Visions on Social Housing in San Juan: Notes on Workers’ Housing (1930S-1950S)

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Visions on Social Housing in San Juan: Notes on Workers’ Housing (1930S-1950S) [Re]visions on Social Housing in San Juan: Notes on Workers’ Housing (1930s-1950s) Published in Spanish as “[Re]visión de la vivienda social en Puerto Rico: Notas sobre la arquitectura para el obrero (1930s-1950s) in Jorge Lizardi and Martin Schwegmann (eds.), Ambivalent Spaces: Memry and Oblivion in Modern Social Architecture (San Juan: Ciu[a]d y Callejón, 2012) 156-184. [Re]visions on Social Housing in San Juan: Notes on Workers’ Housing (1930s-1950s) This form of power that applies itself to immediate everyday life categorizes the individual, marks him by his own individuality, attaches him to his own identity, imposes a law of truth on him that he must recognize and others have to recognize in him. It is a form of power that makes individuals subjects. Michel Foucault, The Subject and Power / 1982 Vanish Point: [Social] Architecture and Dislocation + To Inhabit at/in the Margins The first look at workers’ housing in Puerto Rico is probably, a 1914 Department of Labor report which, after an evaluation of the laborers’ homes, intended to establish a guide for the future construction of appropriate, efficient, and economic houses for the Tropics.9 Within the colonialist discourse that appears throughout the text, determinist considerations insisted on a supposed symbiotic relationship between the workers and the condition of their houses. That way, the authors alleged that inadequate housing tended to produce physically and psychologically weakened individuals, incapable of questioning or bettering their living standards. The report linked housing deficiencies to the materials most available to the workers –that is, native bushes and palms-, and concluded that it would be nearly impossible to build workers’ houses comparable to their counterparts in the United States since on the Island there was no suitable lumber for sound construction. From there, the report underlined how environmental stability in Puerto Rico facilitated habitation, while it also supported the structural precariousness of the houses.10 In other words, the fact that the Island had year-round climate stability or that there were no real need for people to shelter from the cold, had limited, argued the 9 Government of Porto Rico, Bureau of Labor, Report on the Housing Conditions of the Laborers in Porto Rico (San Juan: Bureau of Supplies, Printing and Transportation) 1914. 10 It is important to remember that two of the recurring arguments in the Colonial Discourse are, on one side, the Eden-like and self sufficient landscape that provided every habitation and/or alimentary need, and on the other, the reference to the lazy savage or the essentially unproductive native. Those are the discussions of, for example, The West Indies and the Spanish Main (London: Chapman and May, 1859) by Anthony Trollope. Other authors from whom similar arguments which transmigrated to the Twentieth Century can be extracted are Georges Louis Leclerc, Count of Buffon (Historie naturalle, gèneralle el particulière, 1749-1788), Charles Darwin (On the Origins of Species, 1859), Edward Burnett Taylor (Primitive Culture, 1871), and William Z. Ripley (The Races of Europe: A Sociological Study, 1900), among others. There should not be discounted either, the multiple colonial texts published after the Spanish-American War such as Our Islands and Their People (1899) and Our New Possessions (1901). authors, the development of more permanent building methods among the lower laboring classes. During the 1930s and 1940s, country peasants moved in large numbers to San Juan; an emigration that in turn, caused major expansions in slum areas, mainly the ones located along the Martín Peña Canal and the San José Lagoon.11 According to a study conducted by Manuel A. Pérez, from 1899 to 1935 San Juan registered a demographic growth of 328%, Puerta de Tierra of 145%, and Santurce of 1,647%, which in those years had recorded a mass densification that went from 5,840 inhabitants to 102,053.12 Due to the economic precariousness amplified by the Depression and the significant destruction left by the San Felipe (1928) and San Ciprián (1932) hurricanes, the agricultural workers displaced by the sugar companies looked for employment in industries and commercial businesses that were developing on the capital. However, offers were very scarce. That city of others within the urban blots occupied by slums was often referred to as “centers of undesirable social defects” as well as spaces from where “crime and sickness emanated”.13 For all purposes they were traps for the economic mobility of the workers [fig. 1].14 A Day in the Life [Un día cualquiera] (1953), a film by the Division for Community Education [División de Educación de la Comunidad, DivEdCo] illustrated the issues of difference crossed by the stigma of certain dysfunctions on which stereotypes about slum dwellers were founded. As stereotypes enable the construction of imaginaries that exalt otherness, they also assist in the establishment of scenarios for negotiation profoundly and inevitably unbalanced. As Homi Bhabha explains, those mechanisms simplify and guide the “recognition” of differences in “subject people”15 through the use of deformation tactics that seem natural. Through that process, “the 11 Robert William Stevens, “Los arrabales de San Juan: Una perspective histórica,” Revista de Ciencias Sociales 24, no. 1-2 (June 1985): 155-197. 12 The slums that delimited the capital city were La Perla, to the north; Miranda, Miraflores, Hoare, Tras Talleres, La Zona, Roosevelt, Melilla, Marina, and San Ciprián to the south, as well as Shangai to the east, along with the San José Lagoon. Manuel A. Pérez, Estudio Preliminar de las condiciones de vida en los arrabales de San Juan (San Juan: Puerto Rico Reconstruction Administration, Rural Rehabilitation Division, Research & Statistics Section, 1939) 1-2. 13 Original text in Spanish; translation by the author. Kurt W. Black, Slums, Projects and People: Social Psychological Problems of Relocation in Puerto Rico (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1962)4. 14 Francisco Valle Atiles, “La contribución higienista al future de Puerto Rico, “ en Conferencias dominicales dadas en la Biblioteca Insular de Puerto Rico (San Juan: Bureau of Supplies, Printing & Transportation, 1913), 231. 15 Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London and New York: Routledge, 2010 [1994]), 100. [stereotyped] population is then deemed to be both the cause and effect of the system, imprisoned in the circle of interpretation.”16 In the film written by Pedro Juan Soto, Joaquín, a jíbaro emigrated to the city with his family, faces a dreadfully inhospitable scenario which marginalized and diminished him. One of the most significant scenes in the movie takes place when the protagonist, tired of the noise from a radio playing in the house next door, exchanges strong words – window to window– with his neighbor. The argument ends when, before closing the shutters, in a defiant act of refusal to turn the radio down, the neighbor shouts: “…here, we live as in the north, each in his own house,”17 That way, the issues of otherness show up from a certain mimetic attitude towards the United States –the north alluded to–18 which presumed the individual dwelling, though in the slum –El Fanguito, in this instance–, within the cartographies of desire that represented the “American dream”. As declared by Foucault, to think about spaces becomes a reflection on power.19 As such, urban and architectural interventions, as well as the ways in which they relate to each other while organizing a specific kind of city, can be interpreted as instruments that speak about and for social groups.20 Arguably then, the multiple housing “experiments” aimed at the substitution of the most visible landmarks of marginalization in San Juan throughout the Twentieth Century –the slums or shanty towns– can be considered translation exercises within unbalanced power relations. On the other hand, as an extremely potent communicator, architecture must consent to be questioned. Peter Eisenman has defended its definition as a text between texts, or a translator of sorts, where the interrogation of buildings and projects –that is, enquiries about a priories or accumulated interpretations– are justified by the need of new readings outside official discourses.21 To put it in Marina Waisman’s terms, 16 Ibid, 119. 17 Original movie dialogue in Spanish; translation by the author. DivEdCo. “Un día cualquiera,” Angel F. Rivera (director), Pedro Juan Soto (screenplay), Puerto Rico, 1953. This film was never released, experts say, because of its dark tone and unhopeful story. It was finally shown in 1993 after final editing and restoration. Copies can be acquired from the Puerto Rico General Archives. 18 Homi Bhabha establishes distortion as one of the parameters of colonial mimicry. Bhabha explains: “colonial mimicry is the desire for a reformed, recognizable Other, as subject of a difference that is almost the same, but not quite. Which is to say, that the discourse of mimicry is constructed around an ambivalence […].” Italics in the original text. Bhabha, 112. 19 Michel Foucault, “El ojo del poder,” in Jeremías Bentham, El Panóptico, trads. Jualia Varela y Fernando Alvarez-Uría (Barcelona: Ediciones La Piqueta, 1980) 2, http://foucault.info/documents/foucault.eveOfPower.en.html / (accesed on April 12, 2010) 20 Refer to Michel Foucault, “The Subject and Power,” in Michel Foucault: Power, ed. James D. Faubion, trad. Robert Hurley (New York: The New Press, 1994), 327-348. 21 Peter Eisenman, “Architecture as a Second Language: The Text of Between,” Threshold 4 (Spring 1998): 71-74. architectural theories “constitute the principal organ of conversion of dominant cultural tendencies […] in architectural ideologies.”22 In other words, as buildings serve as discursive filters, architecture –and some of the definitions and values linked to it– does not relinquish its position as a discourse in itself. That way, it becomes an ideological instrument, in many instances confrontational to its implicit essence as shelter.
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