IPA REVIEW ESTABLISHED IN I947 BY CHARLES KEMP, FOUNDING DIRECTOR OF THE INSTITUTE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993
Elections and the National Interest 7 C.D. Kemp 57 Tony Rutherford and the IPA s Foundations Can a party which ignores vocal interest groups get Shaun Patrick Kenaelly elected? IPA Director for 30 years, C.D. Kemp brought moral earnestness to Employment Optimism 13 economics. Wolfgang Kasper How Australia can benefit from the increasing global mobility in jobs. ^r Letters Fortress Europe 19 and the Threat to Australia From the Editor Paul Johnson q Longevity has increased, but so have suicides. Efforts to unite Europe and Around the States 11 to liberalize world trade are Mike Nahan coming into conflict. The combined public sector deficit is the largest since the Whitlam era. From Melting Pot to Salad Bowl 30 Neil McInnes Moore Economics 17 Multiculturalism is a policy, not a description of a Des Moore functioning society. Although unemployment has risen, the proportion of the working age population employed has actually Drugs in Sport 33 remained the same. Terry Black The case against the ban. Debate 24 Should schools do more Immigration s Cost is Overstated 35 to teach Asian languages? Ian Mott Research attributing high urban costs to immigration Letter from America 26 is flawed. Harry Gelber Clinton is an interventionist at home, a minimalist overseas. Rethinking the Australian Dream. r . 37 Patrick Morgan mo t ;. Strange Times 28 Australians need unity to face Ken Baker pressing problems: the PM should Tortured prose from the nether world of not be adding solvents. rye J i„ sado-masochism. 50 Years Back, 20 Years On 41 Down to Earth 48 Geoffrey Blainey Ron Brunton Economic policies have hurt Australia, but cultural On the environment, the far Right and the attitudes have been even more damaging. deep-green Left converge. IPA News 63 Amidst Prosperity, the Poverty of 44 Public Debate A new report calls for fewer councils and lower rates. Austin Gough The quality of democratic life is being eroded. Editor: Ken Baker Design: Bob Cahvell Associates. Production Assistant: Tracey Seto. Unnatural Science 50 Advertising: Barry Tctfcr Media, Ph (03) 563 6602, Fx (03) 563 6641. Roger Sandal! Printing: Wilke Color, 37 Browns Road, Clayton, 3168. Resentment of science is intense in our Arts Faculties. Published by the Institute of Public Affairs Ltd (Incorporated in the ACT). ACN 008 627 727. ISSN: 1030 a 177. Not All Cultures Are Equal 53 Editorial and Production Office: Ground Floor; 128-136 Jolimont American anthropologist Robert B. Road, Jolimont, Vic, 3002. Ph: (03) 654 7499; Fx: (03) 650 7627. Edgerton discusses what makes a Subscriptions: $40 per annum (includes quarterly Facts). society sick. Unsolicited manuscripts are welcomed. However, potential con- tributors are advised to discuss proposals for articles with the Editor. Views expressed in the publications of the IPA are those of the Where the IPA Stands 56 authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute. LETTERS
Right and Wrong and Old Right have a common interest unemployment figures, in fact, it could in pursuing corrective policies in these well increase them — for the above areas and not just restricting themselves reason. OUR editorial `Is the Alliance to economics. That is why the Alliance The negative social impact of YOver? (Vol. 46 No. 2) must continue. reducing wages would, in the case of misunderstood the significance of the Neo-classical liberals quite correctly single-income families, plunge them New Right s part in the cultural shifts desire the reduction of government in- into poverty. In the case of two-in- initiated by the New Class (i.e. the trusiveness. Nevertheless, that "the Plan come families, it would result in recently affluent and/or influential to end the Plan" may in fact be con- widespread social dislocation. Stand- elites of the baby-boomer generation). tributing to poverty, resentment and in care-givers could be found but there Firstly, the political economy of the cultural relativism is the point of depar- is no real substitute for parental care New Right — or neo-classical liberals ture between the Australian liberal and and discipline. — shares the same starting and finishing the conservative. The political economy There are two other crucial areas Mr point as that of a Benthamite progres- of atomistic individualism is fatally un- Stone did not touch on in his article. sive liberal like Ian Macphee or Gary dermining the basic institutions that Firstly, since tariffs have been slashed Sturgess and that of a left-liberal such as curb the more sinister elements of — starting from the Whitlam era — over Anne Summers or Lindsay Tanner - human nature and promote the more 200,000 jobs have disappeared. namely that the individual ought to be noble in a public culture. This may not Australia has lost 50 per cent of its free from all restraints. The New Right be the intended effect of the New Right: manufacturing capacity since 1973. If helped to create a glut of speculative it would be surprising if the New Right further severe reductions in tariffs take capitalism and credit-hungry con- welcomed a climate and a culture hos- place, another 100,000 jobs could be at sumerism in Australia with deregula- tile towards private property, initiative risk. Therefore, tariffs should be in- tion of the financial sector. Sections of and responsibility. creased,just as Mr Menzies did back in the corporate elite were glorified ex- the 1950s to protect Australian in- Brendan T. Dairy, amples of freedom from responsibility dustries and jobs. Biiregu1 ra, Vic. and shame. By the end of the 1980s, all Secondly, Mr Stone has not men- corporations seemed to have been tioned the effects of equal oppor- tarred with the same brush in the tunity/affirmative action on public s mind. Protecting unemployment trends. Research con- Not everyone in the New Right or Employment ducted in the US (and no doubt this is big business encouraged such reckless true for Australia as well) has found that behaviour or policies. For example, NEMPLOYMEN r is the greatest so- as more and more women join the work- John Stone and Nobby Clark did not. cial evil of our age, but John force, unemployment also rises. Since However, the overall effect has meant Stone sU solutions (Vol. 46 No. 2) were the late 1970s, when equal opportunity public, corporate and household debt, too narrowly focused. was first introduced in Australia, and a cargo cult based on freedom from Regarding wages, the truth is that around one million jobs that would have all restraints except those dictated by Australia cannot compete with traditionally gone to men, mostly male supply and demand. countries like China where convicts are breadwinners, have gone to women who Secondly, the Menzies era is ad- `employed to work for 60 cents per now are taking 66 per cent of all new mired by Old Right conservatives not hour. Australians enjoy a much higher jobs created. primarily because public expenditure standard of living than most of their Modern education enforces the view was kept at around 20 per cent of the northern Asian neighbours, hence the that women have as much right to work economy, but because it instilled virtues requirement of a reasonable wage to as men. If the expectation is that every such as love of country and heritage, fund that lifestyle. Australia, with its adult person in Australia should regard thrift, security, commonality, service small population, does not have the a career in the paid work-force as nor- and duty. The individual as a respon- economies of scale to match the large- mative, then our economy would have to sible, honest, courageous, sincere agent population-based economies of Asia. expand at a constant rate of over five per in a community of industry and reflec- Is Mr Stone serious about reducing cent to accommodate all school-leavers tion was the ideal of Menzies The For- wages by 30 per cent? I ll believe it and gradually reduce unemployment. gotten People. when he publicly announces, as an ex- This is a big task. Public expenditure grew in ample to the rest of us, that he will Present government policies dis- Australia because of the unwillingness forgo a 30 per cent slice of his income. criminate heavily against mothers. and failure of the Right (both in the After you, Mr Stone. Treasurer Dawkins recent an- Liberal and Labor Parties) to fight If wages are reduced by 30 per cent, nouncement in the Budget to raise the against welfare schemes that have been this will force virtually every married retiring age of women to 65 will further inducing poverty among the very people woman into the work-force to supple- exacerbate unemployment. Jobs will these schemes set out to help, including ment her family s budget. Therefore, it now not become available to others Aborigines, women, the homeless, is doubtful whether reducing wages when women retire at 60, but will be youth, and ethnic minorities. The New by such a high margin would reduce held over for up to five years.
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 The number of jobs held over could (two were RAF). And she grievously mention? It seems so. be quite substantial. Around 140,000 lost Royal Navy capital ships in the With these glaring insults, need people retire from the work-force each Pacific. Her troops suffered bestial anyone ponder why so many British year. Women hold around 30 per cent Japanese treatment. residents prefer not to be Australian?. of all full-time jobs. This could mean Only Britain cops the flak. Who asks, My family chose to be the exception. that 46,666 jobs each year are denied for instance, whether Ireland (apart from young school-leavers or other people. very brave individual Irishmen) downed Mrs Margaret Carter, Macedon, Vic. Over five years, this represents a `loss the Nazis or came to Australia s aid? of 233,330 jobs. St Patrick s Day rates an annual fest If a more traditional role for women throughout the media and elsewhere; Gnostic were encouraged and mothers were St George s Day is a non-event. This paid a decent child endowment subsidy despite the million non-naturalized Britons Fantasyland as they are in France, then this would resident in Australia, the thousands who The panorama of social collapse is encourage mothers to look after their are naturalized and the millions of held before us every night in the media own children at home, thus helping free Australian-born of British descent. and I do not presume to know the causes up the labour market and allow young Just recently, the surviving World or the remedies. The number of mur- school-leavers a chance to build a War I diggers have been honoured, as ders/suicides in de facto marriages career and a future for themselves. they deserve to be — although some surely indicate the need for a new word might suspect exploitation — for their A. Barron, in our vocabulary, defactocide. Barwon region Co-ordinator truly magnificent stands on the Western But it seems to me that a lot of the Endeavour Forum Front, following Gallipoli. But the blame must lie with the Post-Marxist Grovedale, Vic. blood of 750,000 Britons also reddened Radicals. The engine behind this new that earth. Are such allies unworthy of socialism seems to be Gnosticism Editor s Note: John Stone did not himself argue that a 30 per cent cut in unit labour costs would be needed to achieve full employment in Australia, but merely referred, for the purposes of his argument, to "one estimate [to that effect] which has recently been given some currency..." Public Service Deficit Such a cut, he said, could be achieved in two ways: byculs in hourly pay rates, orby increasing output recent ABS publication shows why a job, but cut $9 billion from our deficit. at the same pay rates. He stated a strong Aa public service that is "cut to the In fact, the total of 32 per cent excess preference for the latter. bone" still costs us so much. payment, compared with average private- The average all-up cost of a public sector workers, is just about the same as sector employee in 1991192, at $38,144 the annual deficit, at $14 billion, so at this Anglophobia per annum was 32 per cent more than simple level, our entire national borrow- the average cost of a private sector ings are to cover public pay and benefits CCORDING to an Australian Finan- employee at $28,949. Both worked 1,484 in excess of commercial levels. Acial Review article of 31 August, in hours in the year, but the public servant I wonder if the Senate would dare to the context of calculating votes for and was paid for 107 more hours of leave, pass a Budget that restored the public against a republic, the Electoral Com- and the superannuation costs were sector to the same income and benefits mission estimates that one million $4,434 per annum compared with $1,196 as ordinary taxpayers as a means of British immigrants with the right to vote per annum in the commercial sector. squaring the deficit? have elected not to take out Australian So, even putting aside the generous Isn t that what Mr Dawkins wants to citizenship. But who can blame them? benefits, the pay per hour actually worked do? was 15 per cent higher. The ABS publication is Those who choose to make Labour There are about 1.5 million public Costs in Australia, 1991/92 Australia home have been systematical- (Catalogue employees who cost us $58 billion p.a. No. 6348.0). The annual cost per ly denigrated by an Anglophobic Prime On the basis of "fairness and equality", employee is based on the public service Minister. A deliberate wedge is being why not a 15 per cent cut in either pay superannuation and compensation data placed between the British and other or benefits? That would still leave them on page 25, and the cost per year on migrants. better off by 15 per cent, they d still have page 12 for public and private. The British World War II record of leadership, tenacity, suffering and im- Public to measurable individual and national loss Per Year 1991/92 Public Private Private (%) is denied. Even on the 50th anniversary EARNINGS $31,642 $25,902 122 of 3 September 1939, let alone annually, Paid for working $25,530 $22,132 115 Great Britain rates no mention. This All Leave $4,562 $2,440 187 despite being the only nation, with its Termination Other $1,550 $1,330 117 empire, to stand up to Hitler in the Superannuation $4,434 $1,196 371 beginning and still be in there fighting at Payroll Tax $1,235 $1,025 120 the end. America wasn t. But what are Compensation $700 $564 124 our children being taught? Fringe Benefits Tax $133 $262 51 Britain is castigated for not aiding ALL COSTS $38,144 $28,949 132 Australia after Pearl Harbor. With Oncosts $6,502 $3,047 213 21% 12% backs to the wall on several fronts, she did spare some squadrons for Darwin David Bishop, East Brighton, Vic.
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 revisited. One of the main charac- teristics of Gnosticism is a flight from reality. Why Companies Support the IPA Our new socialists have this in abun- dance. For example: When fund-raising I am sometimes asked why a particular The Gnostics say: the two sexes are company should support the IPA. The question is fair — indeed, the same. when soliciting funds, all questions are fair. Reality says: while both sexes The Institute s publications provide a company s management should have equal with information and arguments that are valuable in the highly- liberty, they are not politicized world in which it must operate; but IPA s publications identical and can be purchased for much less than I usually ask for. Corporate should not be subscribers, of whom there are many, must give their support treated as such. because they expect money invested in the IPA to give leverage The Gnostics say: all races are the to ideas which they believe are important. same. The resources that the IPA and its allies command are tiny when Reality says: All people should compared with the resources of those who demand more govern- have equal liberty, ment expenditure and more regulation. but every race has The IPA believes, and business people must agree, that its own special Australia and the business community benefit from public policy qualities and its debate that: own (general) lack of others • reflects values such as personal responsibility, and a proper The Gnostics say: all species have an regard for the well-being of future Australians; equal right to live, • upholds free enterprise and an open market economy; breed and increase. • defends tried and tested institutions such as the family and The Reality is: species vary in parliament; their value and must not be • encourages Australians to face up to economic and strategic treated equally; realities; and e.g. plague mice. • encourages quality in education, health-care and other public The Gnostics say: all social `lifestyles services. have equal value — homosexuality, The evidence that the IPA is effective can be only circumstan- one-parent tial, but it is, nevertheless, quite strong. Most obviously, policies families, drug we have developed and popularized have subsequently been communes, etc. taken up by one or both of the major political parties. I am careful The Reality is: that the family not to imply, however, that all of our campaigns have had the must have hoped-for success, or that we usually stand alone. paramount rights I insist, however, that the IPA is professional. This is usually in any society accepted. Business people are accustomed to employing profes- wishing to survive. sionals and they expect the IPA to have developed professionalism The Gnostics say: all people in public advocacy. The benefit in public debate of being an (including the independent voice hardly needs stating, but I state it, nonetheless. handicapped) have With these advantages, money-raising would be easier than it an equal right to all is but for one fact. It is what economists refer to as the free-rider jobs. problem. Unlike lobbyists or consultants, the IPA, a public interest The Reality is: it is no use having a advocate, offers very little of exclusive benefit to any one company. stuttering radio Therefore, particular organizations can, without much loss to announcer. themselves, leave the support of ideas to others. One could go on and on for pages. The IPA s most important appeal is to respect for the general Gnosticism borders on lunacy. At interest, in other words, to patriotism. It is that appeal, and the moment, in Europe, North America probably a desire not to ride for free, which has best served the and Australasia, it is a very powerful Institute of Public Affairs and its causes for 50 years. Iunacy. Its very absurdity must eventual- ly bring about its collapse — but only, I fear, after much damage to many people. JOHN HYDE Kevin P. McManus Executive Director Ashiela NSW.
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3,1993 F R OM THE ED I TO R
The Ambiguities of Progress
Hts ISSUE of IPA Review marks 50 thereby helped liberate women from and writing problems. With the great years since the foundation of the the home. Satellites enable us to see expansion of the universities since the InstituteT of Public Affairs. Professor events overseas virtually as they hap- 1960s, the liberal ideal that education James Walter, in Intellectual Move- pen. Computers have given us the should instill not only knowledge but a ments and Australian Society (Oxford capacity to organize and sift enormous sense of moral responsibility and civic University Press), describes the men amounts of information. These are duty has also taken a battering, most of who combined to create the IPA as remarkable advances. all from student leaders and their "business progressives." They believed But the progress of Australians academic supporters who declared war in the importance to the wealth of all since the end of the War is more am- on bourgeois society. Australians of a competitive, strong biguous than these changes suggest. The working week today is shorter and civic-minded private sector and of Rates of suicide and crime have both than it was 50 years ago; Australians co-operative effort in the workplace. increased. So has divorce. Racial and spend more time at leisure; sex roles Yet at the time of the IPA s inception, religious bigotries have declined, but so are more fluid; and social relations and history seemed to be on the side of the has religious faith, and other intoleran- dress codes are more informal. But opposing view: Chifley s move to na- ces seem to be rising to fill the gap, as Australians, for all of that, are not tionalize the banks was not far off, Austin Gough argues in this IPA more relaxed. Stress has become a socialism was de rigueur among the in- Review. Moreover, regarding some preoccupation of the last decade, and telligentsia, and the doctrine of class things, today s Australians have become Hugh Mackay, one of our most obser- struggle dominated the union move- too tolerant: their predecessors in the vant social analysts, in his book Rein- ment. 1950s would not have tolerated 11 per venting Australia (Angus and The IPA s early landmark publica- cent unemployment, for example. Robertson), refers to this period as the tion Looking Forward presented a pro- Age of Anxiety. Australians feel con- gram of post-war reconstruction fused and insecure. They are con- which, it said, "should furnish a More Government, More Education fronted with changing expectations progressive and steady increase in the about their roles in family and standards of living of the entire com- The welfare net has widened, but workplace; they feel unanchored, adrift munity." This hope for the future has whereas social analysts once spoke in the turbulence of social and been largely vindicated. Despite only of a poverty trap, they now speak economic change, the extent of which, serious economic problems now facing of a welfare trap and its crippling effect Mackay argues, is unprecedented in the nation, 50 years of economic on the motivation, independence and Australian history: growth and relative peace have brought self-respect of chronic welfare the average Australian of 1993 a much recipients. Red tape and (thanks to en- "Living through World War II ... higher standard of living than that en- vironmentalism) green tape constrict was an intensely painful and joyed by his grandparents. Geoffrey private sector productivity, and many stressful experience for Australia Blainey in this issue remarks on a few of the benefits of the public sector, but it was also a unifying and notable indicators of this. There are which has doubled in size in 40 years, often inspiring experience. It many others. Modern transport is more seem to have been purchased at too created a stronger sense of efficient, more comfortable, safer and high a cost, both economically and Australian cultural identity, and cheaper than transport 50 years ago. socially. it bound the community together Advancements in medical science and The retention rate of students to with a sense of common purpose. public health have enabled us to com- the final year of secondary school has `By contrast, the present era bat diseases which for many in earlier increased seven-fold since 1948, but seems fraught with the peculiar generations proved fatal or debilitat- the quality of education has not kept stresses created by a confused and ing. Since 1950, the life expectancy of pace with the quantity. A recent federal diffused sense of identity, the lack Australians has increased by almost 10 parliamentary report estimated that up of a consistent or coherent sense years. Housework has been made less to 25 per cent of children complete of purpose, and a growing feeling arduous by labour-saving devices, and primary school with significant reading of isolation and even alienation
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3,1993 FROM THE EDrrOR
among Australians -- especially by contrast, seem lost in a sea of world s electricity is now generated by young Australians. relativism and obscurantism, and it is nuclear reactors) would have to look to "The common cry now being they which are concerned with the inefficient alternatives or go without, heard around Australia is, Why values which guide us. Japan may not havesurrended so readi- does everything have to change so In 1957 in an editorial in IPA ly in 1945 and the Soviet Union may fast? The common complaint is Review on the launch of Sputnik, C.D. not have been constrained to the extent that individual Australians feel as Kemp wrote in praise of the progress that it was without the presence of a if they have lost control of their of science nuclear deterrent. own lives and their own destinies. "...whatever sinister portents we Sometimes governments must Australians are increasingly feel- might attribute to the Soviet make difficult decisions on such mat- ing victimized by the rate and satellite, it is impossible to deny ters. Should nuclear reactors be built? character of the changes which that it provides additional Should embryo experimentation be are having such an enormous evidence of the adventurous and permitted? Such issues must be emotional, cultural and financial unconquerable spirit of man, resolved according to the best advice impact on their lives." another astonishing scientific vic- on what will serve the public interest. tory in the long line of victories. What governments must resist, In his epic (and eccentric) history We are led to contemplate anew however, is the temptation — to which of the lifecycles of civilizations, The the almost illimitable potential of so, many around the world have suc- Decline of the West, first published in the human race if only its energies cumbed this century — to see themsel- 1918, Oswald Spengler argued that the were channelled solely toward ves as the harbingers of progress or, to spirit of the late 20th century would be constructive purposes." use Marx s phrase, the midwives of his- conducive to great feats of engineering, tory, navigating the nation towards but not to a flowering of artistic He then amplified the doubt hinted at their vision of the future—whether the creativity. People would know how to in the "if only": cradle-to-grave welfare state or the preserve great works of art, but not be "It appears that man s command Third Reich. Because governments able to create them. The criteria of ar- over the forces of Nature is far today have access to a legion of experts tistic progress are more difficult to outstripping man s command they tend to have an exaggerated con- identify and more contentious than the over himself ... It begins to dawn ception of their own powers. Govern- criteria of material progress, but per- on us that progress means noth- ments are not omniscient: they should haps Spengler is right. The compact ing apart from progress in man s be modest in appraising their own disc player has enabled high fidelty nature, in his understanding and abilities. They can ameliorate some reproduction of a quality indisputably compassion and sense of values. hardships and social tensions, but they superior to that available to earlier We begin to perceive that the cannot make their citizens happy or generations; but what of musical com- only secure foundations of good or equal (other than equal before position? Is rap music progress com- material achievement are the im- the law). For governments to imply pared with swing? Is John Cage an material but rock-like con- otherwise — and Australian govern- improvement on Stravinsky? Are stituents of character — decency ments have been guilty of this — is to Philip Glass s operas superior to and simple goodness, truthful- raise citizens expectations to an unful- Verdi s? The office blocks we build are ness and wisdom." fillable level and thereby engender a huge and functional, but their design, vicious circle. Personal needs become with notable exceptions, seems aes- Because man s moral development rights which it is then the responsibility thetically impoverished. lags behind the advance of his scientific of government to satisfy. The state thus and technological know-how, progress becomes the source as well as the ob- poses dilemmas. Its effects are not al- ject of social grievances. Better off, but not better ways predictable and they may be All that governments should try to diverse and contradictory: one man s do is to provide a secure space in which Progress is thus, to an extent, progress maybe another man s regress. citizens can pursue their happiness and janus-faced: the material progress of Consider one of the most potent their salvation — their own visions of Australians in the last half-century has and ambiguous symbols of scientific progress — as they see fit. To try doing not been matched by cultural or moral progress this century: the splitting of much more than this is to risk running progress. Our lives today are longer the atom. Would the world be a better the ship of state aground or provoking and more comfortable, but they are not place if the atom had not been split? a , mutiny — a fate which, it is worth necessarily happier or more virtuous. We would not have to live with the reiterating, has befallen the world s Reflecting this, the pure and applied threat of nuclear war, the problem of most potent myth of progress at the sciences in our universities are strong disposing of nuclear waste, or the time of the IPA s foundation: — as Roger Sandall says in this issue, tragedy of Chernobyl. On the other socialism. History is a fickle bride. there rationality, order and dis- hand, those countries which rely on cipline still matter; the humanities, nuclear electricity (17 per cent of the Ken Baker
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 Elections and the National Interest Can a political party which tells the truth and ignores powerful vested interests still get elected?
TONY RUTHERFORD
N TIME, the Federal election of 13 March 1993 may give planning major economic and institutional reform should not rise to more commentary and analysis than any other only keep absolutely quiet about it, but actively lie about it, since December 1975. The various explanations of victory until after the election. and defeat are interesting to those within the process, who It is hard at this stage to offer definitive judgments on have to fight another election at some time over the next two either argument. Perhaps the first is indeed valid in some or three years. But they are also of interest to those who might sense, at least insofar as it represents the raising to an art-form want to understand what they mean, in terms of more general of the more or less random lying, half-truth, misrepresentation implications, for democratic politics. and evasion which have characterized elections in Australia One current and popular explanation is that elections for some time now. It hardly seems sustainable over the longer can — indeed, should — be fought and won on the basis of term; may not, indeed, be sustainable for the next election in systematic fraud. This takes two forms. 1996. If elections get to the point where electors know that The first is that incumbent governments may resolutely every word spoken is a lie, they will find other ways of making lie about the state of the economy, about economic prospects, their decisions. about the costs and benefits of their election promises, and The second argument is even harder to assess. History about their true post-election agenda, and not only win, but seems to support it: after all, none of Hawke, Thatcher or then find ways of breaking most significant promises and Lange outlined their various reform programs in any clear way implementing quite different policies. before they were first elected. Those who know Victoria well This seems to hold of the Government s win in 1993. can usefully ask themselves whether Mr Kennett would have It is unlikely that the advice being received from cvnn V hP h4 in Treasury, say, last Christmas, on either general economic or detail and in advance fiscal prospects differed greatly from that being received three precisely what he has in fact months later. It is, for instance, unlikely that the circumstances done since October last which led to the commissioning of either the FitzGerald report year. An outsider s impres- on savings, or the White Paper on unemployment were not as sion is that the inevitability of clearly apparent then as after the election. It is unlikely that Labor s defeat made detail the move toward enterprise bargaining in industrial relations somewhat superfluous. was unforeseen; or that the enormous political difficulty of The Victorian example Mabo was not anticipated. It is extremely unlikely that the is a very interesting one, be- gaping hole in Commonwealth revenues was not foreseen, or cause Mr Kennett has so far that indirect taxes would have to rise to fill it. maintained a more than ade- Examples could be multiplied, sufficient to establish quate lead in the polls. This calculated deceit on a massive scale. Apparently, no jour- may reflect no more than the nalists, and only a few rather old-fashioned commentators, discredit which has descend- think this either immoral or, indeed, anything other than ed on the State Opposition; entirely justified cleverness. Jeffrey Kennett: avoided detail it may reflect the fact that The second form of the argument is that Oppositions pre-election Victorians now understand
Tony Rutherford is a public policy analyst based in the IPA s Perth office.
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 ELECTIONS AND THE NATIONAL INTEREST the depth of their crisis and are willing to accept some pain in of One Nation were exhausted and beyond resuscitation by the dealing with it. It seems to be the first election that is the time the election occurred. However that may be, Labor s difficult one, and an economic crisis of Victorian or New appeals to the national interest appeared only in a distorted Zealand dimensions is perhaps a prerequisite to selling form, in a characteristic depiction of alternative policies as reform. The central difficulty really emerges as a widespread somehow un-Australian. reluctance, even in the face of visible economic decline, to Those who have talked about interest group politics in change any major aspect of the status quo. Australia have tended so far to talk about the obvious vested Others may, of course, succeed where Dr Hewson s interests, whose gains from influencing the political process Coalition failed. We would hardly write off Hamlet as a play are clear: unions, for instance, and other occupational monop- on the basis of a country high school performance; the next olies, and — the classic instance — the beneficiaries of in- party of reform may yet find its Olivier. Perhaps more impor- dustry and agricultural protection. tantly, it argues a very significant loss of faith in democratic Now, clearly, we have to cast the net wider than that. politics to believe that the cause of reform in the national Many of the groups potentially influential in election cam- interest will never be accepted by the voters. Or does it? paigns are not the typical, well-organized, Canberra-based lobby groups that characterized the politics of influence until the mid-1980s. Some, indeed, do not exist until they are un- Buying off Interest Groups covered in party research — the families thought to be suscep- tible to promises of extensive child-care funding might be an There is a different but closely related explanation of example of this. So a more comprehensive list might, for electoral success and failure which demands that we look instance, add to the old lobbies: closely at just that, at the relationship between elections and • the vocal interests, which would encompass large sections the national interest. This argument would explain success, of the arts community (especially writers), the ABC, quite simply, as a result of looking after interest groups. A academics, and even elements of the press gallery; version of it (which did not purport to be a theory of every- thing) surfaced, soon after the Federal election, in an article • the ideological interests, a slightly awkward category into in The Bulletin by Senator Graham Richardson. He explains: which we could fit, for example, the extremist greens; • the dependent interests, including many welfare "When Labor strategists sit down to work out how recipients in many categories, obviously, but also many to win, they divine methods of bringing together a public servants. verybroad range of interest groups to support their party. Interest groups are consulted and some That is a rough and arbitrary classification of a complex hope is always held out to them. Sometime during phenomenon, which could no doubt be broken down and the 80s, the Liberals decided that interest groups refined further. The disentangling of rationale is equally com- represented very little political threat and simply plex. In many cases the nature of the interest is transparent, a could be overruled. Not only that, shadow mini- tangible benefit. In other cases it is less so, and we are dealing sters were sent out regularly to harangue and abuse with intangible benefits such as the psychic rewards of power them." or influence over the public agenda. In still other cases, the interest is more subtle, and may come from the benefits of The examples he gives seem telling: the arts community , group identity; particularly if the group finds its identity in the the sports community , welfare recipients (especially the un- perpetuation of grievance — hence the strength of some employed), the tourism industry, university students, environ- multicultural and Aboriginal groups. Often the interests, and mentalists, and so on. (There is, of course, more than a little the benefits, will overlap. disingenuity in all of this, given the wide range of linkages Putting even this preliminary list of interest groups between the ALP and many Australian interest groups. But together with the technique outlined by Senator Richardson put that to one side, at least for the moment.) And the result is sufficient to show the unpleasant consequences for the of the election makes the message even more acute. democratic electoral process. (Not only that, but also for Just as Senator Richardson nowhere alludes to the na- society as a whole: it already seems clear that there are long- tional interest, the overall term implications for content of Labor s campaign nationhood and national was likewise a complex identity if Australians give blend of appeals to fear and%y "A government which their loyalty to interest self-interest rather than an groups ahead of family, unambiguous appeal to put ;= g robs Peter to pay Paul community and nation. the national interest first in a can always depend on The appropriation of the coherent plan for sus- ^•? the support of Paul." word `community for tainable economic recovery. these identifiable target This may simply reflect the f ^^t groups is entirely possibility that both the y?1 symptomatic.) rhetoric and the substance The problems will, at
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 ELECTIONS AND THE NATIONAL INTEREST least in the short term, get worse. Demand will generate After all, despite having allegedly alienated every interest supply: as more citizens perceive that group organization is group in the country, despite being saddled with the albatros- the only effective way of having their concerns heard, they will ses of GST and major industrial relations reform, despite discover their own interest groups. Many existing groups, even being apparently unable to articulate any strong vision of the though the benefits will always fall short of the promises, will national interest, despite being unable to pin the responsibility grow stronger and more vocal. At the same time, ordinary for Australia s economic crises where it belonged — despite citizens who have no burning causes, who wish merely to be all this the Coalition still won 48.6 per cent of the national vote left alone to live their lives in peace, will become even further on a two-party preferred basis. And consider this: the Coali- tion won or held a majority of seats in South Australia, Western Australia and Victoria, and were one short of a majority in Queensland — winning just half the seats in New There are long-term implications for South Wales would have given them government. Perhaps all nationhood and national identity the theories are just a bit too detached from the practical if Australians give their loyalty to deficiencies of party organization and the brute realities of electioneering. interest groups ahead of family, Certainly no party of genuine reform — whether the community and nation. present Coalition, or any successor or alternative — can afford to divorce the pursuit of the national interest from the neces- sities of effective campaigning. alienated from politics than they now are. Indeed, unless they live in marginal seats, and have some particular, manipulable Restoring Confidence in Democracy and identifiable need, they will tend to be entirely overlooked in the political process. It is important to note, too, that the The problem remains: how can the next party of reform inevitable failure of expectations — from giving, in postelec- which wants to avoid the charge of political deceit (and the tion rectitude, far Iess than was so cynically promised — will ensuing public cynicism) and resist sacrificing the national not weaken the process. Indeed, for some groups the disap- interest to narrow vested interests win government? pointment of expectations, by perpetuating a central A program to restore people s confidence in Australia s grievance, will strengthen the group solidarity. political processes by counteracting the dominance of parties, Some features of this scene offer particular hazards to politicians, bureaucrats and interest groups would be a sig- parties seeking to change the status quo. Although the de- nificant step toward achieving this. A promise to reform itself pendent interests mentioned earlier, for instance, are not for — including widening access to the preselection process the most part an organized group in any strict sense, they can through `primaries — should be part of such a party s election increasingly be seen as exercising a potential veto on major agenda. change. This should be accompanied by a strong commitment to Simply as an exercise in establishing the worst-case thorough-going parliamentary reform designed to make scenario, one could add up the number of voters who are transparency and accountability effective again. To the usual welfare dependents, employees of the three public sectors, agenda for parliamentary reform one could suggest a number and full-time students, and come up with some fairly disturb- of possible additions: a clear code of ministerial behaviour, ing figures — around 45 per cent of the electorate is probably stressing the basic fiduciary duties of ministers and laying not far off. Given that these classes are not evenly distributed down firm rules of ministerial responsibility, for instance, and across parliamentary seats (and given, too, that one should a pledge to limit terms, to start with. Reformers might even include, say, dependents of public sector employees), it is easy begin to air publicly some of the problems which underlie both to understand the good anecdotal reports of there being our economic difficulties and the lack of trust in our institu- equivalent figures of around 55 per cent in some individual tions — is anyone in Australia bold and sensible enough to marginal seats. That is a very substantial constituency in favour propose rules for balanced budgets? of the status quo of a large public sector and a deeply-rooted Such things — and there are many more similar - welfare state. could not only form an attractive agenda or manifesto Of course, not all of that constituency will always vote rooted in the national interest but might also make up for for their own particular version of the status quo. It is easy to the inevitable difficulties of explaining the subtleties of think of many who would not: age pensioners, for instance, economic reform. who believe their entitlements to be beyond change; senior or That manifesto should also address many other issues professional public servants who would succeed equally well congenial to a program of reform, which also find an echo in in the private sector; and so on. Moreover, electors will often the electorate: one obvious instance would be a strong and vote for the national interest over their own self-interest if the principled attack on the Australian taxation system, which is case for doing so is well presented. If it is not, even those who characterized by an unusual degree of arbitrary discretion, — like the unemployed at the last election — have most to gain impenetrable complexity and simple highhandedness. (Cur- from change will cast their vote conservatively. rent moves to reward unusually diligent tax-gatherers with a It will not do to be excessively gloomy about all this. bonus are symptomatic of how wrongheaded the whole system
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 ELECTIONS AND THE NATIONAL INTEREST has become.) The Australian Taxation Office and the Acts it and the case for microeconomic reform, in language both administers are a serious affront to the rule of law, and are accessible and appealing to ordinary voters. On the whole, the seen as such. Coalition has failed to do that; although Mr Howard s Future (Reform of the tax system in the sense advocated by Directions was perhaps the bravest try of recent years. Indeed, Fightback! is, on the other hand, largely and rightly seen as the Coalition has been consistently outperformed by the beside the point. No sane voter should cheerfully contemplate Government in the rhetoric stakes for some time now - giving a strong central government access to two very large tax perhaps a consequence of its defensive isolation from bases with very easily manipulable rates; and it is a sign of how academics and intellectuals. Doing something about this in- far the econocrats who designed the package were from reality volves something of a dilemma. It is possible to hire people that they should have suggested it as the keystone of an who can clothe any program (indeed, any series of contradic- electoral package.) tory programs) in opportunistic rhetoric. It is, on the other A certain amount of thought can provide a fairly com- hand, somewhat more difficult to find a coherent system of prehensive manifesto based on these considerations. beliefs which can find: natural expression in convincing `Comprehensive need not, it should be said, include rhetoric. `detailed . One of the problems with Fightback! was the de- Perhaps in the end the Coalition Iost the last election gree to which it locked in a detailed program of economic because they could do neither? • reform which failed to take into account the possibility of any radical change in economic circumstances between the time of its drafting and the time of its implementation. 1. See Tony Rutherford, `Improving Parliament: The Essential Reforms , The next party of reform will have to be much more IPA Review, Vol. 45 No. 2,1992, pp. 42-44. judicious in its blend of clear principle and selective detail. It will also have to broaden its agenda; not, as some would suggest, by competing with the Government on `soft left issues, but by explaining clearly the implications of the liberal economic agenda for the social order, and for alter- NEW PUBLICATION native approaches to some of those soft issues, such as the environment. VICTORIA S TRANSPORT SECTOR Non-Corrupting Interest Groups A New Vision That sort of manifesto may not in itself be sufficient. The A report prepared for Project Victoria by next party of reform will have to think seriously about whether, the Tasman Institute and the IPA or how, it can appeal, without compromise, to the interest groups whose perception of their own narrow interest is close enough for honest purposes to the national interest. Examples Victoria has a per capita public transport deficit are probably both unnecessary and invidious: but one con- one-third higher than NSW and four times the spicuous feature of the last election campaign was the inability size of Queensland. This Report proposes of most major business groups to make their voices heard, in policies which v ould transform Victoria s their own or in the nation s interest. Any reasonable agenda public transport into an efficient and effective which came these days from small business, for example, sector. would be likely to coincide fairly closely with the national "A large majority of the population has interest, and unlikely to corrupt the party of reform. spurned the Government s inadequate There, briefly, are two modest suggestions: a platform transport system for the speed and con- which broadens the range of venience of private cars. They will con- major issues which would serve tinue to do so until the quality, the national interest as well as convenience and relative costs of genuine electoral concerns, and public transport improve markedly. a cultivation of non-corrupting These improvements will only occur by S ^: interest groups. None of this will increasing the role of private do much good unless the next enterprise." party of reform makes a deter- mined effort to learn the lan- Available for $15 (inc. p h) from guage of the national interest. Institute of Public Affairs That is in part a matter of Ground Floor argument, in part a matter of 128 Jolimont Road John Howard: the language rhetoric. There are ways of put- Jolimont Vic 3002 of Future Directions was ting the cases for limited govern- Phone (03) 654 7499. appealing ment and smaller government,
10 IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 414
MIKE NAHAN
States Get the Message share of GDP in 40 years. The lack of than Victoria, the States all expect private investment is the primary cause either a reduced deficit or, in the case The States t are finally coming good of the very slow recovery in Australia of Queensland, a surplus. As a result, on fiscal policy, and their timing could since 1990-91. There are no signs that the deficit for the State sector, exclud- not be better as the Commonwealth the large government deficits over the ing Victoria, is expected to decline by Government has faltered under the last three years have helped to expand 12 per cent to $6.4 billion in 1993-94. weight of its costly election win. investment spending in the private sec- 1993-94 is a year of transition in Put this down as one more example tor — except perhaps in housing. Victoria. The Kennett Government is of the benefits of our federal system of What this expansive fiscal policy did in the process of introducing a much- government. Having alternative levels ensure is that the inadequate level of needed wide-ranging program of of government helps limit the ability of private investment that did take place public-sector reform. However, as with one level to mess things up too badly. was financed from abroad. Since 1991- most investments — and the Kennett The main task confronting all 92, the public sector has more than reform package is an investment in the Australian governments in 1993-94 has consumed all the savings generated by future — the Victorian Government been to reduce the high level of struc- the household and business sectors. has had to spend money before saving tural unemployment. Experience, par- Thus, in effect, there have been no money. Thus the financial estimates for ticularly from the successful Asian domestic savings remaining with which the Victorian publicsector in 1993-94 do countries, has shown that high employ- to fund private sector investment once not give an accurate picture of the ment is not secured by pumping up the public sector has had its fill. Given Budget s impact on the State s large demand but by taking measures to the tight and competitive investment structural deficit. Specifically, the Vic- make the economy s supply side more climate in today s world, the lack of torian Government plans to borrow efficient. domestic savings inevitably acts to limit $1.4 billion for a special redundancy Despite this experience, Australian investment in Australia and therefore program and another S1.4 billion to governments opted for pump-priming to limit the rate and sustainability of refund moneys siphoned from the resulting in the public-sector deficit economic and employment growth. State s largest public sector superan- increasing from $2.2 billion in 1990-91 With this in mind, the 1993-94 nuation fund by the Kirner Govern- to $25 billion in 1992-93. This expan- budget response should have been to ment. If these are excluded, the State s sion was not only, or even primarily, a cut the deficit, to restrain the growth in public-sector deficit will actually result of cyclical factors such as higher taxes and outlays, and to accelerate the decline by 43 per cent in 1993-94, from unemployment entitlements, but process of microeconomic reform. $3.5 billion to $2.0 billion. rather of policy decisions to spend and In contrast, the Commonwealth borrow more and tax less. public-sector deficit (after adjusting Did this pump-priming help to Deficits: Good and Bad News for asset sales and extra debt quicken the pace of recovery? Not refinancing by States) is set to increase much: most growth since 1989-90 has In terms of the deficit, the States in 1993-94 by 13 per cent to $21 billion; been derived from net exports and not have, in the main, done the right thing. which, measured as a share of GDP domestic consumption. Consumption Even though the deficit of the State (five per cent), is the highest Common- has not been, nor is it, the problem; in- sector as a whole is expected to grow wealth deficit since the Whit lam era. vestment, or rather the lack of business sharply (20 per cent) in 1993-94, this is As a result of the Commonwealth s investment, is the problem. Business entirely due to a series of necessary, laxity and Victoria s adjustment pro- investment is at its lowest level as a one-off transactions in Victoria. Other gram, the combined deficit of the State
Dr Mike Nahan is Director of the IPA States Policy Unit, based in Perth.
1PA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 11 AROUND THE STATES and Commonwealth public sectors is Government has trumpeted its so- led the reform movement under the set to increase by 15 per cent to just called tax cuts, the fact is that it is ex- leadership of Nick Greiner for five over $27 billion in 1993-94. Again, at pecting an increase in total revenue years, continues to place heavy em- around 6.5 per cent of GDP, this will (4.4 per cent) and in tax receipts (3.6 phasis on microeconomic reform in its represent the largest deficit since the per cent) in 1993-94. What the Com- 1993-94 Budget, although there arc Whitlam era. Excluding the one-off monwealth is giving with one hand, it is worrying signs that the impetus is now Victorian transactions, the deficit is more than taking back with the other. coming from the bureaucracy rather about $24.5 billion (about 5.8 per cent In contrast, the States expect very than the Government. of GDP). modest revenue growth. In 1993-94, Clearly the best thing about the The main cause of the higher deficit State revenue is set to grow by only 2.5 1993-94 round of budgets is that, is, not surprisingly, higher spending by per cent or, again excluding Victoria, without exception, Governments at the Commonwealth and Victoria. one per cent. State tax receipts are set least promise to wind back theirdeficits Total spending by the Commonwealth to show a more marked increase at 5.7 over the next few years. Of course these is set to increase by seven per cent in per cent, which is due in large part to commitments must be heavily dis- 1993-94, which is nearly three times the sizeable hikes in tobacco franchise fees counted — as we saw with Mr Kcating s expected rate of inflation. Spending by and the full-year effect of tax increases recent tax cuts, even fiscal decisions the States is also expected to increase announced the previous year. Impor- enshrined in L-A-W mean at best by a sizeable amount in 1993-94 (6.4 tantly, few of the tax increases made by `Maybe . Nonetheless, there arc commit- per cent). However, as with the deficit, the States over the last few years fall on ments and we live in hope. State spending is biased upward by the business sector. The FitzGerald Report on Nation- one-off expenditures in Victoria. If al Savings correctly states: "the Com- Victoria is excluded, States spending is monwealth should seek to return its set to grow by a more modest 3.5 per Micro Reform Ignored overall general government budget to cent, which is still above the estimated its `natural position of surplus and the rate of inflation (of 2.5 per cent). The Commonwealth Budget all but States should seek to return to the his- ignored microeconomic reform -- a torical long term decline in their over- point missed entirely by the Senate and all general government deficit." Public Service Cuts the press. One of the hallmarks of The States are all committed to Commonwealth Budgets since 1986 reducing their deficit in a mannerconsis- One positive feature of most of the has been the inclusion of initiatives tent with the FitzGerald recommenda- Budgets, even the Commonwealth s, is designed to spur on the pace of reform. tion. Moreover, they plan to achieve this the increase in productivity implied by The 1993-94 Commonwealth Budget primarilyby restraining growth inspend- the cuts to the public service. All failed to keep up this tradition. Aside ing. In contrast, the Commonwealth s States, with the surprising exception of from promising a few studies, which medium-term debt reduction strategy Western_ Australia, plan to cut their were already well under way, it did of reducing the deficit to one per cent public-sector work-forces in both the nothing for microeconomic reform. In- of GDP by 1996-97 falls far short of the trading enterprises and, importantly, deed, many of the initiatives included appropriate goal of a surplus. Further- the budget sector in 1993-94. The in the Budget are retrograde, including more, the Commonwealth plans to Iargest cuts are expected in Victoria, changes to the indirect tax system and achieve its meagre target primarily by where a net reduction of eight per cent the phasing-out of the Waterfront In- raising taxes. or 14,000 public-service jobs is dustry Reform Authority under the In summary, the 1993-94 round of planned. Even Queensland, which is pretext that it had finished its mission. budgets signals a reversal of roles. In the only government to have a budget Conversely, the most promising the 19SOs, the Commonwealth led the surplus and actually contribute to na- aspect of State Budgets is that they all field in reducing the public sector s tional savings, plans to cut back its contain a clear commitment to draw on savings and in faster work-force, albeit slightly. microeconomic reform. Even South microeconomic reform. In the early The Commonwealth also plans to Australia, which has been a laggard in 1990s, the States got the message and trim its work-force by three per cent or this regard, appears finally to have now they lead the way. How the world 4,900 positions in 1993-94. Although found a sense of mission, though turns! ■ this is a welcome move, it should be Premier Arnold promises to be gentle. noted that these cuts are primarily to Victoria, however, is the outstanding be achieved in defence and the example. The Victorian Government s 1. States defined here to include the Northern repatriation services, the latter by the agenda of reform is impressive in its Territory and the ACT. privatization of repatriation hospitals. scope, pace and quality. It covers al- 2. The deficit is defined here as the net (iinanc- ing requirement (NFR) of the total public Moreover, unlike the States , the most all areas of government, is ex- sector, which includes government business Commonwealth s work-force has ex- pected to be in place in a couple of enterprises, adjusted for asset sales and for perienced substantial growth over the years, and is built on the lessons, good the funds paid by the States for the refinanc- ing of maturing loans. This definition of the last few years. and bad, from around the world. The deficit provides the best measure of the im- Although the Commonwealth New South Wales Government, which pact on domestic savings.
12 IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 Employment Optimism How to benefit from global job mobility
WOLFGANG KASPER
The statistics on unemployment in Australia make for a those youngsters who cannot find jobs that a double-digit un- dire litany: employment rate is here to stay, that they may not find jobs until they are in middle age. Ministers of the Crown are now arguing • The rate of unemployment in Australia now stands at over that the young should lower their sights and their career ambi- 11 per cent. In each successive recession since 1970, tions. What a prospect is that to hold out to the young? unemployment has risen, and in no year in a subsequent Australian society seems caught up in a dangerous, pos- cyclical upswing did it come down to the level in the year sibly self-fulfilling, "employment pessimism" and in a com- of the preceding boom. placency that seems nothing short of scandalous. Even with • Whilst unemployment has increased in most OECD substantial dole payments, high unemployment is a grave countries above historic standards, it has climbed by more calamity for most of those out of a job. Society foregoes an in Australia. In the US, the unemployment rate in mid- enormous amount of production that could do much good in 1993 stood at seven per cent and in Japan at 2.5 per cent. the community. High and lasting unemployment does more • The relative importance of structural and long-term un- than any other economic ill, except inflation, to undermine the employment, which tends to inflict severe material and fabric of shared, stable values and alienate people from psychological harm on individuals and their families, has democracy. The long-run social consequences of unemploy- crept up during the 1980s. Forty per cent of all unemployed ment may yet prove to be politically and socially destabilizing. men have been out of a job for more than one year. Who knows what crises we face in the future and whether • Job opportunities of low- and middle-income earners Australian democracy that so many take for granted needs seem to have declined relatively more than those of high- defending? Will the disappointed, alienated youth generation ly-educated, highly-paid employees.1 move to defend a democracy whose leaders have so obviously grown complacent about their biggest personal problem? Will • Youth unemployment rates are much higher than the Australia s Constitution go the way of the Weimar Republic, average. Job prospects are particularly poor for young whose interest group deal-making and over-administration women; over a third of all women between 15 and 19 years end-of-century Australia resembles more and more? Why who seek work cannot find a job. does no-one even speculate any more how joblessness could be eliminated in three to five years? Yet, the Australian public and the key policy-makers - The prevailing "employment pessimism" is a dangerous, whatever lip service they pay to the desirability of high employ- though comfortable, cop-out. In a civilized society, a high rate ment — seem complacent in the face of these facts. Different of employment should continue to be one of the central ob- from what used to be a political dogma in the 1950s and 1960s, jectives of economic policy. I want to argue that we must be the electorate no longer punishes governments that have able to do better than we have over the disappointing past two presided over high unemployment. Indeed, many people will decades. say privately that high unemployment is the only way to control union power in Australia and to keep strike activity and wage-cost pressures at internationally competitive levels. The Jobs Have Become Internationally Footloose Accord , which was supposed to make high employment compatible with wage discipline, had eventually to be supple- Some optimism is not misplaced if one adopts a global mented by "the recession we had to have." We are now telling viewpoint. If we see Australia s unemployment problem in a
Wolfgang Kasper is the Professor of Economics, Department of Economics and Management at the University of New South Wales (Australian Defence Force Academy campus). This is an edited version of a recent speech delivered to "The Class of 90 Club" in Parliament House, Canberra.
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 13 EMPLOYMENT OPTIMISM
global context, we observe that some 60 million new jobs are governments were able to provide to well-connected pressure created in the world every year, eight times the entire groups in the bygone era of nationally segregated job markets. Australian work-force. Attracting as little as 1.5 per cent of Thus, emeritus guru Bob Santamaria attacks "the ultimate one single year s global job creation to Australia would wipe economists dream ... international competitiveness" and sees out unemployment here! it as a nightmare for the unemployed . 4 He is joined by trade This is the correct approach because jobs are now be- unions, single-issue lobbyists and bureaucratic networks coming increasingly footloose amongst nations. Self-centred, whose power over the political process wanes in the face of purely national economic policies are increasingly irrelevant. global job mobility. It was typical for the new age of globaliza- We must realize that jobs are lost (or not created) in Australia tion that the original Mabo push was in reality not halted by if conditions here are not competitive with the job-creation political opposition, but by the simple fact that numerous climate elsewhere. The evidence shows that Australia is not a aluminium smelter jobs will not be created in Gladstone if very competitive location for new jobs, as Australian jobs are Parliament makes property and mining rights insecure. increasingly in direct competition with jobs in Asia and else- Another fact of life now is that, for the first time, where .2 Of course, Australia sometimes wins. Thus, Australians operate in a common market (CER) in which there is one independent government (New Zealand) that does exactly what attracts jobs: providing stable money, pur- suing fiscal probity and across-the-board deregulation, offer- Attracting as little as 1.5 per cent of ing businesses low compliance costs with government, and one single year s global job creation providing an efficient infrastructure to industry. No wonder so many jobs from South Australia, Tasmania and Victoria are to Australia would wipe out quietly migrating across the Tasman. It is time that Australians unemployment here! rose to the new New Zealand challenge, and did so with the same commitment that we put up to the All Blacks and Kiwi cricketers!
Australians on the Gold Coast are now processing Hong Kong horse-racing bets on a minute-by-minute basis, and the grow- Globalization Offers New Job Opportunities ing outsourcing of car manufacturers in Europe and America has led to Australian firms air-freighting valuable car com- The employment pessimists in Australia have concluded ponents half way around the world, and to do so reliably seven that the globalization of the job market will depress Australian days a week to meet the consumers stringent just-in-time wages and jobs. They say that we cannot compete with much requirements. lower wages in Indonesia, China or New Zealand. They got it The effects of the job market globalization are not uni- dead wrong. que to Australia. In 1990, US companies employed 2.8 million What matters whether Australia attracts or loses jobs is people in Western Europe, 1.5 million in Asia and 1.3 million not the IeveI of wages or taxes, but unit costs: the wage relative in Latin America, because they found the climate for to labour productivity, the tax relative to administrative ef- profitability and productivity there more attractive than in the ficiency. High-income countries like Australia can attract jobs US. Some American firms now have urgent typing work done by offering a climate of high and rising productivity and good in the Philippines and remitted back by wire. In Jamaica, 3,500 government. Moreover, the rapid rise of incomes in Asia is people work in an office park that is satellite-connected to the offering many Australians new job opportunities, if only we US to process invoices and business letters. And in Ireland, can make the home base for exporters competitive. clerks are doing the telephone bookings for US domestic This requires, first and foremost, that the unit costs of airlines when customers call during night-time in the US. production and transacting business in Australia are reduced Many jobs in Europe are taking flight from high taxes, and that those in control of the production factors that cannot regulatory overload and intransigent unions and locate in new move internationally — namely low-skilled labour, land and industrial locations. government administration — begin to act in support of The job market is now integrating globally because of world-market-oriented competitors who are located in continuing reductions in transport and communications costs Australia. This requires abandoning mental attitudes which and the improved convenience of using telecommunications. were bred by political and union domination of economic life Every year since 1950, international sea freight costs have in 90 years of isolation in favour of a competitive spirit in dropped by 0.4 per cent in real terms, air passenger costs by economic and industrial affairs that matches our pre-Olympic 2.5 per cent and international phone calls by more than 6.5 per fervour. cent annually.3 More than the removal of artificial, political- In contradiction to the policy-makers in governments ly-mandated barriers to international economic integration - and unions, most Australians now probably realize that labour such as tariffs and foreign investment controls -- the global markets will have to be genuinely deregulated if we want to transport and communications revolution has exposed trigger a general productivity breakout . Partial moves in that everyone s job to global competition. direction are now evident in many industrial niches and are Many resent this. In Australia, they attack economic already turning many Australian Corms into unexpected industrial rationalism , but in reality hanker after cosy featherbeds which and export winners. The official apparat — in particular the
14 IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 EMPLOYMENT OPTIMISM political and the union wings of the labour movement — has, job market thus depends greatly on whether politicians and of course, not yet accepted that genuine labour deregulation administrators are competing well by providing a transaction- will take industrial conditions out of the hands of self-seeking cost-reducing legal and administrative system or whether pseudo-judges, advocates and union apparatchiks and put they rule supreme, irrespective of what damage they do to them in the hands of the partners in the workplace — that is employment. the people directly concerned with work and job security. For A new global competition amongst socio-economic sys- that reason, Australia now appears to be losing valuable time. tems is emerging. In that setting, long-isolated Australia starts But if we are to return to high employment, wages will simply out with a handicap. Geographic distance, tariffs and foreign have to reflect skills and productivities — including regional investment controls long kept the discipline of world-market conditions of productivity and competitiveness, as the In- competition at bay and created much scope for lobbying, dustry Commission recently had the guts to point out! political favouritism and interventionism. Economic life be- It is probably also understood by growing numbers of came highly politicized. The reliance on government as the Australians that the tax system has to be rid of many disincen- universal problem-solver was based on the notion that those tives to job creation. elected somehow know how to solve all our problems. As a At least, one need not dwell any more on these important result, Australia has been subjected to extraordinary legisla- points when one discusses the basic concept of reform and job tive activism. Yet, as of the 1990s, we are becoming aware that creation. However, one other source of impediments to fast the legislators and regulators simply do not know the answers; job creation is frequently overlooked or is still treated as a for example, how to eliminate the plague of unemployment. sacred cow when it comes to changing to global competitive Australia is perceived by many owners of capital, know-how mode: Australian governments. and firms simply as a legislative and regulatory killing field for new world-competitive jobs. For the sake of job opportunities, we now have to fight Regulatory Obstacles back! This important and widely accepted strategic message was lost in the 1993 election campaign at the expense of petty Australia s traditional style of governance, solving tactical and technical detail. We must fight back by streamlin- shared problems by collective means, is largely oblivious of the ing the legal and regulatory order and systematically creating requirements of the international competitiveness of jobs. It lower transaction costs. The protective walls around a distant, is the third great impediment to rapid job creation alongside isolated Australia have fallen for good. Yet, most Australian labour market rigidities and an inappropriate fiscal system. politicians radiate an air of complacency, one suspects, be- This is so, because the international competitiveness of jobs cause they want to carry on with the old game of intervening nowadays hinges as much on low transaction costs as on labour in the detail of specific market processes, fearing that they and tax costs. The costs of transport, information search, might be found out as having no clothes. It may be more negotiating and enforcing contracts, and the many other costs demanding for elected politicians and self-serving of doing business in the market place now make up about 40 bureaucrats to confine themselves to the big, strategic picture per cent of the total cost of producing the national product. of setting the basic rules — creating a stable framework, an With an increasing division of labour, that share is rising. order, a constitution for competitive markets. Instead of Economic theory tells us that the transaction costs and abolishing and simplifying legislation and regulations and risks are greatly influenced by the rules in a society — what speeding up administrative support to internationally compet- economists call the "institutions" .5 Where the rules are ing jobs, it maybe easier for those who manage the Australian simple, transparent and constant, they expedite business and political process to go on generating a complex flow of create confidence. Such countries offer an internationally specific, interventionist legislation — never mind the transac- competitive location for new jobs, because they attract job- tion costs it foists on industry. The scope for arbitrary, inept creating capital, know-how and firms. Where the rules are ad hoc intervention keeps growing, as the legislation becomes complex and case-specific, and where arbitrary bureaucratic ever more complex and the number of bureaucrats grows. rules are changed all the time, transaction costs tend to be Despite the problems and hold-ups, there are hopeful begin- high. There, many jobs are killed — or, rather, are moved nings in labour market reform. But is there any hope in the quietly off-shore. legislatory job killing fields? Job-attracting institutional rules may, of course, evolve One can see the evidence in every sitting of Parliament independently of government within society — such as cus- right there on the table: all the laws of the Commonwealth up toms and ethical norms that have proven successful and are to 1973 fitted into one metre of bound volumes; now a metre imitated. But nowadays the rules are increasingly imposed by of legislation seems to be added every few years. Geoff Hogbin the political process through explicit legislation and regula- recently documented that the Commonwealth Parliament tion. Governments thus have a key role in the international alone filled no less than 30,000 pages with new statutes during competition in the global job market: if they adhere consis- the 1980s and that in 1990-91, it generated a record 1,600 new tently and reliably to the rule of the common law and prevent legal impositions .6 This proliferation makes everyone a law- proliferating, transaction-cost-boosting special case legisla- breaker — something most people resent deeply. And it often tion and bureaucratic arbitrariness, they make a direct con- imposes high compliance costs on the citizen. Just look at how tribution to attracting internationally footloose jobs. The difficult and costly Parliament has made it to comply with tax future of employment in the Australian segment of the global legislation or open a small new business.
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 is EMPLOYMENT OPTIMISM
I agree wholeheartedly with prominent Australian con- may not be clearly understood by many of those many un- stitutional lawyer Professor Geoffrey Walker, who wrote employed fellow citizens, in particular the young who are recently: suffering out there. But we might fear the day when some radical populist explains to them what harm legislatures and "Australia s decline ... tends to be viewed as a administrations have been doing to them because they - purely economic phenomenon. But our economic caught up in comfortable complacency — failed to shape tribulations in large part result from the increasing better, simpler and fewer rules which are business-friendly distortion of our constitutional structures and the and job-friendly! ■ erosion of political and democratic order. People will not plan, invest and produce in an economy that lacks a balanced constitution and the rule of law, where the fruits of one s foresight and effort 1. Gregory, R.G., Aspects of Australian and US Uving Standards: Thu Disappointing Decades 1970-1990 , Economic Record, March 1993, pp. can be swept away by arbitrary changes of policy 61-76. "7 or law. 2. World Competitiveness Report 1993, Geneva-Lausanne: World Economic Forum and International Management Development, 1993. The legislatory madness — based on a pretence of know- According to my own calculations, Australia in 1993 ranks a poor 19th out of 37 countries covered in that Report (Kasper, W., Global Com- all paternalism — has to stop if this country, which is well petition, Institutions and the East-Asian Ascendancy, San Francisco: endowed with so many assets, is to attract more jobs from International Center for Economic Growth, forthcoming.] other parts of the world. Many people in the community have 3. Kasper, W., Spatial Economics , Fortune Encyclopedia of Economics, now embarked on painful industrial restructuring and are New York: Warner Books, 1993, p. 84. making the necessary sacrifices. But they often find that they 4. The WeekendAustralian, 4-5 September 1993. are deprived of the rewards from the market place because 5. North, D.C., Transaction Cost Institutions and Economic Performance, government so often fails to set firm, general rules and fails to San Francisco: International Center for Economic Growth, 1992. 6. Hopbin, G., When Should Governments Regulate Markets? , IPA act as an essential support organization for globally competing Review, Vol. 46 No. 1, 1993, pp. 51.6. jobs. 7. Walker, G. de Q., Restoring the True Republic, Sydney: Centre for The connections between job creation and governance Independent Studies, September 1993, p. 11.
MELBOURNE CONFERENCE SYDNEY LUNCHEON
IPA invites you to hear
Dr William Kristol Chief of Staff to U.S. Education Secretary William Bennett (1985-88) and to Vice-President Quayle (1989-92)
on the topic: `Report from erica: The Fight for the Culture
MELBOURNE: Dr Kristol will be the keynote speaker at an IPA conference entitled A Culture for Full Employment on Wednesday, 1 December 1993, 9am-2.30pm, The Regent Hotel, 25 Collins Street, Melbourne. The cost of $200 includes pre-luncheon drinks and a three-course luncheon. The conference program includes: Mr Hugh Morgan AO, Chief Executive of Western Mining Corporation, on The Hungry Man and the Tin Opener • Mr Paul Kelly, Editor-in-Chief of The Australian newspaper, on The End of Certainty • Professor Richard Blandly, Director of the Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research at the University of Melbourne, on Culture and Jobs • Professor David Penington AC, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Melbourne, on Education and Its Relevance to Australia . CHAIRMAN:-Mr John Stone, IPA Senior Fellow. SYDNEY: Dr Kristol will speak at a public luncheon on 2 December at 12:30pm at the Holme Building, University of Sydney. The cost to attend is $35 per head.
For further information on the Melbourne conference, contact Mrs Helen Hyde on (03) 654 7499. For information on the Sydney luncheon, contact Ms Vera Lew on (02) 235 1500.
16 IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3,1993 Z• DES MOORE
A Modern Paradox The unbalanced composition of the Prime Minister s taskforce on un- 1953-54 1992-93 employment makes it almost certain Modern society is experiencing a (i) Working-Age Population paradox: while the increasing produc- that interventionist solutions will be 000s 6,377(a) 13,791(c) tivity of modern economies requires promulgated in its forthcoming report. smaller and smaller amounts of work In reality, the opposite is required. (ii) Labour Force to produce a good standard of living, A comparison between present and 000s 3,659(a) 8,647(c) society is focusing not on the benefits past may help to give a better perspec- % of (i) 57.4 62.7 of high living standards, but on high tive to the apocalypse now vision. unemployment. In Australia, around Readily available data limit the follow- (iii) Employed 950,000 — about seven per cent of the ing to comparing 1992-93 and 1953-54. 000s 3,584(a) 7,697(c) % of (i) 56.2 55.8 working-age population (15 and over) The striking fact in these figures is that the proportion of the working age -- are actively seeking employment but (iv) Unemployed population that is employed today is cannot obtain it; and a much higher 000s 75(a) 949(c) only fractionally less than it was in proportion say they would like to work % of (ii) 2.0 11.0 if it were available. A common percep- 1953-54 — 55.8 per cent compared to 56.2 per cent. This raises an important (v) Average Male Earnings tion is that this constitutes a socio- 673(c) economic crisis and that, unless question. As the 1950s and 1960s have $ per week 29th) drastic action is taken, a permanent been widely accepted as the golden era of $ p/w (921 93 prices) 272 673 `full employment , can the present situa- underclass of work-seekers will cre- (vi) Unemployment Benefit ate ongoing social instability. tion be a crisis when the proportion of those available to work who are not $ per week 2.50(e) 141(d) This crisis scenario is leading many % of (v) 9 21 to argue that, as the market is not employed is no higher today than it was 40 or so years ago? working, government must adopt even (vii) Consumer Prices Index Of course, there is one important more interventionist measures to try to (1980-81=100) 23.4(b) 219.3(c) difference. Of the 44 per cent `not `create iobs. Indeed, as a recent OECD employed (then and today), only some Report points out, the focus of politi- 2.7 per cent2 were registered as un- (a) From Butlin, M.W., A Preliminary Annual cal debate on what to do about high Database 1900-01 to 1973-74, Research Dis- employed in 1953-54 ,while 15.6 per unemployment "increasingly risks cussion Paper 7701, Reserve Bank of cent2 were registered in 1992-93. But Australia, Sydney, 1977, as published in precipitate and counter-productive does this large increase in the actively- Australian Economic Statistics 1949-50 to policy action, e.g. 1989-90, Reserve Bank of Australia. seeking-work component of the not (b) Australian Economic Statistics 1949-50 to • hasty and possibly ill-conceived employed really constitute a major 1989-90, op. cit. macro-economic expansion; socio-economic problem? Or have our (c) Australian Economic Indicator.; October • inappropriate reversal of earlier expectations about jobs been so raised by 1993. political hype that we are afflicted with a (d) Budget Paper No. 1 1992-93, p 3.110. Rate is labour market reforms to facilitate crisis syndrome if they are not met? for a person over 21 years without a depen- structural adjustment; dant. It helps to put the situation in better (e) Commonwealth Year Book 1953, p. 318. Rate • further resort to open or (more like- perspective if we recognize that the in- is for a person over 21 years. ly) disguised trade protectionism." crease in registered unemployed
Des Moore is a Senior Fellow with the IPA.
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 17 MOORE ECONOMICS derives almost entirely from the But the widespread (and incorrect) worked to date). However, programs marked increase in the proportion of perception that the labour market s focused on increased training will simply the working age population that wants overall capacity to absorb the demand lead to a shuffling of the employment to work. This increase in those joining for jobs has actually deteriorated is also pack unless there is an increase in the the labour force — from 57.4 per cent an important contributor to a false per- demand for labour. Programs providing in 1953-54 to 62.7 per cent today - ception of crisis and to the calls for job subsidies are a poor substitute for adds some 730,000 people to the labour governments to "do something". allowing the market to adjust wages force in 1992-93 compared to the num- costs. Even the Swedes are progressive- ber that would have been there had the ly dismantling such programs. proportion stayed at 57.4 per cent. Had What Governments Should Do The OECD Report shows how that been the case, unemployment in much better the North American 1992-93 would have been only 219,000, Governments should indeed "do market has performed in keeping un- or about 2.8 per cent of the (lower) something". The fact that a consider- employment down. Thus, even with a labour force. ably higher proportion of the working- higher proportion of the working-age There is a variety of reasons for this age population now wants work and population wanting to work (77 per large increase in those wanting to work. cannot get it indicates that economic cent compared to Australia s 74 per The changed role of women, par- policies are not allowing the system to cent in 1992), the US has kept the ticularly married women, and the in- function properly. In particular, the unemployment rate to between six and creased opportunity for women to cost of employing labour is being held seven per cent. The OECD Report work are obvious factors. Some 30 at too high a level as a result of govern- contrasts the greater flexibility of the years ago 33 per cent of females and 84 ment-enforced regulations and, most North American labour market (i.e. per cent of males wanted to work; today notably, the system of wage awards less regulation and less unionism) with the proportion of females is up at governing the conditions under which the more regulated European market around 52 per cent and of males is some 80 per cent of the work-force is and refers, in particular, to the down to 74 per cent. The major invest- employed. The jobs of the insiders European practice of setting a mini- ment in education and training has im- (those in work) are thus receiving too mum wage relatively close to the proved the capacity of people to much protection from competition and, average wage, and indexing it over time contribute to the economy. The increase if church and welfare groups better un- to increases in prices and/or earnings. in thereat averagewage of almost 150 per derstood the meaning of social equity , The Report points out that cent, and the even greater increase in the they would support measures to increase "An effective general approach [to real level of unemployment benefits, competition in the labour market. reducing unemployment], there- have also doubtless attracted more One objection being made to such fore, starts from the recognition people into the labour force. an approach is that it would be socially that a low-productivity jab warrants In short, the increase in those want- undesirable to allow any reduction in the payment of only a low wage." ing to work represents a big increase in wages as this would create a class of the supply of labour. But, obviously, the working poor . This seems, frankly, a It is doubtless a forlorn hope for the increase in the demand to employ ridiculous response. With average real Prime Minister s taskforce also to start people has been much less. More and wages about 150 per cent higher than with this approach, let alone for it to more people are thus competing in a in the early 1950s, poverty amongst dispel the perception of crisis. • job market which is stationary (rela- wage-earners disappeared some time tively speaking). This increased com- ago. While not suggesting that a reduc- petition has almost certainly tion in real wages would be desirable, it 1. Employment-Unemployment Study, interim contributed to the compression of mid- Report by the Secretary-General, Paris: is difficult to see that some reduction in OECD, 1993. dle incomes which has occurred, to the wages would really create a group of 2. This is higher than the percentage un- point where it is widely argued that the working poor.4 If it were judged that employed because it is taken asa percentage middle class is disappearing. lower wages for the group on the very of the total working-age population that is Greater competition for jobs, and not working rather than as a percentage of lowest income level would be unjust the labour force (those who want to work). the associated frustration which in- in some sense, some offsetting adjust- 3. Partly offsetting that, however, is the consid- dividuals are experiencing in trying to ments could presumably be made to erably higher proportion of the younger not retain (or obtain) access to the job social security benefits for that group. employed now receiving higher education. This means that, while 22 per cent of the market, may help to explain the crisis But in fact, that is what the family al- younger age group in the labour force is clas- perception. Frustration is particularly lowance is for. sified as unemployed, this represents only 13 evident amongst the mostly middle- If increased competition is not al- per cent of the total younger age group. aged men who have lost jobs and who lowed to produce lower wages and/or 4. As it is, real average earnings in the private sector have scarcely risen over the past three constitute the largest proportion of the other costs, the danger is that govern- years. 3.9 per cent of the labour force that is ments will increasingly feel forced to try 5. Thesefiguresarefortheparticipationrateof long-term unemployed. It is also ap- to create employment through employ- the population aged 15 -65. (OECD Employ- parent amongst those young people ment Outlook, July, 1993.) Australian figures ment programs or through even more used in the table are for the population aged unsuccessfully trying to obtain a job.3 budgetary stimulus (which has not 15 and over.
18 IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3,1993 Forfress Europe and the Threat to Australia Paul Johnson is an eminent English historian and journalist. Apart from writing a regular column for the London Spectator, he has published a number of highly-regarded books including histories of Christianity and Judaism, A History of the Modern World and, most recently, The Birth of the Modern. On 1 September as part of the celebration of the IPA s first 50 years, he addressed a dinner gathering in Melbourne, generously hosted by the ANZ Bank. This is an edited text of Paul Johnson s speech.
PAUL JOHNSON
EN the notion of a United Europe was first Europe is closer to the centrally-directed Europe which in mooted by Jean Monet in the late 1940s, nearly turn Louis XIV, Napoleon, Bismarck and Hitler sought to everyone of good will welcomed the idea. Twice in bring into being, and the French and the Germans have sunk the 20th century, Europe had come close to committing their differences only to combine to exercise a joint hegemony. suicide with its catastrophic and senseless civil wars. The Britain fought militarily against the earlier attempts at prospect of its principal states merging together in a common European hegemony and she has fought diplomatically economic and eventually political purpose, turning their backs against this one. on endless wars for hegemony or survival, and closing ranks Meanwhile, over the past half-century, a quite different around what they had in common -- the heritage of Greece organization has sought, with considerable success, to achieve and Rome, the Judaeo-Christian ethic, the culture of the some of Monet s aims, but on a global scale. The General Renaissance and the spirit of scientific enterprise — was Agreement on Tariffs and Trade has succeeded, slowly but attractive; especially so was the coming together of those old surely, in lowering barriers to trade throughout the advanced enemies, France and Germany. world and beyond, by mutual consent and to the mutual Moreover, Monet s idea had a further dimension: the benefit of all. It has been the principal diplomatic agent in creation of an enormous free-trade area in which an en- doubling, trebling and quadrupling world trade, and so adding lightened capitalism would dissolve ancient frontiers in bring- hundreds of billions of dollars to the Gross Global Product. It ing to European consumers the widest possible choice at the is an engine of world affluence and there is no downside to its lowest cost. That was a noble vision and even a country like results. Britain, which felt it could not belong because of its close political, trading and emotional links to Commonwealth Ideas in Conflict countries like Australia and New Zealand, wished the project all possible success. The misfortune, which threatens to turn into tragedy, is A great deal has changed in the last half-century, by no that these two well-meaning ideas, the EC and GATT, the means all of it for the better. A Europe has indeed come into attempt to unite Europe and the attempt to liberalize world being, and what Monet dreamed of has taken a physical form of trade, have come into increasing conflict. This became sorts, in the shape of a Community of 12 states, with a very visible gradually apparent during the 1980s and it threatens to sour and powerful bureaucratic headquarters in Brussels. Moreover, all our relationships during the 1990s. At a time when the end Britain has joined, and ties with the Commonwealth, not least of the Cold War is freeing us to push the world forward in with the Antipodes, have been largely dissolved. union to unprecedented prosperity, the conflict between the But Britain joined with reluctance, and for her each step EC and GATT, and notably between the European 12, on the towards closer union has been a struggle against her national one hand, and the great English-speaking countries of — and international — instincts. This is because the Community America and Australasia on the other, is a monstrous self- itself has acquired characteristics Monet himself would have inflicted wound we cannot allow to deepen and fester. deplored: a spirit of interventionism, almost of socialism; a Britain is in the middle of this incipient conflict. She is huge bureaucracy, with its attendant evil, an immense committed to Europe by geography and by growing trade ties volume of regulation; and an inward-looking approach to — 60 per cent of her exports now go there. But she is com- trade, akin to protectionism. In some respects, the emerging mitted to the English-speaking world by cultural, historical
IPA Review, Vol. 46 No. 3, 1993 19
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