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The Silk Routes War and Change in Afghanistan Reflections on Research Priorities* Current Scandinavian Research KRISTIAN BERG HARPVIKEN on Central Asia

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The Silk Routes War and Change in Afghanistan Reflections on Research Priorities* Current Scandinavian Research KRISTIAN BERG HARPVIKEN on Central Asia Return to the Silk Routes War and Change in Afghanistan Reflections on Research Priorities* Current Scandinavian Research KRISTIAN BERG HARPVIKEN on Central Asia Insufficient knowledge of the social and political transformation in Afghanistan during the war is an obstacle to finding solutions to the conflict. This is the basic assumption of this paper, in which I will elaborate on some of the war-initiated processes that I consider to be insufficiently studied. New research on these processes could provide essential input to the building of peace. Recent publications on the peace process in Afghanistan have revealed EDITED BY the extent to which negotiators have had minimal insight into Afghanistan's social and political make-up. 1 To some extent the explanation is that I. Mirja Juntunen & Birgit N. Schlyter negotiations have taken place under a cold-war logic, according to which I only the international dimension of conflict was a legitilljlate concern. I However, no mediation processes have fully neglected the need for a domestic political solution. Academic interest in Afghanistan grew throughout the 1960s, resulting in a number of high-quality publications within history and social science. Research suffered a dramatic setback from the onset of war, as the indigenous academic environment became severely affected by the political conflict and the opportunities for foreigners to do fieldwork became increasingly constrained. Although the war led to a dramatic increase in publications on Afghanistan, many of the wartime analyses are severely biased, and they • I am grateful for comments on earlier versions of this paper from J. 'Bayo Adekanye, I Mohamad Ehsan and Arne Strand. The responsibility for the final version remains KEGAN PAUL INTERNATIONAL entirely mine. 1 Diego Cordovez and Selig S. Harrison, Out of Afghanistan: The Inside Story of the LONDON AND NEW YORK Soviet Withdrawal, New York 1995, and Barnett R. Rubin, The Search for Peace in Afghanistan: From Buffer State to Failed State, New Haven 1995. 167 KRISTIAN BERG HARPVIKEN WAR AND CHANGE IN AFGHANISTAN are rarely based on primary material. 2 Travelling and working in the country being in power has depended on alliances with various forces, most often have become easier since the communist abdication in April 1992, but this the tribes. The 1973 coup, in which former prime minister Daud dethroned has not stimulated a new wave of research. The requirement now is for the king, Zahir Shah, was the first instance of an Afghan ruler taking power empirically solid, fieldwork-based studies. solely with the force of the army .3 Research themes emphasized in this paper are guided by an interest in With the onset of war, intense ideological struggles were introduced into contributing to an understanding of the current conflict, and ultimately in the most remote valleys. Although traditional loyalties continued to play a inspiring solutions to it. This is not a denouncement of other research role, they did so within a different context, one in which people also saw priorities, but it reflects the conviction that whatever the short-term their participation in a movement with national ambitions as one aspect of developments will be, Afghanistan is in dire need of a debate about its their personal identity. The most recent empirically solid work on the future, informed by knowledge about its recent past. Furthermore, the lack politicization initiated by the war is Olivier Roy's Islam and Resistance in of references to any particular theoretical or methodological framework is A.fghanistan. 4 The fundamentalist Taliban movement, which emerged in not incidental. There is both room and need for a variety of approaches; late 1994 and currently controls two thirds of the country, including the what is important is that the dialogue between researchers, as well as between capital, Kabul, has yet to be analysed. Peace proposals for Afghanistan researchers, policy-makers and people, is strengthened. Hence, the selection often assume that pre-war arrangements can again stabilize the country, an of themes is policy-oriented, and their presentation here is general. The six assumption that neglects the deep politicization brought about by the war. 5 themes of the paper secure a wide catch: the politicization of society, the In fact, had these arrangements functioned, there would most probably militarization of society, war economy, the technological revolution, have been no war. migration and the international dimension. 1.1. Large-scale identities 1. Politicization Numerous political parties were established in Afghanistan from the early Afghanistan before the war was a country whose population cared little 1960s, when new political openings were provided under the so-called New about politics at the national level. The so-called palace politics of Kabul Democracy initiative. The parties, whether Islamist, Marxist-Leninist or barely affected living conditions beyond the capital. If people had to throw Maoist in orientation, had much in common. The scene of their political their support behind any political candidate, the choice would reflect little battles was Kabul, particularly the university campus. Their recruits were but local loyalties based on kinship and economic relations. Yet, rulers in young people who, in their encounters with modern science, had developed Kabul have historically lacked the resources to control the country, and a deep dissatisfaction with Afghan traditionalism and wanted swift political and economic change.6 While all these movements presented themselves in 2 For a useful bibliography, see Schuyler Jones, Afghanistan (World Bibliographical strong ideological terms, their membership was as much decided by belonging Series, vol. 135), Oxford 1992. Another useful source is the historical dictionary by Ludwig W. Adamec, Historical Dictionary of Afghanistan, Metuchen (New Jersey) to a network based on kin, common place of origin or enrolment at the 1991. A useful collection of essays that can inspire new research is Ewan W. Anderson same institution. The popular support for these movements was extremely and Nancy Hatch Dupree (eds), The Cultural Basis of Afghan Nationalism, London 1991. Although the quality of contributions is more uneven, the following seminar 3 Asta Olesen, Islam and Politics in Afghanistan, Richmond 1995. reports are also useful: Rasul Amin (ed.), Social and Cultural Prospects for Afghanistan, 4 Olivier Roy, Islam and Resistance in Afghanistan, Cambridge 1986. Roy's book, WUFA [Writers' Union of Free Afghanistan] Journal of Afghan Affairs, Special Issue, first published in French in 1985, has not only become a reference work on Afghanistan; 5:4 (1990), Rasul Amin (ed.), Rebuilding Afghan Political and Legal Institutions, WUFA it is also a frequently quoted source on political Islam. Journal of Afghan Affairs, Special Issue, 7: 1 (1990), E. Eide and T. Skaufjord (eds), From Aid During Times of War to Aid for Reconstruction and Development, Norwegian 5 Kristian Berg Harpviken, 'Transcending Traditionalism: The Emergence of Non-State Afghanistan Committee, Peshawar 1992, and Suroosh Irfani and Fazal-ur Rahman (eds), Military Formations in Afghanistan', Journal of Peace Research 34:3 ( 1997), pp. 271-287. Afghanistan: Looking to the Future, Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad 1991. 6 Olivier Roy, op. cit. 168 169 KRISTIAN BERG HARPVIKEN WAR AND CHANGE IN AFGHANISTAN small, but it was from this environment that the key figures of the conflict networks that has been the major success criterion for the so-called modern were to come, communists and Islamists alike.7 organizations.' 1 Changes reflecting the policies of the People's Democratic The politicization of Islam is crucial. Islam was the common denominator Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) or the Soviet Union are almost neglected, for the resistance. Core Islamistic political organizations with a potential probably because research itself was so politically influenced during the for expansion were in existence and the international radicalization of Islam war. New source material should now be available thanks to the opening of meant inspiration, political support and funding. Not least, in a population Soviet archives. 12 Existing studies of political change in Afghanistan tend strongly Muslim in a popular religious sense, Islam provided a rich repertoire to treat the relations between the communist government and the population for collective action, exemplified in jihad (struggle in defence of one's as static rather than dynamic, failing to grasp the extent to which the religion) and hijrat (the escape of Muhammed from Mecca to Medina; government interacted with all parties. refuge to protect one's religious belief). There is a need to understand better the distinction between fundamentalist and modernist Islamic movements when it comes to recruitment, principal objectives and popular 1.2. New leaders support. This was demonstrated by the emergence of the Taliban, whose initial success largely reflected dissatisfaction with the irreconcilable line Looking at Afghanistan's present-day leadership, it consists of people who of the Islamists. Ethnic differences have become important dividing lines, all have a share in the responsibility for the current state of affairs. In other with different movements seen to represent primarily the Pashtun, Tajik, words, the country is in dire need of unifyfog leaders, but has no Nelson Uzbek or Hazara populations. Apparently, ethnic divisions became more
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