Darfur COI Compilation September 2017
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Darfur Genocide
Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. -
Humanitarian Situation Report No. 19 Q3 2020 Highlights
Sudan Humanitarian Situation Report No. 19 Q3 2020 UNICEF and partners assess damage to communities in southern Khartoum. Sudan was significantly affected by heavy flooding this summer, destroying many homes and displacing families. @RESPECTMEDIA PlPl Reporting Period: July-September 2020 Highlights Situation in Numbers • Flash floods in several states and heavy rains in upriver countries caused the White and Blue Nile rivers to overflow, damaging households and in- 5.39 million frastructure. Almost 850,000 people have been directly affected and children in need of could be multiplied ten-fold as water and mosquito borne diseases devel- humanitarian assistance op as flood waters recede. 9.3 million • All educational institutions have remained closed since March due to people in need COVID-19 and term realignments and are now due to open again on the 22 November. 1 million • Peace talks between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan Revolu- internally displaced children tionary Front concluded following an agreement in Juba signed on 3 Oc- tober. This has consolidated humanitarian access to the majority of the 1.8 million Jebel Mara region at the heart of Darfur. internally displaced people 379,355 South Sudanese child refugees 729,530 South Sudanese refugees (Sudan HNO 2020) UNICEF Appeal 2020 US $147.1 million Funding Status (in US$) Funds Fundi received, ng $60M gap, $70M Carry- forward, $17M *This table shows % progress towards key targets as well as % funding available for each sector. Funding available includes funds received in the current year and carry-over from the previous year. 1 Funding Overview and Partnerships UNICEF’s 2020 Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) appeal for Sudan requires US$147.11 million to address the new and protracted needs of the afflicted population. -
Nomads' Settlement in Sudan: Experiences, Lessons and Future Action
Nomads’ Settlement in Sudan: Experiences, Lessons and Future action (STUDY 1) Copyright © 2006 By the United Nations Development Programme in Sudan House 7, Block 5, Avenue P.O. Box: 913 Khartoum, Sudan. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retreival system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronical, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission. Printed by SCPP Editor: Ms: Angela Stephen Available through: United Nations Development Programme in Sudan House 7, Block 5, Avenue P.O. Box: 913 Khartoum, Sudan. www.sd.undp.org The analysis and policy recommendations expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations, including UNDP, its Executive Board or Member States. This study is the work of an independent team of authors sponsored by the Reduction of Resource Based Conflcit Project, which is supported by the United Nations Development Programme and partners. Contributing Authors The Core Team of researchers for this report comprised of: 1. Professor Mohamed Osman El Sammani, Former Professor of Geography, University of Khartoum, Team leader, Principal Investigator, and acted as the Report Task Coordinator. 2. Dr. Ali Abdel Aziz Salih, Ph.D. in Agricultural Economics, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Khartoum. Preface Competition over natural resources, especially land, has become an issue of major concern and cause of conflict among the pastoral and farming populations of the Sahel and the Horn of Africa. Sudan, where pastoralists still constitute more than 20 percent of the population, is no exception. Raids and skirmishes among pastoral communities in rural Sudan have escalated over the recent years. -
36 Csos and Individuals Urge the Council to Adopt a Resolution on Sudan
Letter from 36 NGOs and individuals regarding the human rights situation in Sudan in advance of the 33rd session of the UN Human Rights Council To Permanent Representatives of Members and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council Geneva, Switzerland 7 September 2016 Re: Current human rights and humanitarian situation in Sudan Excellency, Our organisations write to you in advance of the opening of the 33rd session of the United Nations Human Rights Council to share our serious concerns regarding the human rights and humanitarian situation in Sudan. Many of these abuses are detailed in the attached annex. We draw your attention to the Sudanese government’s continuing abuses against civilians in South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Darfur, including unlawful attacks on villages and indiscriminate bombing of civilians. We are also concerned about the continuing repression of civil and political rights, in particular the ongoing crackdown on protesters and abuse of independent civil society and human rights defenders. In a recent example in March 2016, four representatives of Sudanese civil society were intercepted by security officials at Khartoum International Airport on their way to a high level human rights meeting with diplomats that took place in Geneva on 31 March. The meeting was organised by the international NGO, UPR Info, in preparation for the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Sudan that took place in May.1 We call upon your delegation to support the development and adoption of a strong and action- oriented resolution on Sudan under agenda item 4 at the 33rd session of the UN Human Rights Council. -
The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur
The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur John Prendergast, Omer Ismail, and Akshaya Kumar August 2013 WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG WWW.SATSENTINEL.ORG The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur John Prendergast, Omer Ismail, and Akshaya Kumar August 2013 COVER PHOTO Displaced Beni Hussein cattle shepherds take shelter on the outskirts of El Sereif village, North Darfur. Fighting over gold mines in North Darfur’s Jebel Amer area between the Janjaweed Abbala forces and Beni Hussein tribe started early this January and resulted in mass displacement of thousands. AP PHOTO/UNAMID, ALBERT GONZALEZ FARRAN Overview Darfur is burning again, with devastating results for its people. A kaleidoscope of Janjaweed forces are once again torching villages, terrorizing civilians, and systematically clearing prime land and resource-rich areas of their inhabitants. The latest ethnic-cleans- ing campaign has already displaced more than 300,000 Darfuris this year and forced more than 75,000 to seek refuge in neighboring Chad, the largest population displace- ment in recent years.1 An economic agenda is emerging as a major driver for the escalating violence. At the height of the mass atrocities committed from 2003 to 2005, the Sudanese regime’s strategy appeared to be driven primarily by the counterinsurgency objectives and secondarily by the acquisition of salaries and war booty. Undeniably, even at that time, the government could have only secured the loyalty of its proxy Janjaweed militias by allowing them to keep the fertile lands from which they evicted the original inhabitants. Today’s violence is even more visibly fueled by monetary motivations, which include land grabbing; consolidating control of recently discovered gold mines; manipulating reconciliation conferences for increased “blood money”; expanding protection rackets and smuggling networks; demanding ransoms; undertaking bank robberies; and resum- ing the large-scale looting that marked earlier periods of the conflict. -
North Darfur II
Darfur Humanitarian Profile Annexes: I. North Darfur II. South Darfur III. West Darfur Darfur Humanitarian Profile Annex I: North Darfur North Darfur Main Humanitarian Agencies Table 1.1: UN Agencies Table 1.2: International NGOs Table 1.3: National NGOs Intl. Natl. Vehicl Intl. Natl. Vehic Intl. Natl. Vehic Agency Sector staff staff* es** Agency Sector staff staff* les** Agency Sector staff staff les FAO 10 1 2 2 ACF 9 4 12 3 Al-Massar 0 1 0 Operations, Logistics, Camp IOM*** Management x x x GAA 1, 10 1 3 2 KSCS x x x OCHA 14 1 2 3 GOAL 2, 5, 8, 9 6 117 10 SECS x x x 2, 3, 7, UNDP*** 15 x x x ICRC 12, 13 6 20 4 SRC 1, 2 0 10 3 2, 4, 5, 6, UNFPA*** 5, 7 x x x IRC 9, 10, 11 1 5 4 SUDO 5, 7 0 2 0 Protection, Technical expertise for UNHCR*** site planning x x x MSF - B 5 5 10 0 Wadi Hawa 1 1 x 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, Oxfam - UNICEF 9 11, 12 4 5 4 GB 2, 3, 4 5 30 10 Total 1 14 3 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, UNJLC*** 17 x x x SC-UK 11, 12 5 27 8 Technical Spanish UNMAS*** advice x x x Red Cross 3, 4 1 0 1 UNSECOORD 16 1 1 1 DED*** x x x WFP 1, 9, 11 1 12 5 NRC*** x x x WHO 4, 5, 6 2 7 2 Total 34 224 42 Total 10 29 17 x = information unavailable at this time Sectors: 1) Food 2) Shelter/NFIs 3) Clean water 4) Sanitation 5) Primary Health Facilities *Programme and project staff only. -
Soil and Oil
COALITION FOR INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE COALITION FOR I NTERNATIONAL JUSTICE SOIL AND OIL: DIRTY BUSINESS IN SUDAN February 2006 Coalition for International Justice 529 14th Street, N.W. Suite 1187 Washington, D.C., 20045 www.cij.org February 2006 i COALITION FOR INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE COALITION FOR I NTERNATIONAL JUSTICE SOIL AND OIL: DIRTY BUSINESS IN SUDAN February 2006 Coalition for International Justice 529 14th Street, N.W. Suite 1187 Washington, D.C., 20045 www.cij.org February 2006 ii COALITION FOR INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE © 2006 by the Coalition for International Justice. All rights reserved. February 2006 iii COALITION FOR INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE ACKNOWLEDGMENTS CIJ wishes to thank the individuals, Sudanese and not, who graciously contributed assistance and wisdom to the authors of this research. In particular, the authors would like to express special thanks to Evan Raymer and David Baines. February 2006 iv 25E 30E 35E SAUDI ARABIA ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT LIBYA Red Lake To To Nasser Hurghada Aswan Sea Wadi Halfa N u b i a n S aS D e s e r t ha ah raar a D De se es re tr t 20N N O R T H E R N R E D S E A 20N Kerma Port Sudan Dongola Nile Tokar Merowe Haiya El‘Atrun CHAD Atbara KaroraKarora RIVER ar Ed Damer ow i H NILE A d tb a a W Nile ra KHARTOUM KASSALA ERITREA NORTHERN Omdurman Kassala To Dese 15N KHARTOUM DARFUR NORTHERN 15N W W W GEZIRA h h KORDOFAN h i Wad Medani t e N i To le Gedaref Abéche Geneina GEDAREF Al Fasher Sinnar El Obeid Kosti Blu WESTERN Rabak e N i En Nahud le WHITE DARFUR SINNAR WESTERN NILE To Nyala Dese KORDOFAN SOUTHERN Ed Damazin Ed Da‘ein Al Fula KORDOFAN BLUE SOUTHERN Muglad Kadugli DARFUR NILE B a Paloich h 10N r e 10N l 'Arab UPPER NILE Abyei UNIT Y Malakal NORTHERN ETHIOPIA To B.A.G. -
Sudan: Freedom
SUDAN: FREEDOM, PEACE, AND JUSTICE “we have risen, against those who stole our sweat.” Prepared by: Laura Stevens | Daphne Wang | Hashim Ismail Cover Photo Credit: https://www.voanews.com/africa/sudan-activists-call-justice-killed-protesters Table of Contents 1 Executive Summary 1 Methods 1 Background 2 End User 2 Stakeholders 4 Fragility Risk Assessment 9 ALC Analysis 10 Scenarios 11 Policy Options 15 Bibliography 20 Annexes 20 Annex 1: Fragility in Sudan According to Different Indices 20 Annex 2: Definitions and Additional Readings 22 Annex 3: Timeline of Major Events in the Last Five Years (Trends and Trajectory) 23 Annex 4: History of Recent Conflicts 24 Annex 5: Further Detail on Stakeholders 27 Annex 6: Social contract 28 Annex 7: Agriculture as part of the economy 28 Annex 8: State Sponsor of Terrorism 29 Annex 9: Security and Displacement Figures 32 Annex 10: Household Economic Data 33 Annex 11: Donor Profile 34 Annex 12: ALC Assessment Graphic 34 Annex 13: Additional Policy Information 36 Endnotes Acronyms ACC Anti-Corruption Committee ALC Authority, Legitimacy, Capacity AU African Union CIFP Country Indicators for Foreign Policy CPA Comprehensive Peace Agreement CSO Civil Society Organization EU European Union FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations FDI Foreign Direct Investment FFC Forces for Freedom and Change FY Fiscal Year GDP Gross Domestic Product GEF Global Environment Facility HD Human Development ICC International Criminal Court IDPs Internally Displaced Persons IMF International Monetary Fund INGO -
AGAINST the GRAIN: the Cereal Trade in Darfur
DECEMBER 2014 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice AGAINST THE GRAIN: The Cereal Trade in Darfur Margie Buchanan-Smith, Abdul Jabar Abdulla Fadul, Abdul Rahman Tahir, Musa Adam Ismail, Nadia Ibrahim Ahmed, Mohamed Zakaria, Zakaria Yagoub Kaja, El Hadi Abdulrahman Aldou, Mohamed Ibrahim Hussein Abdulmawla, Abdalla Ali Hassan, Yahia Mohamed Awad Elkareem, Laura James, Susanne Jaspars Empowered lives. lives. Resilient nations.nations. Cover photo: cereal market in El Fashir ©2014 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Disclaimer: The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the United Nations, including UNDP, WFP or their Member States. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 114 Curtis Street Somerville, MA 02144 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu 2 Feinstein International Center Acknowledgements The research team would particularly like to -
Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: the Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan
Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: The Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan Nathaniel Allen National Defense University June 2019 1 Abstract African elites commonly recruit co-ethnic soldiers into state security institutions, a practice known as ethnic stacking. Ethnic stacking has recently received considerable attention from scholars and been linked to an array of outcomes, including repression, high levels of political violence and poor democratization outcomes. This article employs evidence from Sudan under Omar Al Bashir to argue that ethnic stacking is not one coherent tactic but several, and that its effects are mediated by the processes through which security force institutions are ethnically stacked. Within the leadership of state security institutions, ethnic stacking in Sudan served as a coup-proofing measure to ensure that leaders bound by ties of kinship and trust maintain oversight over the most sensitive functions of the security apparatus. In Sudan’s militia groups, ethnic stacking of militia groups and rank-and-file soldiers was used as a means of warfare and repression by altering overall composition of security forces with respect to the civilian population. The militia strategy itself was a product of the failure of the regime’s traditional security forces to function as effective counterinsurgents, and, by keeping the periphery of the country in a near-constant state of conflict, prolonged Bashir’s regime. World Count: 9,816 words Keywords: Ethnicity, Sudan, civil-military relations, civil wars, coups 2 Introduction For thirty years, Sudan was ruled by Al Bashir, an army officer who was the longest serving leader of the longest running regime in Sudanese history. -
COUNTRY Food Security Update
SUDAN Food Security Outlook Update April 2017 Food security continues to deteriorate in South Kordofan and Jebel Marra KEY MESSAGES By March/April 2017, food insecurity among IDPs and poor residents in Food security outcomes, April to May 2017 SPLM-N areas of South Kordofan and new IDPs in parts of Jabal Mara in Darfur has already deteriorated to Crisis (IPC Phase 3) and is likely to deteriorate to Emergency (IPC Phase 4) by May/June through September 2017 due to displacement, restrictions on movement and trade flows, and limited access to normal livelihoods activities. Influxes of South Sudanese refugees into Sudan continued in March and April due to persistent conflict and severe acute food insecurity in South Sudan. As March 31, more than 85,000 South Sudanese refugees have arrived into Sudan since the beginning of 2017, raising total number arrived to nearly 380,000 South Sudanese refugees since the start of the conflict in December 2013. Following above-average 2016/17 harvests, staple food prices either remained stable or started increases between February and March, particularly in some arid areas of Darfur and Red Sea states, and South Source: FEWS NET Kordofan, which was affected by dryness in 2016. Prices remained on Projected food security outcomes, June to September average over 45 percent above their respective recent five-year 2017 average. Terms of trade (ToT) between livestock and staple foods prices have started to be in favor of cereal traders and producers since January 2017. CURRENT SITUATION Staple food prices either remained stable or started earlier than anticipated increases, particularly in the main arid and conflicted affected areas of Darfur, Red Sea and South Kordofan states between February and March. -
How to Implement Sudan's New Peace Agreement
The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168 Khartoum/Nairobi/Brussels, 23 February 2021 What’s new? A peace agreement signed on 3 October 2020 paves the way for armed and unarmed opposition groups in Sudan to join the transitional government, dra- matically expanding representation of the country’s peripheries during the interim period before elections. The two most powerful rebel movements remain outside the accord, however. Why does it matter? Clinching the agreement was necessary for the country’s transition but implementation poses challenges. The agreement risks bloating the military and sets up a prospective political alliance between the rebels and Sudanese security forces, which could further sideline the government’s civilian cabinet and threaten to bury its reform agenda. What should be done? The interim government should negotiate with holdout rebels to bring them into the transition. Sudan’s international partners should press for security sector reform that decreases the size and political dominance of a newly expanded military while funding and supporting the authorities’ spending commit- ments in the peripheries. I. Overview Sudan’s October 2020 peace agreement, involving the interim government and rebel movements in Darfur and the Two Areas, among others, is an important step in the country’s transition after the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir. The deal allows for representatives from armed groups in the country’s peripheries to take government posts and for significant public money to go to these areas. It is a way to rebalance the Nile Valley elites’ decades-long domination of Sudan’s political system.