dan Plato Community Safety Position retained Alan Winde Agriculture, Economic Development and Tourism Formerly Finance

Governance Challenges in the poor living conditions. The con- Indeed, a lack of safety is anoth- Western Cape tinuing increase in the provin- er key challenge that the Western cial population exacerbates these Cape faces. National crime statis- In many respects the Western problems. tics reveals that Mitchells Plain, Cape is a thriving province. The one of the most densely popu- economy of the Cape metro Despite the introduction of the In- lated areas in the Western Cape, makes the second-largest contri- tegrated Rapid Transport system, is severely affected by crime.8 bution to the national GDP, and public transport remains a ma- Crime in the province is wors- it also has the lowest unemploy- jor problem in poor areas, since ened by a wide network of gangs. ment rate in the country.3 Cape it was first introduced in areas Elsies River, Hanover Park, Lav- Town and many other areas in where most residents have their ender Hill, and Manenberg have the Western Cape are regarded as own private vehicles.5 Residents been identified as gang priority major tourist attractions. in poor areas face significant chal- hotspots in the province.9 In 2013, lenges in getting to work, school 12% of the 2,580 murders in the However, the Western Cape and elsewhere. Many depend on province were gang-related, and has many inter-related complex Metrorail, which has faced sig- 44% of drug-related crimes in developmental challenges. In- nificant challenges in delivering South Africa occurred in the equality is a major problem in its service to those who rely on it. Western Cape.10 Apartheid-era the province. Unemployment is At times train delays have result- housing infrastructure, particu- widespread in many so-called ed in commuters being on trains larly large blocks of flats, fuels black and coloured township ar- for as long as three hours due to many of these problems. Dealing eas. Schools in townships have cable theft and other related prob- with the matter of increased gang formidable challenges, and the lems.6 The ongoing taxi violence violence has become a much-de- pass rates in these schools are in Cape Town also creates prob- bated political issue. much lower than those of schools lems for those commuters who in the suburbs.4 A shortage of ad- rely on this mode of transport.7 In In her State of the Province adequate housing and services is many instances people put their dress delivered on 20 June 2014, exacerbated by seasonal flooding lives at risk by walking to their Helen Zille prioritised the imple- in the province. These problems destinations in the early hours of mentation of the Provincial De- in turn fuel various health prob- the morning and late at night. velopment Plan (PDP), indicating lems, which are worsened by that “the Western Cape Govern- 237 ment supports most of the objec- One of the key commitments compromise education outcomes tives of the NDP”.11 Given the made by the premier was to make and threaten job creation, par- toxic and destructive relationship the Western Cape a leader in ticularly among the youth. The between the DA and the ANC in broadband access. She paid sig- speech therefore laid out various the Western Cape, the premier nificant attention to job creation, strategies for community devel- acknowledged the need for great- with a particular focus on young opment and how to deal with er co-operation between political entrepreneurs, small and medium these issues. parties. She started her address size firms (SMEs), the tourism by stating that she sincerely industry, the Western Cape as a Media Coverage hopes “that constructive dialogue call centre destination, the aqua- and debate will supersede ob- culture industry, the agriculture In the run-up to the election structive, polarising politics” industry, the oil and gas sector media coverage in the Western during sittings. She also stressed and the renewable energy sector. Cape framed the electoral con- the importance of co-operation She also indicated that skills de- test between political parties as between the different spheres of velopment remains a priority for underpinned by a battle between government, but concluded that the Western Cape government so-called coloured and black vot- “if various national departments and announced the development ers. There are of course different continue to block our efforts in of an “e-skills platform that will racially structured interests and this regard, we will resort to the serve as an integrated tool for challenges, and aggressive neg- legal remedies available to us”. government, higher education ative campaigning has racial un- and the private sector to engage derpinnings. However, beyond The premier identified building with one another in order to match simply reporting on these dy- integrated and sustainable human skills development programmes namics, media coverage was pre- settlements in the province as the to current skills shortages and for mised on presumptions about the biggest challenge. Zille stated citizens to access career-related “coloured electorate”. Perpetual- that it is essential to do this, as it training and advice”. According ly framing issues through these would improve social cohesion to Zille, the bulk of the provincial lenses can be counter-produc- and redress the legacies of the education budget will be spent tive as it has the potential to add past. She estimated that it would on underprivileged learners. She to the cycle of conflict between cost over R70 billion (double outlined the following focus ar- communities. While it is like- the budget of the Western Cape eas: improving language and ly these divisions will continue Government) to provide land, mathematics outcomes; improv- to be highlighted as the Western services and top structures, based ing the quality of leadership and Cape government grapples with on a housing database of over teaching; strengthening of School its implementation programme, 500 000 households in the prov- Governing Bodies; creating safe it is important that media outlets ince. In addition to outlining the and welcoming environments begin to reflect on their role in delivery programme of a number for optimal learning; improving covering these issues. of housing projects, she called infrastructure and facilities at for “new and improved strategies Pre-election coverage was dom- schools and improving access to inated by the campaigns and that harness households, the pri- learning support material. vate sector and NGOs to place election logistics. Media Moni- the Western Cape on a different Zille indicated that the provision toring Africa (MMA) conducted housing trajectory, one which of- of healthcare will be guided by systematic research on the news fers an improved living environ- the Healthcare 2030 framework coverage of 50 media outlets (in- ment for everyone”… “to come and that “meeting the health cluding print, online and broadcast media) between 7 March up with innovative partnerships needs of an ever expanding 12 and solutions to improve peo- population with a limited bud- 2014 and 30 April 2014. Its data ple’s standard of living in the get requires innovative thinking reveals that 52% of all coverage province at a much faster pace”. and strong partnerships with the could be categorised under the She added that “it is critical that private sector”. She outlined her themes “party campaigning” and all three spheres of government plans for building new health “party politics”. It also found that work together to come up with facilities and upgrading existing election coverage was not done new pioneering models to deliv- clinics, hospitals and community from the citizen’s perspective. er integrated human settlements. day centres. She acknowledged While provincial media outlets The current housing challenges that despite sustained progress, covered the election campaign we face across the country must social challenges such as teen- extensively, MMA does not have not be politicised, either in gov- age pregnancies, gang violence provincial data available. The ernment or on the ground”. as well as alcohol and drug abuse trends noted by MMA are likely to be prevalent in provincial 238 media. In any event, much of the co.za/national/politics/2014/05/22/ “Western Cape Police lament campaign coverage which would anc-criticises-zilles-provincial- “challenging year of crime” be consumed in the provinces cabinet Business Day Live (2013). 3 Economic Information and Research Retrieved 12 June 2014. From was presented on national media Unit, Economic Development http://www.bdlive.co.za/ platforms. While covering policy Department, City of Cape Town. national/2013/09/20/western- implementation is more difficult, “Cape Town Quarterly report: State cape-police-lament-challenging- since the election period lends it- of the Cape Town Economy”. year-of-crime self to the production of news, it (2013) Retrieved 20 June 2014. 9 Swingler, S. “Fighting the gangs is as important. From https://www.capetown.gov.za/ of South Africa’s Western Cape” en/ehd/Documents The Guardian (2014). Retrieved 12 4 Dwane, Y. “Reply to Western Cape June 2014. From http://www. Conclusion MEC for Education, Donald Grant, theguardian.com/world/2014/ on the textbook crisis in Khayelitsha may/29/gangs-south-africa-western- Now that the dust is beginning Schools”. (2010). Retrieved 12 June cape to settle after an intense elec- 2014. From http://www. 10 Western Cape Government. “Report tion period, the hard work of equaleducation.org.za/article/reply- identifying the policing needs and governance and implementation to-western-cape-mec-for-education- priorities in the Western Cape” begins. Whether the DA-led donald-grant-on-the-textbook-crisis- (2013). Retrieved 12 June 2014. in-khayelitsha-schools From http://www.westerncape.gov. provincial government can im- 5 Eichhon, M. “My Citi: Why Cape za/assets/departments/ plement changes which begin to Town needs a unique solution to community-safety/pnps_2012- address the complex web of so- public transport”. (2013) Retrieved 2013_report_29-08-2013.pdf cio-economic challenges facing 10 July 2014. From www.groundup. 11 Zille, H. “Western Cape State of the province remains to be seen. org the Province Address (II)” 6 Jackman, R. “Metrorail issues late Retrieved 20 June 2014. From END NOTES notes to Commuters”. Independent http://www.politicsweb.co.za/ Online. (2014) Retrieved 10 June, politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ 2014. From http://www.iol.co.za/ 12 Media Monitoring Africa. 1 Donnelly, L. “Zille adds 2 women to news/south-africa/western-cape/ “Media Coverage of the 2014 Western Cape Cabinet” Mail and metrorail-issues-late-notes-to- National & Provincial Elections in Guardian (2014). Retrieved 26 commuters- South Africa. Media Coverage May 2014. From http://mg.co.za/ 7 SAPA. “7 Dead in Cape Taxi of the 2014 National & Provincial article/2014-05-21-zille-adds-two- Violence”. Independent Online. Elections in South Africa”. (2014) women-to-western-cape-cabinet (2014) Retrieved 10 June 2014. Retrieved 12 June 2014. From 2 Phakathi, B. “ANC criticises Zille’s From http://www.iol.co.za/news/ http://elections2014. provincial cabinet” Business Day crime-courts/7-dead-in-cape-taxi- mediamonitoringafrica.org/ Live (2014). Retrieved 27 May violence 2014. From http://www.bdlive. 8 Phakathi, B. and Magubone, K.

NORTH WEST

Dr Ina Gouws – North West ment, the media play three criti- politicians, but actually for University (Vaal Triangle Cam- cal roles during elections: ordinary people to speak up pus) about issues that concern 1. They provide information them.1 The last of the provincial updates about the election to citizens focused on the North West takes (factual and fair reporting on The media guide provided by the a look at media coverage of the campaigns and platforms of IEC for the 2014 elections cov- entire electoral process and the all political parties as well ered a range of resources media provincial results, and offers as analysis and interpretation outlets could use to essentially some recommendations for any of events and issues) fulfil the abovementioned roles administrative and procedural re- 2. The media must function as effectively.2 The problem is that forms needed. watchdogs on behalf of certain topics in the North West citizens, keeping close tabs on were on the campaign agenda The media’s role and perfor- the campaigns and election even before the election cam- mance process paigns officially got underway 3. The media needs to serve as – i.e. the Marikana Massacre, According to the Asia-Pacific In- the voice of the voters. platinum strikes, violent pro- stitute for Broadcasting Develop- Elections are not just for tests in Madibeng, Bloemhof 239 etc. These events dominated me- the perceived reasons for these cused on Teemane, Rustenburg dia reporting in the North West. events took centre-stage. Nation- and Madibeng, all areas identi- Actions and reaction of political al reporting for all publications fied as hotspots by the IEC. parties about these events and in North West was therefore fo-

Voting district % Population in NW % Media coverage for NW Teemane 2% 16.1% Rustenburg 16% 73.2% Madibeng 14% 10.7%

Source: Media Monitoring Africa1

According to Media Monitoring Africa, most of the national election coverage was fair and unbiased. They provided this schematic of publication coverage of political parties.

Evidence of continuous election for Zeerust News and Overvaal lo. This issue was significant in coverage by North West media Newspaper showed no evidence the run-up to the elections, and is scarce. From the publications of election coverage. residents are waiting for action mentioned in a previous update against any officials implicat- only the Potchefstroom Herald As far as the ‘hotspots’ go; a lo- ed.5 The Kormorant has a very and Mafikeng Mail seemed to cal newspaper that surprised is good online version. Hard news, have some election coverage. The the Platinum Weekly.4 This local politics and service delivery are Potchefstroom Herald reported online paper reported on the elec- all covered in English and Afri- on the IEC readiness before the tions and election results, and is kaans. The “Government” sec- elections, voter education, the reporting extensively on the plat- tion focuses on both Madibeng final results and the ANC’s loss inum strikes. Madibeng has the municipal news as well as North of support in the province. The Kormorant and the Madibeng West provincial news. Archives Mafikeng Mail relied on letters Times. The online version of the show that news about service de- from readers to provide some Madibeng Times seems to keep livery protests and allegations of insights into provincial election readers up to date with current corruption against officials were matters. The Editor’s Viewpoint political issues and does not shy important issues in the run-up to section ventured to provide some away from covering hard news. the elections and after.6 views on the new North West The publication of 12 June 2014 premier and asserted that ANC reported for instance on Thandi For Teemane it seems the Stel- North West should embrace him Modise handing over the report lalander reported on elections and try to unify the party. Online on corruption investigations to and local government news. The searches on websites provided the new premier Mahumape- 4 June 2014 issue covered the

240 suspension of the Lekwa Tee- delivery protests.7 The previous election update mane mayor pending outcomes asked for analysis of election of an investigation initiated be- Results and allocation of seats results patterns and implications fore the elections. This was an and composition of Provincial per province. The results and important issue and one of the Cabinets allocation of seats are repeated reasons for the violent service here.

Provincial Election Results – NWP

Total registered voters Total valid votes Spoiled ballots Voter turnout Provin- cial 1 669 349 1 107 079 18 629 66.32%

Party Name Abbr. No. of Votes % Votes Seats in Prov legislature AFRICAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY ACDP 5 728 0.53% 0 AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ANC 733 490 67.39% 23 AFRICAN PEOPLE’S CONVENTION APC 4 398 0.40% 0 AGANG SOUTH AFRICA AGANG 4 736 0.44% 0 SA AZANIAN PEOPLE’S ORGANISATION AZAPO 1 796 0.17% 0 CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE COPE 8 692 0.80% 0 DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE DA 138 521 12.73% 4 ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS EFF 143 765 13.21% 5 INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY IFP 1 496 0.14% 0 NATIONAL FREEDOM PARTY NFP 1 582 0.15% 0 PAN AFRICANIST CONGRESS OF AZANIA PAC 1 473 0.14% 0 SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICAL PARTY SAPP 662 0.06% 0 UNITED CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY UCDP 12 811 1.18% 0 UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT UDM 9 615 0.88% 0 VRYHEIDSFRONT PLUS VF Plus 18 746 1.72% 1 WORKERS AND SOCIALIST PARTY WASP 939 0.09% 0

It is no surprise that the ANC COPE since 2009. COPE failed only 1.18% of the votes. won the provincial elections in to get enough votes in North West North West. The discontent dis- to occupy one seat in the legisla- Four new MECs were appointed, played by service delivery pro- ture. The DA did gain 4.34% to filling vacancies left by outgoing tests as well as the memory of bring the party up to 12.59%, but Nono Maloyi, Raymond Elisha, Marikana and subsequent labour the EFF edged past with 13.20% Paul Sebegoe and Motlalepule protests did however cost the to become the official opposition. Rosho. Of the six retained, only ANC votes. The party got 5.5% It was a good showing for a new two continued in their previous less votes than in 2009 and came party and the support in places portfolios: Dr Magome Masike down to 67.39% from 72.89%. like Marikana and Rustenburg at health and Wendy Matsemela The DA hoped that this discon- has certainly contributed. The at education and sports develop- tent would be advantageous to only other party with a seat in the ment. The reconfigured Rural, them. It ended up in a heavily provincial legislature is the VF+, Environmental and Agricultural contested battle with the EFF to with 1.72% of the votes in the Development (Read) has been become the official opposition in province. The UCDP lost its two taken over by former local gov- the province, a position held by seats in the legislature and got ernment MEC Manketsi Tlhape. 241 Former Member of Parliament trade unions, faith based forma- West optimally and is not moti- Wendy Nelson is the new MEC tions and the business communi- vating more local media to be- for Treasury and Enterprise De- ty as well as organisations repre- come involved in voter education velopment, while a stand-alone senting people with disabilities and disseminating election-relat- tourism department is headed by would be helpful. ed information. Desbo Mohono. The social development portfolio was given to Surely after five elections the END NOTES Reginah Mochware, while public wheels of the IEC machine are works and roads went to SACP supposed to be well-oiled. Bal- 1 AIBD. “Fair elections and leader in the province Madoda lot papers arriving late, voting responsible journalism”. (2014). Sambatha. Local government is stations opening late etc. are the http://www.aibd.org.my/node/1083 2 IEC. “Media Guide”. (2014). www. now combined with human set- type of situations that should no elections.org.za/content/.../Media/ tlements, and the new MEC is longer occur except in extreme IEC%20MediaGuide2014.pdf Collen Maine, while community circumstances, especially in iden- 3 Media Monitoring Africa. “Election safety and transport management tified hotspots. Security of ballot 2014 analysis” elections2014. is under Saliva Molapisi.8 papers, whether counted or not, mediamonitorsafrica.org 4 should be a priority at all times Platinum Weekly. www.platinumweekly.co.za Recommendations until election results are official. 5 Mafikeng Mail. “Premier Complaints about IEC staff sur- Supra Mahumapelo receives the The IEC provides information for faced regularly. More transpar- report from Thandi Modise”. its provincial offices regarding ency about the recruiting and (2014). http://madibengtimes.co.za/ contact persons and locations. training process might change Issue.pdf 6 What is lacking is provincially negative perceptions. Detail Kormorant. http://www.kormorant. co.za/category/local-government/ focused pages with information about the screening process 7 Stellalander. http://www.northwest about provincial election mat- should be provided. newspapers.co.za/stellalander/index. ters – i.e. composition of party php/component/search/? liaison committees, summaries The IEC should always avoid searchword=municipal& of decisions taken by these com- being at the centre of any allega- ordering=newest&searchphrase=all 8 mittees, voter education events in tions of misconduct. Elfas Torerai. “North West Premier Mahumapelo the province, exact programme announces new team”. (2014). of such events, number of voting Lastly, there are a lot of local http://www.thenewage. stations etc. Publishing outcomes newspapers and radio stations in co.za/126599-1007-53-North_West_ of engagement with relevant addition to the national broad- Premier_Mahumapelo_ stakeholders in the province such casters and publications. The IEC announces_new_team as the media, youth formations, is not using local media in North

EASTERN CAPE

Lashiola Kutya, Malachia informed choices. The media acts elections is the right of voters to Mathoho, Sibulele Poswayo as a crucial conduit for this and full and accurate information and and Stephen Shisanya – Afe- as a watchdog over democratic citizen engagement in debates sis-corplan elections, safeguarding the trans- and dialogue on policy matters. parency of the process. Indeed, The role of the media during the Media Coverage a democratic election with no entire electoral process (pre-elec- media freedom, or stifled media toral, electoral and post-elector- A free and fair election is not only freedom, would be a contradic- al) is to ensure that voters make about the freedom to vote and the tion in terms. informed choices and to provide knowledge of how to cast a vote, a platform for candidates, parties but also about a participatory The primary focus of this arti- and electoral bodies to canvas process where voters engage in cle is on the printed press, radio, for votes and disseminate crucial public debate and have adequate television broadcasters and new voting information. To this end, information about parties, poli- media, including online journal- the Independent Communica- cies, candidates and the election ism and social media. A prime tions Authority of South Africa process itself in order to make concern of media coverage of (ICASA) regulates party election 242 broadcasts and political adver- Electoral management institu- the debates. tisements, and ensures the equi- tions played a crucial role pre-, table treatment of political parties during and post-elections. For in- Among other media organisa- in the media space. stance, in the run-up to the 2014 tions, News24 and some local elections, the Independent Elec- community radio stations around Pre-voting toral Commission (IEC) made the province gave regular reports an effort to ensure that eligible on the state of various polling sta- The Association of Independent voters, and especially young, tions. News24 even reported on a Publishers1 (AIP) recognised the first-time voters, were registered school hall torched in Sterkspruit importance of media in educating to vote. This involved the use of which was later reported as not and informing the public during adverts on public and commu- being a voting station.6 the election process; thus it con- nity media platforms, such as ducted regional workshops titled the IEC’s ‘I Vote South Africa’ For the Eastern Cape, the Times the “People, Parties and Polls: (IXSA) campaign. The IEC also Live reported the provincial Strategic Reporting for the 2014 distributed voter education mate- electoral officer Thami Mraji ac- Elections in South Africa”. The rials on various social media plat- knowledging that the process was training, which was supported forms such as Facebook, Twitter “credible, free, and fair in spite by the Open Society Foundation and Mxit. This made engaging of the many challenges that were for South Africa, was aimed at with the IEC much easier for encountered”. The press also re- equipping community journalists techno-savvy, first-time voters. ported on some of the challenges with skills to report on the 2014 The IEC also implemented a vol- faced during the process, which elections. For the Eastern Cape untary Schools Democracy Week included parties’ complaints Province the training was held on programme in partnership with about the national ballot papers 30 to 31 January 2014. This was the Department of Basic Educa- that could not be scanned as they a way of enhancing Civic Edu- tion in October last year – a first did not have barcodes.7 The me- cation by focusing on reporters in South Africa.4 dia also gave regular updates on so that they have clarity and the the voting stations’ counting pro- essential skills on how to capture Algoa fm, a privately owned ra- cesses, and interviewed various the process. Evidently, after the dio station based in Port Eliza- individuals who were part of the training the Eastern Cape Times beth and East London, reported election process in the various reported vast election information on internal party news – for in- voting stations. ranging from previous elections, stance, the call by COPE to its youth voices about elections, supporters to vote for the party Overall, the media provided vast special votes, voter education, and to ignore the in-fighting in information to the public regard- and political party dynamics, to the party.5 ing the voting process, party mention but a few aspects.2 politics, disseminating of results Voting Period and the post-election cabinet an- Port Elizabeth-based Bay TV, via nouncements. Although the me- its Facebook page, also gave the During the voting period commu- dia tried its best to provide un- public a platform to discuss the nity media in the Eastern Cape biased information, a degree of elections, and looked at various Province published the dates and over-reporting on the main par- political parties especially the voting centres around the prov- ties was witnessed: most reports ANC and DA. It emphasised the ince. centred on the ruling party, the issue of respecting voting priva- ANC, and then the strong oppo- cy (by informing the public from Vukani community radio station, sition parties, namely the Demo- refraining on “taking selfies” i.e. based in the Chris Hani District, cratic Alliance, Economic Free- photos). The national TV broad- aired some political debates dom Fighters, Congress of the casts and E-TV normal program- during the election period where People, Pan Africanist Congress ming were adjusted to give a dai- it created an opportunity for local of Azania and AgangSA. ly update on election coverage as political parties to present their from 7 May 2014 till 9 May 2014. manifestos and canvas for votes. The sole purpose was to keep the Political debates were hosted in public updated on the process as town halls in each of the eight it occurred.3 municipalities in the Chris Hani District, and were transmitted live for listeners to interact with 243 Breakdown of results and allo- that were encountered. That is standing at 3,240,059. Of this cation of seats as well as com- according to the Independent number, 2,213,121 cast their position of provincial cabinet Electoral Commission of South votes. The table below shows a Africa’s Eastern Cape electoral breakdown of the results per par- The 2014 elections in the East- officer, Mr Thami Mraji. ty and the percentage that each ern Cape were credible. They party organisation obtained in the were conducted freely and fair- The Eastern Cape had a high provincial elections. ly in spite the many challenges number of registered voters –

Table 1: Breakdown of results for the Province of the Eastern Cape

Party Name No. of Votes % Votes AFRICAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY ACDP 7,291 0.33 % AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CONGRESS AIC 16,786 0.77 % AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ANC 1,528,345 70.09 % AFRICAN PEOPLE’S CONVENTION APC 5,000 0.23 % AGANG SOUTH AFRICA AGANGSA 2,372 0.11 % AZANIAN PEOPLE’S ORGANISATION AZAPO 2,509 0.12 % CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE COPE 26,129 1.20 % DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE DA 353,316 16.20 % ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS EFF 75,776 3.48 % INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY IFP 1,388 0.06 % KINGDOM GOVERNANCE MOVEMENT KGM 3,932 0.18 % NATIONAL FREEDOM PARTY NFP 3,472 0.16 % PAN AFRICANIST CONGRESS OF AZANIA PAC 9,691 0.44 % PATRIOTIC MOVEMEMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA PAMSA 759 0.03 % UNITED CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY UCDP 1,194 0.05 % UNITED CONGRESS UNICO 1,406 0.06 % UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT UDM 134,280 6.16 % VRYHEIDSFRONT PLUS VF Plus 6,818 0.31 % Total Valid Votes 2,180,464 100.00 % Spoilt Votes 32,657 Total Votes Cast 2,213,121

Allocation of Seats

In South Africa, each of the nine Provincial Legislatures is required to allocate seats based on the votes each party has received. There are five political parties in the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature. The table below shows the number of seats each of the five parties occupies in the Legislature.

Table 2: Allocation of Seats in the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature.

NAME OF ORGANISATION NUMBER OF SEATS African National Congress 45 Democratic Alliance 10 United Democratic Movement 4 Economic Freedom Fighters 2 Congress of the People 1 African Independent Congress 1 TOTAL NUMBER OF SEATS 63

It is interesting to note that the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature is led by a woman. The Speaker of the Legislature is the ex-Premier of the Eastern Cape, Ms Noxolo Keviet, and she has another woman, Ms Bulelwa Thunyiswa, as her deputy.

244 Composition of Provincial Cabinet

The Cabinet of the Eastern Cape is made up of 22 members, with 10 Departments, including the Depart- ment of the Premier. Previously there were 12 Departments; however, the following departments have been merged:

• Department of Finance and Economic Development and Environmental Affairs and Tourism; • Transport and Safety and Liaison

The table below lists the various departments and their MECs.

Table 3: Composition of the Eastern Cape Cabinet.

DEPARTMENT MEC 1 Premier Premier Phumelo Maswale 2 Education Mr Mandla Makhuphula 3 Roads and Public Works Ms Thandiswa Marawu 4 Sports Recreation and Arts and Culture Ms Pemmy Majodina 5 Rural Development and Agrarian Reform Mr Mlibo Qhoboshiyane 6 Social Development Ms Nancy Sihlwayi 7 Finance and Economic Development and Environmental Mr Sakhumzi Somyo Affairs and Tourism 8 Transport and Safety and Liason Ms Weziwe Tikana 9 Local Government and Traditional Affairs Mr Fikile Xhasa 10 Human Settlements Ms Helen Sauls-August 11 Health Ms Pumza Dyantyi

Recommendations ing Officers on what procedures happiness about the governance are to be followed by voters, as system. Communities tend to Eastern Cape Province is the this is crucial: it might disturb the take the election period as an second-largest province in the voting process and lead to chaos opportunity to get attention for country, and a large portion of inside polling stations. their grievances from authorities. it is made up of rural communi- It was reported that during the ties. Some parts of the province In the area of Mthatha, it was elections some parts of the voting are not easily accessible by ve- found that some of the results areas in the Eastern Cape Prov- hicles, which posed challenges slips for the National Ballot did ince were greeted by community to the IEC in the running of the not have a barcode and could protests, which aimed to disturb elections; other deep rural ar- therefore not be scanned. Some the voting process; the South eas do not even have electricity, party representatives were not African Police Service (SAPS) which means voting could not happy with the process or expla- managed to quell these protests continue until late evening hours nation of transcribing the results and allowed the voting process as required by electoral law. All into a new results slip with a bar- to continue. Although the proof these difficulties notwithstand- code although the original slip tests were suppressed by SAPS ing, the IEC managed to run free was going to be kept with the new in time, this should be a lesson to and fair elections in the province, one. In the Lukhanji municipality IEC that communities still need but some improvements are re- (Queenstown area), there was a more voter education to be able quired in certain respects. complaint from parties about bal- to differentiate between the gov- lot boxes that were not correctly ernment and the IEC. The IEC There was an occasion where sealed with the IEC official seal.8 must educate communities about Presiding Officers denied some These management and admin- the body’s independence from voters who were wearing party istrative glitches are challenges government and about allowing t-shirts or party colours a chance that give the IEC lessons to draw other people to freely exercise to vote, but the IEC Provincial from in the future. their voting rights. However, the Office communicated with the IEC indicated that it has conduct- Presiding Officers to correct the Peaceful protest is one of the ed 1,565 events since the registra- matter. In future the IEC must democratic rights in which peo- tion weekend of February 2014, provide more clarity to its Presid- ple are able to express their un- and 87,297 people were reached 245 during voter education.9 normal programming (May 2014). on 17 June 2014 http://www.baydu.co.za/?p=1384 7 Results start coming in after Accessed on 17 June 2014 elections. Times LIVE, Sapa, END NOTES 4 http://www.issafrica.org/iss-today/ Reuters | 08 May, 2014 06:31 sa-elections-first-time-voters-need- http://www.timeslive.co.za/ 1 Bozo (2014), “People, Parties and more-effective-education politics/2014/05/08/results- Polls: Strategic Reporting for 5 Cope Eastern Cape wants voters start-coming-in-after-elections the 2014 Elections in South Africa”. to ignore party squabbles (May Accessed on 16 June 2014 http://www.aip.org.za/wp-content/ 2014). http://www.algoafm.co.za/ 8 Eastern Cape IEC media statement, uploads/2014/06/Election- article.aspx?id=9310 Accessed 17 08 May 2014, East London Training-Report-2014.pdf June 2014. 9 IEC Eastern Cape Provincial Office, Accessed on 15 June 2014 6 Torched Eastern Cape hall not the Media Briefing for the State of 2 Eastern Cape Times (2014). a voting station (May 2014). http:// Readiness of the province delivered http://www.easterntimes.co.za/ www.news24.com/elections/news/ by Eastern Cape Provincial election-reporter/ torched-eastern-cape-hall-not-a- Electoral Officer, Mr Tami Mraji, Accessed on 15 June 2014 voting-station-20140505 Accessed on 25 May 2014 3 2014 Election coverage to interrupt

GAUTENG

Waseem Holland, Independent Researcher

Provincial Results and Seat Allocations

Seats Allocated Party Name Party Abbr. Votes % Votes in Provincial legislature African National ANC 40 2,348,564 53.594% Congress Democratic Alli- DA 23 1,349,001 30.784% ance Economic Freedom EFF 8 451,318 10.299% Fighters Vryheidsfront Plus VF Plus 52,436 1.197% 1 Inkatha Freedom IFP 1 34,240 0.781% Party

Source: Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) website http://www.elections.org.za/content/NPEPublicReports/292/Results%20Report/GP/GP.pdf http://www.elections.org.za/content/NPEPublicReports/292/Seat%20Calculation/National.pdf

Gauteng Provincial Cabinet (Executive Council)

Mr David Makhura Gauteng Premier Ms Barbara Creecy MEC for Finance Mr Panyaza Lesufi MEC for Education Mr Lebogang Maile MEC for Economic Development Ms Nandi Mayathula-Khoza MEC for Infrastructure Development Mr Jacob Mamabolo MEC for Human Settlements and Local Government Ms Qedani Mahlangu MEC for Health Ms Faith Mazibuko MEC for Agriculture, Environment, Rural Development and Social Development Ms Molebatsi Bopape MEC for Sports, Recreation, Arts and Culture Mr Ismail Vadi MEC for Transport Ms Sizakele Emelda Nkosi-Malobane MEC for Community Safety

246 “In addition to the appointment voter turnout in such a short space ever, a scan of the media in the of the Members of the Executive of time does not augur well for lead-up to and on election day Council, I have appointed: Mr the legitimacy of future elections reveals that the coverage lacked Mxolisi Eric Xayiya, as the Spe- in South Africa. Perhaps there substance and was perhaps not cial Advisor on service Delivery needs to be a review of the regis- adequate in informing the elec- Interventions and Mr Mduduzi tration system for the purpose of torate of the issues in the 2014 Mbada special Advisor on Pol- generating a voters’ roll. One of election. The print and broadcast icy and Governance,” said Mr the issues cited by economically media need to engage with the Makhura, adding that changing disadvantaged people relating to policy proposals made by parties the lives of the people of Gauteng registering to vote is that many more deeply and report on the is his main concern.1 do not have a valid identity book, arguments and debates made on which is the main requirement the viability of policy proposals Recommendations for registering.3 There may be a made by parties on the economy, better way of ensuring that fraud- inequality, education, corruption, The percentage turnout for this ulent activities do not occur in foreign policy, amongst other ar- 2014 election was 73.48% of elections, and ID books being a eas. the total registered population. requirement for registration may A comparison of the turnout of not be necessary. END NOTES voters against the entire eligible voting population reveals that Election day this year revealed 1 Statement issued by Special the turnout was much lower than that there seems to be a great Advisor to the Premier Mr in previous elections. Based on disparity between voting centres Mduduzi Mbada, Gauteng Provincial Government, May census estimation, the turnout of in rural and urban areas, and this 24 2014, accessed from http:// voters on election day from the may mirror the infrastructural www.politicsweb.co.za/ whole voting age population was discrepancies in South Africa politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ about 59.34%. The legitimacy of more broadly. Rural voting cen- en/page71651?oid=622050&sn= a democratic leadership is heavi- tres were not as well resourced, Detail&pid=71651 2 ly reliant on receiving a mandate and officials were not as efficient International IDEA website, voter turnout database, http://www.idea. of the largest portion of the popu- as their urban equivalents. There- int/vt/viewdata.cfm lation possible. While the turnout fore, there needs to be greater 3 Centre for Social Development in of South African voters is close developmental efforts made to- Africa, University of Johannesburg, to the international average2, the wards improving rural voting “Voting Behaviour and the low voter turnout should concern centres. influence of Social Protection”. South Africans, because there http://www.uj.ac.za/EN/Newsroom/ News/Documents/2014/CSDA%20 have been only four other national The media were more or less im- media%20briefing.pdf and provincial elections conduct- partial and fair in their coverage ed in South Africa. The decline of in the elections this year. How-

MPUMALANGA

Oupa Makhalemele – and radio to educate the public could take on one another about Independent Researcher about elections. A plethora of parties’ policies and respective programmes focusing specifical- manifestos in the context of the Media Coverage ly on the election were broad- country’s biggest challenges of cast on television, hosted by the poverty inequality and unem- The media, both print and elec- South African Broadcasting Cor- ployment. tronic, ran extensive coverage of poration (SABC), the free-to-air the 2014 elections, in the run-up channel E-TV and a number of During the voter registration pe- to, during and after the 7 May pay-channels. These programmes riod the media in Mpumalanga polls. The public broadcaster, hosted debates between contend- ran public announcements to en- bound by the legislative frame- ing political parties in different courage eligible citizens to reg- work on election coverage, also provinces across the country, pro- ister their names on the voters’ played its part, using platforms viding a platform where parties, roll. Previous voters were taken such as television programmes political analysts and the public through the procedure to check 247 if they were indeed registered nel ANN7 had different elec- ing Africa (MMA) conducted a where they intended to vote in tion-themed programmes, no- survey of 50 news organisations, 2014, particularly important for tably Political Edge, and also including print, online and broad- the provincial legislature votes. hosted different political parties casting outlets, reviewing the Taking on an educational role, debating topical subjects related media’s performance during the these announcements also en- to the upcoming elections, allow- period around the 2014 elections. couraged first-time voters, the ing studio audiences to interact The report concluded that the big- so-called ‘born-frees’ to reg- with the invited panellists. Per- gest proportion of news coverage ister. Newspaper publications haps the flagship programme in during the period emphasised and radio stations published and ANN7 was the SA Decides sec- party campaigning and party pol- broadcast election education pro- tion called “National Election itics (a combined 52% of all news grammes, carefully written in Tracker”, which ran updates of coverage).1 The MMA report also plain language. They also used an election poll, showing con- found that three major scandals the IEC-generated graphic illus- tending parties’ support, break- hogged the media’s attention: the trations on the election process, ing it down into segments such so-called Nkandlagate, the IEC to familiarise voters, especially as the age group of voters, voter chairwoman’s lease debacle and first-time voters, with the voting socio-economic backgrounds and the public broadcaster’s ‘bans’ process. Provincial newspapers projected performance of parties of opposition party campaign ad- such as the Lowvelder, Mpuma- per province and so on. As will vertisements (the DA’s ‘Ayisafa- langa News, Barberton Times, be discussed below, this was a ni’ and the EFF’s ‘Removing the Nelspruit Post, and the Hazyview more nuanced approach to the e-toll gantries physically’). Herald covered election-relat- pre-election coverage in the me- ed news in the run-up to, during dia, as it gave the public a sense Not enjoying as much coverage and after the elections, inform- of the different ways different as would have been hoped, the ing the public about the upcom- sections of the public viewed report contended, were issues ing elections and the electoral their voting options. Race, class, such as gender, the environment, procedures, covering the actual age and education levels, for ex- labour, housing, land, and even elections and informing the pub- ample, were shown to determine poverty. Voter education, al- lic about the swearing-in of the to some extent which parties’ vot- though covered to some extent, new provincial legislature on ers were likely to vote for. was largely marginalised. Ser- 21 May 2014. The regional and vice delivery (and the protests community radio stations also A deeper analysis of this cover- that highlighted challenges there- played their part in informing the age, however, reveals a lack of in) was among the marginalised public about elections. Nation- in-depth probing of the parties’ issues, according to the MMA’s al newsprint titles also covered policies and manifestos, which report. According to this analysis election-related news on Mpum- could serve the purpose of af- it can be said that parties trumped alanga, notably the Sowetan, City fording parties the opportunity to citizens when it came to setting Press, Business Day and the Mail sell their policies and expand on the agenda for media coverage of & Guardian. these, while also giving the voting the elections. public an opportunity to make in- Newcomer television news chan- formed choices. Media Monitor-

Breakdown of results and allocation of seats

Total actual Num- Percentage Number of seats in Provin- ber of votes share% cial Legislature African National Congress 1,045,409 78.23% 24 (ANC) Democratic Alliance (DA) 138,990 10.40% 3 Economic Freedom Fighters 83,589 6.26% 2 (EFF) Bushbuckridge Residents Asso- 15,368 1.15% 1 ciation (BRA)

Source: IEC, available on: http://www.elections.org.za/content/Elections/National-and-provincial-elections-results/ 248 Composition of Provincial cabinet

Name of the Member of the Gender Portfolio Provincial Cabinet MEC Mr Andries Gamede Male Agriculture, Rural Development and Land Affairs MEC Mr Vusi Shongwe Male Community Safety, Security and Liaison MEC Ms Refilwe Mtshweni Female Co-operative Governance and Traditional Af- fairs MEC Ms Norah Mahlangu Female Culture, Sports and Recreation MEC Ms. Makgabo Reginah Female Education Mhaule MEC Mr Eric Kholwane Male Finance, Economic Development and Tourism MEC Mr Gillian Mashego Male Health MEC Ms Violet Siwela Female Human Settlements MEC Ms Dumisile Hlengeth- Female Public Works, Roads and Transport wa MEC Ms Nomsa Mtseni Female Social Development

Source: Mpumalanga Provincial Government website: http://www.mpumalanga.gov.za/new_cabi- net.htm

It is important to note that in the This led to delays and sometimes Mpumalanga Provincial Gov- aftermath of public fallout con- frustration for the voters and the ernment website: http://www. cerning the virtually male-on- IEC officials. mpumalanga.gov.za/new_cabi- ly premiers in the provinces the net.htm ANC leads, the Mpumalanga Administration at the provincial Provincial Legislature is rep- legislature level will require care- END NOTES resented by 60% women. Also ful management. This is particu- important to note is the fact that larly important in the context of 1 See Evans, Sarah, (2014) “Media these women are in charge of im- factionalism, which has often led ignores ‘citizens agenda’ in election coverage” 5 May 2014, Mail & portant portfolios. It will be inter- to members serving in the pro- Guardian. esting to see how the new MEC vincial legislature being removed for Co-operative Governance from their positions, threatening and Traditional Affairs handles loss of institutional memory and herself in a portfolio whose main hampering the retention of skills constituencies include patriarchal and experience. institutions. References: Recommendations Evans, Sarah. (2014) “Media ig- By all accounts the electoral nores ‘citizens agenda’ in elec- process in Mpumalanga went tion coverage” 5 May 2014, Mail smoothly, attesting to the consis- & Guardian. tently improving operations of the Independent Electoral Com- IEC, available on: http://www. mission. Voter education needs elections.org.za/content/Elec- to be strengthened, though, par- tions/National-and-provin- ticularly with regard to the im- cial-elections-results/ plications for voters who will not be in their regular voting area http://www.saelections.co.za/?g- come election day. Most of the clid=CKjV4tO64ZkCFZCD- incidents reported in the 2014 3god1Ax3aQ elections involved voters turning out in numbers larger than antic- http://www.mpumalanga.gov.za/ ipated at certain polling stations. legislature/legislature.htm#105 249 NORTHERN CAPE

Obakeng Bonokwane – Inde- sues which dominated the May reported that the number of peo- pendent Researcher 7 elections were, among others, ple who attended the ANC Siyan- unemployment, corruption, mal- qoba Rally in Galeshewe stadium Review of the media’s perfor- administration, service delivery were less than 5,000. This mem- mance in coverage of the elec- and poverty. The Diamond Field ber claimed that the ANC attract- tions Advertiser (DFA) has been seen ed more than 5,000 people to that by the ANC as being part of the event, and they used number of The media forms part of an im- opposition. In 2012 during his T-shirts they distributed as a tool portant component of democracy. political report, the ANC Pro- to count how many people they Hence the role of this component vincial Chairperson John Block had in that event. In conclusion, is to keep the electorate abreast accused some local publications one can safely say that the media of developments in their commu- of playing the role of opposition played its role well and fairly. nities. The coverage of political in the province: he said that the parties in the province was eq- negative reporting by the local uitable and fair. In the run-up to media was a worrying tendency the election and to the actual day, that placed them in the fold of the however, the African National opposition.1 Congress (ANC) got the biggest slice of the coverage merely be- The public broadcaster also cause it was and still is a majori- played a meaningful role in agen- ty party in the province. Besides da setting, with its radio and tele- that, opposition parties also high- vision stations hosting leaders of lighted the ruling party every time political parties in the province, they got a chance. This process creating a platform for them to was repeated with regard to the sell their manifesto to the peo- Democratic Alliance (DA), and ple of the Northern Cape. Local this was partly because the DA newspapers and radio stations was seen by many commentators had balanced content in covering as the real contender to take the all political parties; this is accord- province. ing to an ANC member I spoke to on the role of the media in the ANN 7 and the New Age played electoral period. Another ANC an active role in agenda-setting, member I spoke to said that the allocating reports in the prov- DFA was deliberately attempt- ince to cover issues which were ing to undermine the ANC in the central to the elections, and is- province – this was after the DFA

250 Breakdown of results and allocation of seats and composition of the provincial cabinet

PARTY VALID VOTES PERCENTAGE SEATS ANC 272 053 64,40% 20 DA 100 916 23,89% 7 EFF 20 951 4,96% 2 COPE 15 214 3,60% 1 FFPlus 4 600 1,09% - ACDP 2 421 0,57% - UCDP 1 542 0,37% - APC 1 191 0,28% - AZPO 1 062 0,25% - PA 584 0,14% - PAC 460 0,11% - UDM 366 0,09% - ICO 499 0,12% - IFP 239 0,06% - FNLA 194 0,05% - NFP 139 0,03% - SPOIL BALLOTS 6 106 1.42% TOTAL TURN OUT 443 714 Source: IEC

After being appointed as premier MEC for Transport, Safety and woman as premier. The premier Sylvia Lucas moved to appoint Liaison: Martha Bartlett of the province is also a PEC her cabinet. After much consulta- member of the ANC. Six prov- tion with the ANC leadership, the MEC for Environmental and Na- inces are led by ANC provincial premier appointed the following ture Conservation: Tiny Chotelo chairpersons, and Gauteng is led people to assist her in executing by its provincial secretary as pre- her executive duties. Conclusion mier.

MEC for Finance and Economic Northern Cape politics are very END NOTES Affairs: John Block interesting: after the 2009 general elections it was widely expected 1 Political Report 7th provincial MEC for Agriculture and Land that the ANC chairperson John conference (ANC) Reform: Norman Shushu Block would be appointed premier. He was overlooked and an MEC for Health: Mac Jack NEC member Hazel Jenkins was appointed premier instead. And MEC for Social Development: after the May 7 general elections Mxolisi Sokatsha John Block was once again expected to assume the position of MEC for Cooperative Gover- premier, until the last stage of the nance and traditional Affairs: Al- process where he withdrew his vin Botes name from the three names that were sent to the ANC National MEC for Education: Griezelda Executive Committee for consid- Gikella-Lecholo eration. His reasons were that he wanted to focus more on grow- MEC for Sports, Arts and Cul- ing the ANC in the province. It ture: Lebogang Motlhaping should be noted that the North- ern Cape is the only province governed by the ANC that has a 251 FREE STATE

Dr Sethulego Matebesi – Chair- The media in the FS, like in any focused on the gradual decline person, Department of Sociolo- other province, focused on sev- of the votes the ANC received, gy, University of the Free State eral aspects before, during, and which dropped below 70%. At- after the elections. During the tention was also paid to the de- pre-election period, the media mise of the Congress of the Peo- Introduction played an important role by in- ple (COPE), which was replaced forming FS citizens about the as the official opposition by the Elections are generally regarded parties and leading candidates Democratic Alliance (DA), and as the hallmark of democracy, contesting the elections. Most the role that the Economic Free- and if not constructively man- media houses also dedicated sev- dom Fighters (EFF) would play aged they could potentially de- eral pages to exclusive coverage in the provincial legislature. stabilise the fabric of states and of the elections. This sensitised societies. This article broadly the electorate and the rest of the Election results, allocation of narrates the role and performance citizenry on the proper conduct seats and composition of Pro- of the media during the pre-elec- of elections. Major aspects that vincial Cabinet toral, electoral and post-electoral dominated the pre-election peri- period. The media plays a crucial od were several questions about The FS Legislature held its first role in all societies. The media the “the independence” of the sitting of the 5th term on 21 May becomes the conduit for commu- IEC, the use of state agencies and 2014. During this sitting, new nication by affording constitu- departments by the ruling party in Members of the Provincial Leg- ents all information necessary for its campaigns and the prepared- islature (MPLs) and the Premier them to make informed choices ness of the IEC. In addition, sev- of the Province were sworn in. about whom to elect. Secondly, eral South African Broadcasting Table 1 depicts the election re- the article reflects on the break- Corporation (SABC) and local sults and composition of the Leg- down of the provincial election radio stations hosted live shows, islature. The ANC is the majority results and composition of the which provided a platform for party with 22 seats, the DA is the Provincial Cabinet. It concludes all candidates and their parties official opposition with 5 seats, by providing some recommen- to present their manifestos to the the EFF has 2 seats and Free- dations on elections’ administra- public. dom Front Plus has 1 seat. MPL tive, management, and procedur- Magashule was re-elected the al reforms. The diverse and pluralistic media Premier of the FS Province, Sisi in the FS played an important role Mabe was elected the Speaker Media Coverage by encouraging registered voters of the Legislature, while Sizwe to cast their votes during the elec- Mbalo retained his position as South Africa faces several chal- tions. The media, particularly the the Deputy Speaker. MPL Motete lenges in consolidating its de- Volksblad, played an important Daniel Khoabane was elected as mocratisation processes, and role by highlighting the impact of the Chairperson of Committees. these include the conducting of party election manifestos on vot- The ANC also announced MPL free and fair elections. In this ers. Local print media focused on Cornelis Johannes Van Rooyen regard, the country needs a di- providing technical information, as the Chief Whip of the majority verse, free and professional me- about how to vote, where to vote, party in the Legislature.2 dia which actualises the right of and the secrecy of the vote. The freedom of expression. The lat- media also highlighted several ter is a critical in elections.1 In hotspots where violence could the Free State (FS), the media is potentially disrupt the elections. dominated by national electronic and print media and regional The post-election media cover- and local print media. The lead- age in the province was dominat- ing regional newspapers include ed by the victory of the ruling Af- Volksblad, The Weekly and sever- rican National Congress (ANC) al community newspapers. and what the result means for the FS. Several media reports also

252 Table 1: Results and composition of Provincial Legislature 2014 – Free State

Party name and ab- Percentage share % Number of seats in Members of the Free State breviation Provincial Legisla- Legislature3 ture African National Con- 69.85% 22 1. ES Magashule gress (ANC) 2. E Mabe 3. S Mbalo 4. MD Khoabane 5. CJ van Rooyen 6. T Makgoe 7. S Ntombela 8. LP Mahasa 9. MS Moleleki 10. LN Mapena 11. SM Mlamleli 12. TP Meeko 13. E Rockman 14. M Qabathe 15. MP Buti 16. CSK Setchoaro 17. D Kotzee 18. M Zwane 19. MS Mashinini 20. NS Leeto 21. M Khompela 22. B Malakoane Democratic Alliance 16.23% 5 1. DE Janse van Rensburg (DA) 2. R Jankielsohn 3. LJ Letuka 4. M Pittaway 5. LM Kleynhayns Economic Freedom 8.15% 2 1. JT Tshabalala Fighters (EFF) 2. M Makesini Vryheidsfront Plus (VF 2.10% 1 1. W Wessels PLUS)

Source: Independent Electoral Commission4

Recommendations of the recruitment procedures of addressed as a matter of urgency the IEC. In this regard, far more by the provincial IEC. Lastly, all The independence of the elec- stringent background checks but one of the officials at the pro- toral institutions has come under (vetting) of polling station man- vincial offices of the IEC were serious scrutiny lately in South agers and officials should be im- not supportive. Several email Africa. Similarly, administrative, plemented. messages requesting information management and electoral proce- were sent to officials, but no re- dures are undermined by a num- During the 2009 provincial elec- sponses were provided. ber of factors. If not adequately tions, several complaints about addressed, this could result in a the late opening of polling sta- Conclusion multiplicity of controversies in tions and insufficient numbers virtually every aspect of the elec- of ballot papers were reported. While the media is good at ex- tions in future. For example, the Similar complaints were reported posing election violations, it of- gross transgression by an IEC of- during the May 2014 elections, ten fails to investigate and fol- ficial, who irregularly kept ballot albeit at a lower scale. These low up on these violations. The papers at his home, is reflective management aspects need to be media needs to keenly follow 253 up any reported malpractice to that opposition parties participate the Free State Legislature.” 2014. protect the integrity of the elec- under stringent conditions. In http://www.fsl.gov.za/members.html 3 Ibid toral process. Although positive conclusion, the FS province has 4 Independent Electoral Commission. gains have been made in respect been facing several challenges “National and Provincial Elections”. of media freedom, there is still a and it is yet to be seen how the May (2014): http://www.elections. strong culture and tendency to- newly elected provincial MPLs org.za/content/ wards curtailment of the media, will ensure that the principles NPEPublicReports/292/Results%20 Report/FS/FS.pdf especially the public broadcast- of good governance become the er, during elections. The media hallmark of their leadership. must continue to strictly adhere to ethics and professional norms, END NOTES as it is the primary means through which ordinary citizens partic- 1 Tawana, Kupe. “The role of the ipate in the political processes, media in elections: A critical reflection.” 2014. www.elections. and limited access undermines org.za/content/WorkArea/ their democratisation function. DownloadAsset.aspx?id=1929 This retrospective analysis shows 2 Free state Legislature. “Members of

KWAZULU-NATAL

Shauna Mottiar - Post-Doctor- election (Thursday 8 May) re- focused on education and provi- al Fellow at the Centre for Civil vealed broad coverage of voting sion of information for voters. Society, University of KwaZu- across the province. The Mercu- The Sunday Tribune (4 May), for lu-Natal ry, for example, reported on vot- example, carried a supplement ing among different age groups entitled ‘My vote is my voice’, Media and featured political party detailing the voting and counting strongholds and voting by polit- process, which included a voting The SADC Lawyers Association ical party leaders. It also featured checklist instructing voters on (SADCLA) Elections Observer IEC processes and challenges. how to check whether they were Mission to KwaZulu-Natal found The Witness provided a detailed on the voters’ roll, and detailed, that the elections enjoyed broad list of election facts in the style of illustrated instructions on how to media coverage and that political ‘frequently asked questions’ and mark the ballot paper. parties were well represented by profiled ordinary voters across the SABC. The Mission also not- the province. The Daily News led Allocation of Seats & Composi- ed that there were various elec- with a sensational story, ‘Murder tion of Provincial Cabinet tion-related programmes and po- at polling station’, outlining an litical party debates where parties incident of electoral violence. It The victory of the African Na- were provided the opportunity to also reported on service delivery tional Congress (ANC) in Kwa- reach voters. The Mission further protests, the Abahlali baseMjon- Zulu-Natal gives it the highest noted that the Electoral Court dolo (shackdwellers) vote, the number of seats in the province was able to take action speedily, Kasril’s campaign and voting – 52. The Democratic Alliance enabling the effective resolution in Wembezi and Ulundi (well- (DA) follows with ten seats and of election-related disputes. This known hot-spots for electoral the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) was in relation to broadcasting conflict). The Friday (9 May) is not far behind with nine seats. grievances logged in relation to Mercury and Witness carried The National Freedom Party the DA SMS and the EFF adver- election results as of midnight (NFP) gained six seats, the Eco- tisement.1 The Mission findings and various editorials on the nomic Freedom Front (EFF) reflect coverage by mainstream ANC, IFP, NFP and EFF perfor- two seats and the Minority Front print (English) media in the prov- mances in the province. The New (MF) gained one seat. The six ince. A scan of the three main Age similarly led with tables of parties awarded seats in the pro- dailies, the Mercury, Witness and results and a headline ‘ANC in vincial legislature following the Daily News, on the day after the KZN landslide’. Print media also 2014 elections are reflected in the

254 table below.

Allocation of Seats: KwaZulu-Natal 20142

Provincial Ballot Seat Allocations Party Name No. of Votes % Votes Seat % of Seats Allocation ANC 2 474 904 64.52% 52 65.0% DA 489 428 12.76% 10 12.5% IFP 416 471 10.86% 9 11.3% NFP 280 413 7.31% 6 7.5% EFF 70 823 1.85% 2 2.5% MF 38 960 1.02% 1 1.3% ACDP 16 803 0.44% VF Plus 7 695 0.20% APC 7 039 0.18% UDM 6 632 0.17% COPE 5 968 0.16% AZAPO 5 872 0.15% TA 4 082 0.11% PAC 2 930 0.08% KZNTA 2 796 0.07% UCDP 2 186 0.06% KGM 1 903 0.05% UBUMBANO 926 0.02% Total Valid Votes 3 835 831 80 Spoilt Votes 51 831 Total Votes Cast 3 887 662 Registered Voters 5 117 131 Turn out 76.0%

The provincial premiership is Development and Tourism now to the IFP.7 The NFP faces some retained by Senzo Mchunu, de- includes Environmental Affairs, internal strife owing to the fact spite speculation that Nomusa and the Gambling Board has been that the Zululand region has no Dube-Ncube was in the running moved from the Premier’s Office representative in the provincial for the first female premier can- to the treasury.4 Lydia Johnson parliament. The seats are allocat- didate in KwaZulu-Natal.3 Pre- was elected Speaker and Me- ed to representatives from eThe- mier Mchunu announced his new shack Radebe Deputy Speaker.5 kwini and from uThukela.8 The cabinet, which reflected ‘conti- two EFF seats are filled by Vusi nuity rather than change’. Peggy Leading the DA in the legislature Khoza the party’s leader in Kwa- Nkonyeni, Sbongiseni Dhlomo is current provincial leader Sizwe Zulu-Natal and Thembi Msane.9 and Willies Mchunu retain their Mchunu, who was re-elected The MF seat is filled by its leader positions as MECs for Education, unopposed, with MPLs George Shameen Thakur-Rajbansi. Health and Transport respective- Mari, Mbali Ntuli, Francois ly. Likewise, Nomusa Dube-Ncu- Rodgers, Hlanganani Gumbi, Recommendations be, Ravi Pillay, Ntombikayise Ann McDonnell, Imran Keeka, Sibhidla-Saphetha and Weziwe Rafeek Shah, and Rishigen Vi- The SADCLA Election Observer Thusi remain MECs for: Cooper- ranna.6 The IFP is led in Kwa- Mission made a number of recom- ative Governance and Tradition- Zulu-Natal by Mzamo Buthelezi, mendations regarding elections al Affairs; Human Settlements with veteran MPLs, including and the electoral process in Kwa- and Public Works; Arts, Culture, Lionel Mtshali, Blessed Gwa- Zulu-Natal. Among these it noted Sports and Recreation and; Social la and Mntomhule Khawula, as that the IEC should provide con- Development. Some departments well as newcomer Hassan Mota- tinuous education for voters and have however been re-arranged la, who joined the ANC for four training for electoral officials. It – the Department of Economic days in April 2011 only to return added that civil society must con- 255 tinue to promote peace-building END NOTES list-1.1689292 Accessed on 4 June through education and dialogue. 2014. 1 8 Hans, B. 2014. Rift in NFP over Further, the South African Hu- SADCLA Preliminary statement on the election observation mission NFP choices, 14 May. Available man Rights Commission ought to KwaZulu-Natal province South at: http://www.iol.co.za/news/ to play a larger, more visible role Africa. 8 May 2014. Available at: politics/rift-in-nfp-over-mp- in elections. The Mission also http://www.sadcla.org/?q=node/187 choices-1.1687895 Accessed on 4 recommended that provincial Accessed on 14 May. June 2014. 2 9 Ndou, C. 2014. KZN Premiers government incorporate conflict Sourced from the IEC Website – Available at: choice shows deep divisions, 22 management and peace building http://politicsweb.co.za/ May. Available at: http://citizen. into government programming. It politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ co.za/182060/kzn-premier-choice- added that political parties should en/page71619?oid=614403&sn shows-deep-divisions/ Accessed on 4 June 2014. engage in sustained respect and =Detail&pid=71619 Accessed on 4 June 2014. 10 Ibid. tolerance of each other and that 3 Ndenze, B. Aboobaker, S. 2014. peace-building programmes Zuma weighs up tricky choices. should include traditional lead- Sunday Tribune, 11 May, p1. ers, women’s groups and youth to 4 Hans, B. 2014. No place in KZN ensure broad-based support and Cabinet for Ina Cronje, 27 May. Available at: http://www.iol.co.za/ ownership by stakeholders in the news/politics/no-place-in-kzn- electoral process.10 cabinet-for-ina-cronje-1.1694610 Accessed on 4 June 2014. The Observer Mission recom- 5 Mbanjwa, B. 2014. ANC opts for continuity in KZN Legislature, mendations highlight the fact that 21 May. Available at: http://www. the KwaZulu-Natal election was, iol.co.za/news/politics/ for the most part, well managed anc-opts-for-continuity-in-kzn- in terms of voting, counting and legislature-1.1691797 Accessed on addressing election-related dis- 4 June 2014. 6 The DA’s new team in the KZN putes / incidents of protest. De- Legislature. 2014. spite the fact that there has been PoliticsWeb, 19 June. a reduction in electoral violence, Available at: http:// however, the province is still www.politicsweb.co.za/ politicsweb/view/politicsweb/ plagued with ‘political assassi- en/page71651?oid=624857&sn= nations’ and instances of intol- Detail&pid=71651 erance between political parties Accessed on 4 June 2014. And, and their supporters. The role of DA announces KZN team. 2014, civil society in elections was vis- 28 May. Available at: http://www. iol.co.za/news/politics/da- ible and significant, as evidenced announces-kzn-team-1.1695326 by the creation of platforms for Accessed on 4 June 2014. electoral debate and the formu- 7 Mbanjwa, B. 2014. Buthelezi tops lating of an independent observer gazetted IFP list, 16 May. Available at: http://www.iol.co.za/dailynews/ mission. news/buthelezi-tops-gazetted-ifp-

256 ELECTION UPDATE 2014 SA Elections 2014: 9 The Final Issues – Private Funding of Political Parties, Youth Participation and New Political Entrants

Editorial Team: Ebrahim Fakir, Waseem Holland & Kerryn Kotler; EISA Copy Editing and Proofreading: Professor Craig MacKenzie; University of Johannesburg Website: Duncan Russell

EDITORIAL NOTE CONTENTS

This is the final edition of the engagement of the youth in pol- Editorial Note 257 2014 series of the EISA Election itics South Africa with a partic- Update. It provides an analytic ular focus on election 2014. The article from Ivor Sarakinsky pro- last concluding article provides “Party Politi- viding an outline of some of the insights into the impact of the cal Finance and 257 inherent pitfalls and weaknesses new political contestants with a Multi-Party Democ- in the possible regulation of pri- focus on the Economic Freedom racy in South Afri- vate funding of political parties Fighters entrance into the elec- ca’s 2014 Election” as a rebuttal to two earlier pieces toral landscape and its possible arguing for the Regulation of Pri- impact on parliamentary politics “South African vate funding of Political parties and the future political climate in Youth: Politically 262 (appearing in Issue 5 and 7 of the South Africa. Apathetic?” Election Update). We hope you enjoyed this series “SA Elections 2014: The series concludes with two and that it proved of some use Performance of 274 further articles. One examining and interest to your work. New Parties” the nature and level of political

PARTY POLITICAL FINANCE AND MULTI-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AFRICA’S 2014 ELECTION

Ivor Sarakinsky – Lecturer, predict the return of secret pri- maturing democracy. Of course, School of Governance, Univer- vate political funding as an issue a bit of programme funding from sity of the Witwatersrand in South Africa. Unsurprisingly, global philanthropic organiza- it crops up before elections and tions for cash-strapped NGOs Introduction is pursued by well-meaning civil does not adequately explain the society organizations which are frequency of the calls for party Just as one can calculate the orbit deeply concerned about elector- political finance regulation in of planets, so too is it possible to al transparency in South Africa’s South Africa. Nonetheless, the

257 claims made about the corrosive being accounted for in the finan- and or loop-holing existing reg- effect of secret political finance cial records of the main parties as ulations; d) Regulating private on South Africa’s body politic re- non-repayable loans. In the Unit- political donations is both com- quire close scrutiny. What effect ed States, where there is a very plex and imperfect, leading to would private finance regulation complex regulatory regime, the unintended outcomes; e) Some and disclosure have on South scandal revolved around funding private donors will innovate in Africa’s electoral processes, and disbursed by third-party lobby- circumventing regulations to buy would they enhance or under- ists to politicians’ Political Ac- influence despite a regulatory mine multi-party democracy? tion Committees. In the scandal framework; and f) there are sit- The outcomes of the 2009 and and legal proceedings involving uations, recognized in the litera- 2014 elections provide evidence Jack Abramoff, it emerged that ture on private political finance, that will contribute to a deeper there is a long-standing practice where regulation and transpar- understanding of the issues in- across the political parties of dis- ency may undermine multi-party volved in this controversy. bursing large amounts of money democracy. Consequently, calls to politicians without the identity for private political donation reg- Overview of Global Experience of the donors being made public. ulation in South Africa require Perhaps the most disturbing de- careful consideration in order In many, but not all, consolidated velopment in America’s private to ensure that the objectives of democracies, there is a regulato- political donations arena is the transparency and accountabil- ry regime for private donations emergence of well-funded or- ity do not undermine or hinder to political parties. Usually, they ganizations flighting adverts on multi-party competition in an entail a threshold – meaning that TV for specific policies while election contest. all donations above a set amount attacking other candidates for have to be declared by the receiv- office. These concerned citizens The South African Context ing political party. This threshold groups are not overtly connected becomes extremely complicated to a political party and they are Political parties in South Africa as it is applied to parties, candi- not regulated by the existing reg- have access to public funding dates and local party branches. ulatory framework. John Kerry’s disbursed by national parlia- The justification of such regula- presidential campaign was de- ments and provincial legislatures. tions revolves around the claim railed by such a group attacking This is managed in accordance that large donors can influence his Vietnam War record. In this with the Public Funding of Rep- the policy agenda of parties and way, private donations circum- resented Political Parties Act this information needs to be in vent regulation and have a sig- (Public Funding Act) of 1997. the public domain so as to allow nificant influence on the political A budgeted amount is disbursed citizens to make informed choic- process. Currently, the former proportionally to the percentage es at the ballot box. Thus, trans- French president, Nicolas Sar- of seats each party holds in the parency in political finance keeps kozy, is about to be charged for house. While not insignificant, the democratic system account- receiving illegal campaign fund- the amount of public money al- able to citizens and contains the ing as well as attempts to cover located to parties is insufficient ability of special interest groups such deeds up. for the full operation of politi- to influence a country’s policy cal parties, which includes, inter agenda. In this way, democracy Many more instances of similar alia, office expenses, wages and is responsive to citizens and elec- abuses of regulatory regimes in campaign fees. It is the latter that tions reflect the will of the people other democracies could be doc- constitutes the greatest expense and not the short-term interests of umented here. However, these facing all parties. Advertising, the powerful. examples support the view that: travel, event logistics and print- a) Political parties require sig- ing are fundamental to the dem- In the overwhelming majority of nificant amounts of finance for ocratic process in presenting citi- democracies where private do- their routine operations and pe- zens with information crucial for nations are regulated, there are riodic election campaigns; b) their electoral choices. Democra- ongoing scandals and criminal Regulation, in and of itself, is no cy therefore depends on parties trials where politicians and/or guarantor of a transparent and ac- disseminating their manifestos as their agents have been discov- countable democratic system; c) widely as possible to enable in- ered circumventing the rules. The flow of private money into formed voter decision-making. It Recently in the United Kingdom, the political process will always is in this context that the private this took the form of donations occur by way of circumventing political funding, and its secret 258 nature, becomes so important in these entities being made public, attaching “greater weight to the South Africa. and it is in this sector that the principles of equity and diversity possibility of buying influence is than to the principle of propor- Private political funding in South at its highest. tionality based on parties’ previ- Africa is further complicated by ous performance in elections”. the status of donors. Three cate- The only data that is available on This is the only public company gories can be identified, each with private political funding in South that has given opposition par- different implications. First, there Africa comes from public com- ties funding at least equal to are individual donors who donate panies. It is important to present that given to the majority party. some of their private wealth to po- and analyse this data, as it reveals Moreover, in the lead-up to the litical parties. This can vary from important trends and patterns im- 2014 election, some public com- small to large amounts and does pacting on the financial standing panies publicly stated that they not necessarily suggest the buy- of all political parties. With few are no longer making political ing of influence. Second, public exceptions, most donations in donations, and the pot of public companies make donations and this category follow a proportion- company donations for political while couched under the rubric ality formula for donating funds parties has therefore decreased of democratic support, may have to political parties. This repli- dramatically. In 2014, fewer elements of positioning linked cates the formula for disbursing companies made political dona- to them. However, the rigours of public money to political parties tions than in earlier elections. corporate governance in South as discussed above. Totaling up Africa result in all public com- the amounts from various public The available data on public panies having to declare such do- companies over a 15-year period company political donations nations in terms of transparency shows that the ANC as the major- in 2014, excluding AngloGold and accountability to sharehold- ity party received around 65% of Ashanti, mirrors the trend noted ers. These donations are easy to the amounts made available by above, that the majority party track and monitor with regard to the companies. The smaller, op- receives the lion’s share of avail- any possible ulterior motive. The position, parties received signifi- able funds. Checking through the last category of donor is the most cantly less based on the number most recent annual reports did problematic in the South African of seats held in parliament. The not disclose the amounts donat- context. It is the unlisted compa- exception to this trend is Anglo ed by some companies, but this ny or small business. There is no Gold Ashanti, which aims to sup- will be available in their 2014/5 possibility of donations made by port multi-party democracy by financial statements.

Company Amount Disbursement Criteria AngloGold Ashanti R? Amount unavailable – previously larger amount to ANC, and DA and remainder then split with other parties ABSA 2013 R2.5 mill Parties with more than 4 seats, probably proportional distribution MTN R? For 13 political parties, probably proportional amount not released SAB Miller R9 mill ANC R5 mill, rest divided between DA, IFP, COPE, UDM and FF Standard Bank R13.5mill Amount is for a five-year electoral cycle and probably proportional distribution

What the available data shows is der-resourced and therefore un- undermining political competi- that fewer public companies are able to disseminate information tion and the dissemination of di- donating and that the distribution as widely, thereby limiting their verse information necessary for formula favours the majority par- reach and citizens’ information voter decision-making. ty. In this sense, the outcome of and choices. This impacts nega- the distribution of public fund- tively on democracy, as the larg- If this trend of proportionality is ing and corporate donations is er parties, by definition, are the extrapolated to a hypothetical sit- similar. The implication of this better resourced and are able to uation where all donations above is clear: smaller parties are un- swamp smaller parties thereby a threshold have to be declared 259 (private, public corporate and un- the message is disseminated ef- including isolated and distant listed corporate), then there is a fectively, thereby allowing citi- areas and towns. This goes some real possibility that this practice zens to make informed choices. way in explaining how the ANC of proportionality will be to the If the bulk of political donations was able to obtain a 63% election detriment of smaller opposition come from unlisted companies victory at national level in a diffi- parties. This extrapolation would or small businesses, then this cult environment due to a number be exacerbated by a perception creates a number of challenges. of scandals and service delivery that donations by (especially un- First, the buying of influence at challenges. This kind of national listed) companies to opposition local, provincial and national lev- campaign is premised on a rather parties may impact negatively el might be enhanced. However, large amount of available finance. on their prospect of doing busi- an examination of corruption This supports the argument above ness with government. This is a trends shows that the media, civil regarding proportionality and in- perception, not a claim that it will society and state agencies have in cumbency enabling the ANC to result in retribution from the gov- the past been the most important raise healthy amounts of finance erning party. As long as there is source of information on such for its operations and campaigns. a fear of being disadvantaged in acts. Regulation in and of itself competing for government con- is no guarantee that corrupt rela- Although there is currently no tracts, businesses will be inclined tionships will not be established. statutory requirement for parties not to donate to opposition par- Second, it is precisely unlisted to disclose their financial sources ties, even if they support them. companies and small business- and amounts, some information There is evidential support of es that may rely on government became available in the 2014 this perceived fear amongst busi- contracts and thereby perceive election. It revolved around the ness, as most recently noted by donations to opposition parties proposed merger of the DA and Lance Greyling (ID/DA) in an as harmful to their business inter- Agang and the claim from both ISS workshop on private political ests. parties that donors were pressing finance regulation. Furthermore, for such. Names of donors in this the IFP and DA stressed this pos- The 2014 Election context were allegedly revealed sible outcome in their response to in the press, but no amounts IDASA’s 2006 litigation for party What does the 2014 election tell were reported. However, after the finance disclosure. us about the points raised above? election, it emerged that Agang First, the larger parties were no- received donations to the tune Donations from public funds and tably cash flush in financing of R30 million. This is quite sig- public corporations are minis- their intensive and widespread nificant in relation to the public cule in relation to what all parties campaigns. Digging a bit deep- funding and corporate donations spend on operations, travel, ad- er, it is noticeable that the DA listed above, of which Agang did vertising campaigns and events. had to make some tough choices not receive a cent, due to it being The balance in funding comes as to where to focus its resourc- a new party. As a result of turmoil from categories 1 and 3 donors es. It is estimated that it spent within the party, this cash wind- noted above, with the latter prob- R100 million of its budget tar- fall did not translate into votes, ably being the most important. geting Gauteng. The Gauteng and only two seats were won in Data on spending is hard to come result shows that this money Parliament. Another new party, by, but some estimates have been was well spent in generating a not eligible for state or public made on advertising time slots on large amount of support for the company funding, is the EFF. TV. The DA is reported to have DA. However, the opportunity This party ran an effective and had a budget of R170 million for cost is that only R70 million was intense campaign and won over a the 2014 election, of which about available for the other provinces. million votes, with 25 parliamen- R13 million is estimated to have More resources in the Northern tary seats as well as representa- been spent on TV advertising Cape, North West and Eastern tion in provincial legislatures. alone. The ANC is estimated to Cape may have resulted in better In terms of the hostility between have spent just over R17 million results there. Clearly the DA did the ANC and EFF, it is fair to as- on TV slots. These amounts ex- not have the resources to run in- sume that no business donor to clude billboards, memorabilia, tensive campaigns throughout the the latter would be enthusiastic mass SMSs, newspaper adverts country. On the other hand, the about their financial support be- etc. Clearly, significant sums of ANC ran an effective and inten- ing made public. Nonetheless, funding are required to run an ef- sive national campaign with lead- there is no indication where the fective election campaign where ers travelling around the country, EFF received its finance from 260 and how much it spent in its cam- This is one of the weak points of the issue has been shelved until paign. However, the widespread IDASA’s failed litigation men- 2015. In the United States, the nature of its campaign suggests tioned above. The parties them- Supreme Court recently struck that it was not short of funds. selves have to formulate and ne- down a key feature of the thresh- gotiate the rules that they are to old and disclosure regulatory The ANC, DA, IFP, NFP, Cope be bound by if there is to be the framework. It found that donors and CDP are now joined by two greatest chance of compliance. could now fund as many candi- new parties in Parliament, namely In 2007, the ANC’s Polokwane dates as they wished rather than Agang and the EFF. This is posi- Manifesto listed political finance only one previously, as the lim- tive in terms of the representation reform as an objective, and pro- itation was an infringement of of diversity of political views in posals have emerged in the pub- free speech. The point here is that Parliament. Moreover, this plu- lic domain for further discussion advanced democracies require rality is also an actualization of rather than implementation. The time to formulate consensual, the Constitution, which declares idea of full public funding has constitutional and effective regu- in Section 1 d that: “South Afri- been mooted, but with public fi- latory frameworks. South Africa, ca is one, sovereign, democratic nance challenges and other policy as a relatively new democracy, state founded on the following priorities this is simply not feasi- should not be expected to solve values; . . . Universal adult suf- ble. Another possibility, recently a difficult democratic challenge frage, a national common vot- alluded to, is a fund where all overnight and in isolation from er’s roll, regular elections and a private donations would be man- other countries’ experience. multi-party system of democratic aged and then distributed to polit- government, to ensure account- ical parties, thereby eliminating In the context of South Africa’s ability, responsiveness and open- the need for particular parties to challenges and constitutional ness.” The issue at stake is stated raise funds. The advantage of this requirement for a democratic simply as this: disclosure of po- proposal is that it would severely multi-party system, there are a litical donations will seriously curtail possible influence-ped- range of mechanisms that might undermine the ability of opposi- dling. The challenge would be inform such a regulatory system tion parties to raise the finance to arrive at a fair formula for dis- that find the balance between ac- necessary to compete in elections bursement that would avoid the countability + transparency and and ensure the sustainability of shortfalls of proportionality and a sustainability + party effective- multi-party democracy. parliamentary presence as outline ness. As a first step, internal pro- above. The discussion in South cesses for raising and accounting The Heart of the Matter Africa on the challenge of polit- for donations might be drafted ical finance has been underway and enforced. Simple things like Around the world, democratic for some time and it should be no individual being permitted to countries struggle to manage the strengthened through initiatives approach and receive donations harsh reality that elections are and proposals that will enable can be powerful in limiting abuse cash-intensive and that private transparency and accountability – the more people in the party donations are indispensable to without threatening the sustain- who know who donates, the less political parties. Many, but not ability of multi-party democracy. likely are secretive and collusive all, established democracies have This means that a one-dimension- relationships. Similarly, the au- political donation regulations al disclosure regime might not be diting profession can advise on based on a threshold and disclo- appropriate to the conditions of templates for the internal man- sure. While secret donations are South Africa and that more cre- agement and reporting on party allowed in Sweden, all other reg- ative, innovative, options need finances. At the same time, in- ulatory regimes come into being consideration. stead of revealing donations, all through legislation passed by a parties might be required to dis- sitting parliament or equivalent. This is a time-consuming pro- close their audited expenditure, The regulatory regime is the out- cess where there are no quick and a cap on expenses might also come of a democratic delibera- fixes or “silver bullet” solutions. be considered. This information tive process. While not perfect In the UK, the issue of political will provide much-needed infor- and often circumvented, circum- finance reform has been on the mation on party finance with- vention would be much worse agenda for many years: discus- out undermining the potential if such were imposed on politi- sions between the three main fund-raising opportunities of op- cal parties by another branch of parties broke down in 2007 and position parties. government such as the judiciary. have now broken down again and 261 Elected representatives and par- has to be the outcome of a de- proposal has to take the complex- ties need to be directly involved liberative process whereby those ity of the South African situation in the formulation of a future po- who are subject to it also design into account, and instruments de- litical finance regulatory regime it. Without this important partic- veloped in other countries may if it is to be effective through the ipatory process, any regulatory not be appropriate for South Af- elicitation of voluntary compli- regime is doomed. In addition to rica. The challenge of regulating ance. External intervention will, this, any regulatory regime has to party political finance is aptly in all probability, result in con- be designed to achieve maximum summarized by international certed and sophisticated practices positive outcome (transparency expert Karl-Heinz Nassmacher, aimed at circumventing the rules. and accountability) with mini- who stated that: International experience shows mum negative and unintended just how easy this is to do. consequence (undermining a If the US example of a competitive multi-party system). political finance regime . . . Conclusion Finding the balance with compli- has proved anything to the ance is no easy task and thereby rest of the world, it is the Amilcar Cabral famously once requires the wisdom of Solomon commonsense insight that the declared: “Claim no easy victo- by parties and actors through- flow of money is rather like ries”. This is relevant to the de- out the deliberative process. The the flow of water. No bate on party political finance 2014 election reinforces a trend obstacle set up for control in South Africa. Proponents of a noticeable in all earlier elections purposes will stop trickles simple disclosure regime under- that parties already represented in from flowing and siphons estimate the complexity of the Parliament benefit from the prac- from being applied. As long South African environment and tice of proportionality in public as human creativity is the unintended consequences of and public company donations. confronted by legal such an initiative. Furthermore, Within this environment, opposi- frameworks, loopholes will simple regulatory proposals ig- tion parties are at a distinct disad- be sought, found and used. nore the challenge of compliance vantage when it comes to fund- The more perfect the rules and overlook the importance of raising due to a perception that designed, the more perfect the “social capital” in contributing to government might act vindictive- evasion will be. such compliance. Thus, the reg- ly towards business donors who ulatory regime, to be effective, support opposition parties. Any

SOUTH AFRICAN YOUTH: POLITICAL- LY APATHETIC?

Elnari Potgieter and Barend F. participation among young South apathy? Whatever the reason, the Lutz, Independent Researchers African voters, particularly “born question remains; what are the on behalf of InkuluFreeHeid frees”. The sentiment had been possible (de)motivators of polit- captured in statements and head- ical participation in the current Introduction lines such as, “South Africa’s youth of South Africa? This ar- youth is often seen as a ‘lost gen- ticle aims to investigate whether “Before the birth of democra- eration’”,2 “Why aren’t South Af- the South African youth is politi- cy in the country, young people rica’s born frees voting?”,3 “The cally apathetic and explores pos- were at the forefront of the rev- Young and the Restless: Political sible (de)motivators for political olution, but today, many young Apathy and the Youth”,4 as well participation among the current people seem to be ignorant about as, “Born free! But dying young: youth of South Africa. politics”.1 A post-mortem on youth and democracy in South Africa”.5 “Youth”: A Non-Standardised Before, during and after the Term South African national elections Is what is being witnessed among of 2014, concerns had been raised the youth merely a matter of vot- Various definitions exist for the over the seeming lack of political ing apathy rather than political age bracket defining “youth”, 262 invariably generating challenges In exploring the various forms of • Committing politically when conducting comparative political participation in South motivated violence, including analyses.6 The United Nations Africa, it is practical16 to separate assassinations, terrorism, (UN) Secretariat defines youth/ participation into conventional sabotage, vandalism and young people as those between and non-conventional participa- cybercrime. 15 and 24 years of age, without tion, as Sidney Verba and Nor- prejudice to the various defini- man H. Nie proposed in their Both conventional and uncon- tions of member states and other seminal work on political partici- ventional forms of political par- entities.7 The African Youth Char- pation, Participation in America: ticipation shape South Africa’s ter defines youth/young people as Political Democracy and Social political system. Participation “every person between the ages Equality.17 Conventional partici- drives decision-making, ensures of 15 and 35”,8 while South Afri- pation involves or comprises the government responsiveness, in- ca’s National Youth Commission activities expected of a good citi- fluences and shapes public opin- Act of 1996 refers to all persons zen. These activities aim to either ion, protects interests at the indi- between the ages of 14 and 35 as support or influence government. vidual level, provides legitimacy youths.9 The latter definition had In South Africa, these civil duties to government, and frames politi- been acknowledged in South Af- include, but are not limited to: cal discussions.20 rica’s National Youth Policy for 2008–2013.10 Prior to the nation- • Voting in municipal and/or Figures: Youth, Youth Regis- al elections in 2009, the Indepen- national elections. tration and Youth Voting dent Electoral Commission (IEC) • Volunteering for a political of South Africa defined “youths” campaign. South Africa has a young popula- as persons in the 15-to-29-year- • Being involved with national, tion. The average age of the coun- old age group.11 provincial or municipal try’s population is 24.9 years, one (local) government. of the lowest in the world, and For the purposes of this paper, • Informal community work. lower than most emerging econ- the categorisation of youth by the • Campaigning; making omies (e.g. BRICS and the devel- IEC will be used. Given that the political donations and contri- oped world). The estimated glob- voting age for South Africans is butions. al average age is 29.1 years.21 18 years,12 persons between the • Belonging to, and South Africans younger than 35 ages of 15 and 17 will not be in- participating in, legal activist years of age constitute approxi- cluded in the analysis. groups (online or offline). mately 77.6 per cent of the coun- • Voting in potential try’s population of over 52 mil- Forms of political participation referendums. lion people,22 with 42 per cent of in South Africa • Staying up-to-date with South Africans between the ages government gazettes. of 14 and 35 years of age.23 Voting is possibly the most prominent and frequently performed Unconventional participation Given that young South Africans manner of political participation; comprises activities that defy or make up a significant proportion however, a wide range of activi- challenge government and/or the of voters,24 involving the large ties can be regarded as methods dominant political culture. These number of South African youth of political participation. The activities can be legal or illegal, in the processes of democracy is definition of political partici- and are mostly characterised by elemental to embed democracy.25 pation varies, depending on the a mistrust of the political system, While bearing in mind that polit- normative model of democracy a strong sense of political effi- ical participation extends beyond held as the standard, but, at its cacy, and a high sense of group voting, the focus here will be on core, the term refers to a citizen’s consciousness.18 These activities voting, given the essential role ability to take part in the conduct include, but are not limited to: of elections as a democratic proof public affairs. It defines the cess.26 freedom to assemble, associate • Staging demonstrations and and express individual opinions, protests (legal and/or How has the South African youth desires and beliefs in the public illegal19 ). fared in terms of voter registra- sphere, with the intention of in- • Supporting boycotts, tion and voting? Following Fa- fluencing the structure of govern- occupation movements and kir et al.,27 we first traced the ment, policymakers and the poli- strikes. national registration and voting cies themselves.14 15 • Signing petitions. trends (Table 1), where after the 263 registration trends for youth, in various definitions of “youth”, for “youth” voter turnout, we can particular, were captured (Table as well as limits in terms of the only identify possible trends. 2). Given the above-mentioned availability of comparative data

Table 1: National election data: 1994–2014

Election Year 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014 Indicator Registered voters 18 172 751 20 674 926 23 181 997 25 388 082 Ballots cast 19 533 498 16 228 462 15 863 558 17 919 966 18 654 771 Voter turnout 89.30% 76.73% 77.30% 73.5% Valid ballots 19 340 417 15 977 142 15 612 671 17 680 729 18 402 497 Spoiled ballots 193 081 251 320 15 612 671 239 237 252 274 % Spoiled 0.99% 1.55% 1.58% 1.34% 1.4%

Source: Table compiled from data sources for each election, listed by year (http://electionresources.org. za) and IEA national turnout statistics (http://elections.org.za). Data accessed: 27 May 2014.

Table 1 illustrates that voter reg- act number has been a matter of million in 2014. In addition, vot- istration has increased in num- contention), is disappointing. er turnout declined from 89.3 per bers. However, the number of Furthermore, a decrease in vot- cent in 1999 to 73.5 per cent in registered voters, comprising just ing participation is evident, as the 2014. over 25 million of the 31.4–34.4 number of ballots cast declined million eligible voters28 (the ex- from 19.3 million in 1994 to 18.6

Table 2: Nationally registered voters from 18–29 years of age

Election Year 1999 2004 2009 2014 Age band 18–29 5 834 918 5 877 131 6 283 630 6 376 383 All 18 172 000 20 674 926 23 174 279 25 335 265

Source: Table compiled from IEC South African Registration Case Study (24 October 2007) and IEC registration statistics, as on 27 May 2014 at http://elections.org.za.

Table 3: Registered voters (18–29 years) as a percentage of the total eligible voting population

Age Eligible voting population ISS Aug Registered population (Jun Percentage regis- group 2013 Data IEC data) tered 18–19 1541875 629997 40.85 20–29 7552955.385 5740187 75.99

Source: Table compiled from ISS Policy Brief: Forecasting South African election results at http://www. issafrica.org/ and IEC registration statistics, as on 27 May 2014 at http://elections.org.za

Table 2 illustrates that the num- ers between the ages of 18 and 24-year-olds, 25-to-35-year-olds, ber of 18-to-29-year-olds who 19 registered, while 76 per cent as well as among eligible voters registered to vote increased of eligible voters between the in informal settlements, residents slightly from 5.8 million in 1999 ages of 20 and 29 registered. At from Limpopo, the Free State to 6.3 million in 2014. However, the time of publication, data on and Western Cape, and among it should be noted that, although youth voter turnout for the 2014 coloured adults. The intention to voters in South Africa in the elections had not officially been vote declined by at least 10 per 18–29 age group represent about released. However, a survey by cent from the previous elections, 34 per cent29 of all potential vot- the IEC indicated that the biggest five years earlier.30 ers in the country, only about 41 decline in intention to vote was per cent of these eligible vot- among 18-to-19-year-olds, 20-to- From data observable above, the identifiable trends are a decline 264 in national voter turnout, as well may impact on the political par- Thus, not only do young people as a worrying low percentage of ticipation trends of the South Af- in South Africa grapple with un- registered eligible voters, partic- rican youth. employment and little economic ularly young registered voters in opportunity, they do so within a the 18-to-19-year-old age group, “Bread-and-Butter” Constraints highly unequal society. starkly contrasting with the 76 per cent of 20-to-29-year-olds Lauren Tracey, for the Institute But what do these economic re- that registered, but did not neces- for Security Studies (ISS), writes alities have to do with low vot- sarily vote. that some of South Africa’s youth er turnout? According to the have decided not to participate above-mentioned WEF Global The following section will of- in elections, given that the real- Risk 2014 Report, “[M]uch of the fer possible explanations for the ities of poverty, inequality and younger generation lacks trust in trends indicated above, while unemployment are held against institutions and leaders …” and also embedding these findings the promises of a bright future,34 “… the generation coming of age within a broader context of politi- which is thus found wanting. in 2010 faces high unemployment cal participation among the South What are the economic realities and precarious job situations, African youth. of the South African youth? hampering their efforts to build a future and raising the risk of so- (De)Motivators The Global Youth Wellbeing cial unrest …”39 Disillusionment Index (compiled by the Interna- among the youth of South Africa The question here is not only tional Youth Foundation and The with the formal institutions of de- what motivates young South Af- Center for Strategic and Inter- mocracy is probable, given that ricans to participate in politics, national Studies in Washington) these institutions and their lead- but also, what demotivates them found that South Africa ranks ers have yet to cater for the needs from participating. Numerous poorly as a nation looking after of young South Africans, particu- theories and models had been ad- the wellbeing of its young peo- larly in terms of employment. In vanced to find these (de)motiva- ple, particularly in terms of eco- 35 the words of a young South Af- tors, one of which is the “Civic nomic opportunities. The Index rican, Asanda Mkhwane (19), “I Voluntarism Model” (CVM) by looks at 40 indicators across six 31 realised, what am I going to vote Verba, Brady and Schlozman. domains, which include Infor- for? I don’t believe in our gov- Although not without its imper- mation and Communications ernment leaders and their empty fections, it offers guidance on Technology, Safety and Securi- promises.”40 possible indicators for participa- ty, Health, Education, Citizens’ tion.32 In looking to answer the Participation, and Economic Op- Thus, a combination of a lack of question of who participates, the portunity. The index was com- resources necessary to participate authors asked both who does not piled for 30 different countries. (given the high unemployment participate, and why. They subse- South Africa ranked 23rd overall rates and poverty), as well as dis- quently offered three answers: and worst in terms of economic illusionment with political lead- opportunities, with youth un- ership to grapple with these prob- 1. Some people cannot par- employment and the number of lems, may influence the political ticipate, i.e. they do not have the youth not in training, employ- participation choices of young resources to do so. Here, factors ment or education playing a large South Africans. such as education, income, em- role in the latter ranking.36 ployment and status have often Education concerns been used in research. According to the World Econom- ic Forum (WEF) Global Risks A more comprehensive defini- 2. Others do not want to 2014 Report, South Africa has tion of personal resources would participate. In this instance, fac- the third highest unemployment factor in education, given that it tors such as political attitude and rate in the world for people be- enables citizens to understand political interest play a role. tween the ages of 15 and 25. It and process information, foster stated that more than 50 per cent self-confidence and the sense 3. Some people had never of South Africans from 15 to 24 that individuals have the capac- been asked to participate. Here, years of age are unemployed.37 ity to control their own circum- recruitment networks and social 33 Furthermore, South Africa’s Gini stances, while also empowering capital come into play. coefficient (at around 0.7) is in- them to pursue certain goals and Using the CVM as a point of dicative of the limited progress take part in deliberative process- 41 reference, we look at some of that has been made in terms of es to achieve certain objectives. the motivators/demotivators that income equality in the coun- Some scholars assert that educa- try since the end of apartheid.38 tion does not directly impact on 265 political participation, but rather ic processes is crucial to improve “involved in, if not instigators on political interest and knowl- registration and voter turnout.49 of, protest activity”, as was dis- edge,42 as well as on employment As a 22-year-old student from covered through a survey by the opportunities and thus the avail- the Eastern Cape expressed in an Institution for Justice and Recon- able resources to participate in interview with ISS Africa, “I’ve ciliation (IJR).54 political activities.43 So how is decided not to vote because I feel South Africa faring in terms of I do not know enough to make an Concurrently, lower levels of education? informed decision”.50 youth membership in labour unions (which had previously The South African government However, personal resource been primary sites for political spends abundantly on education, constraints limiting some of the socialisation) and low rates of with 5 per cent of the country’s youth do not render all South participation in student council GDP made available for educa- African youths apathetic or unin- elections at tertiary institutions tion. A diagnostic overview by terested in politics. In a democ- were recorded.55 This may indi- the National Planning Commis- racy, active citizenship involves cate the inability of agents of so- sion (NPC) indicated that the exercising democratic rights in cial and political socialisation to overall gross enrolment ratio in holding public representatives re- include the youth of South Africa the country is 92 per cent. How- sponsible.51 in particularly formal political ever, not all learners manage processes, such as elections.56 to stay enrolled and complete Group Membership schooling. Furthermore, despite However, young South Africans this financial investment in ed- Group memberships and net- continue to be politically active, ucation, the quality of education works can be relevant enhancers particularly in groups. Interest in provided by state schools in the of political participation, par- elections among the youth may country is poor.44 ticularly for citizens with fewer be moderate, but other forms of resources. Memberships of reli- political activities and/or political The apartheid regime brought gious, cultural, regional, social expression (such as volunteering, about an unequal education sys- civic, issue-related or work-relat- cultural channels including the- tem that has been difficult to rec- ed organisations (among others), atre and music, direct action and tify.45 The South African govern- and even family life, may bring protest, as well as through social ment has struggled to maintain about social communication, media platforms) remain pro- quality education while improv- which may, in turn, bring about nounced and appear to be gaining ing access to education.46 Fur- opportunities for collective ac- traction among young South Af- thermore, a research report by tion. Furthermore, association ricans.57 Servaas van den Berg et al., “Low groups may attract those citizens Quality Education as a Pover- who linger on the margins of po- Dissatisfaction and disillusion- ty Trap”, states that the current litical life into political activities. ment with the current South education system in general de- African political system livers outcomes which reinforce Participation in association patterns of poverty and privilege, groups may further develop skills We would argue that the instead of addressing or changing of members, enabling them to above-mentioned factors are them.47 Thus, low-quality educa- take part in political activities. among the issues that could lead tion is possibly exacerbating the These groups may even manifest to dissatisfaction and disillusion- above-mentioned personal re- as reference points for citizens to ment with the current South Afri- discern whether they deem polit- can political system. This dissat- source constraints, which hinder 52 participation in political activi- ical activities to be worthwhile. isfaction and disillusionment has ties. the potential to impact on overall Youth participation in elections and youth political participation, In a study on the predictors of might be worrisome; however, as it can lead to citizens not want- political participation in new de- service delivery / community ing to participate politically. This mocracies, it was indicated that it protests, which will be discussed relates to the second aspect of the is important to consider not only in more detail below, debunk the CVM58 discussed above, and in the level of education of voters, myth of political apathy among the run-up to the 2014 elections, but also the content of what is the South African youth. Not and was the topic of many heated learned.48 Considering the low only has the mounting frustra- debates. registration rate of 18-to-19-year- tion with socio-economic realities led to the mushrooming of There are multiple factors that old citizens, the need for greater 53 education in preparing first-time street protests countrywide, but come into play in determining voters for their roles in democrat- young South Africans are often why certain people do not want 266 to participate in political activi- This perception of dysfunction is tions is also low. As many as 62.3 ties. Verba et al.59 use the idea of further described in the survey. per cent of the respondents either “engagement” to highlight some It found that only 55 per cent of agreed or strongly agreed with of the motivations behind politi- South Africans have confidence the sentence, “Leaders are not cal participation. Engagement in in Parliament, 52 per cent in pro- concerned with people like me”. this sense represents a variety of vincial government, and 49 per Similarly, 51.6 per cent agreed psychological predispositions, cent in local government. The or strongly agreed with, “[There such as political interest, polit- IRR survey indicated that 35 per is] no way to make disinterested ical trust, identification with a cent of South Africans are gener- public officials listen” and 48.3 political party, and commitment ally not interested in politics and per cent with “[I] trust leaders to to specific policies and parties. If elections. Furthermore, focusing do what is right”. a citizen is “engaged”, he or she specifically on the youth, a July is normally motivated to partic- 2013 opinion poll61 by the mar- ipate. However, if this engage- ket research company, Ponder- ment is broken, for example by ing Panda, found that almost a the belief that voting or political quarter of South African youths activities are of no influence, the did not intend to vote in the 2014 motivation to participate is also national and provincial elections. diminished. This seems to be the The 18-to-34-year-olds polled62 case among many of the youth had two key reasons for not vot- voters in South Africa. ing. These were the beliefs that, “things would stay the same no There are factors that could lead matter who won the election” (44 to the broken engagement of cer- per cent) and that, “there was no tain citizens, including the youth. party worth voting for” (31 per These factors broadly fall under cent). the term “voter apathy”. Apa- thetic citizens are not only those Although the accuracy and rep- who do not care about politics, resentativeness of these results but are also those who have more are open to debate,63 it is hard to profound concerns flowing from argue that these results do not at feelings of indifference, insignif- least hint at a serious underlying icance and inconsequence. dissatisfaction and disillusionment within citizens’ perceptions Beyond the factors of education, of government and government bread-and-butter constraints and institutions in South Africa. group membership discussed above, voter apathy is arguably The Institute of Justice and Rec- the most prominent challenge to onciliation’s 2013 South African political participation in South Reconciliation Barometer also Africa. In the next section, we looked at these issues in its sec- will examine two key factors tion on political culture.64 This influencing voter apathy in the survey found that, of all the country. largest public institutions in the country, South Africans had the Perceptions of structural flaws lowest confidence in political parties (46.2 per cent), the police Firstly, a large section of the (47.9 per cent) and local govern- South African society holds per- ment (48.6 per cent). ceptions of structural flaws pertaining to the government and Furthermore, since 2012, confi- other political institutions in the dence in all the measured govern- country. The 2013 South Africa ment institutions has been declin- Survey60 by the SA Institute of ing, as can be seen in the graph Race Relations (IRR) indicated below. The survey also examined that only 54 per cent of South the perceptions of political in- Africans believe that the govern- clusion, voice and participation, ment performed well in 2012. and showed that citizens’ sense of agency to influence institu- 267 Figure 1: Confidence in governance institutions, 2006-2013

Source: Figure from SA Reconciliation Barometer Survey: 2013 Report at http://reconciliationbarometer. org.

Another issue highlighting the the serious concerns facing the estimated that only 59 per cent of perceptions of structural flaws is country, namely corruption, nep- the eligible voting population in the seemingly large support for otism, inequality, police brutality South Africa actually voted. The not voting or for actively spoiling and disregard for the environ- ANC has been elected by about a ballot. Focusing on the ballot ment. 11.437 million voters, which is spoilers, this issue was perfectly only 36.4 per cent of the vot- encapsulated by the Sidikiwe Vu- An online survey by Business ing public. However, it should kani (Vote No) campaign led by Day Live66 further illustrated be noted that there is no way of the former intelligence minister, this issue: 5.67 per cent of re- indicating what proportion of Ronnie Kastrils. Kastrils called spondents said that they would non-voters did not vote out of on voters to vote for small parties consider spoiling their vote in protest, or did not vote for other or to spoil their ballots by writ- protest, and 6.64 per cent of re- reasons, such as logistical probing ‘NO’ across them. He stated65 spondents said that they were not lems. that the aim of this tactic was to, going to vote at all. “scare large parties, especially Ultimately, this can be regarded the governing African National This relatively high support for as a warning sign for the health Congress (ANC), to make them not voting was also seen in the of the South African democracy. change their ways.” According 2014 elections. Although it is to Kastrils, the broad aim of the concerning that only 73.5 per Spoiling a ballot or not voting as campaign was to “stop the ANC cent of the registered voting pop- an act of protest falls outside the getting a 66 percent majority”. ulation voted, a bigger issue is ambit of traditional voter apathy. He called on leaders to address perhaps that, as discussed in the These individuals have legiti- results section of this paper, it is mate concerns which they choose 268 to express through these actions: even further away from repre- a spoiled ballot or a person not sentative democracy, towards a showing up to vote could be more semi-direct democracy wherein than just a clerical or logistical citizens would have more power. error, but could be indicative of an underlying societal issue. Forecast of potential outcomes and consequences of the youth It should be noted that certain apathy countries have officially tried to address this issue in their ballots. Given the apparent growing lev- India,67 for example, has imple- el of voter apathy in the country, mented a ‘None of the Above’ and the fact that this apathy is (NOTA) ballot option in recent potentially prominent among the years. The idea behind this is to youth, there are a number of fore- tally up votes from those who are casts that can be made for South unhappy with the political system Africa in the near term. and the parties represented within it. Firstly, one should address the practical issues, such as public Potential problems with the rep- disorder, civil unrest and crime resentative democratic system concerns. We have stated that political participation can take Secondly, there is growing schol- many forms, and one of those arship which indicates that, glob- forms prevalent in South Africa ally, people might be becoming is the more unconventional par- disenfranchised with the level of ticipation in civil unrest. Accord- participation and direct influence ing to crime statistics released that they believe they have on the by the South African Police Ser- political system. This concern has vice (SAPS) in September 2013, also been raised in South Africa there were 12 399 “crowd-re- and other developing countries lated incidents” reported in the by authors such as van Beek68 , country between April 2013 and Kurlantzick69 and Mair.70 March 2013.71 72 These incidents included demonstrations, pro- At the core of a representative test marches and rallies, none of democracy, such as South Afri- which were sanctioned by mu- ca, are popularly elected leaders, nicipal authorities. The majority who then make key decisions for (10 517 cases) were peaceful, but the population. If the population violence was reported in 1 882 loses the belief that these lead- of these incidents. Furthermore, ers can represent them effective- these figures indicate an increase ly, this can be detrimental to the of approximately 85 per cent in democratic system as a whole. recorded cases of violent public unrest, when comparing the fig- South Africa lacks a more direct ures from 2008/2009 to those of approach to democracy, such as 2012/2013. a constituency-based system, and there is a perceived lack of This growth in violent civil un- accountability that has a negative rest is illustrated in Figure 3 be- impact, not only on aspects such low. As stated above, youths are as service delivery, but also on often the primary actors in these perceptions about the function- protests. The growth in violent ing of the system generally. The unrest should be seen as an indi- ISS and the 2003 Van Zyl Slab- cator of deeper underlying issues bert commission of inquiry rec- and that these issues are partly ommend the implementation of a driven by the above-mentioned mixed-member proportional sys- factors. tem to enhance representation. Another option would be to move 269 Figure 2: Public order incidents in South Africa, 2010-2013

2000

1800

1600

1400

1200

1000

800

600

400

200

0 2009/2010 2010/2011 2011/2012 2012/2013

Figure 3: Unrest incidents in South Africa, 2010-2013

Source: Figure 2 and 3 compiled from data from the SAPS’s Analysis of the national crime statistics 2012/13 report at http://www.saps.gov.za/resource_centre/publications/statistics/crimestats/2013/downloads/crime_stats_analysis.pdf.

270 In the near term, incidents of vi- ly among first-time voters) was explored possible motivators and olent civil unrest are expected identified as a possible demoti- demotivators for political partic- to continue countrywide. Fur- vator to participation. Although ipation among the current youth thermore, these incidents have many efforts have been made of South Africa. Furthermore, a detrimental effect on econom- to educate voters, the emphasis we have forecasted potential out- ic growth and prosperity in the should be on furthering politi- comes for continued youth polit- country, which will only serve to cal interest and knowledge, and ical apathy, and identified possi- further exacerbate the socio-eco- not merely information-sharing. ble strategic areas to address in nomic concerns. Efforts to educate young voters order to enhance youth participa- should also extend to include tion. We argue that young South A potential longer-term negative more than just formalised spac- Africans’ participation in formal effect that youth apathy could es, and should creatively reach political activities might be wor- have is to the validity of democ- young South Africans through risome, but this does not render racy in the country. Firstly, low- avenues that are relevant to them. the youth politically apathetic. er election participation levels Possibilities include utilising Twenty years into democracy, it among the youth directly affect spaces in which the youth are might be wise to explore and con- the embeddedness of democracy already expressing themselves, sider various avenues of active in the country. A section of soci- such as volunteer groups, is- citizenship to reduce potential ety is effectively not being rep- sue-based groups, social media unrest and ensure the consolida- resented. Secondly, as discussed networks and even service deliv- tion of democracy for the future. above, there are indications that ery protests. South Africans, specifically the END NOTES youth, have issues with the cur- Considering the various avenues rent functioning of our repre- through which young South Af- 1 Chawane, N. “Youth should be sentative democracy. If these ricans express and pursue their better informed.” Mpumalanga concerns are not addressed, they political interests will enhance News (1 May 2014). Online: http:// mpumalanganews.co.za/172157/ could also cut away at the basic democracy and offer the oppor- youth-better-informed/ [19 June support for the democratic pro- tunity for officials to narrow the 2014]. cess as a whole. gap between young citizens, pol- 2 Tracey, L. “What can be expected icymakers and politicians. from young voters in South Africa’s Identified areas to enhance and 2014 elections?” ISS Today (17 embrace youth political partic- In order to address the issue of September 2013). Online: http:// ipation to embed democracy in disillusionment – of young South www.issafrica.org/iss-today/what- South Africa Africans increasingly becoming can-be-expected-from-young- voters-in-south-africas-2014- disenchanted with the promises elections [28 May 2014]. We have identified a few possi- made by officials – we refer to 3 Essa, A. “Why aren’t South Africa’s bilities to enhance the political the Reconciliation Barometer73 born frees voting?” Al Jazeera (07 participation of young South in stating that political parties (as May 2014). Online: http://www. Africans. Firstly, in order to en- well as governmental officials) aljazeera.com/ [28 May 2014]. 4 Roberts, B.; Letsoalo, T. “The hance participation in informal should desist from committing ways, it is necessary to empow- Young and the Restless: Political to outputs that are unlikely to Apathy and the Youth”. South er the youth to participate con- be achieved. Furthermore, when African Social Attitudes Survey. structively. “Bread-and-butter” looking specifically at elections, Online: http://www.hsrc.ac.za/ [17 constraints were identified as a there are a number of options that June 2014]. 5 limitation to participation, for could be considered to potentially Nxusani, A. “Born free! But dying young: A post-mortem on youth and their impact on limited personal enhance participation and reduce resources to participate in formal democracy in South Africa.” Online: voter apathy, specifically among https://www.academia.edu/1786824/ election forms, as well as their the youth. As discussed above, Born_free_But_dying_young_A_ impact on disillusionment with one option would be to combine postmortem_of_youth_and_ government and democratic pro- mandatory voting (with a NOTA democracy_in_South_Africa cesses. Effectively addressing option) with a mixed-member [30 June 2014] socio-economic constraints (such 6 Fakir, E., Bhengu, Z. and Larsen, proportional system or a semi-di- J.K. “Future Imperfect: The youth as unemployment and health rect democracy. and participation in the 2009 South care) might impact on youth par- African elections.” ticipation in formal political ac- Conclusion Journal of African Elections, 9.2 tivities. (2010): 100-122. In this paper, we have investi- 7 UNDESA (United Nations Furthermore, a lack of voter and/ gated whether the South African Department of Economic and Social or political education (particular- youth is politically apathetic, and Affairs). “United Nations Youth: 271 Definition of Youth”. Online: http:// youngest in the world”. Online: elections [28 May 2014]. www.un.org/esa/socdev/documents/ http://www.stanlib.com/Economic 35 Goldin, N., Patel, P. and Perry, K. youth/fact-sheets/youth-definition. Focus/Pages/SAyoungestpopulation. “The Global Youth Wellbeing pdf [28 May 2014]. aspx [29 May 2014]. Index.” Center for Strategic and 8 African Youth Charter, 2006. 24 Tracey, L. “What can be expected International Studies (CSIS) (2014). 9 National Youth Commission Act, from young voters in South Africa’s Online: http://www.youthindex.org/ 1996. 2014 elections?” ISS Today (17 full-report/ [28 May 2014]. 10 National Youth Policy, 2008-2013. September 2013). Online: http:// 36 Ibid. 11 Fakir, E., Bhengu, Z and Larsen, www.issafrica.org/iss-today/ 37 World Economic Forum (WEF) J.K. “Future Imperfect: The youth what-can-be-expected-from- Global Risks Report 9 (2014). and participation in the 2009 South young-voters-in-south-africas-2014- Online: http://www3.weforum.org/ African elections.” Journal of elections [28 May 2014]. docs/ [28 May 2014]. African Elections, 9.2 (2010): 25 Malada, B. “South African Youth: 38 OECD Economic Survey March 100-122. A Threat to be Feared or a Future to 2013. Online: http://www.oecd.org 12 Ibid. be Cherished?” Perspectives: [28 May 2014]. 13 Teorell, J. 2006. “Political Political Analysis and Commentary 39 SA youth unemployment 3rd highest participation and three theories of from Africa, Heinrich Böll in the world. Fin24 (20 January democracy: A research inventory Foundation Southern Africa 1:13 2014). Online: http://www.fin24. and agenda” European Journal of (2013). 5-19. com/Economy/SA-youth- Political Research 45: 787–810. 26 Milner, H. 2000. “Social Capital, unemployment-3rd- 14 Maan, X.W. 2011. “Social Capital Civic Literacy and Political highest-in-world-20140120 and Civic Voluntarism: A socio- Participation”, in Dowding, K., [28 May 2014]. political explanation of political Hughes, J. and Margetts, H. (eds.), 40 Essa, A. “Why aren’t South participation” Universiteit Twente. Challenges to Democracy: Ideas, Africa’s born frees voting?” Al Online: http://essay.utwente. Involvement and Institutions. Jazeera (07 May 2014). Online: nl/62739/1/Bscverslag_Xandra Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/ Maan_s0191094.pdf [27 May 91-99. features/2014/05/why- 2014]. 27 Fakir, E., Bhengu, Z., Josephine K aren-south-africa-born-frees- 15 UN Women Watch Publication. Larsen, J. K. “Future Imperfect: voting-20145617536762389.html “Political Participation” Online: The youth and participation in the [28 May 2014]. http://www.un.org/womenwatch/ 2009 South African elections”. 41 Kitscheldt, H. & Rehm, P. Political osagi/wps/publication/Chapter3.htm Journal of African Elections 9(2). Participation, in Caramani, D. (ed.), [27 May 2014]. 100-122. Comparative Politics. Oxford: 16 Please note that there are various 28 Pretorius, S. “Voter stats called into Oxford University Press. 2008. other ways of defining and question.” The Citizen (20 446-472. categorising political participation, February 2014). Online: 42 Ibid. which fall outside of the scope of http://citizen.co.za/130949/ 43 Ibid. this article. steph-idw/ [29 May 2014]. 44 Hopolang, S. Short-Changing South 17 Verba, S. and Nie, N. H. 29 Cilliers, J. 2014. Forecasting South Africa`s Youth: the Collapse of an “Participation in America: Political African election results. Institute for Education System? ISS Africa Democracy and Social Equality” Security Studies Policy Brief. (18 April 2012). Online: http://www. (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), Online: http://www.issafrica.org/ issafrica.org/iss-today/short- pp. 2-3. uploads/PolBrief53April14.pdf [27 changing-south-africas-youth-the- 18 Florida International May 2014]. collapse-of-an-education-system University http://www2.fiu. 30 Struwig, J., and Roberts, B. IEC [7 June 2014] edu/~milch002/CPO3643/outlines/ Voter Participation Survey 45 Ibid. participation.htm 2013/2014. HSRC, February 2014. 46 Crouch, L. & Vinjevold, P. 2006. 19 Please note that one could also 31 Verba, S., Scholzman, K. & Brady, South Africa: Access before Quality, argue that legal protests might H. Voice and Equality: and what do we do know? actually be accepted by the SA Civic Voluntarism in American Profesorado. Revista de currículum political culture and therefore be Politics. 1995. Cambridge: Harvard y formación del profesorado, 10, 1. conventional. University Press. Online: http://www.ugr.es/local/ 20 Teorell, J. 2006. “Political 32 Potgieter, E. “Predictors of Political recfpro/Rev101ART6ing.pdf participation and three theories of Participation in New Democracies: [12 July 2013] democracy: A research inventory A Comparative Study”. 2013. 47 Van den Berg, S., et al. “Low and agenda” European Journal of Stellenbosch University. Quality Education as a Poverty Political Research 45: 787–810. 33 Verba, S., Scholzman, K. & Brady, Trap”. Stellenbosch University 21 UNFPA (United Nations Population H. Voice and Equality: Civic (2011). Fund) South Africa. “Young People Voluntarism in American Politics. 48 Potgieter, E. “Predictors of Political Fact Sheet.” (2013). Online: http:// 1995. Cambridge: Harvard Participation in New Democracies: countryoffice.unfpa.org [29 May University Press. A Comparative Study”. 2013. 2014]. 34 Tracey, L. “What can be expected Stellenbosch University. 22 Pretorius, S. “Voter stats called into from young voters in South Africa’s 49 Tracey, L. “SA Elections: first-time question.” The Citizen 2014 elections?” ISS Today voters need more effective (20 February 2014). Online: (17 September 2013). Online: http:// education.” ISS Africa http://citizen.co.za/130949/ www.issafrica.org/iss-today/what- (5 May 2014). Online: http://www. steph-idw/ [29 May 2014]. can-be-expected-from-young- polity.org.za/article/sa-elections- 23 Stanlib. “SA Population is the voters-in-south-africas-2014- first-time-voters-need-more- 272 effective-education-2014-05-06 61 News24. 2014. Study: SA [18 June 2014] [7 June 2014]. voter apathy worrying. Online: 72 SAPS. 2013. Crime Situation in 50 Ibid. http://www.news24.com/elections/ South Africa. Online: http://www. 51 Malada, B. “South African Youth: news/study-sa-voter-apathy- saps.gov.za/resource_centre/ A Threat to be Feared or a Future to worrying-20140304 [29 June 2014] publications/statistics/ be Cherished?” Perspectives: 62 Note that most of this polling was crimestats/2013/crime_stats.php [18 Political Analysis and Commentary conducted via social media and June 2014] from Africa, Heinrich Böll on cell phones, which could 73 Wale, K. Confronting Exclusion: Foundation Southern Africa 1:13 influence results. Time for Radical Reconciliation (2013). 5-19. 63 Africa Check. 2013. Why social net SA Reconciliation Barometer 52 Kitschelt, H. & Rehm, P. 2008. work surveys don’t necessarily Survey: 2013 Report. Institute for Political Participation, in Caramani, reflect the views of SA youth. Justice and Reconciliation, D. (ed.), Comparative Politics. Online: http://africacheck.org/ 2013. Online: Oxford: Oxford University Press. reports/why-social-network- http://reconciliationbarometer.org/ 446-472. surveys-do-not-necessarily- wp-content/uploads/2013/12/ 53 Fakir, E. and Benghu, Z. The future reflect-the-views-of-sa-youth/# IJR-Barometer-Re of youth participation in elections. sthash.pYP5wuoR.dpuf [3 June port-2013-22Nov1635.pdf SA Reconciliation Barometer Blog. 2014] [28 June 2014] Online: 64 Wale, K. 2013. Confronting http://reconciliationbarometer. Exclusion: Time for Radical org/volume-eight-2010/the- Reconciliation. SA Reconciliation future-of-youth- Barometer Survey: 2013 participation-in-elections/ Report. Online: http:// [27 June 2014] reconciliationbarometer.org/wp- 54 Malada, B. “South African Youth: content/uploads/2013/12/IJR- A Threat to be Feared or a Future to Barometer-Re be Cherished?” Perspectives: port-2013-22Nov1635.pdf Political Analysis and Commentary [3 June 2014] from Africa, Heinrich Böll 65 Magubane, K and Melaphi, Y. Foundation Southern Africa 1:13 2014. Old guard in anti-ANC spoilt (2013). 5-19. ballot drive. Business Day Live. 55 Fakir, E. and Benghu, Z. The future Online http://www.bdlive.co.za/ of youth participation in elections. national/politics/2014/04/16/ SA Reconciliation Barometer Blog. old-guard-in-anti-anc-spoilt-ballot- Online: drive [20 May 2014] http://reconciliationbarometer. 66 Business Day Live. 2014. Voter org/volume-eight-2010/the- turnout win for South Africa. Online future-of-youth- http://www.bdlive.co.za/national/ participation-in-elections/ politics/2014/05/08/voter-turnout- [27 June 2014] win-for-south-africa [25 May 2014] 56 Malada, B. “South African Youth: 67 Khera, J. 2014. How will None A Threat to be Feared or a Future to Of The Above affect India poll be Cherished?” Perspectives: result? BBC. Online: http:// Political Analysis and Commentary www.bbc.com/news/world-asia- from Africa, Heinrich Böll india-27370444 [25 May 2014] Foundation Southern Africa 1:13 68 Van Beek, U., 2012. The Crisis that (2013). 5-19. Shook the World. In: van Beek, U. 57 Ibid. and Wnuk-Lipinski, E., (eds.) 2012. 58 Verba, S., Scholzman, K. & Brady, Democracy under stress: The H. Voice and Equality: Civic Global crisis and beyond. Berlin: Voluntarism in American Politics. Barbara Budrich Publishers. 1995. Cambridge: Harvard 69 Kurlantzick, J. 2013. Democracy in University Press. Retreat 59 Verba et al 1995 http://essay. The Revolt of the Middle Class and utwente.nl/62739/1/Bscverslag_ the Worldwide Decline of XandraMaan_s0191094.pdf page 19 Representative Government. New 60 SA Institute of Race Relations. Haven and London: Yale University 2014. Opinion polls take SA’s Press. temperature: people losing 70 Mair, P. 2013. Ruling The Void: Confidence. Online: The Hollowing Of Western http://irr.org.za/reports-and- Democracy. London: Verso. publications/media-releases/ 71 SAPA Strategic Management. 2013. Politics%20and%20government%20 SAPS’s Analysis of the national Press%20Release%20-%20O crime statistics 2012/13 report. pinion%20polls%20take%20 Online: http://www.saps.gov.za/ SAs%20temperature%20-%204%20 resource_centre/publications/ March%202014.pdf/at_download/ statistics/crimestats/2013/ file [18 June 2014] downloads/crime_stats_analysis.pdf 273 SA ELECTIONS 2014: PERFORMANCE OF NEW PARTIES

Sithembile Mbete - Lecturer, (NUMSA) in anticipation of the provincial legislature. The NFP’s Department of Political Sci- formation of a worker’s party to greatest impact is in its erosion ence, University of Pretoria 74 the left of the ANC that seems to of the support base of the Inkatha be the best chance of a recalibra- Freedom Party (IFP) from which Introduction tion of party politics. it broke away in 2011. The IFP is in steady decline, and saw its In the months running up to the Nevertheless an examination of support fall from 4.55 per cent 2014 South African elections the impact of new political par- in 2009 to 2.4 per cent in these there was much speculation about ties in the 2014 elections on the elections. In KZN it lost half of whether this poll would bring political landscape in general is its support, falling from 20.52 per with it a grand realignment in a valuable exercise to understand cent of the vote in 2009 to 10.27 South African politics to counter the context within which any new per cent in 2014. This loss of the dominance of the governing party bringing promise of a polit- support can in part be attributed ANC. As Aubrey Matshiqi high- ical shift would have to operate. to the NFP’s existence as an al- lighted, such realignment would This paper seeks to do just this by ternative for those voters who are also entail a challenge to the focusing on the effect of the EFF disgruntled with the stagnation of dominance the Democratic Alli- in particular. It argues that the the IFP, but do not want to shift ance (DA) continues to hold over EFF has had a marked impact on political allegiance to the ANC. opposition politics.75 The en- the South African political land- trance of the Economic Freedom scape that transcends mere rheto- In retrospect it seems absurd that Fighters (EFF) and Agang into ric and theatrics. After presenting Agang was expected by some to the political landscape was tout- an overview of the impact of new be a game changer in South Af- ed as a development that would entrants to electoral politics in rican politics. The party revealed bring this much-anticipated shift. general, the paper appraises the itself as an ‘also-ran’ early this As happened with the Congress campaign of the EFF and the ef- year with its brief merger with of the People (COPE) before fect of youth participation on the the DA and subsequent unravel- them, these parties were expect- party’s electoral showing. It then ling as a contender in these elec- ed to have a far greater impact on compares the EFF’s performance tions. It is now so weakened by electoral politics than is realistic to that of new entrants in previ- the ego of its founder Mamphela for new parties of their size. ous elections. It closes with some Ramphele and its internal squab- remarks on the prospects for the bles that it is unlikely to continue Despite these predictions, these party’s longevity. as an independent political for- elections have not led to a ma- mation for much longer. Recent jor realignment of South African Overview of the impact of new reports of the party’s intentions politics. The ANC won the elec- entrants on the political land- to suspend its founder Mamphela tion with 62.15 per cent, receiv- scape Ramphele seem to support this.76 ing an overwhelming mandate A notable impact of the Agang- to govern the country for the The EFF, Agang and the Nation- DA marriage was to dent the rep- next five years. The DA consol- al Freedom Party (NFP) were the utation of DA leader Helen Zille. idated its position as the official notable new parties in the general The bungled merger revealed the opposition with 22 per cent of election. The NFP is technically inconsistency in her stated com- the vote, a five per cent increase not a new entrant in the politi- mitment to non-racial politics from 2009. It made in-roads in cal landscape, having contested and raised questions about her Gauteng’s metropolitan munici- the 2011 local government elec- judgement. This didn’t seem to palities, which potentially bodes tions. However, this was its first hurt the DA’s electoral perfor- well for the party’s ambitions to general election and its first op- mance: the party won 22.3 per govern the City of Johannesburg portunity to contest beyond its cent of the national vote. How- or Tshwane municipality in coali- home province of KwaZulu-Na- ever, the long-term effects of the tion after the 2016 local govern- tal. The party received 1.5 per short-lived marriage may emerge ment elections. Many observers cent of the vote nationally and in future leadership battles in the are keeping a close eye on devel- six seats in Parliament. It also re- party. opments in the National Union ceived 7.31 per cent of the vote of Mineworkers of South Africa in KZN and seven seats in the 274 The EFF as the winners were being confused for actual Malema’s speech – denouncing influence over the electorate.77 white supremacy, and emphasis- The EFF has emerged as the real While there is merit to Fried- ing the similarities between the winner among the new entrants man’s caution about the tendency ANC and the DA – demonstrated in this year’s elections. It man- of the commentariat to be attract- that the party intends to be relent- aged to attain 6.35 per cent of the ed to political drama rather than less in questioning the structure vote, giving it 25 seats in parlia- attempting to understand politi- of South Africa’s political econ- ment, and it is the official opposi- cal realities, the EFF’s campaign omy. tion in Limpopo and North West. and performance in Parliament in When it burst onto the scene the the month since the election in- In spite of this, it is already clear EFF captured the public imagi- dicates that imagery can be and that maintaining a consistently nation and visually transformed has been a powerful force in chal- revolutionary stance will not be the political landscape. Because lenging the substance of a polit- easy for the new parliamentar- of the public persona of its lead- ical dispensation. The EFF has ians. After EFF MPs refused to er, Julius Malema, and the high been able to adapt old struggle use parliament’s medical scheme, profiles of other party leaders language and visual cues to the arguing that all government offi- like Andile Mngxitama, the EFF present context with great effect. cials should use public services, dominated the media and public After the election EFF MPs wore it was revealed that Malema’s discourse far more than would bright red overalls and domestic son would continue attending a normally be expected for a par- workers’ uniforms to the opening private school instead of moving ty that has been in existence for of Parliament, arguing that they to a public one. He was defended less than a year. The red beret were ‘sending a message to say by the party’s national spokes- became ubiquitous at political that the Parliament for the people person Mbuyiseni Ndlozi, who meetings, township funerals and is not a Parliament for the elite’78 argued that the party remained urban streets across South Africa. . Regardless of how disparaging committed to its policy, and he While much is made of the EFF’s they have been of the new party’s further clarified that, “our com- support among disenfranchised, appetite for spectacle, both the mitment to EFF public repre- economically marginalised black ANC and DA introduced their sentatives using public services (male) youth, the party’s message own berets in response to the is subject to EFF being elected resonated with a sizable portion ubiquity of the EFF red beret.79 into government”.80 Neverthe- of the (mostly) young black The EFF’s dress in parliament less, Ndlozi claimed that the EFF middle class who live in closest was not merely a provocative would table a motion to institute proximity to white South Afri- sartorial choice but a challenge legislation requiring all public cans and experience racism in to the colonial-era parliamen- representatives to use public ser- their workplaces and leisure and tary norms and customs whose vices. Clearly, the party’s stated living spaces daily. This is the continued use, it can be argued, intention and the action of its constituency that witnesses the is a result of the negotiated end leadership show the challenges degree to which economic trans- to apartheid. This notion of chal- of staying true to their radical formation has not been achieved lenging the foundations of the message. While their rhetoric from the vantage point of corpo- ‘elite pact’ that resulted in the may remain revolutionary, the rate boardrooms, newsrooms and present democratic order was trappings of power and comfort university lecture theatres. The expounded upon by Malema in will be difficult to resist. The ex- EFF recognised this, and made a response to the SONA address. tent to which EFF can negotiate commitment in its election man- Malema was kicked out of the between to these two poles will ifesto to improve the working house for refusing to retract a re- have a significant role in decid- conditions of black professionals mark made in his response to the ing the future of the party. Julius like doctors, academics, lawyers SONA accusing the ANC of mur- Malema’s reaching an agreement and engineers, who face racial dering Marikana miners. The rest with the South African Revenue discrimination in the workplace. of his party’s MPs walked out Service (SARS) to settle his tax with him in support, whistling debt of R16 million and his apol- Yet despite this triumph of form and hurling comments as they ogising for accusing the taxman and imagery, the substance of exited. While this could all be of acting on the instructions of the EFF’s politics remained un- dismissed as a series of publicity the ANC is another example of clear for much of the election stunts they have had the effect of the limitations of radical rheto- campaign. Steven Friedman dis- focusing public attention on Par- ric and the ultimate necessity of missed the party as being ‘a case liament and establishing the EFF playing by the rules of the sys- of media hype over substance’, as vocal opponents to the status tem in order to have any chance arguing that the party’s theatrics quo. In addition, the content of of acquiring real political power 275 within it. The EFF was formed in July 2013 black consciousness and ‘blacks after its leader Julius Malema was first’ socialism of the SNI and Moving forward: a delicate bal- expelled from the ANC in 2012. the influence of other black na- ance between rules and revolu- While it started as a breakaway tionalist-aligned groups. As time tion? ANCYL faction, it merged with has gone on and the party has had like-minded political formations, to state its positions more clearly The EFF’s greatest challenge including the black conscious- on more issues, it has emerged will be in how it navigates the ness organisation the September very clearly as a black-nationalist dull everyday work of parlia- National Imbizo (SNI) and the party whose allegiance to social- ment away from the spotlight of African People’s Convention ism is to advance the interests of the National Assembly Chamber. (APC). The EFF launched with black South Africans. However, The three functions of the South limited financial resources and it remains unclear where the EFF African parliament are oversight sought to raise funds through lies in the typology of political over the executive, representing membership fees, sales of mer- parties. Is it a mass-based, pa- the views of South Africans and chandise (like the red beret) and tron-based or electoralist party? making and passing laws. While donations. A result of being un- Or is it something in between?82 all four democratic parliaments der-resourced was the party’s have performed the first two adoption of what could be called The EFF’s nascent ideological functions with varying levels of ‘guerrilla’ campaign tactics like identity as well as a distinctive efficacy, they have all been pro- participating in community ‘ser- rhetorical and symbolic position ficient at the third. The process vice delivery’ protests. The par- enabled it to run an effective of debating and amending laws ty was able to mobilise young campaign. The EFF has effec- introduced by the executive is a people, attracting large numbers tively used both traditional and key responsibility of parliamen- to its rallies in townships across non-traditional modes of cam- tary committees. Various pieces South Africa. An Ipsos survey paigning for this election. It put of South African legislation have from November 2013 revealed up election posters featuring the been fundamentally transformed that EFF supporters were young- leader Julius Malema, did door- through the committee process, er than average, with 44% falling to-door campaigns, held big ral- often for the better, with parlia- between the ages of 18 and 24, lies and took advantage of the ment acting to counter the whims and 29% between the ages of 25 free airtime offered by the SABC of a sometimes overzealous exec- and 35.81 Those who claimed to to create a TV ad that was banned utive. Prominent examples from support the party were predomi- by the broadcaster for inciting the fourth parliament include nantly male (77%), black (99%) violence because it called for the the Protection of Personal Infor- and unemployed (40%). physical destruction of e-toll gan- mation Bill and the Protection tries. The party used the ban itself of State Information Bill, which One of the major criticisms of as a campaign tool by marching emerged from parliament in a far the EFF has been its apparent to the offices of the SABC to pro- better state than they did when ideological confusion. The par- test the decision. Julius Malema they were introduced. The EFF’s ty manifesto describes the party and other leaders accused the ability to develop research capac- as a “socialist, Marxist-Leninist, SABC as acting as a mouthpiece ity, to work with knowledgeable Fanonian” organisation that aims of the ANC instead of a public interested parties and to adhere to to redistribute South Africa’s broadcaster and emphasised how the discipline of committee struc- wealth in order to address pover- the EFF was being victimised by tures will be critical to determin- ty, unemployment and inequali- an increasingly Orwellian ANC. ing their success as a parliamen- ty. This despite the fact that the tary opposition. purely class-based analysis of The use of protests is an example Marx sits uncomfortably with the of the EFF’s atypical campaign- Appraising the EFF’s electoral racial nationalism EFF expounds. ing, most prominently taking up campaign The party’s rhetoric is part radi- the causes of communities engaged in service delivery protests The EFF’s election campaign had cally socialist, part Black Nation- alist and part anti-colonial, tai- against the ANC. For example, in an impact both in terms of using February, Malema addressed res- innovative tools to communicate lored in response to any popular grievance or desire. This seeming idents of Moretele in the North the party’s message and also be- West province after police had cause it revealed the party’s view confusion is explained by a closer look at the various groups that shot at protesters. The EFF was of itself and its role in the politi- also involved in the protests at cal landscape. make up the party. It includes the African nationalist foundations Bekkersdal in Gauteng who were of the ANCYL elements, the protesting for housing, street

276 lights and sanitation. According Youth voter registration and turn- from different elections makes it to media reports about 300 Bek- out, and its impact on the EFF’s difficult to make accurate long- kersdal residents joined the EFF performance term comparisons. Nevertheless march to the SABC. it is possible to see some patterns. Given that 2014 was the first Like other parties, the EFF used election in which those born after Statistics available from 2004, social media platforms to spread 1994 were eligible to vote, there 2009 and 2014 show that there its message. Julius Malema par- was much anticipation of the ef- was an incremental increase in ticipated in various interviews fect that the ‘born-frees’ would voter registration among those on Twitter and Facebook, and have on the results. Would they aged 18 to 29 years old. The the party had an active profile participate in the election and IEC’s registration figures show on both platforms. However, the influence the political landscape that 6.32 million youth registered most social media campaign- or would they choose to opt out in 2014 compared to 6.28 million ing for the party was done by of the electoral process? These in 2009 and 5.8 million in 2004. high-profile leaders and support- questions were especially rele- Only 669 421 (or a third of voters. Andile Mngxitama and Fana vant in attempts to predict the ers born after 1994) registered to Mokoena were two in particular performance of the EFF, which vote, making up a mere 2.64 per who publicised the party’s activ- has a predominantly young sup- cent of registered voters.86 Ac- ities and defended its position on port base. Despite the party’s ap- cording to the IEC 4.68 million Twitter.83 parent ability to mobilise young of those who voted in the 2014 people to participate in rallies and election were under the age of The EFF used rallies to good ef- protests, it was unclear whether 30. This accounts for only 25 per fect. Its election campaign launch it could get them to register and cent of the total turnout. Approx- at Mehlareng Stadium in Tembi- vote. Expectations of high youth imately 75 per cent of youth un- sa attracted, according to some participation are a long-standing der 30 who registered came out to estimates, 50 000 supporters. part of the political discourse. In vote, which compares favourably The party held several big rallies the 2009, as in 2004 before it, the to percentage turnout as a whole, across the country. There were re- IEC and political analysts stated which was 73.48 per cent. These ports of its activities being sabo- their anticipation that young peo- figures indicate that youth par- taged, with municipalities cancel- ple would participate in unprece- ticipation and turnout were gen- ling bookings for public venues dented numbers in the respective erally proportionate with the size and in an extreme case campaign elections. of the demographic in the popu- materials being torched before an lation as a whole and relative to event in Thokoza. As in the case Defining the ‘youth’ in South Af- total voter turnout. of the SABC ban, the EFF used rica is challenging because of the these incidents to build its cam- inconsistent definitions applied Given the lack of exit poll data paign narrative of itself as an un- to this demographic. The Na- and voter turnout figures disag- derdog whose rise posed a threat tional Youth Policy 2008-2013 gregated by age at voting dis- to the ANC’s dominance and that defines youth as those aged be- trict level, it is not possible to was being undermined by an au- tween 14 and 35. The IEC has say whether the EFF was able to thoritarian regime. shifted its definition of youth mobilise its young supporters and from 2009 to 2014, from those whether this had any impact on Now that the election dust has between the ages of 18 and 35 to its electoral performance. settled, the hazards of using the 18 to 30 cohort. In 2014 the community protests as an elec- Commission launched a voter We can conclude that expectation tool may be revealing them- registration campaign featuring tions for young people to come selves. The EFF in Mamelodi has young celebrities to encourage out to vote in large numbers and been accused by officials from South Africans under 30 to reg- to sway the election results were the United Nations High Com- ister and vote. Statistics SA de- unfounded. The ‘born-frees’ in mission for Refugees (UNHCR) fines youth as falling between particular proved to be uninter- of being behind attacks against the ages of 15 and 34. According ested in participating in elections, Somali shop-owners in the town- to the mid-year population es- which makes them no different ship, mobilising youth to intim- timate there are approximately from their peers in other parts of idate the foreigners and desta- 15 million (14,968,990) South the world. As Fakir et al. have ar- bilise the township. While these Africans between the ages of 15 gued, South African youth have allegations have been denied by and 34. That is 28 per cent of the always been politically active the party, they point to the con- population.85 The inconsistency albeit through social protests and sequences destructive means of of definitions of youth and data other spaces outside of formal election campaigning can have.84 political structures.87 The EFF 277 took its campaigning into these at the Sandton Convention Cen- from the grassroots up. One of spaces, but the extent to which tre and put together an election the great strengths of the ANC is this paid off in electoral divi- campaign five months before the its sophisticated party machinery dends is unclear. It is beyond the election. It had a ready constitu- and internal democratic processes scope of this paper to conjecture ency in the form of the losing fac- (however flawed) that have prov- on why there was low youth voter tion at Polokwane and the main- en a source of resilience amidst turnout. However, there is a need ly black middle class that was all the political storms the party for greater investigation of this alarmed by Jacob Zuma’s taking has faced. The EFF has yet to issue to enable political parties control of the ANC. hold an elective conference, and and the IEC to develop target- it is unclear how much the party ed strategies to encourage youth In contrast, the EFF launched is investing in grassroots struc- participation in future elections. with limited financial resources, tures. It is this, more than parlia- raising funds through member- mentary spectacle that will deter- Concluding remarks: compar- ship fees, sales of merchandise mine whether the party grows in ing the EFF to new entrants in and donations. While the EFF 2016 and 2019, or whether it is previous elections had an existing constituency in reduced to another footnote in the the form of Julius Malema sup- story of ANC dominance. It becomes clear just how well porters, it had to mobilise to form the EFF performed when it is a large enough support base to END NOTES compared to the major new en- compete in the elections. The trant in the 2009 elections, Cope. point, then, is that Cope and EFF 74 The author would like to thank Both parties broke away from entered the political landscape Kelly-Jo Bluen for her comments on the ANC. Cope was formed by from different positions. Cope early drafts of this article. 75 Matshiqi, Aubrey. “Figment or the faction of the ANC that lost had an advantage in terms of power of the party at the Polok- Fragmentation? – Focus on the resources, goodwill and constit- Governing Alliance and Political wane conference in 2007 and uency. The EFF has managed to Opposition” SA Elections 2014: was disgruntled by the recalling perform extremely well with a Political Opposition - Cohesion, of former president Thabo Mbe- fraction of the resources of Cope, Fracture or Fragmentation? EISA ki in 2008. Both Cope and the and appears to have built an or- Election Update Four (2014): 8 76 SAPA. “Agang SA suspends EFF claim to represent the real ganisational structure that bodes ANC and to adhere to the prin- Mamphela Ramphele”. Sowetan 29 well for its continuation as a se- June (2014), ciples espoused in the Freedom rious player in the political land- http://www.sowetanlive.co.za/ Charter. Cope’s leaders did this scape. news/2014/06/30/agang-sa- by choosing to name the party af- suspends-mamphela-ramphele ter the event at which the Charter Cope was undoubtedly the big- 77 Friedman, Steven. “EFF frenzy a was adopted. The EFF’s leaders gest casualty of the 2014 elec- case of media hype over substance”. Business Day 5 March (2014) http:// have done so by promising to im- tions, even more than Agang. Due www.bdlive.co.za/opinion/ plement all the demands of the to its internal divisions and lead- columnists/2014/03/05/eff-frenzy-a- Freedom Charter, including the ership battles, the party squan- case-of-media-hype-over-substance nationalisation of mines. Both dered a considerable amount of 78 Makinana, Andisiwe and Glynnis parties benefited from greater goodwill in the years follow- Underhill. “EFF shakes up media coverage than would be ing the 2009 election. The party Parliament on first day”. Mail and Guardian, 21 May (2014) expected for new parties because haemorrhaged over one million http://mg.co.za/article/2014-05-21- of their controversial beginnings, votes from the previous election, eff-shakes-parliament-up-on-first- and, in the case of EFF, the high and went from receiving 7.24 per day media profile of its leader. How- cent of the vote in 2009 to cob- 79 Du Plessis, Carien and Sabelo ever, there are some significant bling together a meagre 0.67 per Ndlangisa. “ANC wears red berets differences between the two par- cent in 2014. This dismal perfor- ‘to confuse the enemy”. City Press, 8 January (2014) http://www. ties. Cope was led by politicians mance represents a resounding citypress.co.za/politics/anc- who had held senior positions in regression for a party which had wears-red-berets-confuse-enemy/ government, among them Mo- aspirations of building on its en- 80 SAPA. “EFF defends Malema’s siua Lekota, Mbhazima Shilowa couraging debut performance. school choice”. IOL News, 4 June and Mluleki George. It was also (2014) http://www.iol.co.za/news/ supported by wealthy business- The experience of Cope holds special-features/eff-defends- lessons for the EFF if the new malema-s-school- people from its initiation, which choice-1.1698774#.U7HBhfmSwmk gave it access to substantial ma- party wants to achieve longevity. 81 Ipsos South Africa. “Profiles of the terial resources. This enabled it The primary one is that elector- supporters of the three biggest to host its founding convention al performance is not a substi- political parties in South tute for building an organisation Africa”. (2014) http://www.ipsos.co. 278 za/SitePages/Profiles%20of%20 the%20supporters%20of%20 the%20three%20biggest%20 political%20parties%20in%20 South%20Africa.aspx 82 Richard Gunther and Larry Diamond. 2003. Species of Political Parties: A New Typology. Party Politics. 9:167 83 See EISA Election Update Four for more on different parties’ use of social media for campaigning 84 Makhubu, Ntando. “EFF behind Mamelodi attack- UN agency”. IOL News. 24 June (2014) http:// www.iol.co.za/news/crime-courts/ eff-behind-mamelodi- attacks-un-agency-1.1708293#. U6k6sfmSwmk 85 StatsSA “Mid-year population estimates 2013” (2013) http://beta2. statssa.gov.za/publications/P0302/ P03022013.pdf 86 Coetzee, Cobus. “Million born frees won’t vote on May 7”. IOL News, 22 April (2014) http://www.iol. co.za/news/politics/million-born- frees-won-t-vote-on- may-7-1.1678476#. U63WAvmSwmk 87 Fakir, Ebrahim, Zandile Bhengu and Josefine K Larsen. “Future Imperfect: The youth and participation in the 2009 elections”. Journal of African Elections 9(2): 100-120

279 280 ELECTION UPDATE 2014

Recommendations

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR LEGAL, PRO- CEDURAL OR ADMINISTRATIVE ELEC- TORAL REFORM BASED ON THE EXPE- RIENCES OF THE GENERAL ELECTION IN 2014

Most election observers, the me- It is exceptionally difficult to order to increase the number of dia and election analysts were of draw a clear-cut distinction be- South Africans using this oppor- the opinion that the integrity of tween government business and tunity to vote. the election was maintained at a the activities of a governing par- sufficiently credible level. The ty, still better rules about the sep- 3. Voting participation by the following are however a number aration of the two are required. youth: of matters of either a legislative nature, or the IEC’s logistical re- 2. South African voters outside Section 6(1A) in the Electoral Act sponsibility or general electoral the country (Electoral provides that a South African cit- matters which could be consid- Amendment Act, 2013): izen can start to register as a voter ered for amendment: at the age of 16 years. In the 2014 No reliable statistics exist about elections only about a third of the 1. Campaign funding and use how many eligible South African eligible voters aged 18-19 years of other resources: voters are outside the country. were registered (compared to the Procedures exist to regulate their overall average of about 80 per South African parties have had registration as voters or voting cent) and it is generally accepted vastly different resources avail- status but who they are and where that the voter turn-out in the age able for funding their elections they are, is largely unknown (it is groups below 30 years was low. campaigns in 2014. It should outside the domain of Stats SA’s More effective registration strate- be noted that parties are not al- national census). While it is gen- gies (for example at schools) had lowed to use the public propor- erally presumed that more than a to be developed and more engag- tional funding they receive from million of them qualify as voters, ing voter education is required to Parliament during the last three the election involved only minute mobilise younger voters. weeks before election day. Sever- numbers. A total of 6789 regis- al countries have an upper limit tered as voters outside the coun- 4. Re-assessment of Section applicable to all parties on the try, though 18 446 were recorded 24A, Electoral Act: financial resources they can use as having voted outside the coun- for campaigning. Such an ar- try. This incongruence between One of the most serious logistical rangement will make the playing the two numbers is accounted for issues in 2014 was an overcon- field slightly more level, and will by the fact that some voters reg- centration of voters at some poll- reduce the influence of private istered in South Africa were eli- ing stations (and therefore short- funding on parties. gible to vote outside the country age of voting material) while at diplomatic missions in 2014, others were under-utilised. De- Related to direct funding is the and evidently. While voting by marcation of the voting districts abuse of state resources by gov- expatriates in their host countries and identifying the voting stations erning parties as indirect funding is a global practice, the procedur- are done on the basis of approx- or promotion of their campaigns. al aspects should be revisited in imately equal distribution of the

281 voting population to the stations. 7. Ballot boxes must be ers compared to rural areas, the However section 24A allows for transparent (Electoral Act, majority of complaints of a lo- voters to move between voting section 69, SADC gistical and administrative nature stations, which makes proper Parliamentary Forum appear to have come from rural preparations based on predictable Norms and Standards for areas. While this might be attrib- numbers impossible. Section 24A Elections in the SADC utable to the uneven spread of should be amended/ redesigned – Region, 2001, Part 3, resources in the rural areas com- voters should at least be required par. 10): pared to that of urban areas, the to give prior notice of their inten- IEC would be encouraged to do tion to vote at another station. The SADC Parliamentary Forum a greater amount in order to pro- recommended that all ballot box- vide both more systematic train- 5. Voter education should be es should be made of transpar- ing and more rigorous recruit- reactivated (Regulations, ent material to inhibit any form ment of trained and experienced 1998 and Electoral of election fraud or misconduct. staff, with a special focus on the Commission Act, Section 5): However, Section 69 of the Elec- rural areas. In general more sys- toral Act allows the IEC to deter- tematic recruitment and train- Voter education was successful mine the material to be used ining of short term electoral staff in 1994 but appears to have had stead of insisting on transparent across the board is encouraged. lower priority since. Electoral lit- material. eracy is generally low while the citizens’ knowledge of the Con- 8. Decision-making about stitution is equally problematic. party advertisements in the The IEC has a mandate to pro- media: vide voter education and private educators can also be accredited During 2014 several incidents and contracted to provide this on occurred involving mainly the behalf pf the Commission. Much SABC which initially refused to more prominence and resources broadcast certain party adver- should be attached voter educa- tisements. ICASA regulates the tion specifically and civic educa- media (but not political parties) tion, in general. and also determines proportional advertisement opportunities for 6. Secure transportation of all registered parties. At the same counted ballots (Electoral time the parties (but not the me- Act, section 50): dia) are subject to the IEC’s Code of Conduct regarding the content Some of the most serious com- of their campaign material. How- plaints in 2014 were about aban- ever in these incidents the SABC doned ballot papers found along took the final decision and not roads or in private homes. These ICASA or the IEC, and in the end ballots were in most instances al- it was reviewed by a court. The ready counted and therefore did power of final decision-making not directly affect the election in these types of situations has to results but it does affect the need be better coordinated or clarified for secure storage of the ballots, before judicial review is sought. because electoral disputes can still be declared and proper dis- 9. Identification of priority pute resolution (including Elec- areas for the deployment of toral Court hearings) depend on better quality staff members secured evidence (election docu- and resources : mentation and materials). Section 50 does not provide procedural As the EISA Election Update prescriptions for how election noted, there seems to have been material must be secured and disparities in the management transported, after the counting and administration of polling sta- process. tions between rural and urban areas. Despite urban areas having a greater number of registered vot- 282 ELECTION UPDATE 2014

Alphabetical Index

COMPENDIUM

Abahlali baseMjondolo 11, 38. AMCU 39, 103, 105 Block, John 140-142, 171, 250- 42, 47, 181, 193, 219, 220, 254 251 ANC 9, 10-17, 23, 39-43, 50, ABM see Abahlali baseMjon- 51, 87-94 Bloemfontein 63, 113, 127, 178 dolo ANC Youth League see AN- Boitumelong 105, 209 Abrahams, Beverly 81 CYL Bojanala 130, 162, 209 ACDP 66, 75, 126, 141, 143, ANCYL 40, 43, 95, 99, 276 147, 169, 221, 236 Bongo, Thomas 76, 145 Apartheid 27, 28, 37-42, 50, Advertising 101, 126, 137, 81, 121-125, 134, 148, 189, Bonokwane, Obakeng 140, 200, 201, 258, 260 237, 265 170, 192, 212, 247, 250 Afesis Corplan 71, 189 APC 95 Booysen, Susan 9, 16, 17, 42, 143, 201 Africa, Cherrel 64, 114, 146, Assassination 96, 97, 254, 263 173, 193, 220, 232 Born frees 212 Azanian People’s Movement African Christian Democratic 51 Botes, Alvin 141, 251 Party see ACDP Azanian Peoples Organisation Botha, Theuns 146, 237 African National Congress see see AZAPO Botha, Yolanda 141 ANC AZAPO 113. 122 Boycott 39, 105, 109, 186, 190, African Peoples Convention 209, 219, 263 (APC) 80 Baardman, Aubrey 140 BPC 95 African Unite Party (AUP) 34 Ballots 29, 165, 175, 178, 180, 185, 192, 195, 198 Brits (Madibeng) 41, 43, 51, Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging 54, 132, 162, 209, 211, 239, (AWB) 50, Boxes 190, 193-194, 245, 282 240 AgangSA 75, 81, 89, 91, 109, Transportation 282 See also Madibeng 121, 126, 139, 148, 152, 156, Barnard, Diane Kohler 152 163, 167, 193, 195, 201, 202, Broadcasting Complaints and 232, 260, 274 Barolong people 51 Compliance Commission of South Africa (BCCSA) 229 Agri-SA 52 Bekkersdal 10, 13, 85-86, 91, 94, 98-99, 207, 208-211, 276 Alexander, Peter 84 Bruce, David 10-11, 87, 94, 112, 165, 204 Bill of Rights 19 Alexandra 185, 206-207 Buffalo City 72-73, 168 Black Consciousness Move- All Progressives Congress see APC ment (BCM) 80 Bushbuckridge 180 Amalgamated Mining and Black Peoples Convention see BushbuckRidge Residents BPC Construction Union see Association 248 (AMCU)

283 By-elections 26-27, 40, 43, 51, Constitution, 1996 19, 20, 22, Department of International 73, 92, 93, 96, 103, 115, 144, 25, 28, 29, 71, 95, 113, 127, Relations and Cooperation 146, 151-152, 161, 164, 167, 140, 145. 155, 159, 203, 261, (DIRCO) 21 174, 181, 282 Diaspora see South Africans Campaigns 10, 12, 16, 31, 40, Constitutional Court 22, 25, 62 living abroad 51-53, 62, 67-69, 76, 80-81, 87-90, 95-100, 103, 108-111, Cooperative Research and Disputes 11, 22, 102-103, 106- 117, 126-155, 158-174, 179- Education (CORE) 181 108, 109, 115, 129, 177, 178, 182, 189-193, 197-211, 219- 180, 182, 185, 187, 190, 192, COPE 38, 44, 57, 59, 61, 65, 225, 233-239, 243, 248, 252, 193, 254, 256, 282 66, 74, 89, 107, 113, 125, 126, 254, 260-263, 268, 274-279, Disruption 44, 48, 90-93, 96, 282 140, 141, 190, 212, 216, 236, 252 103, 165, 181-182, 186, 192- Cape Flats 118, 146-148, 193 193, 198, 207 Corruption 53, 63, 83, 84, 99, CASE 88, 94, 164 105, 108, 111, 127, 140, 141, See also Political intolerance 144, 147, 151, 155, 158, 159- Cato Manor 47 160, 164, 181, 202, 203, 206, DP 14, 51, 60, 65, 77, 236 209, 232, 240, 250, 260, 268, CBO’s 46, 68, 71,82, 175 Dr Kenneth Kaunda Region COSATU 10, 39, 40, 76, 105, 130, 161, 162, 210 Chancellor House 158, 203 142, 148, 223 Dr Ruth Segomotsi Mompati Chika murder 51 Counting process 11, 26, 31, Region 130, 162, 209 Citizen participation 177, 179, 95, 112, 174, 178, 180, 182, Durban 38, 46-48, 151, 219 190, 193, 243, 254, 256, 282 Civil Society Organisations see Eastern Cape NGO Coalition Cronin, Jeremy 83, 86 CSO’s 71 CSO’s 46, 52, 62, 68, 71, 76, Collective bargaining system Economic Freedom Fighters 81, 127, 178, 180, 182, 186, 37 see EFF 202, 223, 256, 257, 260 Community Agency for Social EFF 10, 26, 40, 52, 59, 75, 87, Enquiry see CASE DA 10, 12, 14-17, 23, 40, 51, 107, 121, 124, 127, 138, 140, 57, 60, 64, 65, 76, 77, 87, 107, 143, 145, 146, 149, 156, 166, Complaints 26, 102, 106, 113, 123, 138, 140, 143, 146, 151, 171, 195, 198, 200, 201, 213, 115, 152, 163, 171, 178, 182, 158, 167, 212, 236, 252, 255 216, 218, 221, 243, 252, 257, 185, 188, 189, 190, 191, 194, 274, 195, 242, 243, 253, 282 Daily Dispatch 71, 110, 136, 190, 191 EISA 2, 7, 9, 21, 25, 47-50, 75, Conflict 11, 40, 46, 51, 68, 97, 77, 81, 96-97, 102, 119, 180, 99, 102, 106, 108, 109, 112, Dalai Lama 158 186, 204, 278, 282 114, 118, 131, 132, 149, 166, Deaths 11, 96 174, 178, 180, 182, 185, 187, Election announcement 23, 97 190, 192, 193 De Lille, Patricia 66, 146 Election deposits 20, 24, 34, Conflict Management Program Democracy Development Pro- 104, 159 (CMP) 102 gramme (DDP) 47, 96, 182 Election observation 7, 46, 62, Conflict panels 27 Democratic Alliance see DA 71, 133, 165, 174, 177, 178, 180-183, 186-188, 191-193, Congress of SA Trade Unions Democratic elections 31, 44, 219, 220, 227, 233, 254-256, See COSATU 136, 183 281 Congress of the People see Democratic Left Front (DLF) Election results 1994-2014 13. COPE 47 44-45, 48-50, 56, 60-61, 64, Conservative Party (CP) 50 Democratic Party see DP 74-75, 78, 198, 206-207, 210, 217-219, 221-222, 236, 252, 254

284 Election time table 24 Farm workers 52, 67, 102, 117, Independent Broadcasting Au- 198, 224 thority Act 20, 23 Electoral Act 73 of 1998 20, 21-23, 25, 27, 29, 35, 91, 95, Finca, Bongani 95 Independent Civic Organisation 100, 102, 106, 170, 175, 281, of South Africa (ICOSA) 34, 282 Fishing communities 145-147, 140 149, 224 Electoral Amendment Acts 21, Independent Communications 174-175, 281 Fraud 27, 62, 92, 247, 282 Authority of South Africa see ICASA Electoral Code of Conduct 20, Free and fair elections 20, 25, 22, 25, 31, 91, 95, 98, 100, 31, 39, 62, 82, 95, 97, 106, Independent Electoral Commis- 101-104, 106-108, 110-111, 108, 143, 165, 170, 172, 189, sion See IEC 113-114, 116, 148, 167, 193 198, 213, 227, 245 Inflammatory actions 67, 95, Electoral Commission Act Friedman, Steven 13, 37-43, 111, 117, 146, 149 (1996) 20, 25, 97, 106, 108, 94, 123, 144, 204, 275 112, 282 Inkatha Freedom Party see IFP Funding of political parties 27, Electoral Court 12, 20, 22, 24, 46, 155-161, 199-204, 257- InkuluFreeheid 52, 262 27, 35, 95, 102-103, 106, 115, 261, 281 Institute for Security Studies 143, 167, 254, 282 Gender 25, 33, 151, 194, 212, 164, 265 Electoral Institute for Sustain- 214-215, 219, 229, 234, 248- Institute of Justice and Recon- able Democracy in Africa See 249 ciliation 267 EISA George, Mluleki 69, 120, 278 Intimidation 10-11, 46 87-112, Electoral Law see Electoral Act Gini coefficient 265 113-117, 144, 152, 168, 182, 194, 195, 216 Electoral system 18, 27 Global Youth Wellbeing Index FPTP system 18 265 See also Political intolerance Gouws, Ina 102, 128, 161, 186, OPR system 18 Ipsos 46, 48, 52, 57, 76, 107, 209, 239 144, 276, 278 PR system 18, 20-21 Governance 47 Iqela Lentsango – Dagga Party Employment equity (EE) 51, 34 Gupta family 223, 225, 228, 148, 223 229 Irregularities 26, 40, 51, 172, Estcourt 44, 96 177-198, 222, 253 Hammanskraal 51 eThekwini 46, 96, 181, 183, See also Conflict Holland, Waseem 19, 77, 97, 219, 255 133, 162, 183, 205, 227, 246, I Vote South Africa Campaign E-Toll 80, 105, 134, 143, 206, 257 (IXSA) 243 248, 276 ICASA 23, 101, 135, 137, 229, Jankielsohn, Roy 62 ETT (Electoral Task Team) 28 234, 242, 282 Johannesburg Stock Exchange Expatriates see South Africans IEC 20-27, 39, 40, 43, 51, 52, 38 living abroad 76, 85, 93, 97, 102-103, 106- 118, 159, 161-196, 198, 207, Kasrils, Ronny 10, 179, 192, Facebook 129, 130, 141, 147, 209-210, 219, 240, 242, 252, 223 150, 152, 243, 2777 282 Kebble, Brett 202 Faith based organisations IFP 9, 14-15, 44-47, 89, 92, 96, (FBO’s) 46, 59, 62, 68, 151-153, 164, 182-183, 218- Keep it Straight and Simple 220, 255, 274 (KISS) 34 Fakir, Ebrahim 11, 19, 24, 77, 86, 97, 119, 205, 263, 271, Inanda 96 Khoza, Vusi 46, 152, 219, 255 273, 277

285 Killings 10, 84-85, 91, 94, 95, Lutz, Barend F. 262 Mangaung Concerned Resi- 96, 101, 109, 111, 165, 185, dents Committee 63 209, 216 Mabuza, David 76, 144, 145 Mangaung Conference 51, 211 MacKenzie, Craig 37, 87, 119, See also Violence 155, 177, 197, 225, 155 Mangope, Lucas 51, 129 See also Murder Madibeng 10, 41, 54, 162, 209, Manyi, Jimmy 42, 148 Klerksdorp 51, 161 211, 239 Maphetle Maphetle 131 Kopane, Patricia 62, 64 See also Brits Maquassi 51 Koster 50, 54 Madikizela-Mandela, Winnie Marikana 10, 39, 41, 52, 54-55, 40, 99 Kotler, Kerryn 37, 227, 257 103, 129, 143, 145, 186, 187, Magashule, Ace 62, 126-127 , 189, 209, 211, 223, 239, 241, Kunene, Kenny 122 252 275 Kutya, Lashiola 136, 167, 189, Magwaza-Msibi Zanele 46, Mashego-Dlamini, Candith 76, 215, 246 151, 181 145 KwaMashu 11, 44, 47, 91, 95- Mahikeng 51-52, Masinga, Ntombifuthi 95 96, 165, 181-182 Mahlalela, Fish 76, 145 Masterson, Grant 201 KwaZulu-Natal Community Based Organization Coalition Mahlangu, Solomon 117, 128 Masuku, Madala 76, 145 (COMBOCO) 46 Mahumapelo, Supra 161, 210- Mataboge shooting 51 KwaZulu-Natal Democracy and 211, 240 Matebesi, Sethulego 59, 112, Elections Forum see (KZN- 126, 172, 177, 216, 252 DEF) 46-47, 48 Maila, Sello 81 Mateta, Nkaro 165 The KwaZulu-Natal Depart- Maimane, Mmusi 52, 134-135, 140, 205 ment of Community Safety and Mathekga, Ralph 55, 108, 138, Liaison 95 Majuba Bonakele 76, 145 165, 194, 213 KwaZulu-Natal Transport Alli- Makgoba, Archbishop Thabo Mathoho, Malachia 69, 110, ance (KZNTA) 34 68, 192 136, 167, 242 KwaZulu-Natal Violence Mon- Makhalemele, Oupa 74, 106, Matshiqi, Aubrey 11, 42, 122, itor 96 143, 169, 179 274 Land reform 51-52 Makhanya, Gundu 96 Mazibuko, Lindiwe 52, 55, 141, 181 Ledig (Moses Kotane) 162, 209 Makhura, David 83, 247 Mbalula, Fikile (Minister) 117, Lekgotla for Democracy Ad- Makola, Charles 76, 145 vancement 34 142, 148 Malakoane, Benny 62 Lekota Mosiuoa 65, 69, 147, Mbeki, Thabo 10, 52, 62, 65- 278 Malema, Julius 40, 85-88, 94, 67, 124, 134, 147, 222, 278 107, 121, 127-130, 135, 137- Mbethe, Sithembile 274 Liaison committees 12, 22, 24, 140, 147, 150, 152, 166, 204, 27, 93, 97, 102, 106, 112, 114- 223, 232, 275-278 Mbombela 76, 169, 180 115, 118, 163, 169, 171, 175, 242 Malamulele, 166 Mchunu, Senzo 151, 253 Louw, Andrew 141 Malinga, Meschack 76, 145 Mdayi, Nelson 98 Lubisi, William 76, 145 Manana, Sibongile 76, 145 Luthuli House 88, 97, 101 Manase Report 46

286 Media 27, 31, 38, 47, 80, 132, Mshibe, Wiseman 96 Nongoma 27, 96, 164, 181, 219 240, 242-243, 246-254, 260, 275, 278, 281-282 Mthembu, Jackson 99-100 Ntshongweni 88

See also Newspapers Mthethwa, Nathi 128, 162 NUM 10, 39, 51, 274

See also Radio Mufamadi, Thaba 12, 143 NUMSA 10, 40, 42, 76, 125, 223, 274 Mulder, Pieter 147 See also Television Nyembezi, Nkosikhulule Murder 11, 51, 254 Mekgwe, Ntombi 84 Xhawulengweni 114, 146, 173, Mxit 243 193, 220 Mental Health Act (1973) 23 Mzumbe 95 Nyoni, Peter 76, 145 Mentally disordered persons 23 Nassmacher, Karl-Heinz 203, Open Society Foundation 94, Meqheleng Concerned Citizens 262 157, 204, 243 group 63 National assembly 20-25, 29, Operation Hlasela 62 Merafong Civic Association 81-82, 106, 199 (MECA) 34 Our Vote Our Voice see OVOV Regional seats 30 Meyer, Ivan 146, 224, 237 OVOV 53, 81, 86 National election data 1994- MF 44, 152, 218 PAC 34, 88, 124, 243 2014 264 Migrants 83-84 Pan Africanist Congress see National Executive Council PAC Minority Front see MF (NEC) 62 Pan Africanist Movement Misinformation 90 National Freedom Party see (PAM) 34 NFP 44, 88, 151, 164, 274 Mkansi, Clifford 76, 145 Parliamentary and Constituency National Party (NP) 50, 57, 64- Allowances Police 203 Mkhize, Senzo 88 65, 121, 126 Party Agents 27, 133, 169, 174, Modise, Thandi 105, 132, 211, National Union of Metalwork- 177-180, 189-195 240 ers of SA see NUMSA Moepya, Mosotho 26 Party Liaison Committee (PLC) National Union of Minework- 12, 22, 24, 27, 93, 97, 102, 106, Motlanthe, Kgalema 222 ers see NUM 112, 114-114, 118, 163, 169, 171, 175, 242 Moimane, Sam 81 National Youth Commission Act of 1996 263 Party political funding see Mokgodi, John 26 New National Party (NNP) 50, Funding of political parties Mokola village 104 60, 65, 125, 169 Patriotic Alliance (PA) 34, 122, 221 Mokonyane, Nomvula 99, 101, Newspapers 131-132, 136, 228- 142, 207 229, 240, 242, 248, 250, 252 Patriotic Movement of South Africa (PAMSA) 34 Molefi, Popo 51 NGOs 46, 55, 71, 82, 96, 102, 175, 238, 257 Paxton, Piet 170 Moshaweng 142 Ngwane, Trevor 42, 84 Phakoe murder 51 Motlhako, Keorapetse (Chief) 129 Nkandla 41,76, 87, 94, 100- Phendula: Why vote 101, 128, 131, 134-135, 140, Mothutlung 54, 207 143-145, 152, 181, 219, 223- See KwaZulu-Natal Democ- Mottiar, Shauna 44, 95, 151, 225, 232, 234, 248 racy and Elections Forum see (KZNDEF) 164, 181, 218, 254 Nkanini 91, 94 Phosa, Pinky 76, 145 287 Platinum mine strikes 103, 105 Provincial legislature 20, 22-25, SADC Lawyers Association 29, 44, 60, 65, 69, 74, 81, 89, (SADCLA) 182, 219. 254 Political inequality 156, 158, 106, 129, 131, 140-141, 149, 160, 202, 204 152, 165, 169, 180, 191, 203, Sarakinsky, Ivor 257 210, 211-212, 215-217, 221, Political intolerance 96, 97, SA Institute of Race Relations 225, 236, 241, 244, 246, 248- 254, 261, 44, 90-94, 96, 103, (IRR) 267, 273 249, 252-253 165, 181, 182, 186, 190, 191, Sebokeng 83, 85 195, 207, Public funding of Represented Political Parties Act 20, 22, Political killings 96, 97, 256, Sebugwawo, Musa 69, 110, 156, 164, 258 263 136, 189 Public protector 12, 26, 40, 43, Political opposition 122-125 Security 52, 59, 95, 112, 113, 62, 101, 126, 131-132, 143, 117, 162-165, 168-169, 172- Political participation 42, 47, 146, 161, 163, 168-169, 171, 173, 175, 194, 209, 219, 242 202, 260-271 183, 223-225, 234 Service delivery 47-48, 53-55, Political Parties 2014 elections Rabolila, Lerata 85 58-59, 62-63, 68-69, 72-73, 76, - national provisional list 34 Radio 39, 82, 101. 123, 126- 83-86, 91, 108-109, 112-114, Political parties 2014 elections - 128, 131-132, 136-137, 142, 118, 127, 129-133, 145, 153, provincial provisional list 34 149, 201, 225-226, 229, 242- 166, 168, 172, 182, 186, 198, 243, 247-248, 250, 252 207, 209, 211, 215, 219, 223, Poll watchers 234, 240-241, 247-248, 254, Radio sonder grense (RSG) See 260, 266, 269, 271, 276 Polokwane 51, 107, 124, 147, Radio 157, 166, 175, 261, 278 Shaik, Schabir 65 Rajuili, Karabo 199 Poo protests 68, 117 Sharpeville 88, 94 Ramaphosa, Cyril 43, 88, 94, Potchefstroom 51, 132, 167 103, 105, 139, 147, 150-151, Shilowa, Mbhazima 65, 69, 278 Potgieter, Elnari 262 166 Shisanya, Stephen 69, 110, 136, 167, 189, 242, Prisoners 22 Ramphele, Mampela 81, 86, 121, 139, 195, 223, 225, 274, Sibanye Civic Association Protest action 10-16, 38-42, 47- 278 (SCA) 34 48, 51-55, 58-59, 62-64, 67-69, 71-73, 76, 82-86, 91-92, 98-99, Ramulifho, Khume 81 Sidikiwe! Vukane! campaign 10, 179 101, 103-105, 108-109, 113- Rasool, Ebrahim 65, 147, 222, 114, 117-118, 122, 129-133, 225, 143, 145, 151, 153, 166, 173, SINDAWONYE Progressive Party (SPP) 34 182-183, 186, 191, 193, 197, Red Ants 85 207-220, 223, 225-226, 234, Social media 16, 126, 128-130, 239-241, 245, 248, 254, 256, Represented Political Parties Fund (RPPF) 201 141, 152, 183, 242-243, 266, 263, 266, 268-269, 271-272, 271-280 276-277 Reserve Bank 41, 43 See also Facebook Restitution of Land Rights Amendment Bill 52 See also Mxit Provincial Cabinet 227, 236- 254 Runciman, Carin 84 See also Twitter Provincial Executive Commit- Rustenburg Mines 162, 209 Socialist Party of Azania tee (PEC) 62, 139, 147 (SOPA) 80 Sachs, Albie 71 Solik, Gregory 155 SACP 76, 83, 145, 158, 211, 242

288 South African Broadcasting Staff (Electoral) 163, 169-173, Umlazi 44 Corporation (SABC) 82, 142, 180, 192-193, 194, 242, 282 229, 247, 252 Unemployed Movement SA 34 Recruitment 27 South African Catholic Justice Unemployed People’s Move- and Peace Committee 81 Training 11, 102, 112, 163, 167, ment (UPM) 47 169, 171, 173, 190, 192, 282 South African Chamber of United Christian Democratic Commerce and Industry (SAC- Sterkspruit 85, 110, 190, 243 Party (UCDP) 34, 129, 140 CI) 82 Strikes 12-13, 52, 54, 103, 105, United Congress (UNICO) 34, 69, 120 South African Civil Society 109, 166, 209, 239-240, 263 Information Service 84 Supra Mahumapelo faction 161 United Democratic Front see UDF South African Communist Party Television (TV) 101, 126-127, see SACP 132, 134-137, 201, 229, 242- United Democratic Movement see UDM South African Council of 243, 247-248, 250, 258, 260, 276 Churches (SACC) 62, 71, 193 University of South Africa (UNISA) 87 South African Institute for Tembisa 80, 277 Crime Prevention and the Rein- Terre’blanche, Eugene 50 Unrest 53-54, 63, 72, 143, 265, tegration of Offenders (NICRO) 269-271 22 Thakur-Rajbansi, Shameen 152, 255 Violence 13, 22, 38, 44, 46, 59, South African Maintenance and 65, 68, 72, 76, 82, 84-85, 88, Estate Beneficiaries Association Thiba, Tumelonthle 209 91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 101, 103, 34 105, 106-108, 109-113, 117, Thokhoza 99 128, 130-131, 135, 149, 151, South African National Civic 165, 173, 181-182, 185, 186, Organisation (SANCO) 62, Tlakula, Pansy 12, 26-27, 40, 143, 146, 162, 169, 190, 234 187, 193, 198, 207. 209, 216- 151, 161 217. 263 South African Police Service Tlokwe 26-27, 40, 43, 51, 103, See also Political intolerance (SAPS) 93, 95, 112, 135, 162, 115, 131, 161-162, 167, 210 165, 168, 170, 173, 178, 180, Truly Alliance (TA) 34 See also Disputes, conflicts and 245, 269 irregularities Tutu, Archbishop Emeritus South African Political Party 34 Desmond 67-69 See also Intimidation South African Progressive Civic Twitter 129-132, 141, 152, 183, See also Killings Organisation (SAPCO) 34 243, 277 See also Murder South African Students Con- Ubumbano Lwesizwe Sabango- gress (SASCO) 87 ni (UBUMBANO) 34 Vote buying 92, 103, 203 South Africans living abroad Ubuntu Party 34 Voter education 7, 31, 46, 52, 21, 281 68, 71, 76, 81, 102, 109, 131, UDF 124 165, 173, 182, 188, 195, 234, Soweto 38, 85, 99, 101, 133- 242, 243, 249, 271, 281, 282 134 UDM 12, 57, 69, 92, 97, 103, 122, 139, 143-144, 148, 169, Voter registration and turnout Special votes 21, 24, 115, 168, 171 10, 15, 21, 26, 32, 39, 46, 50, 174, 178-179, 194, 198, 209, 57, 58-59, 61, 66, 71, 75, 91-92, 243 Uitenhage 72 102, 109-110, 115, 118, 121, Uitkyk, Bochum 109 155, 161, 165-166, 168, 171, 174, 194-195, 247, 263-264, Umkhonto we Sizwe Military 277 Veteran’s Association (MKM- VA) 62

289 Voters roll 95, 136, 140, 162, Youth 41, 46-47, 52-53,75-77, 165, 168, 171, 174, 194-195, 80-81, 83, 120-121, 127-128, 198, 212, 221, 247, 254 212-215, 219, 238, 242-243, 256-257, 262-275, 277-279, Voting age population (VAP) 281 10, 15-16, 32, 61, 66-67, 71, 167, 172, 191, 206, 221, 247 Zeerust 10, 51, 104-105, 131- 132, 209 Voting processes 177, 179, 181, 192-194 Zille, Helen 40, 52, 62, 85, 118, 126-129, 132, 140, 146-153, 168, 223, 237-239 Voting stations 11, 24, 27, 85- Zuma, Jacob (President) 10, 23, 86, 94-95, 102, 115, 118, 130, 51, 53, 65, 76, 87-88, 94, 100- 165-169, 172-172, 178-180, 101, 107, 113, 124, 126, 127, 182-183, 185-192, 194, 207, 130, 132-134, 137, 139-140, 209, 242-243, 281-282 142, 144-145, 147-153, 162, Vryburg 51, 131 166-168, 170, 172, 181-182, 206, 211, 223, 228, 278 Vryheidsfront Plus (VF+) 34 WASP 89-92 WEF 265, 272

Welsh, David 40, 43 Workers and Socialist Party see WASP World Economic Forum see WEF Ximoko Party (XP) 34 Youth 41, 46-47, 52-53,75-77, 80-81, 83, 120-121, 127-128, 212-215, 219, 238, 242-243, 256-257, 262-275, 277-279, 281 Zeerust 10, 51, 104-105, 131- 132, 209 Zille, Helen 40, 52, 62, 85, 118, 126-129, 132, 140, 146-153, 168, 223, 237-239 Zuma, Jacob (President) 10, 23, 51, 53, 65, 76, 87-88, 94, 100- 101, 107, 113, 124, 126, 127, 130, 132-134, 137, 139-140, 142, 144-145, 147-153, 162, 166-168, 170, 172, 181-182, 206, 211, 223, 228, 278 Ximoko Party (XP) 34

290 Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa

Published with the assistance of OPEN SOCIETY FOUNDATION FOR SOUTH AFRICA

ISBN 978-1-920446-45-1

9 781920 446451

Order from: [email protected]