Darfurian Voices
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Darfur Genocide
Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. -
How to Implement Sudan's New Peace Agreement
The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168 Khartoum/Nairobi/Brussels, 23 February 2021 What’s new? A peace agreement signed on 3 October 2020 paves the way for armed and unarmed opposition groups in Sudan to join the transitional government, dra- matically expanding representation of the country’s peripheries during the interim period before elections. The two most powerful rebel movements remain outside the accord, however. Why does it matter? Clinching the agreement was necessary for the country’s transition but implementation poses challenges. The agreement risks bloating the military and sets up a prospective political alliance between the rebels and Sudanese security forces, which could further sideline the government’s civilian cabinet and threaten to bury its reform agenda. What should be done? The interim government should negotiate with holdout rebels to bring them into the transition. Sudan’s international partners should press for security sector reform that decreases the size and political dominance of a newly expanded military while funding and supporting the authorities’ spending commit- ments in the peripheries. I. Overview Sudan’s October 2020 peace agreement, involving the interim government and rebel movements in Darfur and the Two Areas, among others, is an important step in the country’s transition after the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir. The deal allows for representatives from armed groups in the country’s peripheries to take government posts and for significant public money to go to these areas. It is a way to rebalance the Nile Valley elites’ decades-long domination of Sudan’s political system. -
Darfur and the Battle for Khartoum
Institute for Security Studies Situation Report Date Issued: 04 September 2006 Author: Mariam Bibi Jooma1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Darfur and the Battle for Khartoum Sudan’s western region of Darfur has frequently featured in the headlines since Introduction the outbreak of major violence there in 2003. Indeed, it often seemed that international interest would remain focused upon Darfur, given the scale of human suffering and the immensity of the challenges facing the African Union’s (AU) peacekeeping operations in that vast area. It was little surprise, then, that the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) on 5 May this year between the Government of Sudan and the Minni Arkoi Minnawi faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) was greeted with such relief in the media. Developments since the signing of the DPA, however, suggest that the political commitment to implementing its terms remains extremely weak, and there is a continued polarisation of affected ethnic communities, particularly within displacement camps, sometimes with fatal consequences. This has happened despite the appointment on 7 August of Minni Arkoi Minnawi, as the Special Assistant to the Sudanese President. Moreover, the period between May and July 2006 has seen the highest number of fatalities among aid workers since the beginning of 2003.2 This is quite aside from the continuing killing of Darfurians on a daily basis. In this unpredictable environment, the local population has become increasingly cynical of the potential peacekeeping role of the African Union Mission (AMIS) deployed to observe the implementation of the 2004 ceasefire agreement. A growing number of fatalities suffered by AMIS troops themselves in Darfur suggests that the African Union’s role as mediator and guarantor for the implementation of the DPA is being overtly challenged. -
The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the 'Darfurization' of Chad: Myths and Reality
12 The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the ‘Darfurization’ of Chad: Myths and Reality By Jérôme Tubiana Copyright The Small Arms Survey Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Grad- uate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It serves as the © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva 2008 principal source of public information on all aspects of small arms and as a First published in April 2008 resource centre for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activists. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Department retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior of Foreign Affairs, and by contributions from the Governments of Belgium, permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by Canada, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the UK. The law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organi- Survey is also grateful for past and current project-specific support received zation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should from Australia, Denmark, and New Zealand. Further funding has been pro- be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. vided by the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, the Geneva International Academic Net- Small Arms Survey work, and the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining. The Graduate Institute of International Studies Small Arms Survey collaborates with research institutes and NGOs in many 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland countries, including Brazil, Canada, Georgia, Germany, India, Israel, Jordan, Copyedited by Emily Walmsley Norway, the Russian Federation, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Sweden, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. -
04-10-06 DPA.Indd
Institute for Security Studies Situation Report Date Issued: 04 September 2006 Author: Mariam Bibi Jooma1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Darfur and the Battle for Khartoum Sudan’s western region of Darfur has frequently featured in the headlines since Introduction the outbreak of major violence there in 2003. Indeed, it often seemed that international interest would remain focused upon Darfur, given the scale of human suffering and the immensity of the challenges facing the African Union’s (AU) peacekeeping operations in that vast area. It was little surprise, then, that the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) on 5 May this year between the Government of Sudan and the Minni Arkoi Minnawi faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) was greeted with such relief in the media. Developments since the signing of the DPA, however, suggest that the political commitment to implementing its terms remains extremely weak, and there is a continued polarisation of affected ethnic communities, particularly within displacement camps, sometimes with fatal consequences. This has happened despite the appointment on 7 August of Minni Arkoi Minnawi, as the Special Assistant to the Sudanese President. Moreover, the period between May and July 2006 has seen the highest number of fatalities among aid workers since the beginning of 2003.2 This is quite aside from the continuing killing of Darfurians on a daily basis. In this unpredictable environment, the local population has become increasingly cynical of the potential peacekeeping role of the African Union Mission (AMIS) deployed to observe the implementation of the 2004 ceasefire agreement. A growing number of fatalities suffered by AMIS troops themselves in Darfur suggests that the African Union’s role as mediator and guarantor for the implementation of the DPA is being overtly challenged. -
Sudan Opposition to the Government, Including
Country Policy and Information Note Sudan: Opposition to the government, including sur place activity Version 2.0 November 2018 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the basis of claim section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis of COI; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Asessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment on whether, in general: x A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm x A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) x A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory x Claims are likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and x If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013. -
No. ICC-02/05-02/09 24 September 2009 1 Original
ICC-02/05-02/09-91-Red 25-09-2009 1/33 EO PT Original: English No .: ICC-02/05-02/09 Date: 24 September 2009 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Sylvia Steiner, Presiding Judge Judge Sanji Mmasenono Monageng Judge Cuno Tarfusser SITUATION IN DARFUR, THE SUDAN IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR V. BAHAR IDRISS ABU GARDA Public Redacted Version of Prosecution’s “DOCUMENT CONTAINING THE CHARGES SUBMITTED PURSUANT TO ARTICLE 61(3) OF THE STATUTE” filed on 10 September 2009 Source: Office of the Prosecutor No. ICC-02/05-02/09 1 24 September 2009 ICC-02/05-02/09-91-Red 25-09-2009 2/33 EO PT Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Karim A. A. Khan Legal Representatives of Victims Legal Representatives of Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants for Participation/Reparation The Office of Public Counsel for Victims The Office of Public Counsel for the Defence States Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar Defence Support Section Ms Silvana Arbia Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section No. ICC-02/05-02/09 2 24 September 2009 ICC-02/05-02/09-91-Red 25-09-2009 3/33 EO PT I. THE PERSON CHARGED................................................................................................................ 5 II. STATEMENT OF FACTS .................................................................................................................... 6 A. BACKGROUND ................................................................................................................................ -
The Chinese Stance on the Darfur Conflict
OCCASIONAL PAPER NO 67 China in Africa Project September 2010 The Chinese Stance on the Darfur Conflict Gaafar Karrar Ahmed s ir a f f A l a n o ti a rn e nt f I o te tu sti n In rica . th Af hts Sou sig al in Glob African perspectives. About SAIIA The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa’s premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think-tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA’s occasional papers present topical, incisive analyses, offering a variety of perspectives on key policy issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policymaking; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website www.saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA’s work. About the C h INA IN AFRICA PR o J e C t SAIIA’s ‘China in Africa’ research project investigates the emerging relationship between China and Africa; analyses China’s trade and foreign policy towards the continent; and studies the implications of this strategic co-operation in the political, military, economic and diplomatic fields. The project seeks to develop an understanding of the motives, rationale and institutional structures guiding China’s Africa policy, and to study China’s growing power and influence so that they will help rather than hinder development in Africa. -
Abdul Rasoul's Personal Vendetta Against President Of
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by MURAL - Maynooth University Research Archive Library Abdul Rasoul’s Personal Vendetta against President of JEM 10th, June 2009, 12:40 am Abdul Rasoul’s Personal Vendetta against President of JEM By: Abdullahi Osman El-Tom Izzadine Abdul Rasoul’s “Dr. Khalil Ibrahim an empty bravado” was referred to me by several friends for comments. The article was published in the reputable venue “Sudan Tribune”, May 2009. I was reluctant to respond to the article for several reasons. Although Abdu Rasoul signed himself as Managing Editor of the Citizen Newspaper- Sudan, the article is steeped in amateur journalism that bedevils many of Sudanese newspapers. To begin with, the author fails to distinguish between facts and government propaganda, a rather embarrassing flaw for a managing editor of a newspaper. Instead of focusing on substance, the author dwells on a personal vendetta against Dr. Khalil Ibrahim and his brother Gibril Ibrahim (hence Khalil and Gibril). The connecting the two together skews the article away from focussing on a major regional and national issue and turns it into a personal assault on a family. Much worse, the author displays an incredible level of laziness and lack of aptitude for research as evidenced by the fact that the work is based on readily available rumours rather than time spent gathering hard facts. The author describes Khalil as an “Islamist fundamentalist”, whose “problem with the current regime in Khartoum is not ideological rather that of power positions [ie. A fight over power and jobs]”. -
Failing Darfur
ANONYMOUS/ENOUGH Failing Darfur Omer Ismail and Annette LaRocco August 2012 WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG Failing Darfur Omer Ismail and Annette LaRocco August 2012 Introduction Another Darfur peace agreement has failed, but the United Nations, or U.N., and some donor governments continue to prop up its implementation. This continued support is actually making matters worse in Darfur. By buttressing a dead peace deal, the interna- tional community is ignoring the ongoing conflict that the agreement did not address, while simultaneously contributing to the divide-and-conquer strategy of the Khartoum government, which seeks to negotiate separately with the various Darfur factions and to insulate the Darfur insurgency from other similar rebellions in South Kordofan, Blue Nile, and – potentially – the East. The Doha Document for Peace in Darfur, or DDPD, was signed in July 2011 by the gov- ernment of Sudan and the Liberation and Justice Movement, or LJM, only one of several Darfuri opposition rebel groups.1 From its inception, the DDPD was deeply flawed. It fails to address the most important security and political issues identified by Darfuris. Not only does it attempt to address the conflict in Darfur without including the three most promi- nent rebels groups in the region, the Justice and Equality Movement, or JEM, and both factions of the Sudan Liberation Movement, or SLM-Minni Minnawi and SLM-Abdel Wahid, but it also allows Khartoum to continue its divide-and-conquer strategy of dealing with each of the country’s conflict zones in isolation. Nonetheless, the U. N. and key donor countries heralded the DDPD as an important step in ending the decade-long conflict in Sudan’s vast western region. -
Nasty Neighbors Resolving the Chad–Sudan Proxy War
www.enoughproject.org NASTY NEIGHBORS Resolving the Chad–Sudan Proxy War By Colin Thomas-Jensen ENOUGH Strategy Paper 17 April 2008 t’s bad enough that the international commu- Peacemaking: The United States and key part- nity has failed, five years in, to end the geno- ners—such as France, the United Kingdom, China, Icide in Darfur, and worse still that it reacted the European Union, the United Nations, and the with no urgency when the Darfur crisis bled into African Union—must commit adequate diplomatic neighboring Chad. With the root causes of conflict and financial resources to a major peace initiative in each country still untended, this regional crisis for Sudan and Chad. A full-court diplomatic press is poised to deepen. to resolve the conflict in Darfur must be matched with efforts to bring about profound political The agreement signed on March 13 in Dakar, Sen- changes inside Chad and, ultimately, end the proxy egal, between Chadian President Idriss Déby and war between Sudan and Chad.1 Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir might have ap- peared a spot of good news for a part of the world Protection: The international community must that has been on a steady slide toward chaos. It take steps to protect civilians by expediting the wasn’t. Relations between Chad and Sudan are so full deployment of the joint U.N./EU hybrid mission volatile and international diplomacy so feeble that to Chad and the hybrid U.N./AU mission to Darfur. a non-aggression pact between the two countries The U.N. -
Local and Regional Dimensions of Chad–Sudan Rapprochement
25 Renouncing the Rebels: Local and Regional Dimensions of Chad–Sudan Rapprochement By Jérôme Tubiana Copyright Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva 2011 First published in March 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organi- zation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. Small Arms Survey Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Edited by Diana Rodriguez and Emile LeBrun Copy-edited by Alex Potter ([email protected]) Proofread by John Linnegar ([email protected]) Typeset in Optima and Palatino by Richard Jones ([email protected]) Printed by nbmedia in Geneva, Switzerland ISBN 978-2-940415-48-9 2 Small Arms Survey HSBA Working Paper 25 Tubiana Denouncing the Rebels 3 Contents List of abbreviations and acronyms .................................................................................................................................... 5 Executive summary .....................................................................................................................................................................................