Frontier Wars: Violence and Space (Byrne 2012). The literature also reveals that in , . the physical barriers between communities also belie division based on class and Jack Boulton relative wealth as well as politics. There is also an indication that the perception of “The course of instruction ethnic fighting and division is changing as treated subsequent historical new generations take on the burden of conflict as the rift between a conflict. geographically inspired cultural-economic separatism The first section of the paper will and outside forces such as look at the interface zones and peacelines as Christianity, British physical barricades to violence, using work colonialism, and capitalism. by Feldman (1991), Anderson and These interlopers were Shuttleworth (2003) and Byrne (2012). depicted as undoing what Following this is a look at how perceptions geography had created. This of prior conflict and ethnic division have ongoing confrontation was manifested themselves in the present day. traced to sophisticated There is a specific focus in this section on political concepts, but its masculine identity, and reference is made to polarised patterning repeated work by Roche (2012) and Lysaght and in other forms the geographic Basten (2003), both of whom suggest that splintering of the Ice Age historical violence has found new forms of event.” (Feldman 1991:17) expression in the lives of men who were not involved in the conflicts of the past Belfast, Northern Ireland, remains one generation. The remainder of the paper shifts of the most segregated cities in the world slightly in tone in an effort to describe how (Murtagh 2008). Whilst violence may have gentrification has altered the nature of been sidelined by politicians in the hope that conflict, using work by Watson (2009) and it might be forgotten, in the borderlands of Carter (2003). the city it is still very much a common occurrence. The aim of this paper will be to Segregated Space in Belfast explore how violence is connected to space, The first ‘peacelines’ in Belfast were with a particular focus on Belfast. Of course, constructed in 1969 amid growing inter- many other cities are also divided – for ethnic conflict between Catholic and example Jerusalem (Israel and Palestine) and Protestant districts in the city in a period Nicosia (Cyprus). However Belfast is an known – perhaps euphemistically – as “The interesting case because its example is often Troubles”. As Doherty and Poole (1997) used as a template for successful protection point out, “” were not the against sectarian violence, most notably US- beginning of ethnic conflict in Ireland, but controlled Baghdad after the invasion of Iraq “the most recent outpourings from an intermittently active vent of violence that

101 was added to the already turbulent landscape currently exist – the Northern Ireland Office of Irish political conflict by the arrival of states 53, UK Prime Minister David immigrant British settlers in the sixteenth Cameron stated 48 in 2011, and in 2012 and seventeenth centuries” (1997:1). independent research concluded that there Doherty and Poole continue by stating that were 99 (Byrne 2012). Regardless of how one of the legacies of the invasion is that in many lines currently exist, Shawn contemporary times, Irish society is still Pogatchnik wrote in a 2008 USA Today divided along the lines of ‘settler-native’ article that the number of peacewalls has (1997:1), with the minority Catholic risen rather than decreased since the end of population being the ‘natives’ and the the conflict. Byrne (2012) posits that this is English/Scottish Protestants being the despite previous attempts by government to ‘settlers’. Whilst most Catholics favour a reduce the physical embodiments of security united Ireland, the majority of Protestants policy, including the removal of wish to remain in union with the United checkpoints, army patrols, and the phasing Kingdom (Doherty and Poole 1997). out of the “ring of steel,” which was designed to protect Belfast city centre from Feldman (1991) believes that the rise potential terrorist attack (2012:12-13). in sectarian violence in Belfast in the late Murtagh (2008) suggests that in part this is 1960s resulted in huge relocations of because of the increasing divide between the working-class populations, with the main rich and the poor: “a twin speed city has sites of movement being “ethnically mixed emerged in the last decade,” he writes, “in working class sectors of the city and those which those with education and skills are small ethnically homogeneous districts that doing well in key growth sectors whilst bordered on the larger sectarian enclaves of those without resources are increasingly the opposing ethnic group” (1991:23). corralled in ‘sink’ estates, stratified by Movement was either a result of the fear of poverty, segregation and fear” (2008:4). The impending violence, the result of actual peacewalls remain contested; a 2007 survey violence or threats, or the residual effect of of residents near the walls found that the overcrowding that occurred as people moved boundaries served to promote an air of to ‘safer ground’. In the latter situation, safety and protection. However the same people of differing ethnicity would often be survey also found that the majority of forced from their homes to make way for participants thought that the walls should inbound populaces (Feldman 1991). come down if circumstance favoured it, with Built by the British army, the only 17% of respondents wishing that the peacewalls were originally meant as a short walls remained standing indefinitely term measure, however many still remain (Macaulay 2008). despite an apparent end (at least on paper) to the conflict with the signing of the Good Peacelines and Violence Friday Agreement in 1998. Strangely there In a seminal and classic ethnography is no consensus on how many peacewalls of violence in Northern Ireland written

102 before the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, (2011:8). Feldman draws on Lacan (1977) Feldman (1991) suggests that the interface when he posits that the effect of the peace zones themselves (at that time, at least) were walls was to reorganise space into a “mirror “spatial construct[s] pre-eminently linked to relation” (1991:35) whereby for each group, the performance of violence” (1991:28). the opposite side of the barricade became Feldman states that riots that occurred at seen as ‘outside’, and one’s own side interface zones (before the erection of became a sanctuary (Feldman 1991). This formal barriers) were a customary way for organisation melds together several cultural setting boundaries, citing ceremonial strands so that they become marches as an equivalent gesture for the indistinguishable and inseparable: demarcating of space (1991). In 1968, peace walls were erected along some of the most “… the topographic, the notorious sites of sectarian violence, tactical, and the ideological effectively separating the two ethnic groups. were fused into a mobilising For Feldman though, the erection of these spectacle which channelled peace walls did little to halt violence, and if the perception and anything they possibly exacerbated the performance of violent issue. He states “the politically charged exchanges. Political interface ceased to be an expression of representation and spatial community identity and began to regulate order constituted a single community experience. Communities interactive and mutually became hostages to their barricades and their sustaining social structure for ossified boundaries, if not actively violated the reproduction of violence. by their spaces of inclusion” (1991:31). The fusion of the historical Whereas the interface zones had and the spatial by new levels been primarily a cognitive boundary based of symbolic investment on knowledge of local geography, the peace generated the political walls were a formal separation imposed by autonomy of space… within the state. The interface zones were, in this spatial metaphysic, essence, contested space and although political interest, utilitarian temporary boundaries were often erected by ideologies, and strategies of local residents these were easily broken political manipulation could down. The building of permanent, not be artificially separated unbreakable walls was a state effort (either from their symbolisation in purposely or not) to define and bureaucratise topological coordinates.” violent space though ‘making it safe’. As (Feldman 1991:36) Hoffman suggests, “states undertake projects of distinguishing the legal from the illegal, Feldman continues his discussion of the the legitimate from the illegitimate, the licit peacewalls by describing the from the illicit. States territorialise” ‘sanctuary/interface/adversary’ system which he believes should be understood as both a

103 top-down and bottom-up organisational and renewed paramilitary threat, classificatory system. That is, that it was rather than a real and lasting both the way the system was experienced peace.” (Sluka 2009:282) and the way it was classified by the state (1991). By keeping violent interaction at the Although Queen Elizabeth II visited Dublin peacewalls, the sanctuary became in 2011 as a gesture of goodwill between the “constituted by a space that was reserved for United Kingdom and Ireland, Sluka’s residence and kinship” (1991:36). Therefore analysis was proved correct by newspaper the sanctuary/interface system was not reports, including one by Adam Gabbatt and simply a means of defence against the Henry McDonald in dated 17 ‘adversary’, but also a method of containing May 2011, of a bomb discovered on a bus on confrontational violence in a specific place; the day of the visit. In a Guardian article “an explicit attempt to territorialise violence, dated 16 May 2011, Vikram Dodd and to maintain the institution of the interface as Henry McDonald also report that threats the prescribed place of violence” (1991:37). were made to authorities in the United Kingdom of a bomb in central London. In Although violence in Northern addition to paramilitary activity, Anderson Ireland has subsided since the IRA ceasefire and Shuttleworth (2003) state that low level of 1994 and the signing of the Good Friday street violence is also a regular occurrence in Agreement in 1998 – in which the Northern Ireland, particularly Belfast. multilateral relationships between Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland and the Anderson and Shuttleworth (2002) United Kingdom were laid out – for many believe that left behind after the Agreement residents of Belfast, violence is still a day-to- is the notion of ‘territoriality,’ stating day occurrence. Sluka (2009) believes that “territoriality entails the use of bordered despite the Agreement, paramilitary activity geographic spaces to include and exclude, to still occurs, albeit at a much reduced rate, control, influence and express relationships and that of power. It is seen most strongly at national state level but also within regions and more “… there is no peace in informally or unofficially in local Northern Ireland now… the communities and neighbourhoods” (2002:2). peace process has not been In the case of Belfast, Anderson and successfully completed… the Shuttleworth believe territoriality “depends prognosis for the future of the on violence, or more immediately the threat gun and political violence in rather than actuality of violence, for the Northern Ireland is not good. enforcement of claims to territory and the History and Ulster-Protestant exclusion of the ‘enemy’ may require political culture strongly relatively few violent episodes to induce the suggest that the most likely necessary fear” (2002:2). However they future scenario is a resurgence believe that in contemporary Belfast the of loyalist violence and a consequences of violence are not seen in

104 face-to-face combat but in the effect that Boeck states “the manner of production of historical violence has on the everyday lives space and time in the city is thus of people not involved with it directly inextricably connected with the production (2002). Anderson and Shuttleworth believe of the body. Body and society reflect and are that whilst statistics concerning residential mirrored in each other” (2004:7). In Belfast, patterns in Belfast indicate that segregation this cultural understanding is the product of has in fact worsened since 1998, patterns of a specific history of bodies interacting in employment suggest otherwise (2002). This space marked out by violence. The ability to is supported by research by Shuttleworth et recognise bodily markers which connect an al (2004), which proposes that non- individual to a certain space has become a residential relationships such as those formed skill which is used almost daily. This at work and in clubs and societies were happens in a variety of contexts which are deemed more important than those forged in not linked directly to sectarian violence but the residential sphere, whilst mixed leisure demonstrate how historical segregation facilities also provided spaces in which expresses itself in the present day. members of apparently opposing ethnicities could, and did, socialise together. Lysaght (2002) proposes that working class males in Belfast are partaking Through this very brief look at the in performances of particular kinds of origins of the peacewalls and the masculinity. Relating this concept to the relationship between different ethnic work of Feldman (1991) and his description identities in Belfast, we can see that whilst of space connected to peacelines as the barriers were originally intended to stop ‘‘sanctuary/interface/adversary,” Lysaght violence, in fact they served to formalise, proposes two slightly different performances symbolise, and in some respects heighten, within the sanctuary space and outside it. the differences between each side. Whilst Within the sanctuary, Lysaght posits that politically motivated violence in Northern performance is based on “hegemonic Ireland has certainly decreased since 1998, masculinity” (2002:54) in which males who more recent research has looked at the effect choose to join paramilitary groups are of historical sectarianism on youth perceived as being part of a dominant male populations within Belfast (most particularly group, the hegemony of which is reinforced men), and it is that which we shall move to through intimidation of non-members. This now. will often involve the questioning of the masculinity or heterosexuality of non- Segregation and Violence paramilitary males, and defining them as Space is immutably connected to the people “who avoided doing their duty, body. Bodies adorned in a certain way in leaving it all up to us” (Lysaght 32002:54). certain spaces will look out of place, making them wholly visible to those who understand In contrast, Lysaght points out that the signs. Speaking of the relation between males who choose to be non-combatants body and space in Kinshasa, DRC, De stress the individuality of their actions,

105 stating that fights they are involved in are impact on the identities of the people living one-on-one and that they are not able to call amongst them. on “the team” (2002:54) in order to afflict retribution. Lysaght also posits that in fact In the context of violence and the this form of action (calling on the team) is perceived threat of violence, people not an acceptable form of behaviour for themselves become part of the urban paramilitary members: “though the ‘team’ landscape. The threat of violence has an could be used to teach the non-combatant a impact on how individuals will negotiate lesson, this form of violence is not valued in travelling through the city, and a study by the official rhetoric of paramilitary Lysaght and Basten (2003) explored how organisations which privilege their position individuals negotiate space perceived as as community defenders and honourable violent, particularly how members of one men” (2002:54). side of the sectarian divide felt and coped when forced to cross space denoted as Outside of the sanctuary area – at the belonging to the other. They believe that border and beyond – Lysaght believes that a although fear of violence is often portrayed different performance of masculinity takes as being dealt with in a one-time decision, place, in which hegemonic and subordinate i.e. moving out of the area, in fact masculinities become blurred. Stating that supposedly violent spaces are negotiated on fear can be a way of expressing masculinity, a daily basis (2003). The authors suggest Lysaght postulates that in areas external to that in Belfast although residents often claim the sanctuary, “behaviour… is guided by an that “there is little or no contact with essentialist reading of space and the people neighbouring districts” (Lysaght and Basten who inhabit it. It involves the adoption of an 2003:6), in fact people have fairly detailed approach to personal survival that is guided information about others who live over the by an assumption of threat regardless of divide. Moreover, this is not strictly limited paramilitary involvement or of the reality of to leading paramilitary figures but also patterns of known violence” (2002:57-58). extends to less high profile individuals In a similar way to that described by Roche (2003). What is clear is that whilst the (2012) and outlined above, males in peacewalls are intended to keep particular become able to judge who is a communities separate, in fact the opposite is potential threat based on characteristics such true. Communities are defined in relation to as age, gender, clothes, stature and the each other, and moreover, there is regular places that people are known to be contact between them. Because of the associated with. Lysaght (2002) believes perceived historical differences between that this results in non-combatants adopting these groups, these interactions are often behaviour patterns similar to those of formed around violence. members of paramilitary groups. In this sense then, the peacewalls, as both symbolic Lysaght and Basten (2003) point out and physical differentiators of space, also that the crossing of ‘enemy territory’ is not a rare occurrence; in fact it happens fairly

106 often. More detail is also given about the The authors also indicate that people mingling of different ethnic groups. Based travelling through areas belonging to the on detailed interviews, Lysaght and Basten other ethnic group will also follow different suggest that there is frequent interaction paths each time they pass through in order to between the Catholic and Protestant reduce the likelihood of being attacked communities, for example in cross (2002). community schemes and confrontation surrounding sporting events. In the latter, As well as travelling through space rather than hooliganism the authors describe defined as belonging to ‘the other’, a situation in which the Rangers, a inhabitants of segregated spaces may also Protestant favoured football team won a have to pass through areas that are match, and men in a Protestant pub categorically defined as ‘no man’s land’, telephoned a pub favoured by Catholics in that is, not belonging to either group. order to taunt them by singing down the Lysaght and Basten point out that in fact, telephone. this space becomes sectarianised as it is used, and specific behaviours emerge Individuals develop coping strategies primarily as defensive strategies. For to deal with crossing territory denoted as example, people from one group will walk belonging to the rival ethnic group, the most on one side of the road and cross at a obvious of which is to avoid it completely. particular set of traffic lights. Knowledge of, Parents will also instruct children on which and adherence to, these routinised parts of the city they are allowed to enter behaviours means that the actions, and the and which they must not (Lysaght and people carrying them out, once more Basten 2003). The authors point out though become invisible (2003). that “access to shared services necessitates that many people must regularly enter into Linking this back to Lysaght’s ‘other’ neighbouring districts. It may be previous work (2002), there is a common possible not to use a library, but other daily theme of people becoming part of the urban activities are essential and leave people with landscape, being visible through certain little choice.” (2003:8) In situations such as behaviours and markers (e.g. clothes) and this, individuals make use of several invisible through others. The ability to do mechanisms to reduce the visibility of their this, and to recognise others doing it, is a ethnic identity, such as not wearing specific learning process (Roche 2012). It infers a items of clothing (e.g. football shirts or close relationship between the body and the school uniforms) and not using certain city – this certainly true in Belfast. language by which ethnicity could be Roche (2012) believes that although identified. Names are often changed or not current violence in Belfast often has used, especially certain names that are easily sectarian overtones, in fact it is often more attributed to a particular ethnicity, for related to rites of passage and the process of example ‘Mairead’ is a typically Catholic young people, especially men, in becoming name and ‘Billy’ typically Protestant (2002). “hardened” (2012:197). Roche suggests that

107 fighting is a learning process, “helping to form in the immediacy of spatial cognition” cement a young man’s sense of selfhood in (1991:27). relation to his own community” (2012:202). It is possible to see, then, that male The author makes a distinction between identity, and the forms of masculinity that ‘high level’ and ‘low level’ violence, with are displayed in Belfast, are often formed in the former being related to political aims and relation to social divisions as embodied by paramilitary groups, and the latter to the peacewalls. More recently, however, a destructive behaviour by youths. In low new process of social division has also level violence such as street fighting, insults started to shape this violence: gentrification. based in sectarianism may be used to provoke or heighten a fight. More Changing Divisions particularly, however, it is through The city of Belfast has been understanding these markers and cues that changing over the past decade or so, help in connecting a fighting participant to particularly with the rise of a gentrified city his peers and also in presenting himself to centre. As Murtagh suggests, ‘the rise of a the person he is challenging. Therefore new middle-class population, knowing which insults to use against whom, disproportionately Catholic, has colonised and what reaction they will elicit, is often suburban neighbourhoods, already more important than the simple use of the established wealthy areas, and the gentrified words themselves. Young men also learn to middle-city’ (2008:5). identify individuals who may pose a threat as well as the locations to be avoided in Whilst the gentrification of Belfast is order to circumvent conflict (2012). This is a an attempt to move away from its violent present day manifestation of sectarianism as past, Murtagh believes that what is occurring physically embodied in the peacewalls. is a commercialisation and commodification “Like an extra pinch of gunpowder, not only of the city centre as a physical sectarian cues are often used merely to give space of consumption, but also of the violent a situation a ‘wee bit more pow’” posits past itself. “Here ethnicity and race are Roche (2012:201), stating that “young urban assets; a resource to be commodified people in Northern Ireland should be rather than a problem to be treated” considered within the historical context of (Murtagh 2008:9). Murtagh posits that ethno-political conflict and violence that has neutral, non-offensive images of the past are surrounded them throughout their lives” used to create a vision of Belfast as a safe (2012:207). This suggests that conflict city. Much of this is imagery is based on provides an established tradition amongst Belfast's industrial history, “with the Titanic young people in Belfast, which in many Quarter and the Linen Quarter joining the ways is reinforced by the continued Cathedral Quarter and the University separation of Catholics and Protestants. As Quarter to create connected, if at times Feldman suggests, “the past takes objectified unauthentic zones of navigable and safe places” (2008:9). Cebulla and Smith (1995) add that the issue is further confounded by

108 the fact that in the process of gentrification, witness ‘discipline’ and to be part of what is a collapse in Belfast’s manufacturing considered a ‘civilised’ space – to be privy industry meant a large proportion of to “appropriate… middle class mores and Belfast’s working class community were left values” (2003:270). dependent on state benefits whilst the city was restructured for a more affluent Gentrification has also changed the consumer. nature of violent behaviour. Tying in with the work of Roche (2012) as mentioned One such attempt to ‘reframe’ above, Carter believes that although street violence through gentrification is described violence in Belfast displays elements of by Carter (2003). In an examination of how sectarianism, this is not the only aspect of different forms of violence are praised or fighting that is worthy of note. In an scorned in Belfast – namely boxing on the observation of one particular riot in the one hand, and street violence on the other – summer of 2002, Carter posits that although Carter states that a distinction should be the Catholic boys who started the riot (by made regarding the ethnic segregation in throwing rocks at a bus) covered themselves Belfast and the newer class-based with a fabricated story about provocation by segregation as embodied in gentrification. Protestants, in fact what they had done was Carter explains that working class people are to seek the attention of the authorities, who often not allowed to enter spaces such as the when they attempted to keep the two ethnic Odyssey, a shopping and entertainment groups from engaging each other as is complex – in Carter’s terms a “bourgeois, standard police practice, then had the cosmopolitan social space designed for violence turned against them (2003). “That secure conspicuous consumption” some of Belfast's riots” muses Carter, (2003:271). When working class youths are “contain an element of the celebratory and allowed access, they are usually subject to playful nature of other spectacles was higher levels of surveillance. There is a emphatically evident” (2003:261). For similarity here with the recognition of Carter, young people's communal violence is markers of ethnicity (Protestant or Catholic). explicitly connected to both the past and the Carter points out that within gentrified present. There is something of a 'trick' going spaces such as the Odyssey, specific attire on here. Whilst street riots are usually must be worn and behaviour displayed in portrayed by those taking part as occurring order to pass unnoticed by security guards, because of a dispute between opposing and that deviation from these norms (for ethnic groups, Carter points out that more example unruly behaviour or wearing soccer often than not, the confrontations themselves shirts) often results in those involved being take place between young people and the ejected from the property (2003). In a police. With sectarian violence so high on similar vein to Watson (2009), Carter also the agenda in Belfast (because of the city's suggests that working class youths are gentrification) the authorities must react to sometimes brought to gentrified areas such it, but in doing so, they themselves become as the Odyssey so that they are able to caught in a different demonstration: one that

109 speaks against the exclusion of working- importation of New York’s class people from “an emerging zero-tolerance techniques by cosmopolitan Belfast predicated on police forces around the conspicuous consumption.” Carter continues world. In Sao Paulo, highly by stating that “their appropriation of public repressive tactics applied to streets for their own agendas challenges the city’s street people are bourgeois conceptions and uses of urban rationalised in terms of the space in Belfast.” (2003:276). ‘scientific’ doctrine of ‘zero tolerance’ emanating from Smith (2002) believes that whilst New York. In all of these gentrification started as “a seemingly cases, the new revanchism serendipitous, unplanned process that was explicitly justified in popped up in the postwar housing market” terms of making the city safe (2002:439) it has now become part of the for gentrification.” (Smith development strategy of many cities 2002:442) worldwide, and “the agents of urban regeneration thirty-five years later are With this reclamation of cities comes a sense governmental, corporate, or corporate- of ‘by any means necessary’. The middle governmental partnerships… [urban renewal class will mobilise any force they can is] ambitiously and scrupulously planned” against the working classes who are (2002:439). In this sense, whilst early forms overtaking ‘their city’. Gentrification is a of gentrification were self-governed, process of making cities liveable, but who gentrification as it exists today is, in many they are made liveable for is debatable, since ways imposed on poorer urban areas. Carter suggests “cities have always been ‘liveable’ for the working classes” Exploring the resistance to (2003:257). In Belfast, the reaction to this gentrification and the reaction to that process can be seen in a ‘reinvention’ of resistance, Smith explains that gentrification sectarian violence by the working class; a is seen as ‘taking back’ or ‘revanching’ the reinvention which mirrors that of the middle urban landscape from people who do not class. However whereas the middle class are deserve it: both capitalising on and sweeping away violence, in this context the working classes “The emergence of the are using it as a tool to address the revanchist city… was not just authorities in a different manner. a New York phenomenon: it can be seen in the anti-squatter Conclusion campaigns in Amsterdam in The literature shows that there is an the 1980s, attacks by the immutable connection between violence and Parisian police on homeless space. People learn to become visible and (largely immigrant) invisible depending on their locale and the encampments, and the threat of violence. This is a learned

110 experience, and one that is based on decades other ethnic group, but is directed more of segregation. The space around the towards the state. Although the two groups peacewalls has itself become an area defined are aggressive towards each other, it is a not by peace, but by violence. This is rage designed to ignite reaction in state evident from the local classification of these forces such as the local police. This is an areas in terms of conflict – incendiary remark in itself, although the “sanctuary/interface/adversary” (Feldman literature is leaning in that way – for 1991). The terms ‘sanctuary’ and example Carter (2002) speaks about how ‘adversary’ imply a fundamentally vicious Protestant and Catholic groups will often relationship in that one is diametrically blame the other for starting a riot when in opposed to another – ‘the other’. fact they are to blame themselves, and the intended vehicle for their violence are state More recent work infers a different forces. Whilst this cannot be seen as the relationship between ethnic groups in basis for every violent act in the city, it Belfast. Whereas it is assumed – and often should not be ignored as the basis for some told – that there is very little interaction of them. between Protestant and Catholic groups, the opposite seems to be the case. In addition, While gentrification is often direct conflict between ethnic groups is promoted as an attempt to combat poverty, being reconfigured by young people, in fact it frequently does the opposite – especially men. Historical conflict has, at exacerbating the problem and moving it least in part, become a language through somewhere else, somewhere out of sight. In which modern day street fighting is Belfast this is particularly problematic articulated. The labels of past troubles because the process involves the become a way in which to incite a person to commodification of a long history of fight, or to gain an advantage in a struggle violence, and in many ways it feels like an that has already commenced. Learning the irreverent progression. Perhaps though, by labels that can add some ‘pow’ in turn isolating and coming to terms with this become a way for young people to establish troublesome past, a solution might be found. their identity amongst their peers (Roche 2012). References Cited Anderson, James and Ian Shuttleworth. 2003 More than that though, historical Spaces of Fear: Communal Violence violence is being reconceptualised by young and Spatial Behaviour. Paper people as a method of expressing discontent presented at the Cultures of Violence against state efforts to simultaneously ‘brush Conference, Centre for Research in the over’ and capitalise on the Troubles. As Arts, Social Sciences and Humanities Carter (2002) suggests, this notion of (CRASSH), University of Cambridge, violence becomes one in that Protestants and 9-10 January. Catholics are almost working together in a performance that is not directed against the

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