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La Resistance Nationale Contre L'occupation

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La Resistance Nationale Contre L'occupation UNIVERSITE DE REIMS (CHAMPAGNE-ARDENNE) (DROIT ET SCIENCE POLITIQUE) THESE Pour obtenir le grade de DOCTEUR DE L’UNIVERSITE DE REIMS (DROIT PUBLIC) Préparée sous la direction de M. Jean-Pierre COLIN Présentée et soutenue publiquement Le 2 décembre 2008 par Rihab CHADDAD LA RESISTANCE NATIONALE CONTRE L’OCCUPATION ETRANGERE (cas du Liban) Membres du JURY : M. Jean-Pierre COLIN, Professeur émérite à l’Université de REIMS M. Albert BOURGI, Professeur à l’Université de REIMS M. Mohamed MOUNZER, Professeur à la faculté de droit et de sciences politiques de ZAHLE M. Ramez AMMAR, Professeur à l’Université libanaise, Faculté de droit et de sciences politiques de BEYROUTH M. Bienvenu OKIEMY, Maître de conférences à l’Université de REIMS 2 Remerciements Mes remerciements s’adressent prioritairement à Mr. Le Professeur Jean-Pierre Colin pour m’avoir fait l’honneur de diriger ce travail. Sans sa confiance et ses conseils ce travail n’aurait pu aboutir. Je remercie également, Mr. Albert Bourgi, Mr. Mohamed Mounzer, Mr. Ramez Ammar et Mr. Bienvenu Okiemy d’avoir accepté d’être membres du jury. Leur participa- tion constitue pour moi un honneur. Enfin, je remercie ma famille, particulièrement mon frère Ali pour son soutien. 3 Sommaire Introduction ….……………………………………………………………………...8 CHAPITRE PRELIMINAIRE ……………………………………………………..…17 L’occupation et la résistance en droit international ………………………….……..17 SECTION I -Evolution et codification du droit de guerre…… ………………….18 SECTION II -L’occupation en Droit International Public ………………….24 § I- L’occupation : définition et caractères ……….. ………………..25 § II - La nature juridique de l’occupation ……………………….…30 § III - Les différentes formes de l’occupation militaire ……..………...…34 § IV - Occupation et souveraineté ..………………………………………..43 SECTION III -La résistance : définition et réglementation …..……………..48 § I - La précision conceptuelle de la résistance …………………………49 § II - La résistance française ..………………………………………..51 §III - Développement et réglementation du « droit de la Résistance » ……………………………………….………………………………………..53 § IV - Le développement de la notion du combattant …………………..55 § V - Le statut des membres de la résistance …………………………….63 SECTION IV- La différence entre le terrorisme et la résistance……………..…….. 72 § I : Définition du terrorisme ………………………………………...80 § II : Le terrorisme d’aujourd’hui …………………… ……………….91 4 PREMIERE PARTIE ………………………………………………………………………. LE CONFLIT ISRAELO-LIBANAIS ET L’INSTAURATION D’UN VOISINAGE HOS- TILE .………………………………………………………………………….…..102 CHAPITRE PREMIER ……………………………………………………………….108 LE CONFLIT ISRAELO-LIBANAIS ………………….………………………..…..108 SECTION I - Les fondements historiques du conflit ……………………….…...108 SETION II - La politique interventionniste israélienne au Liban ………….…..115 A- L’invasion de 1978 ………………………………………………..….117 B- L’invasion de 1982 ………………………………………………..….120 CHAPITRE DEUXIEME LA RESISTANCE NATIONALE LIBANAISE CONTRE L’OCCUPATION ISRELIENNE …….. ………………………………………………………………………….……125 SECTION I - Le début de la résistance nationale libanaise .………………...…..128 SECTION II – La résistance islamique contre l’occupation israélienne …………………….……………………………………………………………….. 132 SECTION III - La double métamorphose du Hezbollah …………………….. ..155 SECTION IV - Les visages de Hezbollah.................................................................167 DEUXIEME PARTIE ………………………………………………………………… …184 LES INGERENCES PALESTINIENNES ET SYRIENNES AU LIBAN DEPUIS 1975 ……… ……………………………………………………………………….……….…….186 CHAPITRE PREMIER .………………………………………………………….…..186 LES PALESTINIENS AU LIBAN …………………………………………………….…186 SECTION I - L’intervention militaire palestinienne au Liban et ses conséquences ………………………………………………………………………………………186 5 SECTION II – L’implantation militaire palestinienne au Liban et l’émergence « d’un Etat dans l’Etat » ……………………………………………………………….191 SECTION III - Les mouvements de la résistance palestinienne ……….………195 A- L’OLP, une violence politique extrême………………………….……195 B- « Fath al islam » : une présence palestinienne pesante ……………..………………………………………………………………..200 CHAPITRE DEUXIEME ……………………………………………………………….206 LES SYRIENS AU LIBAN …………………………………………….……206 SECTION I – Les relations syro-libanaises, une relation inégale ….…….…….207 SECTION II – Le développement des relations syro-libanaises …………..…….219 SECTION III - Le tribunal international .. …………………………….231 CHAPITRE TROISIEME …………………………………………………………… .242 LA CONTINUITE DE LA RESISTANCE ……………………………………………….242 SECTION I - Les fermes de Chebaa, une question de souveraineté ……………………………………………………………………………………………….244 SECTION II – L’incidence de l’occupation des fermes : une guerre qui recom- mence …………………………………………………………………………….260 SECTION III - Les enjeux internationaux de la guerre de l’été 2006 ……..…273 SECTION IV - La résolution n°1701 des Nations unies .….…………….…. 279 SECTION V- Les répercussions de la guerre de l’été 2006 ………………..296 Conclusion générale …………………..…………………………………………301 ANNEXES ………………………………….………………………………………….306 Bibliographie ………………………….…………………………………………376 Table des matières ….…………………………………………………………………391 6 7 INTRODUCTION C‘EST au Proche-Orient que se déroulent, en ce début de XXIe siècle, quelques-uns des conflits les plus sanglants de la planète et les plus dangereux pour la paix mondiale.1 Et, c‘est au Liban que se déroule une période de "vide organisé" avec la mort du Premier Ministre Rafic Hariri. La Syrie et les Etats-Unis organisent ce vide dans le calme, en raison de la va- cance présidentielle avec le départ du Président de la République Emile Lahoud qui, en quit- tant le palais présidentiel sans successeur2, a confié à l'armée la sécurité du pays. Cette partie du monde continue, encore et toujours, à être le champ clos d‘affrontement des grandes puissances, de leurs stratégies et de leurs propres intérêts.3 L‘arrivée des néo-conservateurs au pouvoir aux Etats-Unis et les attentats de Washington et de New York entraînent des changements majeurs dans la politique américaine au Moyen- Orient.4 Le gouvernement américain entend briser le statu quo dans cette région et la réorga- niser. L‘invasion de l‘Irak en est la conséquence directe et immédiate.5 Les Etats-Unis « amassent » leurs troupes dans la région pour remodeler le Moyen-Orient6 en redessinant ses 1 T. Meyssan, l‘effroyable imposture II : manipulations et désinformations, éd. Alpha, Monaco, 2007, p.7. « L‘avenir du monde se joue actuellement au Proche-Orient ». 2 « Un nombre de Libanais craignent que la vacance du pouvoir, due à l'absence de consensus sur un candidat à la présidence, entre la majorité anti-syrienne et l'opposition proche de Damas emmenée par le Hezbollah, ne provoque une nouvelle poussée de violence dans le pays, plongé dans la crise politique depuis un an. » Le Nou- vel observateur, 24/11/2007. 3 C. Croisier, chercheur associée à l'IRIS, La doctrine Bush de remodelage du Grand Moyen-Orient: entre idéa- lisme et pragmatisme, www.diploweb.com Géopolitique. « Tant que cette région sera en proie à la tyrannie, au désespoir et à la colère, elle engendrera des hommes et des mouvements qui menacent la sécurité des Améri- cains et de leur alliés. Nous soutenons les progrès démocratiques pour une raison purement pratique : les démo- craties ne soutiennent pas les terroristes et ne menacent pas le monde avec des armes de destruction massive. » Discours de George W. Bush au Congrès, le 4 février 2004. 4 Mme Rice, ministre américaine des Affaires Étrangères, déclare de son côté que ce qui se passe au Liban ne sont que les « douleurs d‘enfantement » du nouveau Moyen-Orient que les Etats-Unis tentent de mettre en place. 5 G. Korm « Les causes de la crise libanaise : l‘Europe contribue-t-elle à la solution ? » www.tayyar.org, 26 novembre 2007. 6 L‘expression anglaise du Proche-Orient. 8 frontières, afin d‘imposer la démocratie et modifier un très mauvais statu quo,1 pour imposer le « novus orbis terranum » (le nouvel ordre mondial)2dans les relations internationales; il s‘agit de la pre-emptive war (la guerre anticipatrice et non préventive). Ce nouveau principe permet à Washington de juger sur les intentions et non sur les faits pour déclarer la guerre à un pays qui pourrait constituer une menace.3 Et à ses côtés, évidemment, Israël, qui peut déci- der de la guerre et menacer à chaque instant la Syrie et l‘Iran et d‘une manière indirecte le Liban. En réalité, beaucoup de facteurs historiques participent aux maux du Proche-Orient : conséquences d‘une colonisation tardive, succès mais aussi échecs du mouvement national arabe, dégénérescence souvent dictatoriale des pouvoirs « socialistes » et « baasistes », poids d‘un islam particulièrement conservateur, etc. Alors, une succession ininterrompue d‘événements fait plonger la région dans une instabilité incontestable, surtout après les atten- tats du World Trade Center le 11 septembre 2001. Ainsi, « la situation paraît-elle explosive que la règle du jeu traditionnelle ne fonctionne plus ». Une guerre contre le terrorisme en Afghanistan où se refuge Oussama Ben Laden – l‘accusé principal des attentats de 2001-, une autre contre le régime baasiste de Saddam Hussein en Irak doté d‘armes de construction mas- sives qui a plongé le pays dans une terrible guerre civile. Et, actuellement, la menace chiite de l‘Iran qui est sur le point de se doter de la bombe atomique. C‘est avant tout l‘état de guerre incessant généré par le conflit israélo-palestinien qui transforme la région en une véritable poudrière. Par contre, la face à face entre Israéliens et 1 « Précisément, en 1985, Bernard Lewis devenu conseiller
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