RELIGIOUS TRANSGRESSION and MONARCHY in HERODOTUS' HISTORIES Lindsey Mccoy a Thesis Submitted to the Faculty at the University
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Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
The Protrepticus of Clement of Alexandria: a Commentary
Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui THE PROTREPTICUS OF CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA: A COMMENTARY to; ga;r yeu'do" ouj yilh'/ th'/ paraqevsei tajlhqou'" diaskedavnnutai, th'/ de; crhvsei th'" ajlhqeiva" ejkbiazovmenon fugadeuvetai. La falsedad no se dispersa por la simple comparación con la verdad, sino que la práctica de la verdad la fuerza a huir. Protréptico 8.77.3 PREFACIO Una tesis doctoral debe tratar de contribuir al avance del conocimiento humano en su disciplina, y la pretensión de que este comentario al Protréptico tenga la máxima utilidad posible me obliga a escribirla en inglés porque es la única lengua que hoy casi todos los interesados pueden leer. Pero no deja de ser extraño que en la casa de Nebrija se deje de lado la lengua castellana. La deuda que contraigo ahora con el español sólo se paliará si en el futuro puedo, en compensación, “dar a los hombres de mi lengua obras en que mejor puedan emplear su ocio”. Empiezo ahora a saldarla, empleándola para estos agradecimientos, breves en extensión pero no en sinceridad. Mi gratitud va, en primer lugar, al Cardenal Don Gil Álvarez de Albornoz, fundador del Real Colegio de España, a cuya generosidad y previsión debo dos años provechosos y felices en Bolonia. Al Rector, José Guillermo García-Valdecasas, que administra la herencia de Albornoz con ejemplar dedicación, eficacia y amor a la casa. A todas las personas que trabajan en el Colegio y hacen que cumpla con creces los objetivos para los que se fundó. Y a mis compañeros bolonios durante estos dos años. Ha sido un honor muy grato disfrutar con todos ellos de la herencia albornociana. -
Archaic Eretria
ARCHAIC ERETRIA This book presents for the first time a history of Eretria during the Archaic Era, the city’s most notable period of political importance. Keith Walker examines all the major elements of the city’s success. One of the key factors explored is Eretria’s role as a pioneer coloniser in both the Levant and the West— its early Aegean ‘island empire’ anticipates that of Athens by more than a century, and Eretrian shipping and trade was similarly widespread. We are shown how the strength of the navy conferred thalassocratic status on the city between 506 and 490 BC, and that the importance of its rowers (Eretria means ‘the rowing city’) probably explains the appearance of its democratic constitution. Walker dates this to the last decade of the sixth century; given the presence of Athenian political exiles there, this may well have provided a model for the later reforms of Kleisthenes in Athens. Eretria’s major, indeed dominant, role in the events of central Greece in the last half of the sixth century, and in the events of the Ionian Revolt to 490, is clearly demonstrated, and the tyranny of Diagoras (c. 538–509), perhaps the golden age of the city, is fully examined. Full documentation of literary, epigraphic and archaeological sources (most of which have previously been inaccessible to an English-speaking audience) is provided, creating a fascinating history and a valuable resource for the Greek historian. Keith Walker is a Research Associate in the Department of Classics, History and Religion at the University of New England, Armidale, Australia. -
Le Strutture Difensive Delle Colonie Greche Di Sicilia
Il presente Volume si propone di approfondire la conoscenza storica, tipologica e materica delle Francesca Scalisi strutture difensive presenti nei maggiori siti archeologici siciliani di fondazione greca, premessa in- dispensabile per un qualsiasi tipo di intervento di recupero e fruizione. Le fortificazioni sono dei monumenti fortemente emblematici per tipologia e dimensione e rappresentano, per certi versi, il volto che un insediamento offriva a chi si apprestava ad entrarvi, essendo la città antica modellata nel suo aspetto esteriore dalle mura difensive. Questa analisi sistematica sulle fortificazioni evidenzia LE STRUTTURE DIFENSIVE DELLE importanti contenuti che coinvolgono i settori scientifici relativi alle tecnologie costruttive e alle tecniche esecutive. La tessitura muraria, infatti, ci fornisce un ricco e variegato repertorio tecnologico in uso tra i secoli VII ed il IV a.C., utile per comprendere la pratica del fare architettura. COLONIE GRECHE DI SICILIA Il Volume affronta, innanzitutto, il tema della colonizzazione greca in Sicilia, in quanto la nascita Storia, tipologia, materiali delle fortificazioni è strettaente correlata alla necessità di difendersi dalle popolazioni indigene, e indaga sulle relazioni esistenti fra fortificazioni e tipologie insediative, soffermandosi, in seguito ad analizzare i vari subsistemi (fondazioni, muri, coronamenti, smaltimento delle acque) e compo- nenti (porte e torri) che costituiscono la struttura di un sistema difensivo. Segue l’elencazione di una serie di casi di studio, individuati secondo criteri di consistenza qualitativa e quantitativa delle tessiture murarie: allo studio storico, topografico e urbanistico della colonia individuata, fa seguito l’analisi dettagliata dei sistemi difensivi di ogni sito, dal cui raffronto si evidenziano, di volta in volta, le costanti e le varianti costruttive. -
The Phocian Betrayal at Thermopylae
historia 68, 2019/4, 413–435 DOI 10.25162/historia-2019-0022 Jeffrey Rop The Phocian Betrayal at Thermopylae Abstract: This article makes three arguments regarding the Battle of Thermopylae. First, that the discovery of the Anopaea path was not dependent upon Ephialtes, but that the Persians were aware of it at their arrival and planned their attacks at Thermopylae, Artemisium, and against the Phocians accordingly. Second, that Herodotus’ claims that the failure of the Pho- cians was due to surprise, confusion, and incompetence are not convincing. And third, that the best explanation for the Phocian behavior is that they were from Delphi and betrayed their allies as part of a bid to restore local control over the sanctuary. Keywords: Thermopylae – Artemisium – Delphi – Phocis – Medism – Anopaea The courageous sacrifice of Leonidas and the Spartans is perhaps the central theme of Herodotus’ narrative and of many popular retellings of the Battle of Thermopylae in 480 BCE. Even as modern historians are appropriately more critical of this heroizing impulse, they have tended to focus their attention on issues that might explain why Leo- nidas and his men fought to the death. These include discussion of the broader strategic and tactical importance of Thermopylae, the inter-relationship and chronology of the Greek defense of the pass and the naval campaign at Artemisium, the actual number of Greeks who served under Leonidas and whether it was sufficient to hold the position, and so on. While this article inevitably touches upon some of these same topics, its main purpose is to reconsider the decisive yet often overlooked moment of the battle: the failure of the 1,000 Phocians on the Anopaea path. -
The Art Bulletin
THE ART BULLETIN A Quarterly Published by . the College Art Association September 2009 Volume XCI Number 3 Destruction and Memory on the Athenian Acropolis Rachel Kousser The Parthenon, constructed betl-veen 447 and 432 BCE on This analysis of the Parthenon and its antecedents has also the Athenian Acropolis, stands as the most lavish, technically a broader significance as part of the history of Orientalism, a refined, and programmatically cohesive temple on the Greek topic of much recen t interest for scholars of Classical Greece. mainland, a fitting commemoration of the Athenians' spec Philologists have researched the use of Orien talist tropes in tacular and unexpected victories in the Persian ''''ars (Fig. 1). various literary genres,5 while art historians have analyzed The immense, all-marble structure was designed around a snch topics as the depiction of Persians in Greek art,G the colossal statue of Athena Parthenos, depicted by the sculptor reception of Achaemenid material culture in Athens,? and Pheidias fully armed, and with an image of the goddess of representations of the Persian Wars in public Athenian mon victory, Nike, alighting on her left hand (Fig, 2). In its archi uments.s One hitherto neglected area of inquiry has been the tectural sculpture as well, the Parthenon repeatedly alluded interconnections betl-veen Orientalism and iconoclasm. The to the Greeks' struggle again-st the Persians, for instance, destruction of an enemy's sanctuaries was commonplace in through famous mytholOgical contests: battles between men ancient warfare, and had been practiced by Greeks as well as and centaurs, Athenians and Amazons, Greeks and Trojans, Persians. -
Punishments and the Conclusion of Herodotus' Histories
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by MURAL - Maynooth University Research Archive Library Punishments and the Conclusion of Herodotus’ Histories William Desmond NE MUST CONSIDER the end of every affair, how it will turn out.”1 Solon’s advice to Croesus has often been Oapplied to Herodotus’ Histories themselves: Is the con- clusion of Herodotus’ work a fitting and satisfying one? Older interpretations tended to criticize the final stories about Ar- tayctes and Artembares as anticlimactic or inappropriate: Did Herodotus forget himself here, or were the stories intended as interludes, preludes to further narrative?2 Entirely opposite is the praise accorded Herodotus in a recent commentary on Book 9: “The brilliance of Herodotus as a writer and thinker is mani- fest here, as the conclusion of the Histories both brings together those themes which have permeated the entire work and, at the same time, alludes to the new themes of the post-war world.” 3 More recent appreciation for Herodotus’ “brilliance,” then, is often inspired by the tightly-woven texture of Herodotus’ narrative. Touching upon passion, revenge, noble primitivism, 1 Hdt. 1.32: skop°ein d¢ xrØ pantÚw xrÆmatow tØn teleutÆn, kª épobÆsetai (text C. Hude, OCT). 2 For summaries of earlier assessments (Wilamowitz, Jacoby, Pohlenz, et al.) see H. R. Immerwahr, Form and Thought in Herodotus (Cleveland 1966) 146 n.19; D. Boedeker, “Protesilaos and the End of Herodotus’ Histories,” ClAnt 7 (1988) 30–48, at 30–31; C. Dewald, “Wanton Kings, Picked Heroes, and Gnomic Founding Fathers: Strategies of Meaning at the End of Herodotus’ Histories,” in D. -
The Travels of Anacharsis the Younger in Greece
e-Perimetron , Vol. 3, No. 3, 2008 [101-119] www.e-perimetron.org | ISSN 1790-3769 George Tolias * Antiquarianism, Patriotism and Empire. Transfer of the cartography of the Travels of Anacharsis the Younger , 1788-1811 Keywords : Late Enlightenment; Antiquarian cartography of Greece; Abbé Barthélemy; Anacharsis; Barbié du Bocage ; Guillaume Delisle; Rigas Velestinlis Charta. Summary The aim of this paper is to present an instance of cultural transfer within the field of late Enlightenment antiquarian cartography of Greece, examining a series of maps printed in French and Greek, in Paris and Vienna, between 1788 and 1811 and related to Abbé Barthé- lemy’s Travels of Anacharsis the Younger in Greece . The case-study allows analysing the al- terations of the content of the work and the changes of its symbolic functions, alterations due first to the transferral of medium (from a textual description to a cartographic representation) and next, to the successive transfers of the work in diverse cultural environments. The trans- fer process makes it possible to investigate some aspects of the interplay of classical studies, antiquarian erudition and politics as a form of interaction between the French and the Greek culture of the period. ‘The eye of History’ The Travels of Anacharsis the Younger in Greece , by Abbé Jean-Jacques Barthélemy (1716- 1795) 1, was published on the eve of the French Revolution (1788) and had a manifest effect on its public. “In those days”, the Perpetual Secretary of the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, Bon-Joseph Dacier (1742-1833) was to recall in 1826, “an unexpected sight came to impress and surprise our spirit. -
Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy
Book Notes Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy BOB SHARPLES In 1993 M.O. Goulet-Caz and R. Goulet published a collection of papers which marked a major advance in the study of ancient Cynicism. 1 Six of those papers are reproduced, and nine others added, in an equally important collection 2 which traces all aspects of the history and in uence of Cynicism from Diogenes or Antisthenes (and even earlier: James Romm and R.P. Martin, on Aristeas and Anacharsis) down to Sloterdijk and the Òstudent movementÓ of 1960Õs and 1970Õs Germany (Niehues-Pršbsting; cf. his 343 on whether Rousseau was or was not a Cynic.) Attitudes to Tukh , chance, changed from Bion of Borysthenes onwards (Goulet-Caz, 56, 78-9). R. Bracht Banham stresses the rhetorical aspects of Cyni- cism as a performance, and argues that the core value of Cynicism is not self- suf ciency – beggars are far from self-su f cient – but freedom, and especially freedom of speech. J.I. Porter analyses the position of Aristo of Chios, his rela- tion to the literary kritikoi, his views on the unity of virtue, and the connection between his thought and AntisthenesÕ claim that only tautological predications are possible. Miriam Gri f n makes a strong case for the importance of biography in ancient philosophy (42-3); and Goulet-Caz rounds off the volume with ÒA Comprehensive Catalogue of Known Cynic PhilosophersÓ (389-413) which will become de nitive. Dirk ObbinkÕs magisterial edition of the rst part of PhilodemusÕ On Piety3 shows how much has been achieved by recent insights into how the sequence of fragments in a roll of the Herculaneum papyri can be reconstructed from the order in which they were listed, in two separate sequences each representing a semi- cylindrical slice of the roll, by the investigators who cut the rolls open. -
Philip II of Macedon: a Consideration of Books VII IX of Justin's Epitome of Pompeius Trogus
Durham E-Theses Philip II of Macedon: a consideration of books VII IX of Justin's epitome of Pompeius Trogus Wade, J. S. How to cite: Wade, J. S. (1977) Philip II of Macedon: a consideration of books VII IX of Justin's epitome of Pompeius Trogus, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10215/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. PHILIP II OF MACEDON: A CONSIDERATION OF BOOKS VII - IX OF JUSTIN* S EPITOME OF POMPEIUS TROGUS THESIS SUBMITTED IN APPLICATION FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS - by - J. S. WADE, B. A. DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM OCTOBER 1977 ABSTRACT The aim of this dissertation is two-fold: firstly to examine the career and character of Philip II of Macedon as portrayed in Books VII - IX of Justin's epitome of the Historiae Phillppicae .of Pompeius Trqgus, and to consider to what extent Justin-Trogus (a composite name for the author of the views in the text of Justin) furnishes accurate historical fact, and to what extent he paints a one-sided interpretation of the events, and secondly to identify as far as possible Justin's principles of selection and compression as evidenced in Books VII - IX. -
The Seven Sages.Pdf
Document belonging to the Greek Mythology Link, a web site created by Carlos Parada, author of Genealogical Guide to Greek Mythology Characters • Places • Topics • Images • Bibliography • PDF Editions About • Copyright © 1997 Carlos Parada and Maicar Förlag. The Seven Sages of Greece Search the GML advanced Sections in this Page Introduction: The Labyrinth of Wisdom The Seven Sages of Greece Thales Solon Chilon Pittacus Bias "… wisdom is a form of goodness, and is not scientific knowledge but Cleobulus another kind of cognition." (Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics 1246b, 35). Periander Anacharsis Myson Epimenides Pherecydes Table: Lists of the Seven Sages Notes and Sources of Quotations Introduction: The Labyrinth of Wisdom For a god wisdom is perhaps a divine meal to be swallowed at one gulp without need of mastication, and that would be the end of the story. The deities are known for their simplicity. The matter of human wisdom, however, could fill all archives on earth without ever exhausting itself. Humanity is notorious for its complexity. And men proudly say "Good things are difficult." But is wisdom a labyrinth, or "thinking makes it so"? And when did the saga of human wisdom begin and with whom? The Poet When humans contemplated Dawn for the first time, wisdom was the treasure of the poet alone. Of all men he was the wisest, for the gods had chosen his soul as receptacle of their confidences. Thus filled with inspiration divine, the poet knew better than any other man the secrets of the world. And since Apollo found more pleasure in leading the Muses than in warming his tripod, neither the inspiration of the Pythia nor that of seers could match the poet's wisdom. -
SOME BOEOTIAN PALMETTE CUPS 29 Palmettes on the Rim Have Sometimes Two Arcs Placed Side by Side to Form the Heart, As on the Tanagra Chevron Cup No
SOME BOEOTIAN PALMETTECUPS (PLATES I-VIII) O ,F THE numerous Boeotian black-figured cups of the latter part of the fiftl century and the early fourth comparatively few have been published and still fewer have been classified. The majority of them, decorated merely with palmette., and lotuses and the like, are not the sort of material in which one can detect a master hand or trace the influence of a notable craftsman. Yet crude and incompetent as most of them are, it is possible to sort them into groups in which the work of various shops can be differentiated, and often to assign the groups to a definite locality. There are over two hundred and fifty of these cups extant, including two important col- lections, one at Tanagra from local graves, the other at Chaeronea where there are more than a hundred floral kylikes and skyphoi. In the Journtalof Helleuic Studies, vol. XLVI, 1926, pp. 54 f., I published thirty-eight floral kylikes at Tanagra (Schima- tari), that is, all there were in the museum at the time except a few from controlledl excavations, which were awaiting publication by the excavators, and two or three which were in such bad condition that the patterns could not be completely made ott. The Chaeronea collection still awaits publication. Pending the time when a complete study of the material will be possible I propose here to call attention to one or two easily recognizable groups.1 9 Plate I 1 and 2 show a kylix in Reading which belongs to one of the most dis- tinctive and best represented groups of these floral cups.