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Shift of Maltese Migrants in Toronto : Afollow-Upto Sciriha1

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Shift of Maltese Migrants in Toronto : Afollow-Upto Sciriha1 LANGUAGE~NTENANCEANDLANGUAGE SHIFT OF MALTESE MIGRANTS IN TORONTO : AFOLLOW-UPTO SCIRIHA1 HANNAH SLAVIK Abstract - This author investigates the levels of language maintenance and language shift among Maltese-Canadian immigrants living in Toronto, Ontario. The authors research on language use is compared with a simi­ lar study carried out by Sciriha in 1989. The results of the more recent study show that the Maltese language is used widely among first genera­ tion migrants, but the majority of second generation respondents do not use Maltese in many domains, ifat all. Although most respondents believe that it is important to maintain the Maltese language and pass it on to their children, few actually speak Maltese to their children. As predicted by Sciriha (1989) the process of shift from Maltese to English is well underway for the Maltese living in Toronto. Introduction During the decades following the Second World War, thousands of Maltese emigrated to Australia (York 1986, 1990), the United Kingdom (Attard 1998; Dench 1975), the United States (Attard 1983, 1989, 1997) and Canada (Attard 1983, 1989, 1997; Bonavia 1980). In Canada, most joined the small but well-established community of Maltese in the Junction area_ of Toronto. The Maltese in Canada were faced with the same question that faces all immi­ grant communities : how can the immigrant community maintain some­ thing of its cultural heritage and identity and at the same time integrate into the host society? The Maltese in Canada have established an ethnic church, clubs, Maltese language press, radio, television and a language school in order to help maintain their cultural heritage. However, participation in these organisations has dropped in the past few decades due to the spread of Mal- Lydia Sciriha first investigated the maintenance and shift of the Maltese language among the Maltese-Canadian community in Toronto. She conducted her fieldwork in 1988 and the results of her study were subsequently published in the Journal of Maltese Studies, 19-20, pp. 34-41 in 1989. tese-Canadians to the suburbs ofToronto. The Junction area has lost its unique Maltese atmosphere. Second and third generation·Maltese-Canadians have adopted a Canadian identity and have little interest in learning the language or culture of their parents. In 1989 Sciriha investigated the level of Maltese language mainte­ nance among first, second and third generation Maltese migrants in the Junction area of Toronto. Sciriha (1989 : 40) concluded that language shift was well underway in the Maltese community of Toronto, and "that Mal­ tese language death in the community studied seems to be inevitable within twenty or thirty years". This paper, based on M.A. thesis research con­ ducted during October and November 1998, seeks to assess the situation ten years after Sciriha's study. Although the scope of the thesis research was wider than that of Sciriha's study, specific relevant information is selected for comparison. Such a comparison serves two purposes : first, it will establish the extent to which Sciriha's predictions are being realised, and secondly, comparison to the previous study can support the validity of the present study. Language maintenance and language shift The term language maintenance describes a stable situation where a group of speakers of one language living with speakers of another lan­ guage continue to use their own language, at least some of the time, in some domains. The term language shift describes a process whereby a group of speakers of one language give up their language and begin to use another (Fasold 1984; Holmes 1992; Romaine 1994). Sociolinguists have studied language maintenance and language shift in communities worldwide (Aliaga 1994; Dorian 1981; Gal1979; Hofman and Fisher­ man 1972; Lewis 1972; Lieberson 1972; Sachdev, Bourhis, Phang and D'Eye 1988). The Maltese in Canada The Maltese are a small but well-established ethnic group in Canada. The first Maltese arrived in Canada before the year 1900 (Attard 1989; Bonavia 1980; Cumbo and Portelli 1997). The 1996 Canadian census reports 29,820 people of Maltese ethnic origin in Canada. Of these, 9,445 were born in Malta and the rest are second or third generation, born in Canada. Maltese was reported as a mother tongue by 7,115 people, 6,590 of whom were born in Malta. Only 1,520 reported Maltese as their only home language 152 (Statistics Canada 1998). The vast majority of Maltese-Canadians, 26,250 live in Ontario (Toronto, Mississauga, Hamilton, London, Windsor, etc.). Until recently, a large Maltese community of over 6,000 could be found in an area of West Toronto known as 'the Junction'; in the last 20 years this community has largely dispersed to the suburbs of Toronto, especially to Mississauga and Br!lmpton. Today, probably 2,000 Maltese live in the Junction area, near to the Maltese church of St. Paul the Apostle and the several remaining Maltese owned businesses.2 The early Maltese established several Maltese institutions which still exist. The Maltese church of St. Paul the Apostle was built in 1930 by the Toronto Maltese community. The church offers four masses a week in Maltese, which are well attended by older community members. The Mal­ tese-Canadian Society of Toronto was established in 1922. In the 1960s and 1970s a band club, soccer club and other clubs were established. All had the aim to bringing community members together, helping new mi­ grants adjust to life in Canada, and maintaining Maltese culture (Cumbo 1984). The Maltese Heritage Programme was established in the 1970s to provide Maltese language lessons (Cumbo 1989). Presently half an hour of Maltese language television programming is broadcast weekly. A Mal­ tese language newspaper, the only one in North America, is published monthly in Toronto. Survey methodology This analysis is based on the results of 100 questionnaires distributed by mail to first and second generation Maltese-Canadians in Toronto and sub­ urbs (Mississauga, Brampton). Respondents were asked questions of a demographic nature, about language use with various family members, and about their attitudes towards the importance of maintaining the Mal­ tese language in Canada. Participation in the survey was entirely volun­ tary. Results were confidential and all respondents had the option of re­ turning surveys anonymously, in unmarked envelopes. Several different means of distribution were used in an attempt to cover a wide range of population : the questionnaires were distributed first through the Maltese-Canadian clubs and personal contacts in the Maltese-Cana­ dian community. Second, the Bank of Valletta in Canada sent out ques- Interview with Richard Cumbo, 8 October 1998 153 tionnaires to a random list of Maltese-Canadians, and finally surveys were sent by e-mail to Maltese-Canadians listed on the website http://www.searchmalta.com. Because the sample population is not repre­ sentative, the survey results cannot be said to predict the future of the Maltese language in Toronto with any certainty; however, they can be used to make strong suggestions. Sciriha's (1989) survey included a smaller number of respondents: 20 from each of the three generations. Sciriha's method of recruitment, solely through the Maltese-Canadian church and clubs, was narrower than that of the present survey, and included only Junction area residents. Survey results Survey results cover language use and language attitudes. In each section results are described, discussed, and compared to Sciriha's results. 3 The sample population consists of 77 first generation Maltese respondents and 23 second generation respondents, born in Canada. Of the 100 respond­ ents, 62 are male and 38 female, reflecting the fact that more Maltese men emigrated than women. Most of the first generation respondents fall be­ tween the ages of 41 and 60 while most of the second generation respond­ ents fall between the ages of 19 and 40. Some 76.8% of married respondents are married to a Maltese person : 78.5% of first generation respondents and 72.7% of second generation respondents. However, as only 11 second generation respondents are mar­ ried this number is perhaps too small to draw conclusions. In contrast, Sciriha found that all of her first generation respondents had a Maltese spouse while 40% of second generation respondents had a Maltese spouse. Sciriha noted a trend of upward mobility among her respondents : although second generation male respondents tended to adopt the profes­ sion of their fathers, 30% of third generation respondents were university students following an education which would lead to higher status em­ ployment than that of their fathers. The present study confirms the trend of upward mobility both in occupation and in education levels starting in the second generation. Table 1 shows the occupational distribution of the Some respondents did not answer every question. When the results are summarised, the total number may not add up to 100, but to the total number of respondents who answered that particular question. Percentages given are calculated based on the total number of people answering each question rather than on the total sample size of 100. 154 I two generations of Maltese-Canadians and of the group as a whole. 4 Table 2 shows the educational level distribution of the two generations of Mal­ tese-Canadians and of the group as a whole. It should be noted that the high percentage of respondents falling into the upper occupation and edu­ cationallevel groups is probably unrepresentative
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