Emotional Labour in Professional and Semi-Professional Team Sports: an Australian Player Perspective

Emotional labour in professional and semi-professional team sports: An Australian player perspective

Steven J. Kiely MAPS, MASH

Bachelor of Psychology (Murdoch University, 2002)

Master of Psychology (Curtin University, 2005)

Diploma of Clinical Hypnosis (Australian Society of Hypnosis, 2007)

This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at

The University of Western Australia.

School of Sport Science, Exercise and Health.

2010

Declaration

I declare that this thesis is my own work and that to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material to a substantial extent that has been accepted or submitted to this or any other institution for an academic award or previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made.

Steven J. Kiely Date

______

i Acknowledgements

I would like to express thanks to the many people that have assisted me on this long and sometimes arduous academic journey, not just during my PhD candidature, but during both my undergraduate and postgraduate tenure. Firstly, without the love and support of my family over the last 10 years, this achievement would not be possible. I feel very fortunate to have been blessed with a family that supports me in so many different ways. To my Mum, Dad, Justin, and Vanessa thank you for always being there. To Lidia and Monica, thank you for all your love and support and for giving me the space to work when required. I would like to express my gratitude to my chief supervisor Associate Professor Sandy Gordon for giving me the opportunity and autonomy to complete my doctorate in the field of Sport Psychology. I would also like to acknowledge Professor Robert Grove and Dr. James Dimmock for their useful comments during the final stages of my write-up. To my friend and mentor Dr. Peter Sevastos, thank you for all the guidance and support over the last 7 years. Your open-door policy, along with providing a safe space to discuss a wide variety of issues, has been invaluable and has left a lasting impression on me. I would also like to thank all the participants who contributed to this research. To maintain confidentiality I cannot personally identify players and administrators. However, without the assistance of these people, this thesis would not be possible.

ii Abstract

Emotional labour is a concept first coined by Hochschild (1983), and is most aptly defined as “the process of regulating feelings and expressions to achieve the organizations goals” (Grandey, 2000, p. 97). Emotional labour has been the subject of numerous qualitative and quantitative inquiries in a myriad of scholarly fields including psychology, sociology, and organisational behaviour. Indeed, research spanning 20 years has highlighted the pervasiveness of emotional labour in numerous occupational contexts. The field of sport psychology has traditionally ignored the extant literature from distinct, yet related psychology disciplines, which may explain why emotional labour and other relevant topics have not previously been investigated. In view of this, sport psychology researchers have called for the inclusion of concepts from organisational psychology to extend knowledge in this realm (Fletcher & Wagstaff, 2009; Gardner, 1995). While a number of theories and concepts from the field of organisational psychology have been examined in sport settings, including goal- setting (Locke & Latham, 1985) emotional intelligence (Gordon, 2001; Latimer et al., 2007) and organizational citizenship behaviour (Aoyagi, Cox, & McGuire, 2008), there are still a number of unexplored theories and concepts that could be valuable to the development of knowledge in the sport and exercise psychology domain (Fletcher & Wagstaff, 2009). Accordingly, the purpose of this thesis was to explore the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. A multimethod research design was utilised in order to better understand the concept of emotional labour, in addition to facilitating its development in the substantive area under investigation. After a brief overview of the research project, the opening chapters provide the reader with an in-depth understanding of emotional labour. Chapter II examines the development of the emotional labour construct in addition to its potential antecedents and outcomes. A meta-analytic review of emotional labour research is then presented in Chapter III to inform both the wider emotional labour literature and the current research. Chapter IV presents the main findings of an exploratory qualitative study investigating the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. Given the nature of this study, a grounded theory methodology was

iii employed to develop a descriptive and exploratory theory which identifies both the content and context of emotional labour, in addition to potential antecedents, consequences, and moderators. These findings were compared and contrasted with the extant emotional labour literature, which were found to share both similarities and differences. Practical implications, limitations, and directions for future research are discussed. Utilising the findings generated from Chapter IV, a theoretical model was proposed and tested in Chapter V. Path analysis was employed to test an exploratory model, which was found to be a suitable fit. The results of this analysis suggest that emotional labour can have a negative impact on psychological well-being, and that individual differences may predict the frequency and type of emotional labour performed. Practical implications, limitations, and directions for future research are also discussed. In summary, the four primary chapters of this research contribute valuable knowledge to both the wider emotional labour literature, and the field of sport psychology. Sport psychology practitioners and researchers are encouraged to utilise the practical implications and directions for future research outlined in Chapter VI.

iv Table of Contents

Contents Page

Declaration ……………………………………………………………...... i Acknowledgments …………………………………………………………. ii Abstract …………………………………………………………………….. iii Table of Contents …………………………………………………………... v List of Tables …………………………………………………………...... vii List of Figures ……………………………………………………………… vii CHAPTER I – Thesis Overview …………………………………………... 1 CHAPTER II – The Construct of Emotional Labour and its Development... 5 CHAPTER III – A Meta-Analytic Review of Emotional Labour Research... 17 Method ……………………………………………………………... 22 Results ……………………………………………………………… 24 Discussion ………………………………………………………….. 30 CHAPTER IV – The Emotional Labour of Professional and Semi- Professional Athletes in Australasian Team Sports: A Grounded Theory Approach …………………………………………………………………… 36 Method ……………………………………………………………... 38 Results ……………………………………………………………… 51 Discussion ………………………………………………………….. 100 CHAPTER V – Antecedents and Outcomes of Emotional Labour: A Path Analytic Test of a Model ….……………………………………………….. 108 Method ……………………………………………………………... 115 Results ……………………………………………………………… 124 Discussion ………………………………………………………….. 130 CHAPTER VI – Research Program Summary 134 References ………………………………………………………………….. 140 APPENDICES ……………………………………………………………... 158 Appendix A – Codes of Conduct 159 Appendix B – Psychometric Inventories 204 Appendix C – Exploratory Factor Analysis Output 210 Appendix D – Path Analysis Output 214

v List of Tables

Page Chapter III Table 3.1 Definitions for each Variable Meta-Analysed …………... 21-22 Table 3.2 Meta-Correlations Among Situational Cues, Surface Acting (SA) and Deep Acting (DA) ………………………. 25 Table 3.3 Meta-Correlations Among Family-Work Conflict, Surface Acting (SA) and Deep Acting (DA) ……………… 26 Table 3.4 Meta-Correlations Among Traditional Job Characteristics, Surface Acting (SA) and Deep Acting (DA) ………………………………………………………. 26 Table 3.5. Meta-Correlations Among Individual Difference Variables, Surface Acting (SA) and Deep Acting (DA)…... 27 Table 3.6 Meta-Correlations Among Surface Acting (SA), Deep Acting (DA), and Psychological/Physical Well-Being Variables ………………………………………………….. 28 Table 3.7 Meta-Correlations Among Surface Acting (SA), Deep Acting (DA), and Job Attitudes …………………………... 29 Chapter V Table 5.1 Summary Statistics and Pearson Inter-Correlations of Study Variables …………………………………………... 124 Table 5.2. Fit Values for Alternative Models of Structural Relationships ……………………………………………... 125 Table 5.3 Tests of Mediation ...... 129

vi List of Figures

Page

Chapter II Figure 1.1 Conceptual model of emotional labour ...... 12 Chapter IV Figure 4.1 A grounded theory model of player emotional labour in professional and semi-professional team sport …………. 52 Chapter V Figure 5.1 Hypothesised model showing path LISREL diagram of emotional labour on wellness outcomes ………………… 114 Figure 5.2 Path LISREL maximum likelihood estimates of hypothesised model ……………………………………... 126

vii

CHAPTER I – Thesis Overview

Over a decade ago, Gardner (1995) remarked that “for further development of the knowledge base of sport psychology, it is suggested that greater attention be paid to the literature in the field of organizational psychology” (p. 173). While a number of theories from this field have been examined in the sport psychology literature including goal- setting (Locke & Latham, 1985) emotional intelligence (Gordon, 2001; Latimer, Rench, & Brackett 2007) and organizational citizenship behaviour (Aoyagi, Cox, & McGuire, 2008), there are still many unexplored concepts which could be valuable to the development of knowledge in the sport and exercise psychology domain (Fletcher & Wagstaff, 2009). One such concept that has received widespread attention in the field of organisational psychology, but has yet to be adequately explored in the sport psychology literature is emotional labour (Hochschild, 1983). Emotional labour was defined by Grandey (2000) as “the process of regulating feelings and expressions to achieve the organizations goals” (p. 97). Since Hochschild’s (1983) seminal work, a plethora of emotional labour research (i.e., journal articles, book chapters, and conference proceedings) has engulfed the psychological, sociological, and organisational behaviour literature. This extensive body of qualitative and quantitative research has incorporated a diverse range of occupational categories, including: barristers (Harris, 2002); beauticians (Sharma & Black, 2001); call centre employees (Deery, Iverson, & Walsh, 2002; Lewig & Dollard, 2003), customer service representatives (Leidner, 1999; Totterdell, & Holman, 2003), fast-food workers (Seymour, 2000), hospitality personnel (Constanti & Gibbs, 2005; Guerrier & Adib, 2003), nurses (Smith, 1992), supermarket store clerks (Rafaeli, 1989; Rafaeli & Sutton, 1990; Tolich, 1993), teachers (Näring, Briët, & Brouwers, 2006) and wait-staff (Adelmann, 1995). Research spanning 20 years has highlighted the pervasiveness of emotional labour in both service-based and professional occupations, in addition to identifying potential antecedents and consequences. While the information gleaned from this extensive body of research has been valuable, emotional labour academicians have called on future researchers to broaden the scope of their enquiries to other occupational contexts (Harris, 2002, Wharton, 1993). To answer this call, the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in

team sports was investigated in an effort to contribute to the pre-existing emotional labour literature, in addition to providing new knowledge to the field of sport and exercise psychology. Moreover, Gordon (2007) argued that an emotional labour framework would be useful to better understand the unique job stressors of athletes in professional sporting environments where to date only limited empirical data exists.

Purpose and Overview of Research The primary purposes of this research program are twofold. First, it was my intention to explore and understand the emotional labour of professional and semi- professional athletes working in team sports, in addition to identifying potential antecedents and consequences. A second endeavour was to use this information to test a theoretical model of emotional labour in the substantive area under investigation. To achieve these aims, a multi-method research design was utilised. A multimethod research design involves numerous methods of collecting and analysing data (e.g., qualitative, quantitative) during the course of a research project (Creswell, 1998). The advantages of such a design were outlined by Morse (2003) who commented that “By combining and increasing the number of research strategies used within a particular project, we are able to broaden the dimensions and hence the scope of our project. By using more that one method within a research program, we are able to obtain a more complex picture of human behaviour and experience (p. 189). Thus, this thesis will conduct a series of investigations that together generate a greater understanding of the construct of emotional labour, in addition to communicating its relevance to professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. Chapter II is the first of a two-part literature review which examines the development of the emotional labour construct since the seminal work of Hochschild (1983). Upon reviewing the primary theoretical positions in the literature, a revised definition and operationalisation of emotional labour was devised to guide the current research. As an adjunct to Chapter II, Chapter III examines the most frequently cited antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour (i.e., surface acting and deep acting) reported in the literature to date. To avoid an exhaustive qualitative review, a

quantitative meta-analysis of emotional labour research was presented. The aim of the current chapter was to synthesise the extant literature, in addition to determining the direction and magnitude of reported effect sizes. Upon addressing these theoretical objectives, two exploratory studies were conducted to address the primary purposes of this research project. First, a qualitative investigation was undertaken and presented in Chapter IV to explore the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. Due to the exploratory nature of this study a grounded theory research methodology was chosen. Utilising multiple data collection techniques, a theoretical model outlining the content and context of emotional labour, in addition to its potential antecedents, consequences, and moderators, was proposed and presented. In Chapter V, a theoretical model based on the qualitative findings was developed and quantitatively tested on a convenience sample of Australasian athletes using path analysis. The thesis concludes with a summary of the overall research program in Chapter VI.

Significance of Research The research program outlined in this thesis is significant for three reasons. First, the initial chapters will benefit the wider emotional labour literature by providing a more complete and unified conceptualisation and operationalisation of emotional labour, in addition to a greater understanding of the antecedents and outcomes. Second, the two exploratory studies conducted in the substantive area under investigation will add not only to the wider emotional labour literature, but also provide much needed new knowledge to the sport and exercise psychology domain. Finally, the current research program suggests practical implications and direction for future research on the topic. Sport psychology practitioners and researchers are encouraged to utilise this knowledge to better understand the professional and semi-professional team sport environment, in addition to providing the necessary psychological support to players to both maintain and protect psychological well-being.

CHAPTER II – The Construct of Emotional Labour and its Development.

This chapter is the first of a two-part literature review which examines the development of the emotional labour construct since the seminal work of Hochschild (1983). Upon reviewing the primary theoretical positions in the literature, a revised definition and operationalisation of emotional labour was devised to guide the current research.

Due to considerable research interest from both the disciplines of sociology and psychology, numerous definitions and operationalisations of emotional labour have been proposed. Rubin, Tardino, Daus, & Munz (2005) commented that “Although some aspects of these frameworks converge, many are quite theoretically discrepant.” Consequently, these various conceptualisations have created confusion and have left researchers in a conceptual quandary regarding how best to understand the construct” (p. 189). To avoid such a quandary, this chapter will review four of the main conceptualisations in the literature beginning with Hochschild (1983), followed by Ashforth & Humphrey (1993), Morris & Feldman (1996), and Grandey (2000). Despite conceptual ambiguity between these dominant frameworks, each conceptualisation has in common the underlying assumption that emotional labour involves the management and display of organisationally desired emotions (Glomb & Tews, 2004). Moreover, each framework proposes organisational consequences associated with performing emotional labour.

Hochschild’s (1983) Perspective In her seminal work The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling, sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild (1983) brought academic and public attention to the management of emotions in the workplace. Based on observations and interviews with flight attendants and bill collectors, Hochschild coined the term emotional labour to mean “the management of feeling to create a publicly observable facial and bodily display; emotional labor is sold for a wage and therefore has exchange value” (p. 7). To avoid conceptual confusion with her previous work, Hochschild used Marx’s classifications of exchange-value and use-value to distinguish between the terms emotional labour and emotion work (Hochschild, 1979). The primary distinction being that emotional labour has exchange-value (i.e., bought and sold in the marketplace), whereas emotion work, the management of feeling in private contexts, has use-value (i.e., for non-compensated benefits). The framework developed by Hochschild (1983) was an outgrowth of Irvin Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical perspective involving social interactions, wherein the employee is the actor, customers are the audience, and the work setting is the stage. To

ensure this theatrical production functions efficiently, organisations specify feeling rules , which specify the correct feeling and display of workplace emotion. For instance, flight attendants were expected to display warmth and friendliness to passengers in order to create a pleasant cabin atmosphere. If however, a flight attendant was to display a sad mood or express anger toward a passenger, a concept which she labelled wrongness , the performance would be ruined. Thus, the management of workplace emotion was considered a primary conduit to effective organisational functioning and performance. Hochschild (1983) considered two acting strategies surface acting and deep acting to be the primary mechanisms by which organisational actors manage emotional displays. Surface acting involves the regulation of observable expressions through the careful presentation of verbal and nonverbal cues (i.e., voice tone, facial expression, gestures, etc.). This may involve the simulation of emotions not actually experienced, or the expressive suppression of felt emotion that would be inappropriate to display. For instance, a flight attendant may conceal feelings of anger from a rude passenger and instead fake a happy demeanour so as not to ruin the performance. Hochschild commented that “in surface acting, we deceive others about what we really feel but we do not deceive ourselves” (p.33). Deep acting, on the other hand, is the intrapsychic process of attempting to experience or alter feelings so that expected emotional displays may naturally follow. Deep acting is performed by actively exhorting feeling, wherein an individual cognitively attempts to evoke or suppress an emotion. For example, flight attendants were trained to reappraise disorderly passengers as children so as not to become infuriated with their seemingly infantile behaviour. Another deep acting strategy, trained imagination, focuses on invoking thoughts, images and memories to induce the desired emotion. This technique is comparable to the way that an actor trained in method acting “psyches themselves” up for a performance (Stanislavski, 1965). In comparison with surface acting, the process of deep acting “involves deceiving oneself as much as deceiving others” (Hochschild, 1983, p. 35). Hochschild (1983) considered emotional labour to be a form of impression management, which is central to employee role performance. However, while emotional labour can have beneficial organisational outcomes (i.e., increased customer satisfaction

and loyalty), there may be detrimental consequences for individuals, particularly if there is a feeling of falseness . Hochschild linked this feeling of falseness to emotive dissonance, a principle akin to cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957). Emotive dissonance is a feeling of tension or unease that arises when felt emotions are discrepant from displayed emotions. This stressful state, combined with the effort inherent in displaying organisationally prescribed emotions, was proposed to lead to strain outcomes in the form of job stress, burnout, absenteeism, psychosomatic complaints, and drug/alcohol abuse. While the concepts of surface acting and deep acting were included in this sociological examination, the main focus of Hochschild’s (1983) operationalisation was identifying high emotional labour occupations using a job characteristic classification scheme. This taxonomy included: (1) the presence of voice or facial contact with the public, (2) a requirement for the worker to produce an emotional state of mind in others, and (3) the opportunity for the employer to control the emotional activities of the employee. Utilising the US Dictionary of Occupational Titles (1965), 44 job titles within six occupational groupings were identified. The groupings identified as high emotional labour occupations included professional and technical workers, managers and administrators, sales workers, clerical workers, and service workers who work both in and outside of private households. While categorising occupational groups according to their emotional labour demands requires useful information, this line of research is limited as it doesn’t allow a comparison of jobs within occupations, permit the examination of individual difference variables and situational characteristics of a job, or differentiate between the outcomes of different types of acting (Grandey, 2000). Indeed, Wharton (1993) found little evidence for predicting negative outcomes based on this operationalisation of emotional labour.

Ashforth & Humphrey’s (1993) Perspective Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) defined emotional labour as “the act of displaying appropriate emotion (i.e., conforming with a display rule)” (p. 90). Similar to Hochschild’s (1983) dramaturgical perspective, emotional labour was considered a form of impression management required by organisations to cultivate favourable public

perceptions and a desirable customer service climate (Gardner & Martinko, 1988; Grove & Fisk, 1989). However, the authors deviated from Hochschild’s definition by focusing on observable behaviour, rather than the presumed emotions underlying behaviour, for two reasons: (1) compliance with display rules does not always require the management of feeling, and (2) visible emotional displays can affect service outcomes. In addition, the term display rules (Ekman, 1973) was preferred to feeling rules, as it focuses on required emotional displays rather than what emotions are actually felt. Like Hochschild (1983), Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) acknowledged the use of surface acting and deep acting as mechanisms for displaying organisationally appropriate emotions. However, they also included a third means by which organisationally prescribed emotions can be displayed, namely the expression of spontaneous and genuine emotion. The authors further argued that surface acting and deep acting may become automatic and effortless due to the routinised nature of many service jobs. As a consequence, the outcomes of such acting may be less stressful than previously predicted (Hochschild, 1983). In terms of emotional labour outcomes, Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) hypothesised both functional and dysfunctional consequences. Emotional labour can result in both increased task effectiveness and self-efficacy if displays of emotion are perceived as sincere and genuine by customers. However, emotional dissonance and self- alienation may also occur if emotional displays are inauthentic. Integrating social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), the authors further propose that role identification will act as a moderator in the emotional labour-well-being relationship. That is, strong role identification will result in functional emotional labour consequences, whereas low role identification will result in more dysfunctional emotional labour outcomes. While Ashforth and Humphrey’s perspective extends previous findings by acknowledging the potential benefits of emotional labour, they do not adequately provide mechanisms for understanding how both surface acting and deep acting impact well- being (Grandey, 2000).

Morris & Feldman’s (1996) Perspective Morris and Feldman (1996) defined emotional labour as “the effort, planning, and control needed to express organizationally desired emotion during interpersonal transactions” (p. 987). Stemming from an interactionist model of emotion, social factors are considered partly responsible for the experience and expression of workplace emotion. Using this perspective, the authors conceptualised emotional labour along four distinct dimensions (a) the frequency of appropriate emotional display, (b) attentiveness to required display rules (intensity of emotions, duration of interaction), (c) variety of emotion’s required to be displayed, and (d) emotional dissonance generated as the result of having to express organizationally desired emotions not genuinely felt. Morris and Feldman hypothesised that an increase in all four dimensions will lead to emotional exhaustion, but that only emotional dissonance will result in job dissatisfaction. Similar to Hochschild (1983) and Ashforth and Humphrey (1993), Morris and Feldman agree that emotional labour is effortful and is driven by display rules. However, this conceptualization does differ from previous perspectives. First, the authors argue that even when expected emotional displays match genuine feelings, some degree of effort or “labour” is required to translate organisationally prescribed emotions into suitable emotional displays. For example, if a customer service agent felt “joyous” or “ecstatic” at work, effort is still required, albeit small, to ensure that naturally felt emotions are displayed in an appropriate manner. While Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) incorporated the display of genuine emotions into their emotional labour framework, they did not consider it to be laborious. Second, emotional dissonance was considered a defining dimension of emotional labour, excluding the previously discussed dimensions of surface acting and deep acting. Morris and Feldman argued that emotional dissonance is experienced when expected workplace emotions clash with inner feelings, resulting in greater “labour” or effort to display the required emotion. Alternatively, Hochschild (1983) and Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) considered emotional dissonance to be an emotional state arising from the performance of emotional labour. Finally, Morris and Feldman identified potential antecedents, including organisational, job, and individual characteristics, which further increased the breadth of

this research area. However, while empirical tests of this model have supported a multidimensional emotional labour construct, results on the consequences have yielded mixed findings (Morris & Feldman, 1997).

Grandey’s (2000) Perspective Utilising an emotion regulation framework, Grandey (2000) defined emotional labour as “the process of regulating feelings and expressions to achieve the organizations goals” (p. 97). This regulation of expressions and feelings can be achieved through surface acting and deep acting, which are considered the defining dimensions of emotional labour (Hochschild, 1983). This conceptualisation differs markedly from previous operationalisations of emotional labour as an occupational characteristic (Hochschild, 1983), an observable emotional display (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1983), situational characteristics of the job (Morris & Feldman, 1996) or emotional dissonance (Morris & Feldman, 1996). To resolve the obvious contradictions from previous perspectives and definitions of emotional labour, Grandey developed a theoretical model of emotional labour (see figure 1.1). This framework posits that the performance of emotional labour will have a number of antecedents and consequences and be influenced by a variety of individual and organisational factors. Rather than ignoring previous operationalisations, Grandey argued that both situational characteristics of the job (Morris & Feldman, 1996) and observable emotional displays (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993) can best be served as antecedents and outcomes respectively in the emotional labour process. Moreover, emotional dissonance was considered to be a state of being, rather than an effortful process, and was not considered to be a defining dimension of the construct.

Figure 1.1. Conceptual model of emotional labour. From “Emotion Regulation in the Workplace” by A. Grandey, 2000, Journal of Occupational Health Psychology, 5 , p. 101. (NA = negative affect; PA = positive affect).

According to Grandey (2000), conceptualising emotional labour as surface acting and deep acting has a number of advantages. First, surface acting is considered “acting in bad faith”, whereas deep acting is considered “acting in good faith” (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987). These different regulation strategies are expected to have differential outcomes, which may explain why previous emotional labour studies have reported both positive (i.e., job satisfaction) and negative (i.e., burnout) consequences. Second, knowledge of these outcomes, as a consequence of performing emotional labour, can lead to the implementation of training programs and targeted interventions to buffer against potentially negative consequences. Last, conceptualising emotional labour as surface acting and deep acting has direct links with an already established theoretical model of emotion regulation (Gross, 1998a, b). Grandey (2000) considered emotion regulation theory to be a useful guiding framework for emotional labour. Emotion regulation was defined by Gross (1998b) as

“the process by which individuals influence which emotions they have, when they have them, and how they experience and express these emotions” (p. 275). In this model, emotional response tendencies (physiological, behavioural, and cognitive) are activated by situational cues, which may need to be regulated depending on the circumstances. Emotion regulation can occur both before and after emotional response tendencies are activated, and are termed antecedent-focused and response-focused emotion regulation respectively. Antecedent-focused emotion regulation may aid in adjusting emotions by modifying the situation or perceptions of the situation. The different types of strategies outlined by Gross (1998b) include situation selection, situation modification, attention deployment and cognitive change. The last two strategies attention deployment and cognitive change are very similar to deep acting (Hochschild, 1983). Attentional deployment is achieved through thinking about, or reliving events that produce the desired emotions in a given situation (Gross, 1998b). For example, whistling a happy tune, or thinking about happy past memories, are techniques that can help invoke positive emotions during service encounters. Alternatively, cognitive change requires a change in ones perception or appraisal of the situation. For example, Hochschild (1983) illustrated how flight attendants were trained to re-appraise angry or demanding passengers as children so that they could continue to perform their job duties without producing inappropriate emotional displays (i.e. anger, disgust). Unlike antecedent focused emotion regulation that is concerned with modifying the internal states of an individual, response-focused emotion regulation is concerned with modifying observable expressions. In response-focused emotion regulation, a person can manipulate emotional responses by “directly influencing physiological, experiential, or behavioural responding” (Gross, 1998b, p. 285). This can be achieved through exercise, drugs, caffeine, adjusting the intensity of ones emotional displays, or by simply faking unfelt emotions. Grandey (2000) proposed that response-focused emotion regulation corresponds with surface acting as it involves managing observable expressions. To test the effects of antecedent-focused and response-focused emotional regulation, Gross (1998a) had participants view films of medical procedures designed to elicit feelings of disgust. Participants were assigned to one of two groups, and were

instructed to regulate their emotional responses through either cognitive re-appraisal or suppression. The results showed that both forms of emotional regulation reduced observable behavioural displays, but only re-appraisal decreased internal feelings of disgust. In addition, suppression, but not re-appraisal, was accompanied by a physiological state of arousal involving the endocrine and autonomic nervous systems (increased heart rate, blood pressure, etc.), which is similar to previous findings (Gross & Levinson, 1993, 1997). Prolonged physiological arousal has been shown to deplete energy resources and weaken ones immune system by overworking the cardiovascular and nervous systems. Furthermore, emotional suppression has links to a variety of physical illnesses such as high blood pressure and cancer (Gross, 1989). Thus, emotion regulation research has implications for emotional labour researchers in that it considers the role of physiological arousal (i.e., increased sympathetic activation) in the emotion regulation process, which provides intrapersonal mechanisms to explain the relationship between emotional labour and well-being outcomes. Grandey’s (2000) operationalisation of emotional labour as surface acting and deep acting has since been adopted by numerous researchers. This framework has also encouraged a shift from qualitative research to quantitative research to test different facets of this model. A number of quantitative studies have since examined antecedents (individual difference variables, job characteristics) and outcomes (job-related well-being and attitudes) of both surface acting and deep acting and found that this operationalisation has utility (Bono & Vey, 2005; Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002; Diefendorff, Croyle, & Gosserand, 2005; Totterdell & Holman, 2003).

A Revised Definition and Operationalisation of Emotional Labour Like numerous other emotional labour researchers, this thesis will operationalise emotional labour as surface acting and deep acting (i.e., internal emotion regulation process). The definition of emotional labour will however, be slightly adjusted to incorporate and extend past perspectives based on the following reasons. First, many definitions of emotional labour propose that workers manage their public displays of emotion to comply with display rules. However, Totterdell and

Holman (2003) commented that “not all emotion regulation at work is done in the service of emotional labor” (p. 71). Indeed, Bolton and Boyd (2003) found that workers regulate their emotional feelings and expressions for pecuniary, prescriptive, presentational, and philanthropic purposes. Second, emotional labour theorists have tended to focus specifically on the regulation of emotional displays, while ignoring behaviours, gestures, and verbal comments. For example, a customer service agent who smiles at an angry customer, but then proceeds to speak to them in an unprofessional manner would ruin the performance. Thus, the regulation of emotions to manage both behavioural gestures and verbal expressions is of great importance to both individual and organisational functioning (Hewitt, 2003). Last, previous emotional labour definitions have typically focused on exchanges with customers and clients, while tending to ignore interactions with colleagues, co- workers, bosses and subordinates. Interactions such as these have previously been referred to in the literature as emotion work, emotion management, and emotion regulation (see Callahan & McCollum, 2002; Côté & Morgan, 2002; Hochschild, 1979), which has subsequently resulted in a proliferation of terms (Totterdell & Holman, 2003). Based on the aforementioned reasons, emotional labour will be more broadly defined as “the regulation of emotional expressions and feelings to achieve both organisational, group, and individual objectives”. This operationalisation incorporates the regulation of emotional displays, in addition to behaviours, gestures and verbal comments. Moreover, to avoid a propagation of terms, emotional labour will refer to the regulation of emotions in multiple workplace interactions and contexts (i.e., customers, bosses, work colleagues), thus reducing conceptual confusion for the reader.

Summary This chapter outlined the main theoretical propositions of prominent emotional labour researchers in the literature, in addition to potential antecedents and outcomes. Based on the work of Grandey (2000), I incorporated and extended this definition and operationalisation to incorporate a broader view of emotional labour. To avoid an exhaustive qualitative review, a meta-analytic review of the extant quantitative emotional

labour literature will now be presented in Chapter III. The purpose of this chapter is to synthesise quantitative findings pertaining to the antecedents and outcomes of both surface acting and deep acting as proposed by Grandey (2000) and other prominent researchers in the field. This is necessary given that there is still much confusion regarding the antecedents and consequences of emotional labour, due largely to how past researchers have conceptualised and operationalised the construct.

CHAPTER III – A Quantitative Meta-Analytic Review of Emotional Labour Research.

As an adjunct to Chapter II, Chapter III examines the most frequently cited antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour (i.e., surface acting and deep acting) reported in the literature to date. To avoid an exhaustive qualitative review, which is the case in most traditional dissertations, a quantitative meta-analysis of emotional labour research is presented. At the conclusion of this Chapter, the reader should have a clear understanding of the direction and magnitude of the most common antecedents and outcomes of surface acting and deep acting.

The purpose of Chapter III is to explore the direction and magnitude of emotional labour variables using meta-analytic procedures. A quantitative meta-analysis was preferred to an exhaustive qualitative review due to the breadth of literature already published on this topic. Moreover, a meta-analytic review is an elegant way to synthesise the extant literature, in addition to providing the reader with a more cohesive understanding of the emotional labour construct. Grandey (2000) was the first to develop a process model of emotional labour based on numerous scholarly articles since Hochschild’s (1983) seminal work (see Figure 1.1, p.12, in Chapter II to view the model). As previously discussed in Chapter II, Grandey conceptualised and operationalised emotional labour as ‘surface acting’ and ‘deep acting,’ incorporating both antecedents and outcomes, along with individual and job characteristics into a theoretical framework. Numerous quantitative studies have since explored these propositions, along with other variables not previously included in the model (see Figure 3.1, pp. 21-22, for a complete listing of antecedent and outcome variables included in the analysis). The variables chosen for this analysis are the most cited in the literature to date. However, while other variables from emotional labour studies have been identified, many are considered unique to either the study population or occupational context (see Harris 2002). A review of the literature revealed that only one meta-analytic review on quantitative emotional labour studies has been conducted (see Bono & Vey, 2005). The results of this review were based on early quantitative research in the field in an effort to synthesise available data, along with inspiring further research on the topic. While this research has been useful in understanding some of the antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour, a number of limitations deserve mention. First, Bono and Vey (2005) used a fixed effect model known as the “bare bones” approach to conduct their meta-analysis. The fixed effects model assumes that the only source of variability is sampling error, and that the study effects under consideration are homogeneous; that is, they reflect a common population effect (Rothstein, 2002). This approach however, is considered unacceptable by many prominent authors in the field. In fact, Hunter and Schmidt (1990) remarked that “a meta analysis that does not correct for as many artifacts as possible is an unfinished meta-analysis” (p. 100).

Second, Bono and Vey (2005) included findings from multiple operationalisations of emotional labour in the literature, including surface acting, deep acting, emotional dissonance, and emotional performance . While I concur with the views of prominent researchers in the field that emotional labour is best operationalised as surface acting and deep acting (see Brotheridge & Lee, 2003; Diefendorff, et al., 2005; Grandey, 2000; Totterdell & Holman, 2003), I will argue that the inclusion of emotional dissonance and emotional performance as an alternative measure of emotional labour is flawed, particularly when it is operationalised as an internal regulation process. Therefore, the authors’ decision to combine the correlations of all four constructs into a single measure of emotional labour has resulted in confounding the measure and led to spurious findings, which should be interpreted with caution. Emotional dissonance, an affective state similar to cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957), is the tension or “feeling of unease” that may arise when there is a discord between actual and required emotions, or when emotional displays align with organisational norms but do not represent true feelings (Abraham, 1998; Zerbe, 2000). This negative state of being is considered by many researchers to be the essence of emotional labour (Abraham, 1998; Morris & Feldman, 1996a, 1997; Zapf, Vogt, Seifert, Mertini, & Isic, 1999; Zerbe, 2000). However, contemporary theorists argue that emotional dissonance should not be conceptualised as emotional labour, but rather as an antecedent to, or a consequence of the performance of emotional labour, particularly surface acting (for a review see Grandey, 2000; Rubin et al., 2005). Recent research lends support to this view, demonstrating that emotional dissonance acts as a partial mediator in the relationship between surface acting and emotional exhaustion (Van Dijk & Kirk, 2006). A further argument for not conflating emotional dissonance with emotional labour is that it fails to provide mechanisms for explaining how such a negative state of being could lead to favourable individual-level consequences previously reported in the literature as, for example, increased job satisfaction (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993; Grandey, 2000; Shuler & Sypher, 2000). Conceptualising emotional labour as a process of emotion regulation does, however, provide interpersonal and intrapersonal mechanisms to explain such findings (Grandey, 2000).

Emotional performance was defined by Bono and Vey (2005) as the measurement of emotional regulation via supervisor and co-worker ratings. While it is acknowledged that such ratings can be useful in the observation of emotional displays and their subsequent impact on customer service performance (Grandey et al., 2005), it is implausible for an observer to accurately measure the internal regulation processes of another individual. As a result, we consider self-report measures, but not peer or supervisory ratings, to be the only valid measure of emotional labour when it is operationalised as an internal emotion regulation process. Last, the findings of Bono and Vey (2005) were based on only a small number of studies, increasing the probability of chance results known as “second-order sampling error” (Hunter & Schmidt, 1990). In fairness to the authors however, this review was conducted during the early stages of quantitative research on the subject, which limits the availability of published and unpublished studies for inclusion. The number of quantitative studies on emotional labour has since burgeoned, prompting an updated review. In an attempt to improve and extend upon the work of Bono and Vey (2005), a meta-analysis was performed taking into consideration both antecedents and outcomes variables, along with job and individual characteristics. The present analysis also utilised the random effects model or the “psychometric” approach, which is considered to be far superior when estimating population parameters, particularly with heterogeneous samples (Hunter & Schmidt, 1990). While the exploratory nature of this meta-analysis (i.e., for the purposes of a literature review) precludes the development of study hypotheses, differential associations, as first proposed by Grandey (2000), are expected for both surface acting and deep acting.

Table 3.1 Definitions for Each Variable Meta-Analysed

Variable Definition

Situational Antecedents

Negative Display Rules Perceived norms to suppress negative emotions. Positive Display Rules Perceived norms to express positive emotions. Frequency Refers to the number of interactions with customers/clients. Duration Refers to the length of time spent on customer/client interactions. Variety Refers to the variety of emotional displays required in customer/client interactions. Intensity Refers to the intensity of experienced emotions during interactions with customers/clients. Routineness Refers to the monotony of interactions with customers/clients.

Emotional Events

Family-Work Conflict A form of inter-role conflict that occurs when family experiences (i.e., interpersonal conflict) interfere with work-life.

Individual Differences

Negative Affectivity A mood disposition that reflects pervasive individual differences in negative emotionality and self-concept. Positive Affectivity A mood disposition that reflects pervasive individual differences in positive emotionality and self-concept Neuroticism A personality trait reflecting the degree to which a person is insecure, has high anxiety, and has high emotionality. Extraversion A personality trait reflecting the degree to which a person is sociable, assertive, talkative, ambitious, and energetic. Openness to Experience A personality trait reflecting the degree to which a person is curious, intelligent, imaginative, and independent. Agreeableness A personality trait reflecting the degree to which a person is likeable, easy to get along with, and friendly. Conscientiousness A personality trait reflecting the degree to which a person is hard working, dependable and detail oriented. Emotional Intelligence Refers to the ability, capacity, skill or a self-perceived ability, to identify, assess, and manage the emotions of one’s self, of others, and of groups. Self-Monitoring The self-observation and self-control of expressive behaviours according to what is appropriate in a given situation.

Traditional Job Characteristics

Workload/Demand Refers to the volume of work output, in addition to attentional demands and responsibility involved in one’s job. Autonomy The extent to which the job provides freedom or independence, allowing the worker to make their own decisions. Supervisory Support Refers to the level of emotional support and guidance provided by one’s supervisor or boss.

Psychological/Physical Well-Being

Emotional Exhaustion The extent to which employees feel emotionally drained and overwhelmed by their work. Depersonalisation Refers to the development of negative, callous, and cynical attitudes towards others. Personal Refers to a sense of adequacy (inadequacy) in a person’s ability to relate to people and perform their role. Accomplishment Depression Refers to a range of negative mood states and feelings including sadness, guilt, and helplessness. Work-Family Conflict A form of inter-role conflict that occurs when work experiences interfere with family/personal life. Psychosomatic Refers to the experience of physical symptoms (i.e., headaches and stomach aches). Complaints Emotional Dissonance A feeling of unease or tension that occurs when displayed emotions are discrepant from genuine feelings. Authenticity Refers to the genuineness of emotional displays.

Job Attitudes

Job Satisfaction A collection of positive and/or negative feelings that an individual holds towards one’s job. Job Involvement The degree to which a person identifies with their job, actively participates in it, and considers performance important to self-worth. Organisational A person’s emotional attachment, identification, and involvement with the organisation. Commitment Turnover Intentions Refers to the desire or willingness to leave an organisation. Distributive Justice The degree to which an employee feels the allocation of outcomes or rewards was fair.

Method

Identification and Selection of Studies Multiple methods were used to identify relevant studies for this meta-analytic review. Both computer-based and manual search methods were used to locate studies relevant to our analysis. Searches for relevant studies (i.e., articles, book chapters, dissertations) were conducted in a number of electronic databases including PsychINFO, Academic Search Elite, and Business Source Elite. Keywords for the predictor variables included emotional labour, emotion management, emotion regulation, emotion work, surface acting, deep acting, negative affectivity, positive affectivity, emotional intelligence, self-monitoring, emotional exhaustion, depersonalisation, personal accomplishment, and job satisfaction . Manual searches involved major journals in industrial-organisational psychology, organisational behavior, health psychology and allied fields. The following journals were searched: Journal of Applied Psychology , Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology , Journal of Occupational Health Psychology , European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology , Journal of Vocational Behavior , Academy of Management Journal , Work and Stress , Journal of Managerial Psychology , and Journal of Organizational Behavior . Upon locating relevant papers, the reference section of each paper was examined to identify unnoticed studies. Unpublished doctoral and master’s dissertations, in addition to conference proceedings, were also acquired. Finally, prominent authors whom had previously published studies on the topic of emotional labour were contacted with requests for working papers or articles in-press.

Upon retrieving these studies, several decision rules were used to determine the relevance of each primary study to the meta-analysis. These rules centred largely on how authors conceptualised and measured emotional labour. Based on the operationalisation of emotional labour as an internal regulation process, studies that utilised measures of surface acting and deep acting were included. Studies that conceptualised emotional labour as emotional dissonance, emotive effort, suppression, and emotion work were excluded, despite some measures being conceptually similar to both surface acting and deep acting (Cropnazano et al., 2004; Kruml & Geddes, 2000a, b). The decision to exclude such studies was done primarily to avoid conceptual and operational confusion. In addition, only those studies that included an effect size between surface acting and deep acting and two or more relevant variables were chosen. Overall, thirty-three variables were identified that met the inclusion criteria. A final database of 35 published and unpublished papers (total pairwise N = 8718), from which 33 independent samples containing 335 coefficients were drawn (see references). The study samples were sourced from numerous populations, which primarily included service workers (e.g., hospitality, finance, call centers) and human service providers (e.g., nurses, GP’s, social workers, psychologists and teachers). The reader should be aware that a portion of the unpublished dissertation findings reported in the present review by Gosserand (2003), Johnson (2004), Prati (2004), and Chau (2007) were later published in peer-reviewed journals. However, when relevant correlations were not included in these publications, dissertation findings were utilised. Moreover, Brotheridge and Grandey (2002) and Brotheridge and Lee (2003) appear to have used the same sample (N = 238) in their published findings. While reported correlations from Brotheridge and Grandey (2002) are primarily used in this review, unreported correlations not included in this paper were gathered from the study by Brotheridge and Lee (2003). Based on this knowledge, great care was taken to ensure that no correlation or sample was duplicated in this analysis. Of the studies included in the meta-analysis, fourteen samples utilised the Emotional Labor Scale (ELS) first developed by Brotheridge and Lee (1998), and later validated by the same authors (Brotheridge & Lee, 2003). Eight samples employed the scale developed and validated by Grandey (2003), six samples utilised the measure

developed and validated by Diefendorff et al. (2005), while three samples employed the Dutch Questionnaire on Emotional Labor (D-QEL) developed by Näring and Briët (2004) and later validated by Näring et al. (2007). The remaining two samples used a measure of emotional labour developed by Lin (2000), and a composite measure based on the work of Grandey (1998). All measures were developed to measure the frequency of surface acting and deep acting.

Meta-Analytic Procedure Using the psychometric approach set out by Hunter and Schmidt (1990), the following parameters for each bivariate analysis were estimated: the uncorrected weighted mean effect size ( r); the “true” effect size ( ρ ), calculated by correcting for measurement artifacts (sampling error and unreliability of measures of constructs); the corrected standard deviation ( SD ρ ); and 80% credibility intervals (CV) and 90% confidence intervals (Hunter & Schmidt, 2004). Confidence intervals provide an estimate of the variability around the estimated mean correlation; a 90% confidence interval excluding zero indicates 95% confidence that the average true correlation is nonzero (Judge Ilies, 2002). Credibility intervals provide an estimate of the variability of individual correlations across studies; an 80% credibility interval excluding zero indicates that at least 90% of the individual correlations in the meta-analysis were greater than zero (Judge & Ilies, 2002). Examining credibility intervals can establish if moderators are present, which affect the validity of inferences that can be drawn from the test (Whitener, 1990). Moderator analyses, however, were not conducted in this investigation based on the small number of studies per correlation, which reduces statistical power for detecting moderator effects (Hunter & Schmidt, 1990).

Results

Tables 3.2 to 3.7 report the correlation coefficients between emotional labour and selected variables. To examine the “true” effect size of each correlation, “d” values were calculated using Cohen’s classification system. Specifically, correlations of .10 - .24, .25 - .36. > .37, represented weak, moderate, and strong effect sizes respectively. The

primary discussion in this section will centre on both strong and medium effect sizes. However, when the credibility and confidence intervals include zero, “true” effect sizes ( ρ ) should be interpreted with caution.

Table 3.2 Meta-Correlations Among Situational Cues, Surface Acting (SA) and Deep Acting (DA)

80% CV 80% CV 90% CI 90% CI

Correlate k N r ρ SD ρ LL UL LL UL Positive Display Rules – SA 6 1370 .04 .06 .23 -.03 .35 a -.09 .17 b

Positive Display Rules – DA 6 1370 .30 .39 .12 .24 .54 .22 .38

Negative Display Rules – SA 8 1634 .34 .46 .10 .33 .59 .30 .38

Negative Display Rules – DA 6 1370 .15 .20 .08 .10 .30 .09 .21

Frequency – SA 7 2326 .13 .17 .14 -.01 .35 a .05 .21

Frequency – DA 6 1557 .21 .25 .08 .15 .35 .15 .27

Duration – SA 6 2108 -.04 -.05 .01 -.06 -.04 -.07 -.00

Duration – DA 6 2108 .10 .11 .14 .07 .29 .01 .19

Variety – SA 4 969 .11 .14 .23 -.15 .43 a -.19 .41 b

Variety – DA 4 961 .34 .41 .11 .27 .55 .25 .43

Intensity – SA 3 772 .05 .07 .22 -.21 .35 a -.12 .22 b

Intensity – DA 3 772 .26 .33 .10 .20 .46 .16 .36

Routineness – SA 2 608 .13 .17 .00 .17 .17 .06 .20

Routineness – DA 2 608 -.02 -.03 .13 -.20 .14 a -.09 .05 b

Note. k = number of studies; N = number of cases; r = weighted mean effect size; ρ = “true” effect size;

SD ρ = corrected standard deviation; CV = credibility intervals; CI = confidence intervals; a = moderators present (CV); b = non significant (CI).

In table 3.2 above, a strong positive relationship was observed between surface acting and negative display rules ( ρ = .46 ). Deep acting also demonstrated strong positive relationships with both variety ( ρ = .41) and positive display rules ( ρ = .39 ), in addition to a moderate positive effect size with intensity ( ρ = .33 ). Overall, weak relationships were observed for most situational cues measured.

In Table 3.3 below, a moderate positive effect size was observed between surface acting and family-work conflict ( ρ = .30 ). Deep acting demonstrated a weak, non- significant relationship with family-work conflict.

Table 3.3 Meta-Correlations Among Family-Work Conflict, Surface Acting (SA) and Deep Acting (DA)

80% CV 80% CV 90% CI 90% CI

Correlate K N r ρ SD ρ LL UL LL UL Family-work conflict – SA 4 944 .22 .30 .06 .22 .38 .18 .28

Family-work conflict – DA 2 680 -.04 -.05 .00 -.05 -.05 -.10 .02 b

Note. k = number of studies; N = number of cases; r = weighted mean effect size; ρ = “true” effect size;

SD ρ = corrected standard deviation; CV = credibility intervals; CI = confidence intervals; a = moderators present (CV); b = non significant (CI).

Table 3.4 Meta-Correlations Among Traditional Job Characteristics, Surface Acting (SA), and Deep Acting (DA)

80% CV 80% CV 90% CI 90% CI

Correlate k N r ρ SD ρ LL UL LL UL Demand – SA 4 1231 .18 .23 .00 .23 .23 .13 .23

Demand – DA 4 1231 .06 .07 .00 .07 .07 .01 .11

Autonomy – SA 8 1800 -.12 -.14 .02 -.17 -.11 -.17 -.07

Autonomy – DA 6 1604 .03 .03 .09 -.09 .15 a -.04 .10 b

Supervisory Support – SA 3 697 -.18 -.22 .00 -.22 -.22 -.24 -.12

Supervisory Support – DA 3 697 .05 .06 .00 .06 .06 -.01 .11 b

Note. k = number of studies; N = number of cases; r = weighted mean effect size; ρ = “true” effect size; SD ρ = corrected standard deviation; CV = credibility intervals; CI = confidence intervals; a = moderators present (CV); b = non significant (CI).

As shown in Table 3.4 above, the observed relationships between job characteristics, surface acting and deep acting were weak. In fact, two of the correlations between job characteristics and deep acting were non significant. Effect sizes for individual difference measures are displayed in Table 3.5 below.

Surface acting had moderate positive relationships with neuroticism ( ρ = .32 ) and negative

affectivity ( ρ = .30 ), and moderate negative relationships with conscientiousness

( ρ = −. 33 ) and emotional intelligence ( ρ = −. 30 ). Only one moderate effect size was observed between deep acting and agreeableness ( ρ = .35 ). Overall, weak relationships were observed between individual difference variables and surface and deep acting.

Table 3.5 Meta-Correlations Among Individual Difference Variables, Surface Acting (SA) and Deep Acting (DA)

80% CV 80% CV 90% CI 90% CI

Correlate K N r ρ SD ρ LL UL LL UL Negative Affectivity – SA 12 2711 .26 .33 .10 .17 .43 .19 .29

Negative Affectivity – DA 8 2251 -.01 -.01 .07 -.10 .08 a -.06 .04 b

Positive Affectivity – SA 7 2040 -.15 -.18 .14 -.36 -.00 -.23 -.07

Positive Affectivity – DA 7 2040 .16 .18 .08 .08 .28 .10 .22

Neuroticism – SA 5 1139 .25 .32 .17 .10 .54 .14 .36

Neuroticism – DA 5 1139 -.08 -.11 .04 -.16 -.06 -.15 -.03

Extraversion – SA 5 1139 -.14 -.18 .02 -.21 -.15 -.19 -.09

Extraversion – DA 5 1139 .14 .17 .00 .17 .17 .09 .19

Openness to Experience – SA 2 517 -.11 -.13 .00 -.13 -.13 -.18 -.04

Openness to experience – DA 2 517 .08 .11 .00 .11 .11 .02 .16

Agreeableness – SA 2 517 -.22 -.26 .09 -.38 -.14 -.33 -.11

Agreeableness – DA 2 517 .27 .35 .00 .35 .35 .20 .34

Conscientiousness – SA 2 517 -.28 -.33 .00 -.33 -.33 -.36 -.20

Conscientiousness – DA 2 517 .08 .10 .00 .10 .10 .01 .15

Emotional Intelligence – SA 4 758 -.25 -.30 .16 -.50 -.10 -.38 -.12

Emotional Intelligence – DA 4 758 .19 .24 .13 .07 .41 .08 .30

Self-Monitoring – SA 5 1082 .09 .12 .21 -.15 .40 a -.04 .22 b

Self-Monitoring – DA 5 1082 .05 .06 .07 -.02 .16 a -.01 .11 b

Note. k = number of studies; N = number of cases; r = weighted mean effect size; ρ = “true” effect size;

SD ρ = corrected standard deviation; CV = credibility intervals; CI = confidence intervals; a = moderators present (CV); b = non significant (CI).

Table 3.6 Meta-Correlations Among Surface Acting (SA), Deep Acting (DA), and Psychological/ Physical Well-Being

80% CV 80% CV 90% CI 90% CI

Correlate k N r ρ SD ρ LL UL LL UL Emotional Exhaustion – SA 21 5776 .33 .40 .09 .28 .52 .31 .35

Emotional Exhaustion – DA 17 5136 .08 .09 .13 -.08 .26 a .03 .13

Depersonalisation – SA 9 2593 .38 .49 .00 .49 .49 .35 .40

Depersonalisation – DA 9 2593 .04 .05 .14 -.13 .23a -.03 .11 b

Personal Accomplishment – SA 8 2438 -.08 -.11 .12 -.26 .04 a -.14 -.02

Personal Accomplishment – DA 8 2438 .12 .15 .15 -.05 .35 a .04 .20

Depression – SA 4 970 .27 .34 .03 .30 .38 .23 .33

Depression – DA 4 970 -.07 -.08 .00 -.08 -.08 -.12 -.02

Work-family Conflict – SA 6 1273 .26 .34 .00 .34 .34 .22 .30

Work-family Conflict – DA 4 1009 .06 .07 .07 -.01 -.17 -.01 .13 b

Psychosomatic Complaints – SA 3 490 .32 .39 .00 .39 .39 .25 .38

Psychosomatic Complaints – DA 3 490 .14 .16 .09 .05 .29 .01 .27

Emotional Dissonance – SA 2 528 .35 .44 .00 .44 .44 .29 .41

Authenticity – SA 2 400 -.42 -.49 .00 -.49 -.49 -.52 -.32

Authenticity – DA 2 400 .23 .28 .13 .11 .45 .09 .39

Note. k = number of studies; N = number of cases; r = weighted mean effect size; ρ = “true” effect size;

SD ρ = corrected standard deviation; CV = credibility intervals; CI = confidence intervals; a = moderators present (CV); b = non significant (CI).

Psychological and physical well-being outcomes are reported in Table 3.6 above. Surface acting, for the most part, had significant strong effects on these psychological and physical well-being variables. A strong effect size was reported between surface acting and the burnout dimensions of emotional exhaustion ( ρ = .40 ) and depersonalisation ( ρ = .49 ). This is a robust finding when one considers the number of available studies, particularly between surface acting and emotional exhaustion ( k = 21). Surface acting also demonstrated a strong negative relationship with authenticity

( ρ = −. 49 ) in addition to strong positive relationships with emotional dissonance

( ρ = .44 ), and psychosomatic complaints ( ρ = .39 ). Moderate positive relationships were also observed for surface acting and depression ( ρ = .34 ) as well as surface acting and work-family conflict ( ρ = .34 ). In contrast, deep acting had predominantly weak relationships with indicators of psychological and physical well-being. The strongest effect size observed was between deep acting and authenticity ( ρ = .28 ). Effect sizes for job attitudes are shown in Table 3.7 below. Surface acting exhibited a strong neg relationship with organisational commitment ( ρ = −. 49 ) and a strong positive relationship with turnover intentions ( ρ = .49 ). A moderate positive relationship was also observed between surface acting and job satisfaction

( ρ = −. 29 ). The direction of these relationships suggest that surface acting has a negative impact on job attitudes, while deep acting is associated with favourable job attitudes (although effect sizes are weak in magnitude).

Table 3.7 Meta-Correlations Among Surface Acting (SA), Deep Acting (DA), and Job Attitudes

80% CV 80% CV 90% CI 90% CI

Correlate k N r ρ SD ρ LL UL LL UL Job Satisfaction – SA 12 2377 -.24 -.29 .16 -.49 -.09 -.31 -.17

Job Satisfaction – DA 10 2181 .17 .20 .22 -.08 .48a .07 .27

Turnover Intentions – SA 3 648 .34 .40 .00 .40 .40 .29 .40

Turnover Intentions – DA 3 648 -.11 -.13 .00 -.13 -.13 -.17 -.04

Job Involvement – SA 3 1154 -.08 -.10 .13 -.26 .07a -.21 .06 b

Job Involvement – DA 3 1154 .14 .17 .05 .11 .22 .08 .20

Organisational Commitment – SA 2 385 -.40 -.49 .00 -.49 -.49 -.50 -.30

Organisational Commitment – DA 2 385 .18 .22 .00 .22 .22 .10 .26

Distributive Justice – SA 3 1078 -.19 -.24 .00 -.24 -.24 -.25 -.14

Distributive Justice – DA 3 1078 -.03 -.04 .00 -.04 -.04 -.08 .02 b

Note. k = number of studies; N = number of cases; r = weighted mean effect size; ρ = “true” effect size;

SD ρ = corrected standard deviation; CV = credibility intervals; CI = confidence intervals; a = moderators present (CV); b = non significant (CI).

Discussion

The current study explored a wide variety of antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour using meta-analytic procedures. The present meta-analysis provides the clearest and most comprehensive picture to date of the relationship between the variables of surface acting and deep acting and their most commonly assessed correlates. Moreover, given that quantitative emotional labour research is still in its infancy, these results are potentially useful from both a theoretical and applied perspective.

Summary of Findings In terms of situational antecedents, display rule perceptions were an important predictor of acting strategies in organisational contexts. Specifically, the perceived need to hide negative emotions had strong positive relationships with surface acting, whereas the perceived requirement to express positive emotions had a strong positive relationship with deep acting. Furthermore, occupations that require a wide variety of emotional displays, in addition to the display of intense emotions, will likely increase the frequency of deep acting. Overall, the majority of relationships examined in this category were weak in magnitude. In terms of emotional events, family-work conflict demonstrated a moderate positive relationship with surface acting. This finding suggests that when personal concerns enter the work-domain, people are more likely to fake or suppress emotions during interpersonal interactions. Individual difference variables had notable relationships, particularly with surface acting. In terms of disposition, negative affectivity and neuroticism both had a moderate positive relationship with surface acting. These findings suggest that individuals with a predisposition to experience a range of negative emotions (i.e., anxiety, anger) will fake or suppress emotions to meet mandated emotional displays. The results also suggest that individuals high in emotional intelligence will perform less surface acting compared to individuals scoring low on emotional intelligence. In terms of the big five personality traits, individuals scoring low on conscientiousness are more likely to fake their emotions, rather than change internal feelings. While not particularly strong in magnitude, individuals scoring high on positive affectivity, extraversion, and emotional

intelligence were more likely to use deep acting. In terms of individual differences and deep acting, the strongest observed magnitude was with agreeableness, suggesting that such individuals are more likely to change internal feelings rather than simply go through the motions via surface acting. Overall, these findings suggest that both disposition and personality characteristics can influence the choice of emotional labour strategies. Relationships between surface acting and demand, control, support variables were in the expected direction, but were not particularly strong. Workload was associated with more surface acting, whereas high supervisory support was associated with less surface acting. As the demands of the work environment intensify, people are likely to go through the motions of simply faking emotional expressions rather than changing internal feelings. Moreover, when workers have strong supervisory support, they have less of a need to fake or suppress emotions during customer interactions. Thus, supervisory support may be a valuable buffering mechanism for organisations. In terms of outcomes, surface acting was found to have uniformly negative relationships with psychological well-being, and these relationships were strong in magnitude. The largest associations were found between inauthenticity and depersonalisation, suggesting that surface acting creates feelings of psychological detachment from both self and others. In addition, surface acting was strongly related to feelings of emotional dissonance and emotional exhaustion, suggesting that such acting is effortful, depletes emotional resources, and is psychologically taxing. Indeed, the conservation of resources theory (Hobfoll, 1989) appears to be a useful framework to understand these findings (Brotheridge & Lee, 2002). Modest associations were also found between surface acting and psychosomatic complaints, depression, and work- family conflict. Psychosomatic complaints are most probably due to the increase in physiological arousal that accompanies surface acting. The inauthentic nature of surface acting is also likely to result in feelings of depression, in addition to such unpleasant feelings spilling into the family domain. While deep acting was found to have some negative associations on psychological well-being, these associations were generally small in magnitude. Deep acting, was, however, related to feelings of authenticity suggesting that this acting strategy, while effortful, is less harmful to psychological well- being.

In terms of job attitudes, surface acting had a negative relationship with selected attitudinal variables. High levels of surface acting were associated with low organisational commitment and job satisfaction, and greater turnover intentions. Deep acting, on the other hand, had positive associations with organisational commitment, job satisfaction and job involvement. While these associations were generally smaller in magnitude, it suggests that deep acting has some positive benefits. Research interest on emotional labour has been plentiful and will continue to expand. It is the author’s intention that the current study serves not only to establish and highlight the utility of examining emotional labour as surface acting and deep acting, but – more importantly – to stimulate further theoretical inquiry into the processes underlying the role of emotional labour in the organisational context.

Practical Implications The findings of this review suggest some strategies that could be implemented to better manage emotional labour in the workplace. First, the results clearly demonstrate that positive display rule perceptions influence deep acting, whereas negative display rule perceptions create the need for more surface acting. Thus, organisations that specify the reasons for positive displays, rather than focusing on the suppression of inappropriate emotions, may reduce the need for superficial acting. Moreover, because different occupations may require different emotional displays, traditional job evaluation tools may also need to be updated to ensure that emotional labour demands are taken into consideration. It is important that organisations select people with the aim of achieving the best person-job fit (Arvey, Renz, & Watson, 1998). A useful way to accomplish this task may be to use personality tests that measure trait affectivity or emotional intelligence. For example, applicants who demonstrate a high level of positive affectivity would be considered a good job fit for service-oriented occupations. Alternatively, an individual high on negative affectivity may be better suited to occupations whereby hostile emotional displays are required for effective job performance (e.g., debt collector, crowd controller or security officer). Indeed, linking the person to the emotional job requirements could save costs associated with absenteeism and turnover.

A practical conclusion from this analysis is that organizations need to be especially cognisant of the effects of surface acting on psychological well-being and job attitudes. Surface acting results in feelings of inauthenticity and does nothing to reduce emotional dissonance. Thus, training people to deep act may be a valuable organisational tool (Totterdell & Parkinson, 1999). People could use deep acting strategies such as trained imagination to “psyche themselves” up before entering their work role, ensuring that their emotional displays are genuine. Using role-play situations to teach reappraisal or cognitive reframing skills could be another useful strategy to teach people how to transform emotions, and to handle emotionally difficult situations without becoming overwhelmed. This would lead to a greater sense of personal accomplishment when they are able to successfully deal with emotionally demanding situations. Because deep acting can negatively influence well-being, albeit in a small way, it is important that in combination with deep acting training, a number of additional avenues for resource gain are implemented to avoid negative outcomes. Because emotional labour can drain emotional resources and cause burnout (Brotheridge & Lee, 2002), recovery from work is necessary to protect an individual’s health and well-being in the long run. Recovery refers to the process during which an individual’s functioning returns to its pre-stressor level. This can be reflected in both psychological detachment from work, low fatigue, and undisturbed sleep. If recovery is not successful, well-being will be affected and the individual starts the working day in a suboptimal state. Successful recovery after work occurs when well-being improves, and resources drawn upon during the strain process are restored (Sonnentag & Natter, 2004). Thus, off-job time activities (e.g., playing a sport, going to the gym, etc.) that offer the opportunity to recover from job stress and to replenish depleted resources should be incorporated into human resource management systems. The effort-recovery model (Meijman & Mulder, 1998) suggests that the core mechanism through which recovery at work occurs is the temporary relief from demands placed on the individual. Emotionally demanding jobs that offer regular scheduled breaks and time-out rooms, where people can emotionally vent are necessary for the health and wellbeing of workers. The conservation of resources theory (Hobfoll, 1989)

also suggests that social support at work is a vital process in restoring emotional resources (Brotheridge & Lee, 2002). Researchers have also argued that emotional regulation should be properly rewarded based on the theories of compensating wage differentials and human capital (Glomb, et al., 2004). However, due to the failure by traditional job design and evaluation systems to adequately measure and compensate for emotional labour in monetary terms (Grandey & Diamond, 2010; Steinberg, 1999), organisations should consider using formal and informal rewards and recognition as a symbol of appreciation for the emotional effort exerted by employees. While the meta-analytic results were only weak, surface acting was negatively related to distributive justice, which suggests that workers may feel justifiably that they are not fairly rewarded for their efforts. Indeed, if both service and human service organisations wish to attract and retain high performing employees they must be compensated accordingly.

Limitations and Directions for Future Research An obvious limitation of this research is the relatively small number of studies included for analysis, which increases the possibility of second-order sampling error (Hunter & Schmidt, 1990). With this in mind, the reader should consider that a larger- scale meta-analysis may produce different findings. Despite this limitation, meta-analytic results are valid and still superior to interpreting single study results (Judge & Ilies, 2002). Indeed, Schmidt, Hunter, Pearlman, and Hirsh (1985) state that “Even with small numbers of studies and small N’s, meta-analysis is still the optimal method for integrating findings across studies. In the absence of such interim meta-analyses, psychologists would likely base judgements on the findings of individual studies or nonquantitative (i.e., narrative) reviews of the literature – both of which are much more likely to lead to error. Thus, such meta-analyses are, in fact, very desirable” (p. 749). It could be further argued that a broad-scale meta-analysis is premature based on limited quantitative research of certain hypothesised variables in the field to date. Although the number of studies is limited, a summary of available empirical evidence provides a strong foundation for future research on the topic. Thus, the author hopes that

this research will provide the impetus for continued quantitative inquiry aimed at better understanding the antecedents and consequences of emotional labour. Finally, the majority of quantitative research conducted has been with service and human service populations, which limits the generalisability of findings to other organisational contexts. Thus, future quantitative studies should explore emotional labour in occupations that are not primarily service oriented (i.e., managers, barristers, executives, professional athletes), in an effort to increase the breadth of the research area.

Summary To avoid an exhaustive qualitative review of emotional labour, a meta-analysis was undertaken to synthesise the extant quantitative literature. The findings are not only beneficial to emotional labour researchers, but also inform the current research project by providing a clear understanding of the direction and magnitude of antecedents and outcomes of surface acting and deep acting. At this point, a two-part literature review has been presented to the reader on the development of the emotional labour construct (Chapter II), in addition to a quantitative meta-analytic review of the emotional labour literature. The reader should now have a more complete understanding of the emotional labour construct and how it is best conceptualised and operationalised, in addition to the most common antecedents and consequences of both surface acting and deep acting. In Chapter IV, an exploratory study of the emotional labour of professional and semi- professional athletes in team sports is presented.

CHAPTER IV – The Emotional Labour of Professional and Semi- Professional athletes in Australasian Team Sports: A Grounded Theory Approach.

Chapter IV is the first of two investigative projects conducted as part of the Doctoral research program. The following chapter is a qualitative study which was undertaken to explore the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. While a number of findings from this study have previously been identified in past emotional labour studies, the results offer a number of insights into the antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour that are unique to this occupational context. Indeed, emotional labour was considered to be a pervasive aspect of an athletes working life, and for some players, emotional labour permeated every aspect of their lives. Indeed, emotional labour appears to be a useful framework for understanding job stress and psychological well-being in this context. Practical implications, limitations, and directions for future research are also discussed.

Since Hochschild’s (1983) seminal work, the topic of emotional labour has intrigued academic researchers from a wide variety of fields (i.e., psychology, sociology, organisational behaviour). While emotional labour has received considerable scholarly inquiry in numerous occupational contexts, the topic has yet to be adequately investigated in the sport psychology domain. To address this gap in the literature, chapter IV seeks to understand the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. Indeed, Gordon (2007) argued that an emotional labour framework would be useful to better understand the unique job stressors of athletes in professional sporting environments where to date only limited empirical data exists. At the commencement of this research program in 2006, there was no known published research on the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. To first determine whether such a study in the substantive area was relevant, Hochschild’s (1983) taxonomy of emotional labour job characteristics was utilised. Characteristics of emotional labour occupations have included (1) the presence of voice-to-voice or face-to-face contact with the public, (2) a requirement for the worker to produce an emotional state of mind in others, and (3) the opportunity for the employer to control the emotional activities of the employee. This taxonomy was useful in supporting my proclivity that the investigation of player emotional labour in professional and semi-professional team sports was applicable. Specifically, the increased professionalism and commercialisation of team sports has resulted in enlarged salaries and augmented public exposure for athletes. These circumstances have in-turn increased players’ off-field demands and direct contact with the public. Moreover, athletes have employer expectations regarding their behaviour both on-and-off the sporting arena, whereby failure to adhere to such expectations can result in punishment and sanctions. Thus, these unique job characteristics were considered a fruitful venture for the study of player emotional labour. Furthermore, during the course of my candidature, an unpublished doctoral dissertation exploring the emotional labour of Australian and Indian professional cricketers (Shridar, 2008), and a sociological examination of the emotional labour of professional wrestlers (Smith, 2008) became available. These examinations in different occupational settings highlighted the pervasiveness of emotional labour in unique

professional contexts and further validated my contention that such a research project was valuable.

Method

Research Methodology The nature of the research question/s, along with the implicit and explicit assumptions of the researcher about the nature of the social world led to the adoption of a grounded theory (GT) research methodology. The following section outlines how this research methodology was chosen. The research question/s chosen for this investigation has two parts. Firstly, do players perform emotional labour, and if so how, with whom, when, where, and why is emotional labour performed? Secondly, if emotional labour is performed, what are the antecedents and consequences? While numerous process models have been developed exploring the antecedents and consequences of emotional labour in service workers (Côté, 2005; Grandey, 2000; Rubin et al., 2005), no model has been formulated in the substantive area under investigation. Thus, an exploratory research design was deemed most appropriate to generate a descriptive and explanatory theory. The ontological and epistemological assumptions about the nature of the social world also influence the choice of research method. The ontological position states the assumptions concerning the nature of reality, which move along a continuum from realism to constructivism. The epistemological position states the assumptions on the grounds of knowledge and how knowledge can be obtained. This also ranges along a continuum from positivism to interpretivism (see Weed, 2009). Based on these ontological and epistemological positions, three major paradigms emerge: positivism, post-positivism, and constructivism. Positivism claims the existence of one single reality, one absolute truth, which is independent of the observer just waiting to be discovered (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). Post-positivism holds the notion of one single reality but claims that it is never fully apprehendable. Constructivism make sense of the world by using social constructs, which are perceptual categories used for evaluating things (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). Based on the nature of the research questions, along with the author’s

assumptions about the nature of the social world, a post-positivist paradigm was chosen. The post-positivist paradigm lends itself to research questions involving complex social and cultural phenomena, while maintaining the positivist adherence to objectivity and rigour Because player emotional labour has not previously been investigated within the context of team sports, an exploratory research design was deemed most appropriate. Thus, a grounded theory approach was considered a fruitful research methodology. While many variants of grounded theory are available to researchers, the three most commonly used GT methodologies are the Glasserian approach (Glaser, 1992; 1998), which is considered positivistic, the Straussian approach (Strauss & Corbin, 1990; 1998), considered post-positivistic, and the Constructivist approach (Charmaz, 1995, 2000) which is based on the paradigm of constructivism. While all three methods have eight core elements to each approach, they differ in terms of their ontological and epistemological assumptions (see Weed, 2009). As previously mentioned, a post-positivistic framework was adopted to explore the proposed research questions. As a result, the Straussian approach was deemed the most appropriate methodology. The Straussian approach to GT strives to be interpretivist at an epistemological level, while remaining ontologically realist (see Weed, in 2009). In addition, the Straussian method also leaves open the possibility of quantitative testing to add depth to the substantive area under inquiry. Several studies have used GT when exploring the topic of emotional labour as it recognises the complexity and context of the area (Guerrier & Adib, 2003; Harris, 2002; Mazhindu, 2003, 2007; Wong & Wang, 2009).

Site Selection The GT methodology is both an iterative process, requiring a steady movement between concept and data, as well as comparative, requiring a constant comparison across types of evidence to control the conceptual level and scope of the emerging theory (Weed, 2009). To facilitate this iteration and comparison, participants from five Australasian sporting codes were studied. The initial concepts that emerged from

participants in one sporting code were then compared, contrasted, elaborated, and qualified from participants in the other. Theoretical sampling (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) was used to guide the selection of participants and sites. In GT, the study sample is not typically set prior to data collection as this can stifle theory generation. Rather, the selection of new participants proceeded on theoretical grounds with the goal of confirming, challenging, and extending the emerging theory. Further sampling is typically undertaken to develop further analytical considerations, not for the purposes of population representation (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Participants from five elite sporting codes in Australasia were selected: The Australian Football League, A-League, National Basketball League, Australian Domestic First-Class Cricket, and the ANZ Netball Championship. These sporting codes have numerous similarities and differences, which were expected to confirm, challenge, and extend the emerging theory. In terms of similarities, all codes have organisational governing bodies, and are subsumed into the sport-enteratinment nexus. Moreover, all players are contracted, have representation from player unions, and wages are controlled via salary caps. On the other hand, there are a number of differences between the sporting codes in terms of sporting code popularity, crowd attendances at live matches, media exposure, player salaries, squad sizes, financial liquidity of clubs and leagues, length of season, competition structure, and level of professionalism. Indeed, a professional athlete participates in a chosen sporting endeavour as their primary occupation and source of income. A semi- professional athlete however, is an athlete that engages in a sporting endeavour for financial gain, but is often unable to sustain a livelihood without other forms of income. While this is a considerable difference, the inclusion of semi-professional athletes is worthwhile given they share many similarities with professional sporting codes. Thus, the five sporting codes chosen for this investigation were expected to contribute to the emerging theory in unique ways. A brief review of the aforementioned codes will now be presented to the reader.

Australian Football League The Australian Football League (AFL) is both the professional national competition and the governing body of Australian Rules Football in Australia and abroad. The AFL was first introduced in 1990, and replaced the Victorian Football League (VFL) as the countries premier football competition. Since that time, the AFL has grown to become the most successful sporting competition in Australia due to large attendances, substantial media coverage during both the off-season, pre-season, and the season proper, as well as high levels of corporate sponsorship, resulting in the leagues significant financial strength. The AFL competition currently spans five states and comprises sixteen teams that play against each other in 22 home and away rounds between late March and late August. The finals series takes place in September. The current framework for the league is ten teams from the state of Victoria (Carlton, Collingwood, Essendon, Geelong, Hawthorn, Melbourne, North Melbourne, Richmond, St. Kilda, Western Bulldogs) two teams from both the states of Western Australia (West Coast Eagles, Fremantle) and South Australia (Adelaide, Port Adelaide), and one team each from the states of Queensland (Brisbane) and New South Wales (Sydney). The AFL recently granted a license for a new franchise in Queensland known as GC17, which will increase the number of AFL teams to 17 by 2011. This new license is considered to be a strategic move by the AFL to improve its market position within states that are not traditional AFL markets, such as Queensland and Sydney (see www.afl.com.au for more information). The AFL commision is responsible for the promotion and development of the league and code, rule changes, ticket pricing, broadcast rights, and the development of policies for areas such as league structure, team composition, and player behaviour. To ensure a fair and competitive league structure, the AFL has also implemented a number of equalisation policies, including a salary cap, a limit on the number of players per squad, and a recruitment system, known as the AFL national draft. The AFL has implemented a salary cap or total player payments (TPP), which is the total amount a club can spend on their playing list. In 2009, TPP were nearly AU$7.7 million per club, with a maximum of AU$123.1 million across the 16 clubs. Any club that is found to have breached the salary cap can be issued with both fines and penalties (i.e., loss of draft picks) by the AFL.

An AFL club is required to have 44 players on their list, comprising 38 senior players and 6 rookie listed players. The AFL draft takes place in November and is designed so that lower finishing teams get the first pick of the best available talent in the country to ensure a competitive balance in future years. This system also prevents more wealthy clubs from purchasing players and creating an uneven balance. The AFL Players Association (AFL-PA) is the organisation (union) which was formed to represent and protect the interests of both past, present, and future players. Since 1993, the AFL-PA has produced a number of collective bargaining agreements (CBAs), which have focused on salary, leave, professional development, number of appearances, and other entitlements.

The A-League The A-League is Australiasia’s professional football (soccer) competition and is goverened by Football Federation Australia (FFA). The leagues first season began in 2005-06 and consists of 21 home-and-away rounds. The league operates for approximately 5 months between late August and January of the following year. The A- League is contested by eight teams: with seven teams located in five Australian states and one team from New Zealand (Wellington FC). The Australian teams are composed of two sides from both the states of Queensland (Central Coast Mariners, Gold Coast Roar) and New South Wales (Sydney FC, Newcastle Jets), and one each from the states of Victoria (Melbourne Victory), Western Australia (Perth Glory), and South Australia (Adelaide United). In the 2009-10 season, this will expand to ten teams which will include an additional two sides for the state of Queensland (North Queensland Fury, Gold Coast United). The minimum number of players allowed for each A-League squad is 20. The squad must include at least three under-20 players. Clubs may also only have a maximum of four internationals (from outside Australia and New Zealand) in their squad. Like the AFL, the FFA have implemented a salary cap as part of its equalisation policy to ensure an even balance amongst teams. Each club has a salary cap of AU$1.9 million for 19 players. The 20th player, typically a marquee player, is exempt from the salary cap, and therefore can be paid an unlimited salary. Marquee players are important to generate

exposure and interets in the league (see www.a-league.com.au). The Australian Professional Footballers Association (PFA) is the organisation (union) representing the voices of Australian players both in Australia and abroad.

National Basketball League The National Basketball League (NBL) is the elite professional basketball competition in Australiasia and is governed by Basketball Australia. The NBL first commenced in 1979, and was played during the late autumn and winter months (April– September) until the completion of the 20th season in 1998. The most successful years for the NBL were experienced in the early to mid-1990s, but its popularity declined due to the rise of other sporting codes, namely AFL. In an attempt to avoid competing with other sporting codes, the 1998/99 season saw a shift to the current summer season format (October–April). The NBL currently comprises 10 teams from 4 states of Australia and 1 team from New Zealand (New Zealand Breakers). In Australia, the league has three teams from the state of Queensland (Cairns Taipans, Gold Coast Blaze, Townsville Crocodiles) two teams from both the states of Victoria (Melbourne Tigers, South Dragons) and New Soth Wales (Sydney Spirit, Wollongong Hawks), and one team each from both the states of Western Australia (Perth Wildcats) and South Australia (Adelaide 36ers). Similar to other leagues in Australia, the NBL also has a salary cap which allow teams to compete evenly for playing talent. In 2007/08, the salary cap was set at $810,000 (AUS), which means that the combined earnings of players cannot exceed this amount. NBL clubs need to have at least 10 active contracted players, and are limited to having two non-Australians on their roster at any one time (see www.nbl.com.au for more information). The NBL Players Association (NBL-PA) is the organisation (union) representing the voices of current NBL players in both Australia and New Zealand.

The ANZ Championship The ANZ Championship is the elite semi-professional netball competition in Australasia. The championship is contested between five teams from Australia (Queensland Firebirds, New South Wales Swifts, Adelaide Thunderbirds, Melbourne

Vixens, West Coast Fever) and five teams from New Zealand (Northern Mystics, Canterbury Tactix, Waikato/Bay of Plenty Magic, Pulse and Sothern Steel). The league succeeds Australia's Commonwealth Bank Trophy (1997-2007) and New Zealand's National Bank Cup (1998-2007) as the highest level of competitive netball in these countries. The all female competition comprises international players from a number of countries (i.e., Jamaica, England), which is considered the most competitive in the world. The Trans Tasman Netball League (TTNL), a joint venture between Netball Australia and Netball New Zealand, acts as the goverening body (see www.anzchampionship.com.au for further information). The league began in 2008 and operates as a 17-week tournament with 69 matches from April to July. During the initial round-robin phase, each team played other teams from their own country twice, and teams from the other country once; each team has one bye. The four teams who had accumulated the most competition points at the end of the round-robin phase progressed to the finals series; other teams are eliminated from the competition. The Salary cap for each neball team is $300,000 which covers 12 contracted players. The players are represented by the Australian Netball Players Association.

Australian Domestic Cricket The Sheffield Shield is the domestic first class male cricket competition in Australia. Two separate limited over competitions run concurrently with the Sheffield Shield, known as the Ford Ranger Cup (50 over competition), and the KFC Twenty20 Big Bash (see www.cricketaustralia.com.au for more information). The competitions are contested between six teams, located across six states in Australia (New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia), with the season beginning in early October and concluding late March. Cricket Australia is the administrative organisation responsible for the promotion, development and organisation of cricket in Australia, with six member organisations representing each of the Australian states. The number of contracted players from each state association range from 21-29 players. The Professional Cricketers Assocition is the representative union body for Australian domestic cricketers.

Data Sources A basic tenet of GT is that “all is data” (Glaser, 1998). The GT literature emphasises the need to combine many data collection methods to ensure that a broad range of perspectives and experiences relevant to the substantive area are acquired (Glaser, 1978; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Sources of data in GT studies may include, but are not limited to, interviews, observations, informal conversations, technical (journals, book chapters) and non-technical literature (written words in magazines, biographies and newspapers) and documentation review (Glaser, 1978). This triangulation across various techniques of data collection is particularly beneficial in theory generation, as it provides multiple perspectives on an issue and supplies a greater breadth of information on an emerging concept. As a result, numerous data sources were utilised in this study, as preconceiving data sources can severely restrict theory generation (Glaser, 1998).

Interviews The primary source of data collection used in this methodology was one-to-one interviews. Cresswell (1998) suggested that twenty to thirty interview participants are necessary to adequately develop a theoretical model or theory. However, Strauss and Corbin (1998) argue that there is no prerequisite number of interviewees required to develop a grounded theory. Rather, the most important aspect of sampling in GT is to include participants that represent different perspectives regarding the phenomenon. In all, forty-eight interviews (39 males; 7 females) were conducted, with each interview lasting between 40 and 60 minutes (although some interviews exceeded this time frame). Interviews were open-ended and unstructured in the initial stages of the research, with questions becoming more structured in the latter stages of the research. Twenty-seven current and former players from five different sporting codes were formally interviewed (12 AFL, 6 Netball, 5 NBL, 2 Cricket, and 2 A-League). The age of interviewed player’s ranged from 19 to 34. Interviews were largely conversational and open-ended and focused on what players considered to be “the most emotionally demanding aspects of their role as a contracted player”. Such an interview style allowed an exploration of a wide variety of issues for players who were at the beginning, the middle, or the latter

stages of their career. In addition to player interviews, six club CEO’s and five current and four former coaches, spanning all five sporting codes were selected to obtain data from multiple levels and perspectives. Finally, four AFL support staff and two player agents representing players from numerous sporting codes were also formally interviewed to add further depth to the study phenomenon. A major premise of GT is that to produce accurate and useful results, the complexities of the organisational context have to be incorporated into an understanding of the phenomenon, rather then being simplified or ignored (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Due to the difficulty in gaining interviews with elite sporting players (Roderick, 2006 a), club CEO’s and coaches were first contacted and interviewed. An understanding of the research domain, in addition to its relevance, convinced such gatekeepers that players should participate in this study. Participants were also recruited through acquaintances, friends, and colleagues, who had close contact with various playing personnel. Interviews were conducted at a time and location that was beneficial to the participant. Permission was sought in each interview to audio record the discussion and confidentiality was assured prior to proceeding. Where informants granted permission for recording to occur, the interview was later transcribed verbatim. Some interviewees however, were uncomfortable with the audio recording, but consented to hand-written notes being taken during the discussion, with illustrative quotations noted verbatim. Interviews commenced upon ethical approval from the Human Research Ethical Committee at The University of Western Australia. Interviews took place over a period of sixteen months beginning in early-mid 2006 and ending in late 2007. This extended period was due largely to the difficulty in recruiting participants and arranging interviews. A selective sample of AFL personnel was used during the early stages of research. Based on these initial interviews, theoretical sampling guided the selection of further sporting codes with similar job characteristics. This iterative process enabled comparison and contrasting of different perspectives and findings that could extend and challenge the emerging theory. Theoretical sampling was also used during the late stages of research to re-enter the field and select participants who could provide a greater scope on under-developed themes exposed during data analysis. The interview phase of the

research was stopped when it was deemed that theoretical saturation had occurred. That is, the point in which the ongoing analysis of new data offers no new insights relevant to the emerging theory.

Informal and private conversations Informal and private conversations were an unlikely source of rich data in this study. After formal completion of a player interview, informal conversations would often develop regarding a topic or theme uncovered during our discussion. Indeed, a number of players revealed significantly more information regarding their emotional experiences as an athlete once the audio recorder was switched off. Despite assurances of confidentiality prior to the interview, a fear of responses becoming public knowledge, in addition to appearing weak or being considered a “whinger”, could have resulted in valuable information being withheld by some interviewees. Notes and memos were often hand-written at the conclusion of such “off-the-record” conversations and were treated as valuable data. Moreover, during the course of my candidature, I provided psychological services to two elite teams in two of the sporting codes under investigation. My main responsibilities were to provide individual level counselling and support to players, which enabled me to play the role of both “service specialist” and “confidant” (Goffman, 1959). The role of confidant offered unique insights into the culture of teams, when and with whom players would perform emotional labour, and its likely consequences. Furthermore, this position enabled me to have a variety of informal and private conversations with key informants in the substantive area, which were used to further explore and extend interview findings. Thus, the role of the researcher as a research tool was an additional advantage in developing the emergent theory.

Direct and indirect observation A third method of data collection was both direct and indirect observation. As previously mentioned, my role as a player service provider in two of the sporting codes under investigation allowed me the opportunity to directly observe players in both back- stage and off-stage regions. This included training, locker rooms, live matches, and

informal public settings. Moreover, during the early stages of research, I indirectly observed players in front-stage regions to get a better understanding of their role. Such events included player appearances, family days, and public training nights. Furthermore, due to the high level of media exposure in particular sports i.e., AFL, I would often observe players during their interactions with media personnel, as this was a component that was relevant to the substantive theory. Observation derived notes and memos were used to record any thoughts, ideas, or perceptions that would be relevant to the research and were considered to be valuable supplementary data to interviews. Indeed, observations can often provide valuable contextual information and impressions, in addition to the spoken word (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).

Internal and external documentation data A further method of data collection was the retrieval and analysis of internal and external documentary data. This secondary data included documents and policies from league and club web sites, and would often compliment information gleaned from interviews.

Technical and non-technical literature. Technical literature included academic journals and book chapters, which could inform the phenomenon being studied. To supplement the technical literature, non– technical literature including newspaper articles, television documentaries, and radio transcripts of player interviews were utilised. Such literature was used to inspire novel ideas and for comparative purposes.

Data Analysis

The data generated from interviews, informal and private conversations, observations, internal and external documentation, and both the technical and non- technical literature were analysed by focusing on the research questions at hand. Data collection proceeded concurrently with coding and analysis and ended when theoretical saturation was achieved. Data analysis followed the analytic coding guidelines presented in Strauss and Corbin’s (1990;1998) version of grounded theory. In this version, data

analysis does not refer “to the quantifying of qualitative data, but rather to a non- mathematical process of interpretation, carried out for the purpose of discovering concepts and relationships in raw data and then organising them into a theoretical explanatory scheme” (Strauss & Corbin, 1998, p. 11). This can be achieved through a process of open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. Open coding is the first stage of data analysis and is responsible for labelling and categorising data into themes and concepts, the basic building blocks in GT construction. The data was initially opened up and analysed sentence-by-sentence, or in some cases incident by incident, and grouped together to describe the phenomena that appeared in the data. The constant comparison of categories was utilised to rename, reorganise, or redefine thematic categories in an ongoing process of refinement (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, 1998). Coding memos were used throughout the process to assist in conceptual labelling. Once major categories are identified, a second level coding process referred to as axial coding was undertaken. Axial coding is defined by Strauss and Corbin (1990) as “a set of procedures whereby data are put back together in new ways after open coding by making connections between categories” (p.97). A coding paradigm involving conditions, contexts, actions, interactions and consequences actualise this process (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). The focus of axial coding is to create a model that details the specific conditions that give rise to a phenomenon’s occurrence. The third and final stage of analysis is selective coding. Selective coding involves the integration and refinement of the categories identified through both open and axial coding into an emerging theoretical model (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). The development from description to conceptualisation is facilitated by theoretical memo-writing which allows emergent ideas, notions, and linkages, to be formally noted and included in the iterative analytical process (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, 1998). As Kennedy and Lingard (2006) note “The analysis process is complete when theoretical formulations produce an understanding or explanation of the social phenomenon under study, or in other words, a theory that, through the constant comparison process used in its development, is grounded in the data” (p.104). This analysis resulted in a substantive grounded theory

model of player emotional labour in professional and semi-professional team sport, which was compared and contrasted with the extant emotional labour literature (see Figure 4.1). Strauss and Corbin (1998) commented that while “grounding concepts in data is the main feature of this method, creativity of researchers is an essential ingredient (p. 12). Indeed, a theory is often made up of concepts that are direct interpretations of the data made by the researcher using their own theoretical sensitivity and creativity (Glaser, 1992). Thus, the professional and personal experiences of the researcher play a large role in the development of data categories. Because the author was the primary instrument of data collection and analysis, a background of educational qualifications and professional experience is included. Before conducting this research as part of my PhD in Sport Psychology, I had attained a Bachelor of Psychology, a Master’s degree in Organisational Psychology, and was registered as a psychologist in the state of Western Australia. It must be acknowledged that I have a substantial knowledge of the emotional labour field, having completed my Masters dissertation on the topic, in addition to speaking and writing about the subject matter in professional development forums (Kiely & Sevastos, 2008). Thus, the researcher used his knowledge of emotional labour to better interpret and understand the different forms of data. Although this theoretical knowledge is acknowledged as an influence in the analysis, all codes, categories, and connections had to be grounded in the data to be included in the final model. Therefore, sensitising concepts acted as a starting point for analysis, rather than determining the final findings, which demonstrates theoretical sensitivity (Glaser, 1978).

Evaluative Criteria The evaluative criteria for a GT are unlike traditional measures of reliability and validity found in other qualitative methodologies. Instead, the criteria of fit, work, relevance, and modifiability legitimate a GT study (see Weed, 2009). Fit means that the categories of a theory were not forced, but have a connection to the data. A good fit was ensured through constant comparison and theoretical saturation, in addition to the insertion of representative quotations and extracts from relevant data sources. Indeed, the Straussian method of GT “enjoins taking with great seriousness the words and actions of

the people studied” (p. 6). Work refers to a theory’s explanatory power and its ability to predict and interpret actions of those key informants. This theory offers both analytical explanations and predictions in the substantive area under investigation. A theory is considered relevant if it evokes interest and highlights the real concerns of key participants. To determine the relevance of the discovered GT, players from a variety of sporting codes reviewed the final model and believed it to be applicable to their working environment. Finally, a GT is never considered to be right or wrong, but is open to “modification” and extension in light of new data. As Glaser (1998) commented “new data never provides a disproof, just an analytic challenge” (p. 18). This study not only meets all four criteria, but has developed new theory in a previously unexplored substantive area, making it a valuable contribution to knowledge in the field.

Results

Data analysis led to a range of insights into the emotional lives of professional and semi- professional athletes in team sports. A theoretical model of player emotional labour was developed from the aforementioned data sources cited in the methodology section of this Chapter and is depicted in Figure 4.1 (p. 52). Typically, such a model in a GT study is presented in the discussion section. However, due to the extensive coverage of the results section, the model was presented as a general guide to the reader, which has previously been utilised with success by Harris (2002) in his study on the emotional labour of barristers. Specifically, findings emerged regarding the content and context of emotional labour, in addition to likely antecedents, consequences and moderators. This theoretical framework is an initial formulation of the key findings of the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes which were both consistent with previous emotional labour theory, but also unique to the occupational context. The substantive theory presented is a tentative explanation of the studied phenomenon and is by no means intended to suggested definitive causal links. Indeed, an essential component of GT research is that the findings are readily modifiable in light of new data (Glaser, 1978; Strauss & Corbin, 1990).

Antecedents Content and Context Consequences ______

Negative Outcomes Increased player Front-Stage demands Emotional exhaustion Media interviews Work-family Societal expectations Sponsor functions interference Pre-and post-match functions Depression League expectations Public appearances Alcohol and illicit drug use Club expectations Back-Stage Performance decrements Unruly behaviour Relationship difficulties Emotional culture Emotional events

Selection Positive Outcomes Job insecurity Injuries Image maintenance Effective team Self-image Off-Stage functioning Public encounters Positive brand perceptions

Individual Fre quency of differences emotional labour Situational Social support conditions Situational Player position and conditions

popularity

Figure 4.1. A grounded theory model of player emotional labour in professional and semi-professional team sports.

Emotional Labour Antecedents

When collecting and analysing data, it became clear that a Marxist perspective is useful in understanding the antecedents of emotional labour. Professional and semi- professional team sports are commercial commodities bought and sold in the marketplace. This commodity creation process is composed of three separate groups of

people: the capitalists (league’s, teams), labourers (players and coaches), and consumers (media, sponsors, public). Both the capitalists and the consumers are largely responsible for the creation of new demands and behavioural requirements, which ultimately lead to the performance of player emotional labour. The antecedents of emotional labour identified during data analysis included: increased public demands, societal, league and club expectations, emotional culture, job insecurity, and self-image. While some of the antecedents have previously been identified in emotional labour research, some are unique to the occupational context.

Increased Public Demands The increased professionalism and commercialisation of professional and semi- professional team sports has not only witnessed a substantial increase in player salaries, but has also resulted in player job requirements widening beyond the physical attributes of their sport (i.e., running, kicking, tackling, shooting). Players now have a wide variety of off-field demands, in addition to the demands of physical training, as part of their contractual obligations. This includes dealing with the media, attending club, sponsor, and charity functions, promoting and marketing the club, and making public appearances in the community (i.e., visiting sick children, schools, and local sporting communities), all of which have increased the frequency of interpersonal interactions with the public. These boundary-spanning demands, which see players become the public face of the league and club, were considered a primary driver of front-stage emotional labour.

I think guys coming into professional sport nowadays accept that dealing with the public and all the other extra demands is part and parcel of the job whereas I guess back when I started playing, I didn’t really realise that that was a part of it. I just wanted to play basketball and that was it. I just didn’t feel comfortable, I felt like it was fake going up to someone I didn’t know and trying to strike up a conversation and ask them the same questions. It was not that I was unfriendly, but I kind of felt more shy or embarrassed or I didn’t want to go and do that. It’s strange though, as a young kid I just didn’t see the importance of it, I didn’t think it was relevant, didn’t want to network or meet people or that sort of stuff. But

now I can see the importance of it for promoting the club and developing the brand, which is really important because we have to promote the sport. - Basketballer

Times have changed so much in the 8 years that I’ve been at the footy club to now, and you’re expected to not only be able to play the game of footy, you’re expected to have great character, you’re expected to mingle with the members, you’re expected to do everything associated with this footy club and do it to the best of your ability and that’s the thing, football now has turned into a business and the expectations that are on players – senior players, younger players – probably does take its toll on a lot of them and the demands to play a game of footy are so high. The training regimes, the clinics you do, the community work, the media stuff you have to do, all revolves around one Saturday afternoon. The thing that probably shits a lot of the players is that people go, oh you play footy and that’s really all you do, but they don’t realise the amount of things you do outside of footy or what it takes to get to the weekend. Everyone goes oh, how good’s the life of a footballer? They play in front of 50,000 people every week, they get paid well, they do all this sort of stuff, but they don’t realise how demanding it can be. - Footballer

Increased public demands, as an antecedent to emotional labour, invariably leads to an increase in the frequency of interpersonal interactions (Morris & Feldman, 1996). Previous research has identified frequency of interpersonal interactions as a situational antecedent of emotional labour, however only a weak magnitude was observed in the meta-analytic review Chapter III.

Societal Expectations

“Atherton has now realised the strange truth that sports people are expected to have higher moral standards than the people who run the country. People want sport to be an escape from the real world, for sport to be a place in which ideal standards actually exist and they cannot bear the truth that it can never be anything of the kind” (Simon Barnes, The Times, 27 July 1994; cited in Slack 1994).

The breadth of media coverage has transformed modern-day professional sport into an influential cultural practice. As a result of this intense media coverage and public interest, professional athletes are akin to other public figures in society (i.e., politicians, actors, religious leaders), and come with ready made expectations regarding their conduct both on and off the sporting arena. Such expectations however are not new for athletes. Since the times of ancient Greece, professional athletes have held a unique place within society (Golden, 1998). Not only was excellence measured by an athlete’s strength or speed, but also in the balance of the athlete’s overall attributes, such as their integrity and moral character. Athletes were expected to epitomise human goodness, the good in society, and the good in one’s country (Golden, 1998; Ibrahim, 1975). The significant role assumed by athletes since classical times are still alive in modern day sport. However, current day professional athletes now have a new range of responsibilities, namely, that athlete’s act as role models to the wider community. Such responsibilities are due largely to sport replacing work, religion, and community as the cultural glue of collective consciousness in countries world-wide, thus transforming elite athletes into influential public figures and symbols (Andrews, 2004). Moreover, research suggests that children and adolescents identify sporting heroes as their most important role models, above even parents and friends (Duck, 1990). As a result of this unique identification, there is a public expectation that professional athletes should, at all times, be “accommodating and accepting of their role model status” (Sayers & Edwards, 2004, p. 246). However, such public expectations create a range of tensions for athletes regarding just what is appropriate behaviour.

The emphasis is put on mainly by the media, that because you’re a drafted player, you’re meant to be a role model…… Now he might have been a gangster as a kid. Nobody knows his personality or background, but they see him play football so they think oh, he should be able to walk off the field, get in a suit, walk down the street and give out flowers to everyone and that’s the perfect citizen. Well, none of our guys are perfect citizens. They’re just normal young guys who are really good at footy. - AFL CEO

I believe people have this false impression or ideal of how a sportsperson should and shouldn’t be but they’re just people like everyone else…….. It’s tough because you don’t feel like this role model person that never does anything wrong. I’m just a regular guy and I do dumb shit and I have done dumb shit in the past but I feel like I’m a good person inside and I try and do the right thing and I love helping out kids and I would do anything for anyone and all that sort of stuff, but people have this idea that you’re just infallible, just sportspeople in general. - Basketballer

Indeed, societal expectations were considered to be a contributing driver of both front- stage and off-stage emotional labour.

You’ve got to be professional in your preparation to play football - your training, your diet – and then off field you represent your club so you have to be professional in the way you act outside the club. You’re forced into being a role model by society. People say they are role models and they don’t want to be, but they are there’s no other word you can use. The young kids coming through, that’s what they aspire to be because they love watching Chris Judd or Buddy Franklin or whoever, so if they read about a misdemeanour off the field, their parents and the media consider this behaviour to be unacceptable, and it affects both the club and the game. So how they manage that public persona is very important. – AFL Player Development Officer.

A lot of the time you can’t appear to be yourself. You’ve got to always have tunnel vision knowing that you can’t deviate away from the person who’s an AFL footballer. He has to live like this, he has to live like that, and the times that you do deviate from that, you end up in strife, so you’re always very guarded in things that you do and say and you learn pretty quickly how you’re supposed to act. - Footballer

Previous researchers have also noted that societal expectations are an important antecedent of emotional labour in numerous occupations (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993).

League Expectations

“The clubs and players have to understand that if their behaviours or actions aren’t living up to the standards that create our positive public image, then there will be ramifications. They have to modify their behaviour if they want to continue to enjoy the benefits that corporations bring to the industry” – AFL Executive.

Throughout history, sporting leagues have operated as cartels (Dabscheck, 2008). A cartel is a collective of firms who by agreement, act as a single supplier to a market, and in so doing, pursues a number of joint policies (Downward & Dawson, 2000). While cartels are illegal practices in the business world, in the sport-entertainment industry such practices are considered to be in the best interests of both the sport and the public. Indeed, sporting leagues require the cooperation of clubs and teams to ensure a viable competition, in addition to providing balance to a competition or league structure to encourage spectator appeal (Stewart, Nicholson, & Dickson, 2005). For a sports cartel to operate effectively, it must be able to implement and enforce behavioural policies which, by constraining member behaviour, maximises the league’s public appeal and long-run sustainability (Stewart et al., 2005). Indeed, upholding a sports public image is essential to a league’s business operations and commercial viability, in terms of growing the sport and attracting and maintaining relationships with

commercial sponsors and broadcast partners. It is for this reason that sport governing bodies have formulated codes of conduct, which are legally binding agreements signed as part of a player’s employment contract. To enforce this code, governing bodies will normally impose sanctions and penalties for the violation of its rules and regulations. Of the five sporting codes examined in this study, all governing bodies, in association with player unions, have developed player codes of conduct as a means of upholding and protecting a league’s unique brand (see Appendix A for a detailed examination of each code). A league’s brand not only incorporates the performance of its players, but also represents community values and social responsibility. As a result of the high media-profile afforded team sports, in addition to the often intense public scrutiny of players public and personal lives, player behaviour both on and off the sporting stage must conform to behavioural expectations to ensure continuity with brand perceptions. Furthermore, codes of conduct determine not only behavioural requirements, but also restrict players’ public comment in the media. To effectively communicate these rules and expectations to players, leagues often run yearly training seminars to communicate and enforce such policies. Indeed, all players in this study were well aware that transgressing this code could result in severe financial penalties, which was a driver of front-stage emotional labour. However, there was little evidence to suggest that these codes were internalised by players.

Suppressing your emotions is part and parcel of being a sportsperson and if you said everything that you thought, then you’d be in trouble, it’s as simple as that. If, every time you’re asked about the game by the media, and if you felt that you’d got absolutely screwed and feel like the referees were literally cheating and if you said that, you’d probably get suspended. - Basketballer

Everyone knows if the umpiring has been bad or if there was a decision that was shocking that cost us a goal or cost us a game, but you can’t comment on it to the media otherwise you get slapped with a $20,000 fine. - Footballer

Indeed, organisational expectations have previously been identified as a driver of emotional labour in numerous occupational contexts (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993).

Club Expectations All sporting clubs within the sport-entertainment industry operate as seperate business entities whose role is to provide a unique form of public entertainment. To acquire market share and competitive advantage in such a cut-throat industry, clubs have begun to market themselves as unique entertainment brands. As an AFL club sponsorship manager commented:

We are in the sports entertainment industry, it’s not just a footy club, we are a sport entertainment brand.

To develop and maintain strong ties with the general public, club marketing divisions utilise emotional branding strategies. The strategic objective of emotional branding is to forge strong and meaningful bonds with consumers, and in so doing, become part of their life stories, memories, and an important link in their social networks (Atkin, 2004). In recent times, clubs have marketed themselves as family oriented clubs with strong social ties to the community. As a result, player behaviour must be in line with such brand values to ensure that congruence is maintained. In addition to gaining support and interest from the wider community, clubs also need substantial financial support from business in the form of sponsorship. Due to the intense public interest of sport generated through various forms of media, many business organisations seek to strategically align themselves with sporting clubs as a way to increase both brand awareness and competitive advantage. Commercial sponsorship can be observed during live and televised sporting events, and is often sourced from alcohol, food, and beverage products, car manufacturers, financial and insurance services, white goods, internet and telecommunication corporations, sport equipment manufacturers, government agencies, and new technology products. However, sponsors do not want to align themselves with a sporting club with a questionable or tarnished reputation, as such exposure could indirectly impact upon their unique brand.

In order to protect a clubs unique brand, in addition to a sponsor’s financial investment, clubs also develop codes of conduct to ensure that player behaviour is in line with both community and sponsor expectations. A failure by players to maintain such standards can result in significant financial losses for clubs in the form of supporter backlash and sponsorship withdrawal.

To run a sports club, you have to do all the extra things to attract the right sports sponsorship, the right sort of response from the public to get their support so your behavioural policies then become vital. If you go around pissing your sponsors off and telling the public to get ripped then you don’t do the club any favours in this way, so that’s why the behavioural component of the sport is so important because it translates into real dollars and cents. - NBL Club CEO

Sponsors have their contracts with the club that if there’s something written in the paper that brings negative publicity and it’s true, it’s this much money off and this sort of stuff, so they have a fair bit of pull with what goes on. Clubs can lose a fair bit of money if their name’s put in the spotlight for the wrong reasons. - Footballer

Indeed, maintaining and protecting a clubs brand was found to be an important driver of front-stage emotional labour for players. As two footballers commented:

It’s a business for them, you’re an employee and they pay you to be a part of the club. You sign a contract with so many clauses in it and you have to abide by it so you are a commodity and you’re an asset to them and they want to protect it as much as they can, so you have to behave a certain way, it’s as simple as that. There’s no crossing lines, no crossing the boundary at all. If you step over that boundary, that line, you face the consequences for it, which can be harsh too.

We know what’s demanded of us as far as the club goes and actually in your contract there is certain things that say if you step outside the boundaries, we can

do this, we can cut this off you and you know with the sponsorship, how important that is with the club and how big the money is with the club as well. You realise it’s pretty important when you’re out in public you’re representing the club, which does get hard sometimes as well, especially when you want to let your hair down a bit.

Moreover, due to the high public profile afforded to professional team sports, clubs often expect players to be club ambassadors for the purpose of almost all social interactions and occasions, even when they are not officially representing the club. This expectation resulted in heightened levels of self-consciousness and was considered a driver of off- stage emotional labour, particularly for AFL players.

You are expected to act like an AFL player 24/7….. Every player needs to respect that it is a massive organization and it’s a business. - Footballer

It’s a massive job, a 24/7 job. You’re always in the public eye and I think that’s why people stuff up at times, they just want to be one of the lads. They just want to go out and have a good time and you just physically can’t do it. You’re under scrutiny all the time. Someone is always there to scrutinize you on the field but also off and as soon as you do slip up, you tarnish the club’s reputation. - Footballer

In addition to behavioural requirements, clubs also have clear expectations regarding public media comment. Indeed, being selected to play in an elite sporting team is akin to joining a political party. Like politicians, athletes have to toe the party line to ensure that public responses to media questions conform to the party view, or in this case, a clubs views on topical issues. Failure to do so can result in internal reprimands or sanctions, and can ultimately affect a players career prospects.

That’s the thing where your hands are always tied behind your back. You’ve got your mouth gaffer taped all the time and you can’t express what you really want

to express. If you do you get yourself into trouble. The clubs are always saying shut your mouth. - Footballer

Thus, club imposed requirements to conceal opinions or views that one would like to express in the media, in addition to expressing opinions on issues that are not internalised, was a further driver of player emotional labour.

That’s hard and I reckon that’s the biggest thing that we do have to fit in with what the Association’s line of thought is and often, if something does happen, we’ll have someone come to us and say well, look, this is our point of view and if you do get asked a question about it, this is basically what we want you to say, this is the view that we want everyone to take. Whether you think that’s right or wrong, that’s what you have to do. - Cricketer

The aforementioned club imposed expectations were communicated to players in numerous ways, including training manuals, club policies, and via explicit verbal communication from club personnel. Moreover, junior players would often observe senior players behaviour to determine how they should act as part of their role.

From draft day onwards I go with the recruiting staff straight to the player’s house, meet the parents, and discuss what’s expected of them. The primary emphasis being that wherever they go they represent the footy club 24 hours a day. - AFL Club Player Development Manager

The younger ones come in and they’re schooled internally on what’s right and what’s wrong from a senior player and a junior player perspective and also we have player orientation days where the club’s policies are spelled out in black and white. In fact we get the teams to author their own drug, alcohol and behavioural policies in terms of where they think they are as a unit and generally that plugs into where you want them to be. So we make sure they own part of (pause), that

they make the rules and that’s part of that process, so it’s then documented in black and white. - NBL Club CEO

The commercial reality of professional team sports has also resulted in clubs becoming very selective in who they recruit, which is considered a form of risk management (Kelly & Hickey, 2008). This is to ensure that clubs select players that are able to better cope with the public demands and pressure associated with being a modern-day elite athlete.

In terms of recruiting, we do quite an in-depth character check of a person before taking them on from many different sources, but it is mainly to establish that they have the right stock to become an important player in our community. - NBL Club CEO

Emotional Culture of Clubs Sporting teams have their own unique culture regarding the expression of emotion in both front and back-stage regions. Sporting clubs have implicit rules regarding which emotions can be expressed, and what emotions are to be concealed. Typically, such expectations are learnt early in a player’s career via observation of, and socialisation with, senior players, in terms of what constitutes acceptable and unacceptable conduct. This is to ensure that a club functions efficiently, without inappropriate emotions spilling into the work environment. For example, when a player is not selected for competition, or is injured, the emotional culture of a team determines a player’s emotional reaction. However, this often requires emotional labour to ensure that a player’s emotional response conforms to the group’s ideal of what it means to be a strong team player. As a footballer stated:

That environment especially I suppose is such a competitive environment very obviously male dominated, you know with the weakness side of things, and showing emotions, is not really expressed there because we’re taught and brought up to be strong physical men.

Indeed, occupational culture and emotional climate have previously been identified by researchers as a driver of emotional labour in qualitative studies (Mankad, Gordon, & Wallman, 2009; Roderick, 2006a; Van Maanen & Kunda, 1989).

Job Insecurity The cut-throat nature of professional sport, in addition to the short-term tenure of being a professional athlete, means that job insecurity is a very real stressor for athletes (Roderick, 2006a).

I’m on a one-year contract this year and you just don’t know for the next year. I bought a block of land at the start of the year, going to build on it and over here it takes two years to build and we may not even be here next year so there is a lot of job insecurity for sure. - Basketballer

Indeed, job insecurity was considered a driver of player emotional labour in numerous interpersonal contexts to increase both a player’s value and to avoid an early career termination. As two player agents so succinctly commented:

The average lifespan of an AFL Footballer is 4 years, so for most players you are living on edge most of the time you are there, and you’re having to suppress all of those feelings, because if, in any way, you show a sign of complaint or weakness if you like about “well I am not happy with this” you are probably asking to get delisted, because you can’t handle it, you can’t quite cut the mustard so to speak……Once you get a couple of crosses against your name for either having a weakness of character, or someone that complains, or whatever it may be, you’re black booked and it can be real tough to find another club if you want to leave. So you have to be able to suppress your emotions, which make it a false existence for many players at an AFL club.

Nowdays, if player’s continuously do or say stupid things, that can really affect a club’s image. Come contract time that will work against them and they will either get released or traded and it’s proven now in the last 5 years, that players who get

in trouble or who are high maintenance don’t get picked up again because there’s just so much talent around. However, in saying that, there are a different set of rules for the superstars, but for most players they have to be seen to be doing and saying the right things.

Job insecurity, to the best of my knowledge, as a driver of emotional labour, has not previously been identified in the literature.

Self-Image The high media exposure and increased public scrutiny has resulted in players becoming particularly self-conscious of their image when interacting with a range of audiences (i.e., teammates, coaches, media, and the public). Indeed, self-presentation is critical to a player’s reputation and can often shape public perception. Moreover, a player’s image can also directly and indirectly influence their income. As such, the performance of emotional labour is often necessary to present and maintain favourable audience perceptions.

Signing autographs becomes monotonous, mundane, but that’s the thing, we don’t want to put disappointment on a lot of the faces, especially kids. They see their idols walk past and just burn them by not signing their book. That’s something you don’t want to create for yourself, you don’t want to create an image where you’re hated or not liked at all so it’s important that you put a brave face on and just do it. - Footballer

Self-image was also considered to be a driver of emotional labour for barristers (Harris, 2002), but is not a common finding in the literature.

Content and Context of Emotional Labour

Emotional labour was found to be a pervasive feature of an athlete’s working life. Athletes performed emotional labour in numerous interpersonal contexts with a variety of stakeholders, but this was largely limited to surface acting (potential reasons for this finding are presented in the discussion). While only minimal research has previously been conducted in this substantive area, many of the findings of this section are similar to those previously reported (Mankad et al.2009; Roderick, 2006a; Shridar, 2008). Utilising a dramaturgical framework (Goffman, 1959), the performance of emotional labour can be categorised into three distinct regions: front-stage, back-stage, and off-stage. The front-stage is where fixed and socially recognisable performances unfold in front of a discerning audience. The audience in this study includes the media, sponsors, supporters, and the general public. In such regions (i.e., press conference, public appearances), players are in correct club attire and are officially representing the club. The back-stage includes spaces wherein the front-stage audience is not privy (i.e., club rooms, change rooms, team meetings). Back-stage regions are where athletes can relax their public persona, and behave in a manner that may not be considered acceptable or appropriate when in public view. Such behaviour may include joking, profanity, elaborate griping, and play fighting. The audience in back-stage regions is typically composed of team mates, support staff, coaches, administrators, and selectors. Off-stage is where the athlete is not officially representing the club and can include going to the supermarket, or having dinner with friends or family. Before introducing each of these sections, mention must be made that the extents to which players perform emotional labour is a result of both individual differences, situational circumstances, and player level and popularity (see Figure 4.1). For example, players that enjoy interacting with the public felt little need to put on act. Moreover, difficult interpersonal encounters with supporters (i.e., fan harassment) would often evoke emotional labour to maintain professionalism. Furthermore, player level (i.e., rookie, captain) and popularity also contributed to the performance of emotional labour. For example, famous players are likely to have more media attention and scrutiny from the public, which increases the likelihood of emotional labour. In the sections to follow,

representative comments regarding the performance of emotional labour in a range of contexts are presented. It is thus useful to keep in mind that these are individual comments, and should not be considered generalisable or representative to the substantive athletic population.

Front-Stage Regions

Media Interactions Professional and semi-professional team sports are inextricably linked to all forms of media (i.e., broadcasters, television, radio, print, and internet) as part of the sport- entertainment nexus. For sporting teams to survive and prosper, leagues and clubs need to develop close working relationships with the media in order to promote the game, the club, and to feed the public’s insatiable appetite for sporting stories. However, the media can be a double-edged sword. On the one hand, media outlets promote the sport, telecast matches, and give the public a chance to get up close and personal with players. On the other hand, the media are prone to sensationalising stories, along with publishing stories about off-field incidents that reflect poorly on a player or club. In addition, the media are often interested in breaking the public façade of both players and coaches, and reporting on back-stage and off-stage activity that is usually hidden from public view. While such stories may increase media circulation and profit by capturing the public’s fascination of sporting heroes, the public image of leagues, clubs, and players can be significantly tarnished. This heightened media attention has also brought many players into the realm of sporting celebrity, with many becoming household names and recognisable public figures. To assist players with the inevitable media pressure that accompanies being an elite athlete, all clubs employ media managers to control the flow of media requests, in addition to training players to effectively deal with the media.

To make sure that you’re saying the right things and before an interview they’ll give you guidelines on what questions they think you will be asked and how you should answer them – Footballer

Before discussing the performance of player emotional labour in media contexts, mention must be made that some players (i.e., team captain, marquee players) have significant media obligations, whereas other players (i.e., bench players, rookies) have minimal interaction throughout the course of a season. Moreover, some sporting codes, particularly AFL and cricket, receive high levels of media coverage as they are the two dominant codes in Australia. In such sporting codes, the media cover not only on-field matches, but also report on off-field issues such as training, injuries, public appearances, and player’s personal lives. As one AFL Player Development Officer explains:

There’s more media accredited than there are players in the competition. They hound them. I’m not sure of the figures now – 1000 or 1200 accredited journalists and commentators to do AFL footy and there’s only 700 players. There’s 1½ media per player so I use that great expression, excuse my French, every time someone farts, there’s a story about it. That’s how bad it is….. Ten years ago it was mainly on field stuff. There were a few off field dramas and stuff like that but it’s like Days of our Lives now and people are really interested in what the players are up to other than playing footy – where they live, what they do.

Players perform emotional labour when interacting with the media in a variety of contexts, including: at the conclusion of matches, press conferences and informal interviews with television and radio stations. These contexts will now be presented for the reader. To add to the quality of television and radio broadcasts, media often like to get first hand opinions from players, particularly at the conclusion of matches to increase viewer/listener entertainment. Dealing with the media in these circumstances can sometimes be quite demanding, as one AFL Media Manager revealed:

After a match there could be up to 10 journos floating around the rooms trying to get interviews. So, while players are trying to recover, put ice packs on and all that sort of thing, they’ve got microphones stuck under their noses for TV

crossovers, headsets thrown on for radio station interviews, or tape recorders under their noses for the print media, so there’s not a lot of respite.

Post-match media interviews often resulted in the performance of emotional labour to maintain appearances and ensure that public responses are professional, particularly if players themselves or the team fail to perform well.

I know a lot of times when I haven’t played well and I’ve come off and the media want to talk to me and I’m just like I don’t want to talk to anybody. Most times after a game I’m just not interested in talking to people. I don’t like being interviewed, I don’t like the attention. I’d just rather not do it, but you just have to put on a smile and answer their stupid questions. Doing all the media is important to lift the profile of the sport, but I’m just not comfortable doing it, I just freak out sometimes, I don’t know what to say. - Netballer

I guess a classic example this year was having to talk to the media straight after games and particularly after a loss or something like that where you’re just so bitterly disappointed and you don’t really want to talk to people but you do have those obligations to speak to the media and, whether it’s a radio interview or something like that and you almost give automated responses I think just purely because you don’t want to say something that is out of line or even though you might be thinking it, it’s very hard to not, particularly straight after a game because you’ve still got all the emotions of the game going through you at the time and so to then have to try and suppress that in a little way can be quite difficult. - Cricketer

That’s probably the toughest part, when you come off the field and you do get interviewed, reporters, all they want to do is create controversy, so after a game when you’re physically and mentally fatigued, to try and stay switched on to saying the right things, its pretty tough - Footballer

Furthermore, a discrepancy would often exist between a player’s public comments and their true feelings, particularly on sensitive or controversial issues. This was demonstrated in a simulated role play with an AFL player:

INTERVIEWER: OK, so let’s do a role play here, let’s say umpiring decisions cost your team a game. The media ask, “What did you think about the umpiring today”?

FOOTBALLER: I thought the umpiring was good, the umpires do a good job. They’re under a lot of pressure and so are we. They’ve got their job, we’ve got ours.

INTERVIEWER: And what are you really feeling inside?

FOOTBALLER: They were shithouse.

When interacting with the media, players utilise a number of rehearsed lines and clichés, particularly when difficult questions are posed. While the media and the public have sometimes questioned the honesty and integrity of players public comments, with one media commentator referring to AFL players as “media trained monkeys” (The Sunday Times, 2006), this was considered necessary to protect themselves and the club from unwanted media attention, in addition to avoiding league sanctions.

You can’t have an opinion on anything anymore. AFL players have become like robots, everything they say is scripted and rehearsed …… there is no room for individual personalities anymore – Player Agent .

Players are also asked by clubs to do mid-week press conferences to promote games, in addition to answering any questions that the media contingent may have regarding the club. This can promote anxiety for most players, which requires emotional labour to ensure they act and speak in a professional manner.

It’s a tough gig being in front of the media because everything you say will be written down, scrutinised, and twisted and turned, and its always there and somebody will always go back to it at some stage to try and twist it around. So you always have to be on guard and make sure you give a good account of yourself. - AFL Sponsorship Manager

When you’re standing there in front of 10 reporters, 4 cameras in front of your face and they’re hitting you to and fro with questions that is probably the toughest part, to look composed and make sure that you don’t say anything that could be taken out of context. You’ve got to be very diplomatic, you’ve got to speak well on behalf of the football club and you’re never going to bag other sides or circumstances that happen on a football field. - Footballer

Moreover, players are either asked or contracted by clubs to do television and radio interviews as a way of getting much needed media exposure. This can result in emotional labour, particularly if a player is asked challenging questions about the team or organisation, which can sometimes evoke strong emotional reactions. As two players commented:

When you do weekly segments on radio, there’s always issues, and there has been issues surrounding the footy club where players have got in trouble or something’s happening with the footy club and everyone knows it’s happened but they always want you to comment on it or we just want a player’s perspective on it, but in the end we know the real story and it’s up to the individual. If they want it to come out, they can bring it out. It’s none of my business. You’ve got to be very reserved in saying it’s a club issue, they’ll deal with it in house and appropriately. You can’t ever say what you’re really thinking. You can’t come out and say I think it’s ridiculous that blokes, they get targeted when they go out, so how do you think they’re going to react? It’s very tough, you can’t have a go. You’ve just got to say it’s a club house issue and they’ll deal with it accordingly. - Footballer

You never want to be seen, in the media as having a negative comment or a negative thing about the whole organization, whether you think it’s right or wrong. And it’s not only on-field stuff it can be off-field stuff as well within the organization that you don’t necessarily agree with. It might be selections or anything like that, but it’s not something that you can speak to the media about. It’s something that needs to be kept in-house because if you do suddenly leak stuff to the media then it reflects really badly on everyone as a whole, I think, and it might even be just something that could be quite innocently said at the time but the media can always find a way of turning it and twisting it and making it look as though you’re bagging the association or something like that. – Cricketer

Furthermore, players who front the media, particularly when they are going through a form slump or aren’t getting selected, perform emotional labour to ensure they maintain a professional façade, regardless of their true feelings.

They started asking me questions about why I wasn’t being selected…..you just have to put on the mask, not show any signs of weakness. I didn’t want them (the media) to know I was hurting. - Footballer

When I was speaking to them (the media) I was lying through my teeth. You’ve got to put on a brave face, you’ve got to sit on the fence, as they say, because you’ve been told what to say. You know what to say because you’re putting the club in the right place and you’re not stepping over the mark, but deep down you’re saying that’s bullshit, that’s not how it is. This is how it is, this is your story, go run with it, but you can’t do it. You’ve got to save face, protect the club, protect the team and your team mates and what’s best for the club. Don’t put any of that outside pressure on them. - Footballer

Overall, player emotional labour in media contexts was often a consequence of individual personality differences and situational circumstances. For example, players that enjoyed being in the media had little need to put on an act. Moreover, players that

dealt with respectful media personnel who asked questions directly related to their sport, and not personal issues regarding themselves or other players, did not feel the need to perform emotional labour.

Sponsor Functions Sponsorship in professional sport is vital for financial survival. Indeed, sponsorship at some clubs can account for a large portion of their revenue stream. As such, clubs often organise dinners and events with sponsors as a form of entertainment and reward for their contribution, with players required to attend and socialise. This often resulted in emotional labour for many players interviewed:

You know you’ve got to do sponsors functions and there’s no way of getting around them but sometimes you really don’t want to be there but they’re an important part of the club as well so you’ve just got to do it with a smile for the 2 or 3 hours that you’re there. - Footballer

I suppose they (club officials) really do press on you and they do harp on you and I suppose when you do go to a function you’ve got someone in your ear going go and chat to him, go and talk to him, come on, move around and there is someone in your ear all the time wanting you to mingle. There are guys that are just like that, a few on our team that are just great, they chat to everyone and know everybody and there are a few that are more reserved like me………. I went to a sponsors function last week after a pretty hard day personally and I just wasn’t really in the mood, and for me that was a big thing because just going up to people and having a chat when I really didn’t feel like socialising was difficult. It took a lot of effort to pretend that I was happy to be there. – Basketballer

It’s usually just the teas and you go out to dinner with all the big knobs and talk a bit of shit. It’s something you’d prefer not to do but you’ve got to do it with a smile. It’s all part of looking after the club and all that sort of stuff…… The players, they all hate doing it but they just do it anyway. - Footballer

However, for sporting codes with a lower public profile in comparison with the AFL, the importance of presenting a good public image when in the presence of sponsors was necessary to both maintain, and sustain future sponsorship. As a result, emotional labour can be vital to the organisations bottom-line. As a basketball player commented:

Basketball is not on the level of AFL where we’d probably have sponsors coming at us left, right and centre, however it may be. Our office staff are probably working really hard to get sponsors and doing what they can. I went to a promotion yesterday actually and on the sheet I was given it said these people are sponsors, please make a big effort to be friendly and so you do that because it’s in yours, and the clubs best interests, but often you don’t want to go.

Pre- and Post-Match Functions Players are also required to attend pre- and post-match functions as a way of entertaining members and supporters. However, such events can require emotional labour, particularly when difficult circumstances arise.

You go to the function room after a loss and you’ve got guys that might be important to the club financially or whatever, but don’t have a real lot to do with it and just rock up to the games every week and they might be saying oh, I think you should have done this and this guys not doing that and it’s pretty hard to bite your tongue and say hang on mate, you don’t know what you’re talking about, you weren’t in the change-rooms, but you can’t because they might have a certain significance to the club…… I suppose it’s pretty frustrating when you have to go up and put on a happy face, when really you just want to be alone because it’s not just a game to us, it’s our bloody jobs. - Basketballer

We are expected to attend after match functions regardless of the outcome and when you have had a bad loss or you haven’t got much court time, it can be really difficult. It’s so hard to put on a happy front when all you want to do is go home

and be alone. Its really hard sometimes having to answer people’s questions about what went wrong or why you weren’t playing. - Netballer

Injured players have to visit coterie groups as part of the pre-game entertainment. We rotate it around the groups so they don’t get the same player twice. It’s great for these groups because they get an insight first hand into what is going on. It only takes up to 20 minutes of a player’s time. The players begrudgingly do it, only a few of them really like doing it, but they would rather go sit and watch the football in peace, but it is a way for us to provide entertainment to the crowd and they pay big money to be in there. - AFL Sponsorship Manager

Public Appearances Organised player appearances, coaching clinics and community camps are just some of the ways sporting clubs foster favourable public perceptions of both teams and players as good corporate citizens. Such appearances also deepen fan loyalty/identification (Sutton, McDonald, Milne, & Amherst, 1997) and attract new participants to the sport. Thus, players’ work with the public is just another way of strengthening and promoting the sporting code and team brand. To ensure auspicious public perceptions, players are required to be friendly, personable and professional in their interactions with members of the public. However, this often requires differing degrees of emotional labour to successfully fulfil these role requirements. For example, coaching clinics were identified as a source of emotional labour for certain players interviewed:

PLAYER: Working with kids can be a nightmare. It seems like nothing, but at the time you can think oh shit, I’d rather be doing something else and we as professional sportsmen are pretty selfish at times. It can be quite a drag I suppose. I know I’ve got one next week and I don’t particularly want to do it but I know I’ll go there and I’ll paste on a smile and I’ll still be very sociable and talk to people and do the best job I can do because I’m representing the club and it’s part of my job so you accept that that’s something that you have to do…….. Not

that it’s the worst thing in the world but there’s always things you’d rather be doing. You just have to suppress what you’re actually feeling and get on with it. - Cricketer

I don’t like doing appearances or coaching clinics. I’m not good at talking to kids or being around people I don’t really know that well. It’s hard, you have to act cheerful and happy when most of the time you’re not happy to be there. - Netballer

However, there were players interviewed who reportedly enjoyed running coaching clinics, highlighting individual personality differences regarding the perception of these extra role demands.

I enjoy the coaching clinics. I do a few extra ones but I don’t mind it. I think it’s a good way to get involved and I enjoy it. There are some guys that don’t enjoy it but I don’t think it’s a real big issue. - Footballer

With coaching clinics, it’s so hard not to have fun doing them. It’s great and I love kids so it’s just an awesome thing to be able to impart a bit of your basketball knowledge to help them. - Basketballer

Players also discussed having to perform emotional labour when interacting with the public at organised events:

I think most players put on an act when dealing with the public because a lot of the time you can’t appear to be yourself. You’ve got to always have tunnel vision knowing that you can’t deviate away from the person who’s an AFL footballer. - Footballer

One of the things we have to do is sign autographs for supporters at the end of home matches, which are mainly kids. It’s really the last thing you want to do, especially when the team has lost or you haven’t performed well…. You still have to put on a smile and be friendly for as long as it takes which can be difficult. I remember this one time where a teammate was holding back tears when signing autographs because she hadn’t got court time for like three weeks, which must have been really hard for her. – Netball Player

Moreover, having to deal with difficult supporters was also a source of emotional labour, with many players having to suppress their true feelings to ensure they remain calm and in control.

FOOTBALLER: You think to yourself I don’t want to be talking to you, but you’ve just got to hear them out and you’ve got to sort of put up a happy front I suppose. You can’t tell them what you really think because that’s your image and it’s sort of gone so you let them have their say and then you either just walk away or you just start talking to someone else.

INTERVIEWER: So why is that image so important?

FOOTBALLER: Because it’s like a little code of conduct. You don’t want to do things and say things about the club – you don’t want to bag the club or bring the club down in a sense. You just want to hold it in and say well, everyone’s good, everyone’s a good player, on field, off field, that sort of thing. You don’t want to have everyone oh, he’s a smart arse, he’s a wanker, that sort of stuff, all clean.

When people have a go at what the club’s doing wrong and when you think you’re doing the right thing and the players are doing the right thing and someone tells you differently then you take it pretty personally and you want to let them know what you really think, but you hold yourself back. – Soccer Player

You get supporters that have something to say about how you played and what your team did wrong…. You really have to hold back your true feelings, most just try to laugh it off, but sometimes it is really difficult. - Footballer

Many players also give generously of their time to visit charities and sick children as a way of giving back to the community as public figures. While many receive great fulfilment from this role, emotional labour is sometimes required to ensure that they can play the star role and bring enjoyment to critically ill children.

Probably the hardest situation we are in is going to see sick people, and a lot of the people I see are terminally ill, with unfortunately only weeks, months to live. ….. I find it very difficult, I just try to go in there and be myself and answer any questions they may have, just try to be as upbeat as possible and tell them what they want to hear, I find that really difficult. - Former AFL player Shane Crawford (extract from the documentary Access all Areas)

When you walk in it’s like walking into a funeral or something. What do you say? Kids, they’re rapt just to see you so you say how’re you going, what’s going on and you just have a bit of a chat to them. You have to really keep it together sometimes because if you went in there sombre and stuff and talked about everything that’s going to happen to the kid, well then he’ll probably just think oh, here we go again. But if you walk in upbeat, just to show that you’re happy to be there, I think that’s the biggest thing, that you’re there to give him support, to give them their last wish and that’s very touching that a player can be as popular with a kid. That is their last wish before they do end up with their fate of passing away, that they’re happy to see one particular player and it is both a sad and an amazing feeling and it is touching and does put everything back into perspective. – Footballer

Off-Stage Regions

Public Encounters Professional athletes, particularly high profile sporting players in Australia, are easily recognisable public figures due to their high media exposure through television interviews and product endorsements. Fans will often approach such players for photographs or autographs when they are not officially representing the club in public. This fanfare can sometimes be demanding and frustrating for players, as evidenced by the following comments:

He can’t go anywhere, and he’s been so accommodating and friendly with people, but there comes a time when you do have a gutful, where you can’t sit down at a restaurant, you can’t be at a bar. People want autographs, they want to come up to him and say hello. Some of the more mature age people are the worst and women, especially when they’ve had a couple, just shocking. Photos with this and that and with phones now and you can be accommodating for so long until you say look enough is enough. - AFL Club Player Development Officer

Players just want to have a drink with their friends on their off-time, not to get harassed or talk about footy, but in hindsight that’s all part of the job. Every player goes out well aware of the public eye that they’re going to be in and that people might come up and say something. - Footballer

Indeed, such fanfare was witnessed during an informal interview with a readily identifiable AFL player in a public setting (i.e., café). During our conversation, we were interrupted on a number of occasions by supporters wanting to say hello or to receive an autograph. The player commented that this was a regular occurrence for him, in addition to people staring or pointing. This often resulted in players limiting their public exposure to avoid such an invasion of privacy during their time off.

If you’re a superstar, the biggest emotional stress on them is their fame. It’s not the money they earn, it’s really everywhere they go they’re pestered, unbelievably so, to the point where it just drives them insane and some react poorly to it. Others handle it, but they end up becoming a hermit because they don’t want to go out in front of people who are going to interrupt their meal as they go to put some food in their mouths, and then you get hecklers who start calling you names when you’re standing at the bar having a drink with your girlfriend and things like that. That’s the downside of fame and it does take its toll. - AFL CEO

While members of the public are often courteous and friendly, this exposure can result in emotional labour for players, particularly when they were out with friends.

the tough thing is you go out to have a beer with mates and you’re at a pub and everyone comes up to you and oh, how’re you going and blah, blah, blah, and you act friendly with them, but they don’t realise that someone else’s just done that and that person before has come up and done that, and I think that’s what’s tough, that people perceive that you’re arrogant or something if you brush them off like that but they’ve probably just come to a stage where they’ve had enough and they just want to go out and relax. The reason they’re out is that they just want to have a drink with their friends, not to get harassed or talk about footy but in hindsight that’s all part of the job. Every player goes out well aware of the public eye that they’re going to be in and that people might come up and say something. - Footballer

Emotional labour was also required when dealing with members of the public, particularly when players felt they were being verbally and physically harassed. As two footballers commented:

You get harassed when you’re out but you’ve just got to put on a happy face and say how’re you going, yes good, and then just walk away and you’re saying you

dickhead, what do you want? That’s probably the toughest thing, when you are out in the public eye, is to put on a happy face even if you aren’t.

When you go out to a pub or whatever, there’s always so many dickheads there that try and prove themselves and have a go at you and try and bring you down so you do have to restrain yourself and ignore it. I suppose if you weren’t in the situation you were, being a public figure and part of the club, if you were just a normal guy, you probably wouldn’t take it, so you really do have to hold back in that sense.

While public fanfare was largely limited to AFL players interviewed, this invasion of privacy also occurred with players from different professional leagues, which in turn required emotional labour. As a former basketballer commented:

I remember an incident in particular when my wife, we were just dating at the time and it was a very important occasion and we were in a booth and we had a whole table full of noisy females wanting to come up to me to get autographs, to get photos and I was trying to have a very quiet night. You never say no to any of that and it ruined my night and so I was compromising my personal life because of doing the right thing by the public and I remember feeling well, that didn’t go so well for me in a personal capacity but I made sure I was very friendly and all that kind of stuff but the problem is that it does sometimes affect your personal life and when that happens the reaction of the individual varies within the spectrum. Some people lash out and say go away and all that sort of stuff, some become introverted and it affects them perhaps in a playing capacity or whatever, but at the end of the day if you are going to be in the public eye and you’re going to play professional sport, and professional sport attracts a lot of publicity, there is an expectation that you can’t get away from that.

Back-Stage Regions

Relationship Difficulties Team sports require that players work together as a unit to achieve group goals. However, intense competition for playing positions along with the diversity of player backgrounds and personalities can result in tension and strain between team members. This can in turn necessitate player emotional labour to maintain team harmony and establish stable working relationships.

In a team environment sometimes you have to fake friendship. You’re put together with 10 other blokes, not through your own personal choice, so there’s always going to be certain cliques in the group. There’s maybe a couple of teammates that I probably – I mean if it wasn’t for cricket, I probably wouldn’t talk to ever. That’s a hard one because sometimes you can quite dislike a person but you have to be around them and you have to make it look like you actually do like them….. There’s probably one or two guys in this team where I wouldn’t want to socialize with them let alone maybe have a drink with them or joke around with them or whatever but that’s part of it I suppose. - Cricketer

In sports such as cricket and netball, having to maintain professional working relationships when travelling or touring for an extended period can also intensify the demand for emotional labour.

Ultimately it’s a team game and it’s not all about me so if I’m frustrated about the game or with another player, too bad, I hide it and sometimes it’s very difficult to hide, especially on away trips when you’re in the environment and you can’t escape it and after the game you all go back to the hotel, you all have dinner together, you all room together, you can’t go off and have your own space and if you do it looks like you’re deliberately excluding yourself. - Netballer

Players also perform emotional labour with coaching staff, particularly if there are personality clashes, or they don’t agree with feedback given.

There’s been times when we’ve been doing drills in fielding training and I just think it’s a waste of time but you can’t say it because you’re undermining the coach and all it would do is just cause a negative vibe to run through the side. Yes, there’s lots of times when you know you don’t agree with things or whatever but you know you have to suppress those feelings because that’s just part of being in a team sport - Cricketer

The coach, he will chew you out, yell at you and you may believe that you’re completely in the right but if you’re smart you’ll just say yes, you’re right, and just leave it at that….. You’re thinking fuck off, that wasn’t my fault, but you don’t. - Basketballer

You’ve got so many coaches these days. You’ve got coaches you get along really well with and you’ve got coaches you probably put more distance from. The relationship I have with one of our coaches is terrible. Whenever he speaks to me, he’s either criticising me or telling me not to get ahead of myself, I would love to tell him to get fucked, but I just pretend to listen to what he has to say even though I would like to tell him what I really think - Footballer

While there is a great temptation for players to express their true feelings to coaches, most were aware that such an outburst could have a negative impact on their career, even if a player were to leave a club. As one player agent commented:

Even if you’re leaving a club under bad circumstances, you can’t burn bridges or express how you really feel because it’s a small industry and people talk.

Emotional Events

“The range of events and emotions that are experienced through athletic involvement seem to be both numerous and extreme compared to the normal population” (Ogilvie & Taylor, 1993, p. 761).

Players’ emotional states can often fluctuate throughout the course of a season (e.g., due to team performance, form slumps, personal issues), which often results in the concealment of negative emotional states when in the presence of teammates, coaches and support staff. Players often perform emotional labour to give off an impression of infallibility to protect their self-image and reputation by adhering to the masculine culture i.e., engaging in group banter, humour, tough façade, etc. To ensure anonymity, player comments below are not listed by sporting code.

When I get to the club no one would ever know that I was feeling really down and was having thoughts of quitting, you just don’t show that. When I’m around the club I put on an act, I’m happy, I’m upbeat, I’m cracking jokes. To an outsider, no one would really know what I was feeling inside.

Most people that know me around the club or whatever, they always see me cracking jokes and probably just see me as a lighthearted person who doesn’t have too many cares in the world, so that’s a big sort of a put on in a way and always has been and that’s how I’ve always been . But behind the scenes I’ve always been pretty down. I’ve suffered from depression for quite a while and I’ve been on medication for that so no-one would really know that unless I particularly told them.

Like all men really, you don’t really want to be seen as a sook, but that’s what the game throws at you and the emotion does get you. So you really have to keep your emotions in check, but sometimes it just comes out.

Selection AFL, soccer, and cricket are three sporting codes whereby large playing squads exist, but only a set number of playing positions are available. Players who fail to achieve match selection can experience a gamut of negative emotions such as anger and sadness, which are often hidden from the view of team mates and coaches. This is poignantly illustrated by former Australian Test cricketer Justin Langer after being dropped from the Australian side when touring England during the 2001 Ashes series:

I had been dropped because my performance had been mediocre. I thought the whole world was conspiring against me and for the next six weeks I tried not to show it, but inside it was eating me alive (The Sunday Times, 2005).

Player emotions may further intensify when not selected for significant career matches, which increases the demand for emotional labour. As a footballer commented:

I felt so many emotions when I wasn’t selected for the grand final. I was angry, why me? Those sorts of emotions, am I good enough? What did I do wrong? I played better than him, all those sort of things. The main emotion would be anger, you’re pissed off, but you don’t show it, and that is hard to do because it eats away at you.

In addition, clubs require non-selected players to be present on game day, except when circumstances do not allow i.e., when a team is travelling interstate, or when playing in a lower level competition at a similar time. Implicit team norms require that non-selected players suppress pessimistic emotion and provide positive emotional support to those selected. Non-selected players who fail to adhere to these unspoken team norms risk loosing the respect of both team mates and coaches, which necessitates emotional labour.

The hardest thing is fronting up here on Saturday or Sunday, whenever the game is, and having to support the team and you want to be playing. It’s never a matter of thinking you should be playing. It doesn’t matter whether you think that or

not, or what people think, but it’s very hard to do, to front up with a smile and support the team when you want to be playing. - Footballer

You see players walking around before the game. They’re upbeat, they’re probably acting as well, they’re acting that they’re happy and they want everyone to do well but deep down they’d have to be spewing that they’re missing out. - Footballer

Alternatively, smaller playing squads in both basketball and netball mean that all squad members are selected for match day. However, role or “bench” players (Rotella & Newburg, 1989) may receive limited or no match time, resulting in feelings of frustration and disappointment. As a basketballer commented:

Again, with basketball, it’s a lot different from footy as far as if you get picked in the squad, you’re going to play pretty much. You’ll go from 30 minutes a game, to 6 minutes a game to no minutes a game back to 5 minutes a game, just depending on your performance throughout the week so it can be pretty frustrating.

To ensure these feelings do not leak into the team environment, emotional labour is performed both prior to, during, and at the conclusion of matches.

Two games before the semi final this year that we lost, I played 30 minutes a game and I’m only a role player anyway, and I understand that if you are on, if you’re doing good you stay on. That’s the way it goes, and then the semi final comes and I got 6 minutes and that was hard to sit on the bench because you know that the last two games, hey I’ve proved that I can be out there and bringing stuff to the team and it’s really hard to just sit there and not be able to say anything. But having said that as well, I understand that that’s just the way it is and you’ve got to earn your stripes. – Basketballer

Having to sit on the bench week in, week out, you’re nothing but a cheerleader. I hate it. You’re expected to be really positive, which you try to do, but it’s certainly not what you feel inside sometimes. - Netballer

I was basically just a substitute coming on and off the bench, helping out, rebounder, hardly ever shoot and I wasn’t happy with that role. I was happy that I was contributing but obviously I knew I could do more, could do better, but that just wasn’t the way I was played and I had to always put on a happy face and say I’m fine with it but after the game I might have only played 4 minutes and not really done anything, and after you’d won you’d go outside and they’d all be so into it and they’d be jumping around and coming up and hugging you and stuff and you’re kind of we won, we won, but you’re really thinking this sucks because you want to be more involved. - Basketballer

As previously mentioned, players not selected, or those receiving limited match time, are often required by clubs to compete in a lower level competition to maintain skill level and match fitness. Player’s often present favourable images to attending coaches and selectors who monitor both their performance and demeanour.

It’s hard to go back to playing WAFL, but you have to make it look like you’re happy to be there and you’re positive and all that, but you’re not really because you want to be playing AFL. It is hard because you have to go back and try and play at a lower level with guys you don’t really know, where the skill level is below what you’re used to, and you have to be in the top 2 or 3 players to even get yourself into consideration for selection the following week. So there is a lot of pressure to perform when you go back and you really do have to hide your frustration and disappointment. - Footballer

Moreover, when attending training sessions after non-selection or limited match time, players perform emotional labour to conceal any resultant negative feelings, along with presenting a positive exterior when in the presence of team mates and coaches.

When you haven’t been selected, you’ve got to come back to the next training session upbeat and put all those feelings behind you. - Footballer

When I wasn’t playing, I was pissed off, but around the club you’ve just got to put on a brave face. It happens all the time, the boys don’t get picked because of a form slump or whatever it is, there’s a lot of support from the players around there definitely, but they still put the brave face on. You make sure you’re positive around the place. - Footballer

Overall, intense competition for selection, combined with the short-term tenure of playing careers, often results in heightened levels of anxiety and insecurity for players who are not selected, or only receive limited game time. A pervading “masculine” culture in both male and female team sports discourage emotional displays of weakness, which can lead to players performing emotional labour to hide such feelings during interactions with club personnel. As one player agent commented:

Unless you’re one of the top 5 players at a club, players are always living on a knives edge. When they aren’t getting selected it creates a tremendous amount of anxiety, which of course they don’t show or discuss with anyone because that is the culture.

The findings of this section draw parallels to those of Roderick (2006a), whereby non- selection resulted in professional soccer players developing dramaturgical selves to mask feelings of anxiety and insecurity, and to maintain favourable impressions with team mates and managers.

Injuries Player injury is an inevitable consequence of competitive sport (Hawkins & Fuller, 1998). Injured players may experience a range of negative emotions including frustration, anger, isolation, loss of identity, and depressive symptoms, all of which may

intensify when a long-term injury is sustained (Appaneal, Levine, Perna, & Roh, 2009; Collinson, 2003; Roderick, Waddington, & Parker, 2000; Tracey, 2003). However, within team sports, the pervading emotional climate of positivity implicitly demands that injured players conceal outward displays of negative emotion to avoid disrupting the playing group (Mankad et al., 2009; McKay, Messner, & Sabo, 2000; Young, White, & McTeer, 1994). This often results in injured players performing emotional labour, particularly in the presence of players, coaches, and support staff when attending rehabilitation, training, and live matches.

When you’re injured, I think that’s definitely the most demanding thing emotionally, and I think that’s definitely the part of AFL – I guess that sorts out the men from the boys. When things are going well it’s easy, but when things aren’t going well, it’s so hard to stay positive and be upbeat around the club, but you just have to fake it and not let anyone see any signs of weakness because people are always watching. - Footballer

I certainly like to think I haven’t looked sad on the sidelines or anything when I’m around the guys…..hiding your emotions is a big factor, especially when I’m around the team. – Basketballer

Last year I missed a few games but with my injury I’ve still been able to play so it still makes you feel involved. I’m more talking about guys who have missed a couple of years through injury. It’s a credit to those sort of guys that come down to the club and still remain positive even though they can’t play…..Those guys are definitely hiding their emotions for sure. - Footballer

Emotional labour was considered necessary by injured players to avoid negative emotions leaking into the team environment, along with maintaining a ‘strong’ image so that a player’s reputation is not affected when he/she resumes playing again. In a radio interview, former AFL player Glen Bowyer (The Sports Factor) discussed how

fear of loosing his playing position, as a result of injury, led to the concealment of negative feeling states:

You don’t want anything to affect your football career negatively with the club and the coach and the people. So whilst this is all going on they were obviously the last people that I ever wanted to find out because I didn’t want anything to detract away from trying to have a football career.

The findings of this section are similar to those of Mankad et al. (2009), who found that injured players perform emotional labour to maintain a favourable self-image and to avoid negative emotions spilling into the team environment.

Emotional Labour Consequences

Consistent with previous research (see Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993; Grandey, 2000; Hochschild, 1983; Shridar, 2008), emotional labour was found to have both negative and positive consequences (see Figure 2). Negative consequences however, were more evident in this sample due to the high frequency of surface acting reported by players, which as previously noted in chapter III, is associated with stress outcomes. However, it is acknowledged that the experience of such negative consequences by players is likely to be influenced by a variety of factors, including the frequency of emotional labour, situational circumstances (i.e., individual and team performance), and social support networks (i.e., family and friends). The consequences of player emotional will now be discussed and are presented in Figure 4.1.

Emotional Exhaustion The primary negative consequence of player emotional labour was emotional exhaustion, considered the first stage of the burnout syndrome (Maslach, 1982a). The findings of this study are consistent with previous research, which found a clear relationship between surface acting and emotional exhaustion (Brotheridge & Grandey,

2002; Brotheridge & Lee, 2002; Shridar, 2008; see also Chapter III). Although burnout is a common consequence for athletes involved in elite sport (Cresswell & Eklund, 2007; Goodger, Gorely, Lavallee, & Harwood, 2007), sport psychology researchers have not previously considered emotional labour to be a variable of relevance (Gordon, 2007). Indeed, having to fake and suppress emotions both publicly and privately was found to deplete a player’s emotional resources, particularly if this was a common occurrence.

There’s no doubt that a lot of our players are emotionally wrecked by the end of the year and they do suffer from some burn out. - AFL CEO

Having to suppress your emotions and keep up appearances is emotionally draining because, for one, when you’re feeling that crap in your head and you’re having to put on this happy face, it’s difficult, it’s draining, because it’s mentally resisting against what you’re really feeling emotionally. A lot of players would go through that during a season. - Netballer

Having to suppress what you really feel all the time can grind a player down and leave them emotionally crippled. It makes you wonder whether it stifles their ability to express themselves in an open manner even after they finish their careers. - Player Agent

Work-Family Interference Another consequence of player emotional labour identified during data analysis was work-family interference. This finding is consistent with past emotional labour research (Harris, 2002; Montgomery, et al., 2005; 2006; Seery, Corrigall, & Harpel, 2008; Shridar, 2008; see also Chapter III), and has previously been identified as an unhealthy corollary of playing professional sport (Dixon & Bruening, 2005; Noblet & Gifford, 2002). Player emotional labour can contribute to work-family interference by decreasing energy available for relationships and home duties. As a cricketer commented:

It just got on top of me to a point where I went home one time and I just could not physically speak to my girlfriend because I was just so frustrated and angry and upset and all those kinds of emotions you try and stay away from at the club but sometimes, because it is your life, it gets too much and then you can’t help but feel that way and as much as you want to try and be positive, you realise there’s times when you just can’t actually be happy. You’re so pissed off with everything that’s going on. I really remember this one night and I just couldn’t talk to her. I was just that lost I had nothing left really.

In addition, players often release pent-up emotions at home due to the restrictive emotional climate of sporting teams, which do not typically sanction freedom of emotional expression.

I have to sacrifice a lot of things in order to play netball, and that’s relationships, my family, my friends, that sort of thing and when you don’t play you go home and you stress about it or you’re angry about it and it does affect so many other things. Because if I go home and I’m grumpy or cranky, it rubs off on my family, and I hate doing it, it’s just that I bottle up so many emotions and it’s the only place where I can just be open about how I’m really feeling. - Netballer

Whenever I do get frustrated at training and I am feeling angry or upset, I come home and I usually take it out on the girlfriend ….. it’s the only real safe outlet I have. - Basketballer

Similar to findings by Ortiz (2002; 2004), player’s dependency on emotional support at home can result in added strain for partners and families. As a Netballer commented:

I really feel sorry for them because I have to vent at some stage and unfortunately they’re who I vent to ……. It sucks for the families, it sucks for the boyfriends.

Depressive Symptomatology Consistent with past research, depressive symptomatology was a consequence of player emotional labour (Erickson & Wharton, 1997; Hochschild, 1983; Holman, Chissick, & Totterdell, 2002; Liu, Prati, Perrewé, & Ferris, 2008; see also Chapter III). Depression in elite athletes has recently emerged as a serious concern for both clubs and governing bodies from a variety of sporting codes (The Sports Factor, 2006), and it appears that displaying inauthentic emotions, coupled with an inability to express true feelings are contributing factors.

I’d be lying if I said that there haven’t been times where I’ve been really, really upset at AFL level. To be honest, the last two years – I think especially last year – last year probably wasn’t one of the better years I’ve had in my life. I probably didn’t enjoy it, because you don’t really feel a part of the team, but you’re expected to be positive around the club, which you try to portray, but inside you just feel dark at the world. - Footballer

A few of the boys have come out publicly (depression), that’s just what the demands of professional sport can do to you I suppose, and it shows how emotionally demanding it can be. I’ve seen players that have gone off the band wagon, whether it’s alcohol, drugs, depression. Because depression can hit you if you’re not playing at home, or you don’t really want to be at a club...... I would say that depression is something that’s kind of blanketed. Drugs is an issue, but I think depression is probably the sleeping giant out of all this. - Soccer Player

Interestingly, one cricketer speculated that as off-field commitments (i.e., public appearances) intensify in future years, the incidence of player depression may correspondingly increase due to the emotional demands of having to live in the public eye.

I think you’ll see more and more of it (depression) in the next few years as the demands on players increase. With AFL players and that sort of stuff where the

demands are just over the top, for some people it might just get the better of them. I think that the more public demands you place on elite athletes, we will see more and more players who will suffer with depression.

Alcohol and Illicit Drug Use Alcohol and illicit drug use is a further consequence of player emotional labour, which is similar to findings by Hochschild (1983) who reported a link between flight attendant emotional labour and substance use. Whilst research investigating alcohol and drug use in professional sport is limited (MacLeod, 1998), substance use is considered a significant problem amongst elite athletes (McGee & Bengal, 2002). Indeed, findings from a recent study showed AFL player rates of monthly risky drinking resulting in short- term harm to be higher than age equivalent Australian men in the general population (Dietze, Fitzgerald, & Jenkinson, 2008). Indubitably, substance use and abuse in elite sport is a major problem confronting sport administrators (Gerrard, 1996), which has prompted many professional sporting bodies to develop, and begin developing, player drug codes and policies. Athletes reportedly use alcohol and illicit drugs to increase pleasure, relieve stress, reduce negative emotions, and escape problems (McDuff & Barron, 2005). Similarly, players in this study used alcohol and drugs to relieve stress caused in part, by the performance of emotional labour to meet prescribed role expectations. This is similar to the tension reduction hypothesis (Conger, 1956), which posits that substance use can aid in reducing tension and strain.

Players like to go and have a drink and things like that and you’ve got to find that because emotionally there’s only so much emotion you can suppress. - Cricketer

They are under so much pressure to perform both on and off the field, players do go and write themselves off because they just need a release from all the stress and pressure. - Player Agent

Furthermore, consistent with the self-medication hypothesis (Buh, Ruffins, Robins, Albanese, & Khantzian, 2008; Khantzian, 1997), the experience of intense negative emotions and their subsequent suppression can result in alcohol and drug use by players to regulate unpleasant mood states. To ensure anonymity, player details from the following quote have been excluded.

It’s a build up of pressure, despair and all those sorts of things they’re dealing with and sometimes you really do crave just to write yourself off so to speak in whatever way it is. You just want it to stop and especially if you’re really struggling. I’ve been through those times. Turning to drugs, you’re using drugs as an escape as a way to feel better, like I’ve said, I can understand it but I guess it’s not a way you can keep going. You’ve got to learn to deal with things with another method otherwise it gets to be a problem.

Alcohol and drug use may also soften a player’s rigid defensive structure, allowing them to release constricted emotions that are considered inappropriate to display in a team environment.

One of the girls in our team always bottles things up and she gets her release by going out and getting really pissed. She’s a psycho drunk and it’s like her little black box opens up and everything spills out, all the built up emotions of playing netball just come out. - Netballer

Furthermore, players, particularly those with a high public profile, may use alcohol and drugs as a form of psychological escape.

When taking illicit substances, they are in the zone, they can shut out all the outside influences they don’t want anything to do with, if he goes for a drink at the bar, its not like he’s a normal bloke, every second idiot wants to pick on him, get an autograph, or some tart tries to grab him by the balls, you and I don’t have to deal with that ….. and that is also why they mix with a different element of

people because they are all in the zone together …… it’s an escape mechanism for them. They also get protection, people won’t approach them, it is another world where they can chill out and be themselves without worrying about anything. - Player Agent

Performance Decrements Stress caused as a result of emotional labour can also impede optimal performance in both training and live matches.

When you bottle up your feelings, you can get depressed, which can lead to performing badly and it can become a negative cycle. - Netballer

I know some players that are suppressing every emotion that they have about how they really feel about what is happening at the club, in their personal life, and so do they (clubs) ever get the best out of these individuals, probably not. - Player Agent

Unruly Behaviour The build-up of stressful emotions as a consequence of both the sporting environment and the performance of emotional labour can result in emotional leakage, which can manifest as destructive player behaviour (White, Bond, & Gordon, 2009).

It comes out in different ways. Screaming at an umpire, smashing things up after being told that they’ve been dropped or going out and getting absolutely blind or going on a massive bender or something like that, because it just needs to get out somehow, and you see it a little bit, it happens. - Cricketer

One of the guys was having a poor run of form and I don’t know what happened exactly but he completely destroyed his hotel room on an away trip. From all reports it was very dangerous, he was throwing all kinds of objects around the

room. It just shows that players can explode if they don’t have a release. - Player Agent

Despite the deleterious consequences of player emotional labour, some positive player benefits were reported at the individual, group and organisational level.

Image Maintenance Emotional labour was considered necessary to maintain favourable appearances in the eyes of critical audiences. Indeed, violating team norms, or expressing inappropriate emotions, can result in a loss of respect from both team mates, coaches, and even the public, which can severely tarnish a player’s reputation and image. For example, a cricketer discussed the benefits of emotional labour when interacting with the media:

I think you might feel a little bit fake (when making public comment), but then you realise you’re doing what the teams want you to do and if you’re part of a team sport then that’s something you accept. Perhaps if you’re an individual then things might be a little bit different because you’re not letting other people down, but if you do it in a team sport there’s 10 other people that might disagree with what you have to say but you’re the one who said it and everybody thinks it’s a reflection on them also, so you’ve got to really adhere to the team standards, even if it does make you feel a little bit fake, you just accept it.

INTERVIEWER: Does that happen a lot with players whereby they don’t really express their true opinion?

Oh, yes, without a doubt. It happens in everything, you talk about politics in sport and it feels like it happens a lot in cricket and there’s so many things that people want to say but you just can’t and also because it might come back to affect you. If you start bagging people then down the track it could come an bite you on the arse so with regards to feeling fake, I wouldn’t for the moment worry

if I was saying something I didn’t mean in the public because I accept that that’s what I’ve got to do.

Emotional labour can also benefit players when interacting with team officials who have a significant influence on player selection (i.e., coaches, selectors). As one cricketer recounted, maintaining control over one’s emotions can lead to favourable outcomes:

Last year I got dropped after a game. I got left out for the first game, got picked in the second game against New South Wales and then 10 minutes after that game finished I got told I was dropped for the next game and the selector just said can you understand this and I just sort of nodded and just said OK. Because it was 10 minutes after a game so just the timing of it was horrible and as much as I just wanted to say fuck off, that’s bullshit, I just had to say well OK, no worries, mate I don’t even want to talk to you about it at the moment and I said I’ll ring you later because this is crap, I don’t want to talk about it now…… But I’ve seen other blokes go absolutely off the rail and, sometimes, rightly so because at the end of the day it is out careers and it’s our livelihood. But it gave me that time to sit down and think about it, finish the game and I rang him a day later or something like that and said why am I being left out, what do I have to do to get back in? As it turned out, somebody got injured and I played in the next game anyway, but I don’t know if that would have happened if I’d flown off at the selector at the time.

Image maintenance, through the performance of emotional labour, can also increase a player’s value to a club, outside of simply playing. As one basketballer discussed:

Going to sponsors dinners and talking to the people that you don’t know anything about, going round the room and say how’re you doing, I’m so and so, blah, blah, blah, just making yourself known, even though you probably can’t remember their name 10 minutes after you’ve finished talking to them, that’s half the battle. I think that’s what makes the club value you a little bit more as well. It makes

you more valuable to the club than if you just sit in the corner, and it doesn’t matter even if you put points on the board.

Effective Group Functioning Emotions can also influence the affective tone of a group via emotional contagion processes (Hatfield, Cacioppo, & Rapson, 1994), making emotional displays a crucial aspect of effective team functioning (Totterdell, 2000). As a result, player emotional labour can benefit a team via the regulation of negatively toned emotions that could have a detrimental impact on the mood of the playing group.

When people let their anger or frustration out when things don’t go their way it impacts on everyone in the group, it affects training, team dynamics, and just the overall mood of the group. Sometimes you have to keep those emotions in check for the benefit of the team. - Netballer

I think emotionally you can be quite down and angry but you just can’t afford to let that show and sometimes it will naturally come out but it’s never good for the side really. - Cricketer

Indeed, previous research has noted that emotional labour serves to enhance organisational efficiency (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993).

Positive Brand Perceptions The performance of player emotional labour can also promote positive brand perceptions in the public domain, resulting in increased revenue through monetary contributions from both supporters and sponsors. As an AFL CEO commented:

We want the club to be viewed in a positive light because this has significant financial ramifications. Obviously, player behaviour is a big determinant of this, which is why they need to act accordingly.

This was similar to the seminal findings by Hochschild (1983) that emotional labour can impact the organisations bottom line.

Discussion

At the beginning of this research project, the study of emotional labour had yet to be adequately investigated in the sport psychology domain. To address this gap in the literature, this chapter sought to understand the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. Data analysis led to the development of a grounded theory model which identified the antecedents, content and context, consequences, and moderators of emotional labour in this substantive area (see Figure 4.1, p. 52). A summary of the findings, practical implications, limitations, and directions for future research will now be presented. Upon reflection, a Marxist framework was considered useful to understand the antecedents of emotional labour. Professional and semi-professional team sports are essentially commercial commodities bought and sold in the marketplace. This commodity creation process is composed of three separate groups of people: the capitalists (league’s, teams), labourers (players), and consumers (media, sponsors, public). Both the capitalists and the consumers are largely responsible for the creation of new demands and behavioural requirements, which ultimately lead to the performance of player emotional labour. Societal, league and club expectations appear to share similarities with traditional drivers of emotional labour idenitifed in the literature (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993; Shridar, 2008). Indeed, societal, league and club expectations could all be contained under the umbrella of display rules, which as previously identified in Chapter III have strong links with both surface acting and deep acting. Similar to previous research, emotional labour was also influnced by the emotional culture of a club and team, particularly in back-stage regions (Mankad et al., 2009; Van Mannen & Kunda, 1989). Moreover, job insecurity and self-image were also considered to be drivers of emotional labour in this industry. While this is not a common

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finding, barristers appeared to have similar antecedents (Harris, 2002). Indeed, the findings reported in this study support the revised definition of emotional labour presented in Chapter II as being “the regulation of emotional expressions and feelings to achieve organisational, group, and individual objectives” (p. 15). Player emotional labour was performed in a variety of regions with numerous audiences. A taxonomy was created outlining the different regions, audiences, and contexts in which emotional labour occurs. Utilising a dramaturgical framework (Goffman, 1959), player emotional labour occurred in front-stage, off-stage, and back- stage regions. The audiences in both front-stage and off-stage regions include the media, sponsors, supporters, and the general public. In back-stage regions, the audience typically includes team mates, support staff, coaches, administrators, and selectors. The breadth of audiences with which players perform emotional labour is a key finding, and shares similarities with other emotional labour taxonomies identified in the literature (Harris, 2002; Shridar, 2008). Players perform emotional labour in numerous contexts in both front-stage and off-stage regions. These included media interactions, sponsor functions, pre- and post- match functions, and public appearances and encounters. The extent to which players perform emotional labour in front-stage regions is a result of both individual and situational circumstances. For example, players that enjoy interacting with the public felt little need to put on act. Moreover, difficult interpersonal encounters with supporters would often evoke emotional labour to maintain professionalism. Furthermore, the extent to which emotional labour was performed in front-stage and off-stage regions are a result of player level and popularity. For example, captains and senior playing personnel typically have more media commitments and public encounters than junior players, which increase the likelihood of emotional labour. In off-stage regions, popular players who are readily identifiable due to their skill level or physical attractiveness are more likely to have public encounters than players who are largely “unknown” (i.e., rookie player), which will in turn increase the demand for emotional labour. In back-stage regions, players engaged in emotional labour when injured, deselected, during difficult emotional events, and when experiencing relationship difficulties with team mates and coaches. The performance of emotional labour in back-

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stage regions was largely determined by a player’s position in a team, in addition to situational circumstances. For example, a fringe player who is in and out of a side would perform more emotional labour than a player who is a regular starter in live matches. Furthermore, a player who is satisfied and comfortable with their position in the team will have less of a need to put on act than a player who is disgruntled or unhappy. Taken as a whole, the performance of emotional labour in the world of professional and semi-professional team sport can be considered a necessary survival strategy which players routinely use to endure a cut-throat industry. Indeed, similar conceptions of emotional labour as a survival strategy have previously been identified by researchers in other occupational contexts (Perrone & Vickers, 2004, Roderick, 2006a; Mazhindu, 2003). By and large, the performance of emotional labour by players was largely limited to surface acting. Surface acting consisted of faking unfelt emotions, and suppressing felt emotions so that emotional displays, behaviour, and verbal comments are in alignment. The scant reporting of deep acting by players was surprising. However, given that deep acting is considered to be an advanced emotional regulatory strategy (Grandey, 2000), a lack of formalised training in deep acting (i.e., reappraisal, cognitive change) may explain why this strategy was not reported. The consequences of surface acted emotional labour were primarily detrimental to a player’s psychological well-being. Many of these outcomes had previously been identified as moderate to strong correlates in the meta-analytic review (Chapter III) such as emotional exhaustion, work-family interference, and depression. However, while alcohol and illicit drug use has previously been identified in past qualitative research as a consequence of emotional labour (Hochschild, 1983), performance decrements and unruly behaviour, to the best of my knowledge, have not been previously identified in the literature. Furthermore, despite the positive benefits of emotional labour identified at the individual, group, and organisational levels, (image maintenance, effective team- functioning, and positive brand perceptions) these benefits appear to be far outweighed when compared to the negative impact of high levels of emotional labour on players’ psychological well-being.

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The extent to which a player experiences such negative consequences is likely to be influenced by a variety of factors, including the frequency of emotional labour, situational circumstances (i.e., individual and team performance), and social support networks (i.e., family and friends). For example, a player that regularly engages in emotional labour to conceal negative emotional states (i.e., in back-stage regions) will be more likely to experience the aforementioned negative consequences. The sporadic use of emotional labour by players however, is unlikely to result in such detrimental consequences. Moreover, personal and team success may also act as a buffer against these potentially negative consequences, in addition to a large social support network.

Practical Implications The findings of this research suggest a number of practical considerations that are important to both players and sports administrators. Data analysis revealed that players rarely discuss or voice their emotions to team mates or coaches for fear of being viewed as a whinger, which may in turn jeopardise their position in the team. While employees in service occupations typically utilise support from co-workers and supervisors in back- stage regions as a way to cope with the emotional demands of their work (Hochschild, 1983), players exercise extreme caution when it comes to revealing vulnerable internal feeling states to work colleagues.

Players are very guarded with their thoughts and emotions, and would rarely discuss sensitive issues with teammates for fear that this trust could be broken. - Player Agent

I think, in a lot of cases, 90% of the cases, I reckon players suppress what they really feel because they still see the coaches as someone they can talk to but maybe not spill everything to them. You do get the occasional ones but I’d say generally players a lot of times they do suppress their own emotions. - AFL Coach

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While internal social support networks for emotional labour are considered valuable in service occupations, it would appear to be a dubious and counterproductive practice for the expression of pent-up emotion in back-stage regions for players as this could potentially damage their reputation and career prospects. While players typically seek emotional support from family and trusted friends, this avenue has been shown to take its toll on such people (Ortiz, 2002). Safe environments and non-threatening arenas are therefore required, whereby players can feel free to let go and vent their emotional experiences, in addition to discussing sensitive issues without fear of being judged. This is particularly important for interstate or overseas players whereby family support is not readily available to them. Indeed, there is a greater likelihood of such players succumbing to such negative consequences. Thus, it is important that players find a release for emotionally draining feelings as a result of the sporting environment and the performance of emotional labour. A sport psychologist may be a useful confidant for players. A sport psychologist’s role is not simply confined to performance enhancement or the delivery of mental skills training programs, but as a safe, confidential avenue for players to vent and release pent up emotions. Such an avenue may be particularly beneficial for players who don’t have a strong social support network (i.e., overseas, interstate players). It could also be a useful opportunity for psychologists to teach players advanced emotion regulatory skills (i.e., deep acting), as a means of coping more effectively in their role (Jones, 2003). Furthermore, periodic emotional disclosure may also aid as a buffer against the negative consequences associated with emotional labour. As two players discuss:

Because the pressures are so high you do need a release and, fair enough, you can’t tell people from the footy club maybe, because they might go well, what are you doing whinging. You’ve got to get out some of the anger. You’ve got to say what’s on your chest at times, even if it’s saying to someone else well, great, as long as you get it off your chest. - Footballer

You can go through tough times, and just having someone to vent to, I felt, was important. - Basketballer

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In addition, emotional disclosure in a confidential setting may also buffer against work- family interference by reducing the spillover of constricted emotions into the home environment.

I think it’s pretty important that you have someone you can speak with about issues away from the club. Sometimes you do carry a lot of things home with you, you come home and you try and talk to your partner about it but my partner doesn’t know the first thing about basketball and sometimes you do want to just come home and let loose and that’s not always healthy. So, it would be good and I hope we do have someone to talk to this year, maybe a team psychologist that you can just chat to if you want to. Just to go and have a chat to them about what you’re thinking. - Basketballer

Indeed, social support is considered a vital moderator against the negative consequences of emotional labour (Grandey, 2000). Despite the potential benefits of decompressing with a sport psychologist, players may be hesitant to utilise such services for fear of being stigmatised (Goffman, 1963) as either weak or vulnerable by team mates, coaches, and support staff (Calhoun, Herring, & Ladevito, 2005; Mankad et al., 2009). Moreover, high profile professional athletes may also be deterred, due to the intense media scrutiny they could potentially receive if these sessions became public knowledge (Glick, 2001). To avoid players remaining stoic, other avenues of emotional disclosure should also be considered. Written emotional disclosure may be a way forward as it is a safe and unobtrusive option. Recent research suggests that written disclosure of private thoughts and feelings can have beneficial effects on blood markers of immune functions, general functioning, and psychological well-being (Mankad et al., 2009; Pennebaker, 1997; Smyth, 1998). Indeed, one cricketer commented on the benefit of written emotional disclosure.

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I write a lot as well. I’ve got a diary that I write my thoughts down on and that’s a bit of an outlet as well. But I think you’ve got to have it otherwise it keeps building up until it can’t build up anymore. - Cricket Player

From a risk management perspective, clubs should be proactive in providing relevant resources so that players can emotionally decompress at regular intervals throughout a season to both protect and enhance psychological well-being. Moreover, regular decompression may preserve the reputation of players, teams and leagues by preventing emotional leakage (e.g., inappropriate public comments in the press), undesirable off-field behaviour (i.e., alcohol and drug use, unruly behaviour), and performance decrements. Furthermore, coaches and support staff should use the information presented in this chapter to predict what may be transpiring underneath the tough public façade of players and act accordingly to ensure they are well supported. Finally, current and future playing personnel will need to understand and be adequately prepared to deal with the inevitable emotional labour that will be required in a range of contexts as part of their role. Thus, leagues and clubs should consider running experiential emotional labour training workshops for both incoming and current players as part of their socialisation and on-going professional development. Players could also be taught how to engage in healthy emotion regulation, rather than simply relying on surface acting, which is a rather primitive and innate emotion regulation technique. Moreover, for players to survive the inevitable fame that can accompany their rise into elite sporting ranks, teaching players how to best manage the demands of celebrity and public expectation would be of great value. This suggestion has previously been identified by player manager Ben Crowe, who had this suggestion for AFL players.

Players now need to not only understand the realities of their world, but they also need to care. As hard as it may be, they need to work out that their world requires a Hollywood-style split personality in order to succeed – they need to be fearless and bold on the stage and strategic and humble off it. Maybe acting classes for AFL players are not out of the question. Bring on fame school (p. 99).

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Limitations and Directions for Future Research A limitation of the current research project is that the findings are contextually bound and therefore difficult to generalise. As a result, future research needs to be conducted in other professional and semi-professional sporting codes both in Australia and abroad to be able to safely generalise the emergent findings in this context. The emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in different sporting environments (i.e., Olympic athletes), in addition to athletes participating in individual rather than team sports, could be fruitful avenues for empirical investigation. Furthermore, it would also be useful to examine the pervasiveness of emotional labour with other key players in the team sport environment such as coaches and support staff.

Conclusion The findings of this chapter have revealed that emotional labour is a pervasive aspect of both a players working life and personal life and is a topic that is deserving of future scholarly inquiry. The grounded theory approach utilised in this current investigation has provided a useful theoretical framework for future researchers to extend and modify the research findings in other sporting contexts. Furthermore, the substantive model also leaves itself open to quantitative testing to determine the relevance and importance of these findings. Accordingly, Chapter V will endeavour to test aspects of this framework with players from the same sporting leagues utilised in this study.

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CHAPTER V – Antecedents and Outcomes of Emotional Labour: A Path Analytic Test of a Model.

The final project from the current research program is introduced in Chapter V. A theoretical model was formulated and tested based on the qualitative findings of Chapter IV. However, due to low N, a comprehensive test of the model could not be conducted. Instead, the model tested the effects of surface acting on players psychological well-being as identified in Chapter IV. The variables identified were emotional exhaustion, work- family interference, and depression, which have previously been recognized in Chapter III as common correlates of surface acting. Positive affectivity and negative affectivity were also included, as individual difference variables could potentially influence the performance of player emotional labour. Furthermore, the inclusion of positive and negative affectivity is one of the techniques recommended by Podsakoff, MacKenzie, Lee, & Podsakoff (2003) to control for common method variance. The results of the analysis supported the majority of hypotheses in addition to the hypothesised model under investigation. Implications for future research, practical implications, and the strengths and limitations of the research design are discussed.

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The aim of the current investigation is to extend qualitative findings from the previous chapter using quantitative data from Australasian athletes working in both professional and semi-professional team sports. Utilising a grounded theory approach, a theoretical model was formulated (see Figure 4.1, p. 52) which outlined the content and context of emotional labour, in addition to its antecedents, consequences and moderators. In addition to providing unique insights, a grounded theory approach also lends itself to further theory testing to add breadth to inductively derived research findings (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Thus, a path model was developed to quantitatively test the proposed relationships (see Figure 5.1, p. 114). The hypothesised model assumes that two dispositional variables, positive affectivity and negative affectivity have a mediating influence on two outcome variables work-family interference and depression , through front-stage surface acting (i.e. acting with the public) and emotional exhaustion . One of the independent variables (i.e., surface acting ) has a direct, plus a mediating influence (through emotional exhaustion ) over the other two dependent variables, and, therefore, the direct, indirect, and total effects will be considered in evaluating the fit of the proposed model. Deep acting however was not included in this model due to the infrequent use of this strategy reported by players in Chapter IV, in addition to the small effect sizes found between deep acting and psychological well-being in Chapter III. Moreover, other variables identified in Chapter IV were not able to be included due to insufficient power as a result of a less that desirable N.

The Proposed Model

Antecedents of Surface Acting Qualitative findings from Chapter IV found that individual differences may influence whether players need to perform emotional labour. To test this proposition, dispositional affectivity was examined, which has been the most common individual difference variable utilised in quantitative emotional labour studies to date. Moreover, the inclusion of both positive affectivity and negative affectivity is one of the techniques recommended by Podsakoff et al. (2003) to control for common method variance.

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Indeed, both positive affectivity and negative affectivity have been known to influence the relationships between variables in organisational research. Individuals with high negative affectivity typically have a negative orientation to the world and those around them (Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988). Because most display rules require the expression of integrative emotions, individuals with high negative affectivity will not naturally feel or be able to express organisationally prescribed emotions, requiring the performance of emotional labour to meet role expectations. Individuals with high positive affectivity, on the other hand, tend to have a positive orientation to themselves and the world around them, making it easier to meet role expectations without acting (Watson et al., 1998). The meta-analytic findings from Chapter III support this view, showing a modest significant positive relationship between negative affectivity and surface acting ρ = .33, and a significant, but somewhat weak negative relationship between positive affectivity and surface acting ρ = -.18. Thus;

Hypothesis 1: Both negative affectivity and positive affectivity will predict surface acting.

Direct Effects of Surface Acting on Emotional Exhaustion, Work-Family Interference, and Depression. Qualitative findings from Chapter IV proposed that emotional exhaustion is a consequence of player emotional labour. Emotional exhaustion is a key indicator of job burnout and is characterised as a state of energy depletion, which typically results in feelings of frustration, irritability, and being “worn out” (Cordes & Dougherty, 1993; Shaufeli & Enzmann, 1998). Emotional labour research highlights the deleterious consequences of surface acting on emotional exhaustion, with recent meta-analytic findings demonstrating a large true effect size of ρ = .40 (see Chapter III). A number of mechanisms have been proposed to explain this relationship, including: emotional dissonance, increased physiological arousal, and resource depletion. Surface acting is likely to result in emotional dissonance, a feeling of unease or “tension” that arises when expressed emotions conflict with genuinely felt emotions (Grandey, 2000; Hochschild,

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1983). In a recent study, emotional dissonance was found to be a partial mediator in the relationship between surface acting and emotional exhaustion (Van Dijk and Kirk- Brown, 2006). In addition, increased signs of physiological arousal (Gross, 1998a, b; Gross & Levenson, 1993, 1997) and the loss of finite emotional and cognitive resources, as a consequence of surface acting, are further mechanisms that help to explain this relationship (Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Muraven, & Tice, 1998; Brotheridge & Lee, 2002; Grandey, Fisk, & Steiner, 2005). In line with previous theory and research, it is proposed that:

Hypothesis 2: Surface acting will predict emotional exhaustion.

A relationship between player emotional labour and work-family conflict was proposed in Chapter IV. Work-family conflict, a form of inter-role conflict, refers to the incompatibility between the demands and expectations of work and family roles. The three types of work-family conflict include time-based conflict, strain-based conflict, and behaviour-based conflict (Carlson, Kacmar, & Williams, 2000; Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985). Despite limited published research, meta-analytic findings reported a moderate true effect size between surface acting and work-family interference ρ = .34 (see Chapter III). Surface acting may lead to work-family interference via two mechanisms: emotional spillover and resource loss. The inauthentic nature of surface acting can result in unpleasant feelings and mood states, which may spillover into personal or family realms (Edwards & Rothbard, 2000). Moreover, resource depletion as a consequence of surface acting (Baumeister et al., 1998) can also result in the reduced availability of emotional and physical energy for personal relationships and family activities. Based on previous research and theory, the following hypothesis is proposed:

Hypothesis 3: Surface acting will predict work-family conflict.

A further relationship between emotional labour and depression was also proposed in Chapter IV. Depression is characterised by feelings of sadness, despair, a

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loss of interest or pleasure in life activities, and a predominantly negative and pessimistic attitude towards tasks and people (Glass & McKnight, 1996). Meta-analytic findings reported in Chapter III found a moderate true effect size between surface acting and depression ρ = .34. Sustained feelings of dissonance, as a consequence of surface acting, may evoke depression due to the internal tension and disharmony that such acting creates. Moreover, the superficial nature of surface acting (i.e., faking unfelt emotions), is likely to result in people feeling false and inauthentic, which can in turn lead to feelings of depression (Erickson & Wharton, 1997). In light of previous findings, the following hypothesis is proposed.

Hypothesis 4: Surface acting will predict depression

Indirect Effects of Surface Acting on Work-Family Conflict and Depression via Emotional Exhaustion. The proposed mediating influence of emotional exhaustion on the relationship between surface acting and work-family conflict has merit, considering that previous research has reported positive correlations between surface acting and work-family conflict (Seery, et al., 2008), surface acting and emotional exhaustion (Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002), and emotional exhaustion and work-family conflict (Bacharach, Bamberger, & Conley, 1991; Netemeyer, Boles, & McMurrian, 1996). Work-family conflict is considered a causal determinant of emotional exhaustion (Burke, 1988, 1994; Demerouti, Bakker, & Bulters, 2004; Jackson & Maslach, 1982; Ray & Miller, 1994), and was found to be a partial mediator in the relationship between surface acting and burnout (Montgomery, et al., 2006). However, few studies have examined the causal influence of emotional exhaustion on work-family conflict. In a sample of policewomen, emotional exhaustion acted as a mediator in the relationship between work-stress and family cohesion (Thompson, Kirk & Brown, 2005). Similarly, Cordes and Dougherty (1993) found that burnout increased withdrawal behaviour and had a negative impact on family life. Thus, feeling emotionally exhausted, as a consequence of surface acting,

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should decrease physical and emotional energy for non-work domains, resulting in work- family conflict.

Hypothesis 5: Emotional exhaustion will mediate the relationship between surface acting and work-family interference.

The proposed mediating influence of emotional exhaustion on the relationship between surface acting and depression also has merit given that previous research has reported positive correlations between surface acting and depression (Liu, et al., 2008), surface acting and emotional exhaustion (Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002), and emotional exhaustion and depression (Glass & McKnight, 1996; Jackson & Maslach, 1982; Kahill, 1998). The link between emotional exhaustion and depression is not surprising given these variables share common symptoms such as low energy, poor work motivation and negative attitudes (Jackson & Maslach, 1982; Kahill, 1988; Lieter & Durup, 1994; Maslach & Leiter, 1997). However, while burnout is specific to the work context, depression tends to pervade every domain of a person’s life. Thus, feeling emotionally exhausted, as a consequence of surface acting, should result in depression.

Hypothesis 6: Emotional exhaustion will mediate the relationship between surface acting and depression.

Additional Inquiries This study will also address concerns that often appear in the literature that both positive affectivity and negative affectivity act as nuisance variables in the relationship between dispositional variables and well-being outcomes. Researchers have also speculated that the relationship between emotional labour and well-being outcomes may simply be a function of affectivity (Bono & Vey, 2005). It is predicted that the role of positive affectivity and negative affectivity will be central to the role of surface acting and its influence on well-being outcomes. Specifically, after controlling for both dispositional variables, surface acting will still impact the relationship between emotional exhaustion and other well-being outcomes.

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Figure 5.1. Hypothesised model showing path LISREL diagram of emotional labour on wellness outcomes.

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Method

Participants A convenience sample of 249 complete and usable responses were collected from a cross-section of professional and semi-professional players working in Australasian sporting leagues. The sample comprised 203 males and 46 females with a mean age of 23.93 (SD = 4.197) and mean years playing professionally 5.39 (SD = 3.76). The sample comprised players from the Australian Football League (AFL) (101 players from 3 clubs), National Basketball League (NBL) (57 players from 7 clubs), A-League (43 players from 7 clubs), and ANZ Netball Championship (46 players from 4 Australian clubs). Players were requested to complete the questionnaires and mail them directly to the first author in a postage paid, self-addressed envelope to ensure confidentiality.

Measures

Surface Acting A new scale was created to measure surface acting. Qualitative data from Chapter IV led to the development of a six-item scale, which focused on faking unfelt emotions and suppressing felt emotions ( α = .89). Five items from pre-existing emotional labour scales (Chu & Murrmann, 2008; Diefendorff, Croyle, & Gosserand, 2005; Grandey 2003), along with the creation of a single item, was devised for the purposes of this study (see Appendix B). The surface acting scale was measured with a six-point Likert scale (1 = never, 6 = all of the time ). The items were prefaced with “We are interested to know how the persona that is built up for the media is maintained. We are not interested in people that you have close relationships with (i.e., family and friends). Rather, we are interested in your interactions with the public (i.e., media, fans, and spectators), and the maintenance of that exposure. Please indicate your response to the statements below. “When I am interacting with members of the public:” An example surface acting item is: “I fake the emotions I show”. An exploratory factor analysis using maximum likelihood extraction with oblique rotation was performed on the six-item scale developed for this study (see Appendix C).

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The EFA extracted one factor (with eigenvalue greater than 1.00) which explained a total of 65% of variance. An oblique rotation was also requested, but only one factor was extracted suggesting that the factor was unidimensional. Overall, the one-factor model suggested a good fit to the data ( ∆χ 2 = 11.247, ∆df = 9, p > .05).

Emotional Exhaustion The Maslach-Burnout Inventory (MBI; Maslach & Jackson, 1981) was used to measure emotional exhaustion (α = .89). Using a seven-point Likert scale (0 = never, 6 = everyday) , nine-items were used to assess this construct. As the MBI was originally intended for use with human service workers, the wording on some items was slightly revised. An example item is, “I feel emotionally drained from football” (see Appendix B).

Work-Family Conflict The work-family conflict scale (Netemeyer, et al., 1996) was used to measure both time and strain-based interference (α = .91). Using a seven-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree), five-items were used to assess this construct. As this scale was not originally attended for athletes, some items were slightly revised to fit the context of the different sporting codes. An example item includes, “the demands of football interfere with my home and family/personal life” (see Appendix B)

Depression The depression-enthusiasm scale developed by Warr (1990) was used to assess depression ( α = .82). Respondents were presented with three descriptor items (i.e., gloomy, depressed, miserable) and asked to indicate on a six-point Likert scale (1 = never, 6 = all of the time ) “how has your sport affected you recently”?

Trait Affectivity.

The positive and negative affect schedule (PANAS; Watson, et al., 1988) was used to measure trait positive affectivity ( α = .85) and trait negative affectivity ( α = .86).

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Respondents were presented with twenty affective items (e.g., jittery, excited, distressed, enthusiastic) and asked to indicate on a five-point Likert scale (1 = very slightly or not at all, 5 = extremely ) “how do you feel in general”?

Analyses

Path Analysis

The relationship among directly observed variables is estimated through path analysis and tests the plausibility of hypothesised causal relationships between one variable and another through a set of linear structural equations, which demonstrate the “cause” and “effect” relationships in a model (Jöreskog & Sörbom, 2001). The procedure estimates the coefficients of the causal variables ( x1, x2 … x n), dependent variables ( y1, y2… y n), and disturbance variables ( ζ1, ζ 2 … ζ n ). Disturbance variables summarise the influence of other variables omitted from the hypothesised model.

Data will be analysed using the LISREL 8.7 structural equations program based on the maximum likelihood procedure. The analysis solves the structural equations for the DVs ( xn) in terms of the IVs ( yn) and the disturbance variables ( ζn). Unlike structural equations with latent variables, which require consideration of a significant greater number of parameters in the model requiring a greater N, path analysis is based only on directly observed or manifest variables, and therefore reduces the number of parameters to be estimated. Although path analysis, in preference to the analysis with latent constructs, may suggest a less robust approach to examining the putative relationships in a model, path analysis based on the structural equations program still has the advantage over conventional hierarchical multiple regression approaches, because all parameters in the model are estimated simultaneously as a system of equations, rather than separately, as is the case with conventional methods (e.g., hierarchical multiple regression analysis), where multiple runs are required for the estimation of each equation separately.

Evaluation of the hypothesised model will be based on incremental goodness-of- fit indices, such as the comparative fit index (CFI ≥ 0.95) and the standardized root mean

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square residual (SRMSR, a cut-off of ≤ 0.08 is deemed acceptable), in line with the “2- index presentation strategy” recommended by Hu and Bentler (1999, p. 1) to minimise Type I and II error rates.

The hypothesised model assumes that two dispositional variables, positive affectivity (PA) and negative affectivity (NA), have a mediating influence on two outcome variables (i.e., work-family interfere and depression ), through surface acting and emotional exhaustion . One of the independent variables (i.e., surface acting ) has a direct, plus a mediating influence (through emotional exhaustion ) over the other two dependent variables, and, therefore, the direct, indirect, and total effects will be considered in evaluating the fit of the proposed model.

Model Identification

A necessary condition for identification of structural equation models is that the degrees of freedom should be equal to or larger than zero. Degrees of freedom are the number of different variances and covariances or correlations of observed variables, and the number of structural parameters (i.e., the unknowns) which have to be found. In the case where df = 0 (i.e., there are equal number of equations and unknowns) the model is said to be exactly identified and fits the data perfectly. In this situation the maximum likelihood estimation function will reach a value which cannot be enhanced by any other model with the same variables. A drawback of this condition is that, since all equations are necessary to obtain the values of the parameters, no equations are left for testing the model. Such a model is considered trivial, since any model will fit a given data set perfectly if the degrees of freedom are zero. On the other hand, when there are more equations than unknown parameters the model is said to be over identified . Thus, if the values of the likelihood functions for more restricted á priori hypothesised models (i.e., df > zero) are computed and compared with the value of the model which fits perfectly (i.e., df = 0), we can ascertain how far the constrained model deviates from an unconstrained model that fits the data perfectly.

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The Hypothesised Model

The hypothesized model suggests that dispositional variables (PA and NA) are exogenous and act directly on surface acting and emotional exhaustion . Although surface acting and emotional exhaustion are two endogenous variables, they have a “causal” mechanism over the other two endogenous variables; that is, they influence perceptions of work-family interference and depression .

Six structural equations explain the model in Figure 5.1. Shown is a fully recursive model (i.e., there are no reciprocal structural relations) with observed variables consisting of two exogenous variables x1 ( positive affectivity or PA) and x2 (negative affectivity or NA), and dependent variables surface acting ( y1), emotional exhaustion ( y2), work-family interference ( y3), and depression (y4). Of the four endogenous variables surface acting is hypothesised to have a direct effect over the other three endogenous variables, but also an indirect effect on two outcome variables (i.e., work-family interference and depression ) through the mediator variable emotional exhaustion.

The hypothesised model shown in Figure 5.1 will be compared with a non-trivial model where the path from surface acting to emotional exhaustion will be constrained to test whether this path is of significance to the model.

Paths from the exogenous to endogenous variables are designated GAMMA ( γ) paths in LISREL notation, while those from one endogenous variable to another are BETA ( β). ZETA ( ζ) is a random disturbance term (i.e., error in the equation), which represents the influences of variables omitted in the model. The model tests the following four direct effects and is described through the following four equations testing the hypotheses:

H1: Variable y1 (surface acting) is predicted by x1 (PA), x2 (NA), and a

disturbance term ζ1.

y1 = γ11 x1 + γ12 x2 + ζ1

H2: Variable y 2 (emotional exhaustion) is predicted by y1 (surface acting),

x1 (PA), x2 (NA), and a disturbance term ζ2.

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y2 = β21 y1 + γ21 x1 + γ22 x2 + ζ2

H3: Variable y 3 (work-family interference) is predicted by y1 (surface acting),

y2 (emotional exhaustion), and a disturbance term ζ3.

y3 = β31 y1 + β32 y2 + ζ3.

H4: Variable y 4 (depression) is predicted by y1 (surface acting), y2 (emotional

exhaustion), and a disturbance term ζ4.

y4 = β41 y1 + β42 y2 + ζ4.

In addition to the above four hypotheses, testing the direct effects of surface acting on the other three endogenous variables, the following four additional hypotheses test the indirect effects of PA and NA on work family interference and depression through surface acting . The total indirect effects (i.e., the combined effects of surface acting and emotional exhaustion) will also be calculated and reported.

H5: There are indirect effects from x1 (PA) to y3 (work family interference) through y1

(surface acting) and y2 (emotional exhaustion).

y5 = ( γ11 y1 * β31 y3) + ( γ21 y2 * β21 y2 * β32 y3)

H6: There are indirect effects from x1 (PA) to y4 (depression) through y1 (surface

acting and y1 (emotional exhaustion).

y6 = ( γ11 y1 * β41 y4) + ( γ21 y2 * β42 y4) + ( γ21 y2 * β21 y2 * β42 y4)

H7: There are indirect effects from x2 (NA) to y3 (work family interference) through y1

(surface acting) and y1 (emotional exhaustion).

y7 = ( γ12 y1 * β31 y3) + ( γ22 y2 * β32 y3) + ( γ22 y2 * β21 y2 * β32 y3)

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H8: There are indirect effects from x2 (NA) to y4 (depression) through y1 (surface

acting and y1 (emotional exhaustion).

y8 = ( γ12 y1 * β41 y4) + ( γ22 y2 * β42 y4) + ( γ22 y2 * β21 y2 * β42 y4)

Test for Direct and Indirect Effects

To test the hypothesised model, the correlation matrix of all the variables will be submitted to the LISREL analysis. The procedure, based on the maximum likelihood (ML) estimator, will test first a model that is exactly identified with zero degrees of freedom; that is, the model will have equal number of equations and unknown 1. Because all parameters in the model will be set free, an ML value will be reached which cannot be improved upon by any alternative model with the same variables. If this best of all possible models is then compared to other models that have more constrained relationships (i.e., over-identified models that have more equations available than unknowns), an indication can be obtained that shows the level of misfit between the two. The degree of deviation of the constrained model from the “best possible” model may be ascertained by a chi-square difference test with associated degrees of freedom.

A series of "chi-square difference tests" (Bollen 1989) will be performed between two nested models to test mediation effects according to the following: a model will be generated where all the paths will be freely calculated; this will then serve as the baseline model (i.e., the saturated model) for comparing the alternative models, because a direct statistical comparison between the two nested models, a direct model and a mediator

1 As was mentioned earlier, a model with zero degrees of freedom cannot be tested, because there are exactly the same number of equations as there are parameters, and the degrees of freedom, therefore, are zero. All the information in the data set has been used to generate the solution. One requires at least one degree of freedom to test the model, and this may only be obtained by fixing the value of a parameter in the model to some value, thus reducing the number of unknowns in the model and increasing the number of equations by 1.

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model, would not have been possible, due to the same number of degrees of freedom in these models.

Procedure for Testing Mediation Effects For illustrative purposes, the paths linking the exogenous variable positive affectivity (x1) to the endogenous variable surface acting (y1), which in turn leads to work-family interference ( y2) will be used. There are a number of tests to demonstrate whether a mediation model can be supported or not. First, a Saturated Model is tested where all paths are freely calculated; that is, all variable are linked with a path.

Second, a Direct Model is tested where the path from positive affectivity ( x1) to surface acting ( y1) is constrained to zero ( β11 = 0), while the other two paths are freely calculated.

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Third, the Mediator Model is tested, where the path from positive affectivity ( x1) to work-family interference ( y2) is constrained to zero (i.e., β21 = 0), while the other two paths are freely calculated.

The Saturated Model is used as the Baseline Model to compare the results of the other two Models (i.e., the Direct and Mediator Models). The other two models cannot be compared with each other directly, because both have five degrees of freedom and one needs at least one additional degree of freedom to carry out a statistical test based on chi- square difference. Since the saturated model has four degrees of freedom it is possible to compare the two models with the saturated model.

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Results

Table 5.1 shows the bivariate correlations and alpha reliabilities of all study variables. The relationship between surface acting and antecedent and outcome variables were in the expected directions, and were generally consistent in magnitude with meta-analytic findings from Chapter III. However, the relationship between surface acting and positive affect and surface acting and emotional exhaustion was considerably stronger.

Table 5.1

Summary Statistics and Pearson Inter-correlations of Study Variables

Means SD 1 2 3 4 5 6

1. PA 3.65 0.53 .85 2. NA 1.63 0.54 -.07 .86 3. Surface Acting 2.36 0.89 -.33 * .35 ** .89 4. Emotional Exhaustion 1.90 1.12 -.33 ** .44 ** .52 ** .89 5. Work-Family Interference 4.07 1.56 -.27** .12 * .35 ** .46** .91 6. Depression 2.00 0.91 -.35 ** .31 ** .39 ** .55 ** .34 ** .82 Note: Coefficients in the diagonal are alpha reliabilities.

Table 5.2 shows the results of model testing based on an evaluation of the hypothesized model and one alternative model (see Appendix D for output). Model

M1 is the hypothesised mediator model as shown in Figure 5.1. This model was compared with the M 2 model where the path from surface acting to emotional exhaustion was constrained to zero; that is, the causal influence of surface acting on emotional exhaustion was not significant. Because these two models are nested, they were evaluated statistically based on the chi-square difference test with the associated degrees of freedom (Bollen, 1989).

The table shows that in every instance the M 1 model is superior to the alternative model, which has one constrained path. Specifically, with one degree of freedom and a difference of 35.063 chi-square points this difference is statistically significant ( p < .001) in favour of the hypothesised model. This result is further corroborated by the two index presentation based on fit indices (i.e., the CFI and the

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SRMR), which have surpassed acceptable levels of fit based on the recommended cutoff criteria, which were explained earlier.

Table 5.2 Fit Values for Alternative Models of Structural Relationships

Models χ 2 Df ∆ χ 2 ∆ df CFI SRMR Null 492.734 15 ------Mediator (M1) 19.909 5 -- -- 0.969 0.048 Constrained (M2) a 54.972 6 35.063 *** 1 0.897 0.089 Note 1: χ2 = Minimum fit function chi-square; CFI = Comparative fit index; SRMR = Standardized root mean square residual. a The path from surface acting to emotional exhaustion was constrained to zero for this model. Comparison based on chi-square difference test was between models M2 and M1.

*** p < .001; n.s. = not statistically significant difference.

Although comparison of the path coefficients between the two models remained invariant when the constrained path was modeled, there was a substantial reduction in variance explained in emotional exhaustion , work-family interference , and depression . Specifically, the variance explained in emotional exhaustion decreased from ζ = .379 to ζ = .284 (i.e., a reduction of 9.5%); for work-family interference from ζ = .228 to ζ = .203 (i.e., a reduction of 2.5%); and for depression ζ = .317 to ζ = .291 (i.e., a reduction of 2.6%). This result argues for the inclusion of the path from surface acting to emotional exhaustion (see Figure 5.2).

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Figure 5.2. Path LISREL maximum likelihood estimates of hypothesised model.

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Tests of Mediation

For Model 1 shown in Table 5.3 (positive affectivity surface acting work-family interference) I tested first the Saturated Model and the value of the chi- square was 16.615 with 4 degrees of freedom. Next, I tested the Direct Model and I obtained a chi-square value of 44.197 with 5 degrees of freedom. A comparison between the two chi-square values (i.e., the chi-square values from the Baseline Model and the Direct Model) showed that with one degree of freedom, the chi-square increment was 27.582. This result is statistically significant ( p < .001) indicating deterioration in model fit from the Baseline Model (i.e., the Saturated Model). In testing these models an increase in chi-square value, relative to the additional degrees of freedom (we obtain an increment in degrees of freedom every time we constrain a parameter in the model), indicates a “poor fit” (a model with a zero chi-square value indicates a “perfect fit” to the data). The last test on mediation is carried out when we compare the Baseline Model with the Mediator Model. The results showed a chi-square value of 19.909 with 5 degrees of freedom. When one compares this with the Baseline Model one finds that with 1 degree of freedom, there is a non-statistically significant chi-square value ( p > .05). We conclude that the path from positive affectivity to work-family interference is not important, since the result from the Mediation test did not show deterioration in model fit from the Baseline Model. On the contrary, when we constrained to zero the path from positive affectivity to surface acting (the mediator variable) the test showed a marked deterioration in model fit. The constrained path (positive affectivity to surface acting) is, therefore, important to the model.

The reader may question the reason why these tests are carried out piecemeal; that is why not test the model and all the mediation effects in one single analysis? The reason is that because the overall testing of such models is dependent on a chi-square difference test between two nested models (i.e., a mediation versus a non-mediation model) with associated degrees of freedom, one could draw the erroneous conclusion, for example, that all individual mediation effects are supported when in fact some parameters in the model may contribute substantial increments in chi-square values indicative of a “poor fit”, while others may not, with the result that the mediation model is supported in its entirety.

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The following indirect effects are evaluated through the sum of the products of a minimum of two pairs: the first term of the equation above, traced from ( PA surface acting ) * ( surface acting work-family interference ); the second term of the equation traced from (PA emotional exhaustion ) * ( emotional exhaustion work- family interference ), and the third term of the equation, traced from (PA emotional exhaustion ) * ( surface acting emotional exhaustion ) * ( emotional exhaustion work-family interference ).

The possibility of indirect effects of the x variables on y3 and y4 can be calculated from the estimated parameters of the model. For example the direct effects

of PA ( x1) on surface acting ( γ1,1 ) and emotional exhaustion (γ2,1 ) are -.307 and -.193, respectively from Figure 5.2 in the results section. The indirect effect of PA ( x1) on

work-family interference ( y3) through surface acting and emotional exhaustion is -

0.162 calculated from the sum of the following: γ1,1* β3,1 = - .047 (i.e., .307*.152);

γ2,1 * β3,2 = -.074 (i.e., -.193 *.381); and γ1,1* β2,1 * β3,2 = -.041 (i.e., -.307*.350*.381). In conclusion, an examination of the tests of mediation in Table 5.3 shows that, in every case, constraining the path from the exogenous variable to the mediator (i.e., the direct model) results in a substantial deterioration of model fit. This suggests that the mediator is important to the model. However, when the path from the exogenous variable to the endogenous variable is constrained (i.e., the mediator

model), the result, on two occasions (M 1 & M 4), are not statistically significant, suggesting that this path is redundant, and therefore the mediator model is supported.

The results for the other two models are not as clear cut. For models M 2 and M 3 the results suggest that both direct and indirect effects are operating; that is, PA has not only an indirect effect through surface acting on depression , but also has a substantial effect directly on depression . Similarly, NA has both direct and indirect effects on work-family interference. Overall, the total indirect effects of PA and NA on the following variables are: on emotional exhaustion -.107, p < .001, and .115, p < .001, respectively; on work- family interference -.161, p <.001, and .210, p < .001, respectively; and on depression -.187, p < .001, and .246, p < .001, respectively.

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Table 5.3 Tests of Mediation

Structural Paths Baseline (Saturated) Direct Mediator Model & Fit Index Model Model Model

Model 1

PA ( x1) SA ( y1) WFI ( y3) γ11 -.307 (-5.382) -- -.307 (-5.382) γ31 -.110 (-1.814) -.110 (-1.899) -- β31 .152 (2.297) .168 (2.050) .152 (2.297)

χ2 ( df ) -- 16.615 (4) 44.197 (5) 19.909 (5) ∆χ 2 ( df ) -- -- 27.582 *** (1) 3.294 ns (1) Ιndirect Effects -- -.147 (-4.678) -- -.161 (-5.032)

Model 2

PA ( x1) SA ( y1) DEP (y 4) γ11 -.307 (-5.382) -- -.307 (-5.382) γ41 -.170 (-3.024) -.170 (-3.166) -- β41 .106 (1.696) .106 (1.778) .143 (2.297) χ2 ( df ) -- 10.860 (4) 38.441 (5) 19.909 (5) ∆χ 2 ( df ) -- -- 27.581 *** (1) 9.049 ** (1) Ιndirect Effects -- -.164 (-4.955) -- -.187 (-5.312)

Model 3

NA ( x2) SA ( y1) WFI ( y3) γ12 .329 (5.759) -- .329 (5.759) γ32 -.128 (-2.030) -.128 (-2.132) -- β31 .173 (2.609) .173 (2.753) .152 (2.297) χ2 ( df ) -- 15.787 (4) 47.121 (5) 19.909 (5) ∆χ 2 ( df ) -- -- 31.334 *** (1) 4.122 * (1) Ιndirect Effects -- .236 (5.938) -- .130 (4.293)

Model 4

NA ( x2) SA ( y1) DEP (y 4) γ12 .329 (5.759) -- .329 (5.759) γ42 .065 (1.080) .065 (1.134) -- β42 .132 (2.098) .132 (2.215) .143 (2.292) χ2 ( df ) -- 18.737 (4) 50.071 (5) 19.909 (5) ∆χ 2 ( df ) -- -- 31.334 (1) 1.172 ns (1) Ιndirect Effects -- .233 (6.040) -- .138 (4.527)

Note : * = p < .05; ** = p < .01; *** = p < .001.

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Discussion

The current study generated an exploratory model based on the qualitative findings of Chapter IV to examine antecedents and outcomes of surface acting for both professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. Overall, the findings are supportive of many aspects of the GT model proposed in Chapter IV, which should in turn increase its practical utility to both researchers and practitioners alike. The results of Chapter V were fully supportive of the hypothesised model, revealing that trait affectivity had significant relationships with surface acting, and that surface acting has both direct and indirect effects on well-being outcomes. The direction of relationships between affectivity and levels of surface acting was consistent with previous meta-analytic findings reported in Chapter III. The results suggest that when interacting with the public, individuals high in negative affect are more likely to use surface acting, whereas individuals high in positive affect are less likely to use surface acting. This finding suggests that happy individuals, compared to unhappy individuals, have less need to put on an act, minimising the degree of strain associated with public-role demands. Consistent with meta-analytic findings in Chapter III, surface acting had direct negative effects on psychological well-being indices, including emotional exhaustion, work-family interference and depression. Additionally, surface acting had an indirect effect on both depression and work-family interference through emotional exhaustion. These results support and extend previous emotional labour findings by demonstrating that surface acting has both direct and indirect effects on well-being. While not the primary focus, this study also informs theory and research on both positive affectivity and negative affectivity as it relates to emotional labour and strain. The mediation tests with nested models showed that the relationship between positive affectivity and work-family interference, and negative affectivity and depression was fully mediated by surface acting. Alternatively, the relationship between positive affectivity and depression and negative affectivity and work-family interference was partially mediated by surface acting. While it was previously hypothesised that the effects of emotional labour may simply be a consequence of affectivity (Bono & Vey, 2005), these results lend support to the importance of both surface acting and affectivity in the relationship between stressors and strains.

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Implications for Future Research A number of implications have been proposed. First, the findings of this study are limited to the current Australasian population of professional and semi-professional players, making results difficult to generalise. To address this concern, further testing of this model amongst players from a variety of sporting codes and leagues in different countries worldwide is required. Second, while not included as a measure in this study, players also perform emotional labour in back-stage regions when interacting with team mates, coaches, and administrators (see Chapter IV). This type of emotional labour may in turn be associated with differential outcomes. Thus, future research may wish to include a measure of back-stage emotional labour. Third, deep acting was not included in this study based on minimal reporting of this strategy by the population of interest (see Chapter IV). Despite limited reporting, future studies should include a measure of deep acting to examine not only its frequency, but also its relationship with key antecedents and outcomes. Finally, the newly developed surface acting measure used in this study was not able to be submitted to a confirmatory factor analysis due to a less than ideal sample size. Future research with a greater N could better examine the psychometric properties of this instrument by employing validation and cross- validation procedures.

Practical Implications The findings of this study have significant implications for sport governing bodies, sporting clubs, player unions, and sport psychology practitioners. While there has been a strong emphasis on players by sporting leagues and clubs to promote and maintain a desirable public image, the individual costs associated with this role requirement need to be considered. In particular, this study showed that individual temperament was found to be a predictor of surface acting, and that this acting strategy diminishes psychological well-being in the form of emotional exhaustion, work-family interference, and depression. To reduce surface acting, clubs should consider selecting individuals that are a good fit to deal with the public nature of their work (Arvey, et al, 1998). Players that are not particularly comfortable in the public realm either need to limit their exposure, or participate in targeted interventions that increase their competence and ability to deal effectively with these demands. As the latter option would be the most desirable for sporting leagues and clubs, interventions that enhance emotional intelligence, develop

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effective emotion regulation skills, and increase social confidence (i.e., social skills training, public speaking), need to be considered. Meta-analytic findings from Chapter III support these assertions, reporting that individuals high in emotional intelligence rarely engage in surface acting, and are more likely to engage in deep acting. Thus, evaluating and cultivating the emotional intelligence of players along with specialised training in deep acting and emotional control, could result in less stressful outcomes. While emotional labour may vary during the course of a playing season, identifying the frequency of emotional labour and the emotional events that invoke such regulation for players would allow for targeted interventions. Providing necessary social and emotional support to players may also reduce the negative consequences associated with such labour and replenish emotional resources. Moreover, emotional labour should also be valued and even rewarded by club management as it constitutes skilled work (Payne, 2009). The need for players to decompress from their environment before moving into non-work domains is essential to psychological health (Maslach, 1982b). Introducing the scuba diving notion of “decompression”, which for divers represents a gradual transition out of a high pressure underwater environment to avoid physical damage, is especially recommended. Maslach used this metaphor to argue that people need to decompress before moving into the normal pressures of their private life. This may include relaxing, unwinding, and venting.

Strengths and Limitations of the Current Research A strength of the current study is the extension of previous qualitative research with the same population/s using quantitative data. In addition, this study explored previously unexamined theoretical links; that is, the indirect effects on surface acting on both work-family interference and depression via emotional exhaustion, which can further contribute to the body of emotional labour research. Despite the strengths of this investigation, there are limitations that deserve mention. First, all variables were self-report, which can lead to problems with common-method variance (Podsakoff, MacKenzie, Lee, & Podsakoff, 2003). However, positive and negative affectivity were included in the model, which is one of the techniques recommended by Podsakoff et al. (2003) to control for common method variance (p. 893). Other techniques outlined by Podsakoff et al. (2003) i.e., “obtaining measures of the predictor and criterion variables from different sources” was not possible due to the difficulty in gaining access to this

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population. Second, the cross-sectional design of this study means that causal directions of relationships cannot be determined. A longitudinal design is thus needed to confirm these findings. Third, the less than ideal sample size precluded a more rigorous test of the relationships found in Chapter IV using structural equation modeling. A greater N would have allowed a more extensive examination of relevant variables that could potentially modify the proposed outcomes. Despite this limitation, the researcher acknowledges that this was a consequence of the difficulty in trying to gain access to this sub-population, which is considered “closed shop” to outsiders (Roderick, 2006a). As a result, limited research has been conducted in these occupations, making this a valuable investigation.

Conclusion The findings of this study represent the first quantitative examination of emotional labour in a previously unexplored occupational group - professional and semi-professional athletes. Overall, the findings are supportive of many aspects of the GT model proposed in Chapter IV, which should in turn increase its practical utility to both researchers and practitioners alike. The results of this study indicate that temperament influences the frequency of surface acting, and that surface acting has direct effects on emotional exhaustion, work-family interference, and depression, and indirect effects on work-family interference and depression through emotional exhaustion. These findings not only confirm and extend previous emotional labour research, but also enable sporting bodies to consider new ways of assisting players to effectively deal with the public nature of their role. In Chapter VI a summary of the research program is presented.

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CHAPTER VI – Research Program Summary

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The topic of emotional labour has received widespread attention from psychological, sociological, and organisational behaviour researchers. Indeed, research spanning 20 years has highlighted the pervasiveness of emotional labour in both service-based and professional occupations. However, when the current research project was theorised, little was known about the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. To address this gap in the literature, the current research program endeavoured to explore the relevance of emotional labour within this occupational context. The primary purposes of this research program were twofold: First, to explore and understand the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes working in team sports, in addition to identifying potential antecedents and consequences. Second, to use this information to develop and test a theoretical model of emotional labour in the substantive area under investigation. To achieve these objectives, a multi-method research design comprising both qualitative and quantitative measures was utilised. Before beginning these investigations, a review of the emotional labour literature revealed a lack of consensus by prominent researchers regarding how best to conceptualise and operationalise emotional labour. Moreover, multiple definitions and operationalisations have resulted in conceptual confusion, which can potentially plague future lines of enquiry. To address these concerns, the construct of emotional labour and its development was presented in Chapter II. After discussion and critique of the main theoretical conceptualisations of emotional labour by prominent authors in the field, a revised definition and operationalisation was proposed to guide the current research. To avoid an exhaustive qualitative review outlining the potential antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour, a meta-analytic review of the quantitative emotional labour literature was presented in Chapter III. Studies which operationalised emotional labour as surface acting and deep acting, and examined the most common antecedents and outcomes identified in the literature were included in this analysis. Antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour were grouped into six categories and included situational characteristics, emotional events, individual differences, job characteristics, psychological well-being, and job attitudes. The most pertinent finding of the review was that surface acting has strong negative relationships with measures of psychological well-being and job attitudes. Moreover,

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individual differences appeared to exert a moderate influence on the type of emotional labour performed. This review not only informed subsequent chapters in this thesis, but also provided valuable, up-to-date insights for emotional labour researchers. Practical implications, limitations, and directions for future research were also discussed. After introducing the construct of emotional labour, in addition to identifying the direction and magnitude of the most common antecedents and consequences of surface acting and deep acting identified in the literature to date, a qualitative investigation was undertaken to explore the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in team sports. Given the exploratory nature of this study, a grounded theory research methodology was utilised to generate an explanatory theory. The five sporting leagues chosen for this investigation included the AFL, NBL, A-League, Domestic Cricket, and the ANZ Championship. Data collection involved numerous interviews with players, coaches, administrators, player agents and support staff. Other forms of data collection were also utilised to add depth and scope to the enquiry (i.e., formal and informal conversations, observation, external documentation, and technical and non-technical literature). Data collection spanned 16 months, and was finalised when it was deemed theoretical saturation had been achieved. Upon conclusion of data analysis, a theoretical model based on the substantive area under investigation was formulated and presented. The model outlined three emotional labour typologies based on the dramaturgical perspective (Goffman, 1959). These included the performance of emotional labour in front-stage, off-stage, and back-stage regions. Surface acting was identified as the predominant emotional labour strategy by players, with little evidence of deep acting. The potential antecedents, consequences, and moderators of emotional labour were also presented and discussed. The antecedents of emotional labour identified included increased player demands, societal expectations, league expectations, club expectations, emotional culture, job insecurity, and self-image. The experience of player emotional labour however, was found to be a result of situational circumstances, individual differences, and player level and popularity. Player emotional labour had both negative and positive consequences. The negative consequences identified included emotional exhaustion, work-family

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interference, depression, alcohol and illicit drug use, performance decrements, and unruly behaviour. The positive consequences included image maintenance, effective group functioning, and positive brand perceptions. However, the extent to which players would experience such negative consequences was a likely result of the frequency of emotional labour, situational circumstances, and social support. Overall, the findings of this investigation revealed that emotional labour is a pervasive aspect of an athletes work and private life, and is a necessary survival strategy in the cut- throat world of professional sport. As a result, practical implications, limitations, and directions for future research are presented. Based on the grounded theory model formulated in Chapter IV, an exploratory model based on these findings was proposed and submitted to quantitative inquiry. A cross-section of 249 players from four of the five sporting leagues selected in Chapter IV completed brief questionnaires. Path analysis was utilised to test the proposed model, along with a number of study hypotheses. The results were fully supportive of the hypothesised model, in addition to all study hypotheses generated. Specifically, an individual’s predisposed temperament was found to influence the type of emotional labour performed. Indeed, front-stage surface acting was found to have a direct negative impact on psychological well-being in the form of emotional exhaustion, work-family interference and depression. Moreover, surface acting also exerted indirect effects on work-family interference and depression through emotional exhaustion. The results lend support to the qualitative findings of chapter IV that surface acting in the public domain can negatively impact psychological well-being and that individual differences have a role in this process. Practical implications, limitations, and directions for future research were also presented.

Practical Implications During the course of the research, a number of practical implications were identified and presented. First, players need to have strong social support networks that extend beyond friends and family to moderate the potentially negative effects of emotional labour. A safe environment, where players are free to release pent-up emotions is a proactive approach. Indeed, regular decompression with a trusted confidant, such as a sport psychologist, could preserve psychological well-being, in addition to the reputations of players, clubs, and leagues by preventing emotional

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leakage and unruly behaviour. Written emotional disclosure may also be a positive avenue for players who don’t wish to utilise such an approach. Due to the pervasiveness of player emotional labour in team sport contexts, players need to understand and be prepared to deal with the inevitable emotional demands of their role. Thus, interventions that assist players to learn about, and utilise healthy emotion regulation techniques (i.e., deep acting) in a variety of contexts is essential to psychological well-being. Moreover, workshops designed to increase emotional intelligence in the public domain could not only develop effective emotional regulation techniques, but also result in less stressful outcomes for players. Due to the changing landscape of the professional sporting environment, clubs need to consider selecting players that have not only physical talent, but the necessary personality traits and interpersonal skills to handle the increased player demands both in and away from the sporting arena. Indeed, long-term survival in the sport- entertainment industry requires more than just physical skill, but an ability to deal with the public nature of their role as athletes. Finally, club personnel should utilise this information to see beyond the tough public façade of players and act accordingly to ensure that players are not only well supported, but also rewarded for their emotional labour efforts.

Recommendations for Future Research During the course of this investigation, a number of directions for future research were also identified and discussed. First, results from Chapter IV presented a substantive grounded theory which included an emotional labour typology, in addition to antecedents, consequences, and moderators. To confirm, extend, and modify such findings, future research needs to be conducted in other professional and semi-professional sporting codes both in Australia and abroad. Emotional labour could also be explored with athletes participating in individual sporting environments (i.e., Olympic athletes) to determine whether the findings of this investigation are generalisable or simply context specific. Moreover, the emotional labour of professional coaches and team support staff would also be fruitful avenues for research within the sport psychology domain. In Chapter V, a theoretical model was developed and quantitatively tested utilising a cross-section of professional and semi-professional players from four of the five sporting codes examined in Chapter IV. To generalise the findings in this

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context, further testing and extension of this model are needed from a variety of players in different sporting codes and leagues in Australia and abroad. A more complete psychometric measure of player emotional labour that incorporates the emotional labour typologies identified in Chapter IV i.e., front-stage, off-stage, and back-stage regions is also required. While the surface acting measure developed for this research program was adequate, a measure of deep acting would also be a valuable addition. Moreover, the development of a sport-specific emotional labour scale should be submitted to validation and cross-validation procedures to adequately examine its psychometric properties.

Summary

The current research program endeavoured to explore and better understand the construct of emotional labour in the sport psychology domain. Following a two- part literature review, which included an examination of the emotional labour construct, in addition to a quantitative meta-analysis, two exploratory studies were undertaken to examine the emotional labour of professional and semi-professional athletes in team sport. The results from these investigations highlighted the applicability of emotional labour to the field of sport psychology. Moreover, the findings of these investigations culminated in numerous practical implications and directions for future research, which should be utilised by both sport psychology practitioners and researchers. Overall, this research program makes a significant contribution to both the extant emotional labour literature and the knowledge base in the field of sport psychology

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References

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References marked with an asterisk indicate studies included in the meta-analysis.

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APPENDICES

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Appendix A –

Codes of Conduct

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AFL

PLAYERS’ CODE OF CONDUCT

Retieved from: http://aflpa.com.au/sites/all/files/Code%20of%20Conduct%20-%2008.pdf

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1. Introduction

1.1 Commitment and Consultation

The AFLPA represents AFL Players participating in the AFL Football competition organised by the AFL. The AFLPA and its members are committed to promoting the positive image of AFL Players and their professional and proper conduct. With these aims in mind, the AFL and the AFLPA, in consultation with each AFL Club, have agreed to formulate this Code of Conduct (“the Code”) for AFL Players.

1.2 Purpose

The Code seeks to promote and strengthen the good reputation of Australian Rules Football, the AFL Competition, the AFL, AFL Clubs and AFL Players by establishing standards of performance and behaviour for AFL footballers. The primary focus of the Code is to educate Players on the importance of maintaining appropriate standards and to provide further education, counselling and other assistance to Players whose conduct does not conform to the appropriate standard and on the adverse affect such conduct may have on the standing and reputation of the game, the AFL, the AFL Club and the player himself. Subject to any obligations set out within this Code, an AFL Player is entitled to have his privacy including that of his family and friends respected whenever possible.

Where a Player’s conduct attracts some form of discipline under this Code, it is the intention that Club Management and Leadership Group representatives have regard to the desire to impose Alternative Sanctions (as defined in clause 9 of this Code) rather than monetary forfeitures wherever practicable. It is important to note that under the Standard Player Contract conduct of a serious nature can lead to a player being delisted by his Club or summarily dismissed, but that the parties are also desirous of utilising Alternative Sanctions where appropriate, to ensure that any sanctions to be imposed on AFL Players are commensurate to the conduct that places them in breach of this Code, and/or AFL Rules and Regulations, and/or Team Rules and that there is also an educational and remedial slant to the sanctions applicable to breaches.

2. Player Responsibilities

2.1 Behaviour

AFL Players aspire to the highest standards of sportsmanship and professional conduct.

AFL Players must conduct themselves in a manner so as not to bring Australian Rules football, the AFL, AFL Clubs and other AFL Players into disrepute. This clause applies to a Player’s behaviour which:

(i) occurs during the course of any match, training session, Club or AFL function, promotional appearance, camp or tour, including travelling to and from such employment related commitments; or

(ii) involves public comment or comments made to the media; or

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(iii) involves criminal conduct which directly impacts in a material way upon the Player’s ability to perform his duties as an Australian Rules footballer or impacts upon the reputation of the AFL or the AFL Club in any way; or

(iv) involves conduct deemed by his AFL Club and the Club’s Leadership Group (or senior players of the Club if no such group exists) in accordance with clause 5 of this Code to be have brought the AFL and/or his AFL Club into disrepute.

The Players understand the obligations upon them as expressly stated in this clause 2.1, however, the AFL and AFL Clubs also recognise that Players may be subject to significantly greater intrusion into their private lives than the average person. This notion should be respected when assessing a Player’s conduct and the circumstances surrounding any potential breach of the Code.

2.2 Playing

AFL Players must not wilfully engage or participate in any activity which may cause or aggravate any injury or illness and which prevents AFL Players from playing AFL Football to the best of the individual’s ability.

2.3 Fitness

AFL Players must present themselves at all AFL Matches, AFL Club training sessions and other related activities in an acceptable state of fitness. AFL Players must also endeavour to maintain such state of fitness during periods between AFL seasons.

An acceptable state of fitness may be determined by each AFL Club and may be measured by body weight, body fat, and/or endurance/aerobic capacity. Where an AFL Club adopts such measures, written notice should be given to each player of the Club’s requirements for that player.

2.4 Attendance and Apparel

AFL Players must (unless granted express permission otherwise or provide an explanation satisfactory to the AFL Club) attend, and attend punctually, all AFL Matches, AFL Club training and related events, including (without limitation) weight training sessions, swimming skills sessions, physiotherapy appointments and rehabilitation programs.

AFL Players must wear appropriate apparel during all AFL Matches, AFL Club training, AFL functions and AFL Club functions when carrying out his obligations under his playing contract.

2.5 Functions

AFL Players must (unless granted express permission otherwise) attend, and attend punctually, AFL, AFL Club and AFLPA functions. Such functions include(without limitation):

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· authorised after-Match functions

· AFL Brownlow Medal dinner

· AFL Club annual presentations of guernseys

· AFL Club “best and fairest” functions

· AFL Club annual general meeting/s

· AFL Club player orientation/family days, or other similar functions

· AFL Club balls

· authorised autograph sessions

· other authorised AFL, AFL Club and AFLPA functions.

During such AFL and AFL Club functions, AFL Players must wear appropriate apparel.

2.6 Promotional Events

AFL Players must (unless granted express permission otherwise or a satisfactory explanation is provided):

· generally promote AFL Football, the AFL and AFL Clubs

· assist the AFL, AFL Clubs and Sponsors in promotional and developmental activities · attend, and attend punctually, AFL and AFL Club promotional events, and

· attend media-related activities including (without limitation) after-Match interviews, television appearances and other related activities.

During such promotional events, AFL Players must wear appropriate apparel. 2.7 Property

AFL Players must show due regard for the property and facilities of the AFL, AFL Clubs and staff of those bodies and the property, facilities and staff of other providers (including hotel, bus and aeroplane operators) which an AFL Player may utilise during any authorised activities in which the AFL Player may be engaged.

Where an AFL Player breaches this provision, he may be required to pay the relevant person or body an amount equivalent to the cost of repairing or replacing the damage the Player caused to the property and/or facility.

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2.8 Confidentiality of Club Information

AFL Players must maintain the confidentiality of all material provided in confidence by the AFL or AFL Club to AFL Players. Such material may without limitation include details of training methods, coaching manuals, team selections and records of a confidential nature of an AFL Club. Copies of Club policies dealing with confidentiality of Club and Player information shall be provided to AFL Players in addition to other employees of the AFL Club.

3. Team Rules

3.1 Development of Team Rules

An AFL Club may, after consultation with its Player Leadership Group (where such a group exists) and the AFLPA Delegate at the Club, introduce team rules which are supplementary to this Code and do not replace or extend the general obligations on AFL Players as set out in this Code (“Team Rules”). Such Team Rules shall only deal with the detailed requirements of the Club specific to the general Player responsibilities set out in clause 2 above.

3.2 Notification of Team Rules and Club Policies An AFL Club seeking to introduce Team Rules or Club Policies shall be obliged to outline such rules or policies to a meeting of players and provide a copy of the rules or policies to each Player prior to such Team Rules coming into effect.

4. AFL Player Rules, Regulations, Codes and Policies

It is noted that other obligations are imposed upon AFL Players under the AFL Player Rules, Regulations and other specific Codes and Policies and examples of such obligations are set out in Schedule A to this Code.

Where the AFL proposes to respond to an AFL Player’s conduct under the AFL Player Rules, Regulations or other specific Codes and Policies the AFL shall advise the Player’s Club of this fact and such Player will not be disciplined under this Code.

5. Discipline

5.1 Minor Breaches

(a) Except where clause 5.2 applies, where an AFL Player’s conduct breaches a provision of this Code (including a Team Rule) the disciplinary action to be taken by the Club shall be determined by the Player Leadership Group (to be approved by Club Management, whose approval may not be unreasonably withheld), or where no Player LeadershipGroup exists, by Club Management in consultation with senior players. Examples of conduct which should be dealt with under this provision include but are not limited to:

(i) being late for or failing to attend a training, rehabilitation or weight session;

(ii) being late for a match;

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(iii) missing a function or promotional appearance;

(iv) missing a medical or physiotherapy appointment;

(v) wearing incorrect apparel; and

(vi) other conduct of a similar nature or having similar effect.

(b) In determining the disciplinary action to be taken under the Code, the Player Leadership Group of the Club shall take into account the following matters:

(i) the seriousness of the breach;

(ii) whether the offence has been repeated by the Player; and

(iii) the appropriateness of Alternative Sanctions (as defined in clause 9) to monetary forfeitures.

(i) 1st breach Forfeiture of up to $200

(ii) Other breaches Forfeiture of up to $500

5.2 Serious or Persistent Breaches

(a) Where a breach/es of a provision/s of the Code involves:

(i) a serious breach of the provisions of the Code;

(ii) persistent failures by a Player to adhere to the provisions of this Code; or

(iii) public conduct by a Player that brings the Club, the AFL or AFL Football into disrepute; the disciplinary action to be taken by the Club shall be determined by the Club’s Management and, except in exceptional circumstances, such determination shall be made in consultation with the Club’s Player Leadership Group or senior players where no Player Leadership Group exists.

(b) In determining the disciplinary action to be taken under the Code, the Club’s Management shall take into account the following matters:

(i) the seriousness of the breach;

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(ii) the extent to which the AFL Player’s breach brings the AFL or the relevant AFL Club into disrepute;

(iii) the Player’s role in the events that led to the breach and any mitigating circumstances (if any);

(iv) whether the offence is part of a persistent course of conduct by the Player;

(v) the income of the Player;

(vi) whether the Player has received any other form of sanction for the conduct; and

(vii) the appropriateness of Alternative Sanctions or omission from State League or AFL matches as alternatives to monetary forfeitures.

(i) 1st breach Forfeiture of up to $5000 (provided that the amount of any forfeiture shall not exceed 5% of the Player’s base playing salary in the relevant year); and

(ii) Other breaches Forfeiture ranging from $2500 to $10,000 (provided that the amount of any forfeiture shall not exceed 7.5% of the Player’s base playing salary in the relevant year).

5.3 Wilful Misconduct/Misconduct Directly Causing Pecuniary Loss

Where a breach of this Code:

(a) involves wilful misconduct that would constitute grounds for summary termination of the Player’s contract; and/or

(b) results in the Player’s AFL Club suffering significant pecuniary loss which is directly attributable to the specific conduct in breach of the Code. The AFL Club shall be entitled to impose a monetary forfeiture which exceeds the maximum amounts set out in Clause 5.2(c) above, provided that the amount of the forfeiture does not exceed;

(d) 15% of the Player’s base playing salary in the relevant year (whichever the lesser)

5.4 Forfeitures

(a) The maximum allowable amount that an AFL Club may withhold from amounts which are due to the relevant AFL Player for breach of this Code are specified in this Code.

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(b) The amounts that may be forfeited by an AFL Player are not cumulative. That is, a single act by an AFL Player may breach several clauses of this Code, but the forfeiture of monetary amounts must be no more than the highest single, applicable maximum.

(c) Where an AFL Player breaches this Code in a manner which amounts to non- performance of the obligations under his Playing Contract, the relevant AFL Club shall be entitled to withhold from any amount due to the AFL Player the amount applicable to the breach as provided in this Code.

(d) Where in any one year an amount/s is forfeited by an AFL Player under this Code, the Club and the Player shall immediately prior to the end of the relevant year enter into a Variation of Payment Agreement recording the reduction.

(e) Where an AFL Player forfeits monetary amounts for breach of this Code, the amount of the monetary forfeiture shall be distributed as follows:

· 50 per cent to be retained by the relevant AFL Club or to be donated to a charity nominated by the AFL Club at its sole discretion;

· 50 per cent to be paid to the AFLPA Charity Fund.

(f) Each AFL Club shall within thirty days after the end of the relevant year remit to the AFLPA a cheque payable to the “AFLPA Charity Fund” for the amount being 50% of the monetary forfeitures imposed by the AFL Club under this Code in the relevant year.

(g) A Club may, in its absolute discretion, suspend the imposition of a sanction to be imposed on a Player for a breach of the Code, provided that the Club gives written notice to the Player of his breach of the Code, details of the intended sanction and the circumstances under which it might be imposed in the future.

6. Dispute Resolution Procedure

(a) Before seeking formal review as provided in sub-clause (b) below, an AFL Club must undertake to fully investigate, consider and, if so requested by the relevant AFL Player, review its decision to impose a disciplinary measure on an AFL Player for breach of this Code.

(b) If such informal review fails to satisfactorily resolve the AFL Player’s dispute, the relevant AFL Player may formally appeal (within 72 hours from the date of the AFL Club’s decision to impose a disciplinary measure) to a Dispute Resolution Panel.

(c) The Dispute Resolution Panel shall consist of the Chief Executive Officer of the relevant AFL Club (or other AFL Club appointee), a Club’s AFLPA delegate, and a third party appointed by the mutual agreement of the AFL and AFLPA.

(d) The Dispute Resolution Panel must conduct a fresh investigation of the alleged breach by the relevant AFL Player and form its own view about the appropriate

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disciplinary measure, if any, to be taken. Its decision must be made within 72 hours from the date when the relevant AFL Player first instituted his appeal and must be communicated in writing to the AFL Player.

(e) The decision of the Dispute Resolution Panel shall be final and binding on the relevant AFL Player.

(f) The time limits set out in this clause may be extended by agreement between the AFL Player and the AFL Club.

(g) For the avoidance of doubt, the intention of this clause and the Dispute Resolution Panel is to include a third party independent of the original decision that has been made in relation to a breach of the Code by a Player.

7. Relationship between the Code and Other Instruments/Documents

7.1 Relationship between Code and the SPC

Where an AFL Player breaches the provisions of this Code, the AFL Club may, if it decides to take any action, only take action against the AFL Player under either the Code or the AFL Player’s Standard Playing Contract but not both.

Notwithstanding the provisions of this clause 7.1, an AFL Club shall be entitled to withhold any amount forfeited for breach of this Code.

7.2 Relationship with CBA and Player Contracts

It is agreed that the provisions of this Code are not intended to supplant the provisions of the Collective Bargaining Agreement (“CBA”) between the AFL, AFL Clubs and the AFLPA (as applicable from time to time) or an AFL Player’s Contract. Where an inconsistency arises between this Code and the CBA or the Player’s Contract, the latter shall prevail to the extent of the inconsistency.

8. Confidentiality of Code Matters

The AFL Clubs and the AFL Players must use their best endeavours to ensure that any matters arising out of or relating to alleged conduct of an AFL Player in breach of this Code (including but not limited to details of any sanction imposed, unless otherwise mutually agreed between the AFL Club and the Player) shall remain confidential and are not disclosed to any third party unless expressly agreed to by the relevant Club and AFL Player concerned.

For the avoidance of doubt, all parties agree that the confidentiality intended to be protected by this provision does not preclude the AFL Club or Player announcing to a third party that there has been a breach of the Code and that it has been dealt with by the AFL Club and the Player.

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9. Definitions

Unless the contrary intention appears, the following words have the meanings set out below:

(a) “Alternative Sanctions” means requiring an AFL Player to do, any one or more of the following in lieu of a monetary forfeiture as prescribed by this Code: (i) attend a promotional event or Club activity;

(ii) provide a community service;

(iii) attend a football clinic;

(iv) specific performance of the activity, service or commitment not undertaken by the Player; and/or

(v) attend or perform any other similar event or activity as agreed between the AFL Player and the AFL Club.

As a general rule, the sanction of an additional appearance at a promotional event or football clinic should only apply where the Player has missed such an activity.

(b) “Player Leadership Group” means the group of AFL Players in a Club appointed by the Club or elected within the Club to provide leadership to the playing group within the Club and/or to be focal point for consultation on behalf of the playing group with the Club.

SCHEDULE

Players should be aware that the AFL Player Rules, Regulations, and specific AFL Codes and Policies incorporate provisions imposing obligations on Players in respect to:

Racial and Religious Vilification

AFL Player Rules provide that Players must refrain from making any comment that vilifies or tends to vilify persons on the basis of their race, religion, colour, sex, sexual orientation or other related characteristics.

Substance Abuse

AFL Players must refrain from the taking of illicit and/or performance-enhancing substances and must comply with AFL Rules, AFL Illicit Drugs Policy and AFL Anti-Doping Code which prohibits the taking of such substances.

Public Comment

AFL Player Rules provide that Players must not make adverse public comments concerning AFL Umpires or decisions made by AFL Umpires during AFL Matches.

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AFL Players must not make any public comments whatsoever concerning any aspect of an AFL Tribunal hearing, either before or after such hearing, even if the AFL Player is personally involved in such hearing.

Gambling

The AFL Player Regulations and standard playing contract prohibit Players from betting on any aspect of an AFL Match. Any aspect of an AFL Match includes the result, first goal kicker, best on ground, Brownlow medal etc. The AFL Regulations also prohibit the passing on of information that is not publicly available concerning teams playing in any match (including the actual or likely composition of the team, players’ injuries, the form of Players and tactics) unless given in a bona fide media interview.

Respect and Responsibility

The AFL Respect and Responsibility Policy reflects the AFL industry’s commitment to providing safe and supportive environments for women within football and the broader community. The policy contains six major components:

1. introduction of model anti-sexual harassment and anti-sexual discrimination procedures across the AFL and its 16 Clubs;

2. development of organizational policies and procedures to ensure a safe, supportive and inclusive environment for women;

3. changes to AFL rules relating to “conduct unbecoming”;

4. education of players and officials;

5. dissemination of model policies and procedures at community club level; and

6. development of a public education campaign.

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Football Federation of Australia

Code of Conduct

Retrieved from: http://www.footballaustralia.com.au/site/_content/document/00000023-source.pdf

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1. APPLICATION AND SCOPE

1.1 This Code of Conduct aims to promote and strengthen the reputation of football in Australia by establishing a standard of performance, behaviour and professionalism for its participants and stakeholders. In addition, it seeks to deter conduct that could impair public confidence in the honest and professional conduct of Matches or in the integrity and good character of its participants.

1.2 This Code:

(a) forms part of the FFA Statutes and applies to the conduct and behaviour of FFA, Member Federations, Competition Administrators, Clubs, Players, Officials and Agents ( Members );

(b) applies to all forms of organised football under FFA’s jurisdiction, including eleven-aside, modified football, futsal, indoor and beach football;

(c) continues to apply to a Member even after that Member’s association, registration, employment or engagement has ended, if that Member breached this Code while a current Member; and

(d) does not limit or restrict the application of FFA Statutes and, in particular, the National Disciplinary Regulations, Member Protection Policy or Anti-Doping Policy.

1.3 This Code of Conduct may be supplemented by additional codes of behaviour or ethics, provided that they are not inconsistent with the terms of this Code.

2. BRINGING THE GAME INTO DISREPUTE

2.1 A Member must not bring FFA or the game of football into Disrepute.

2.2 Without limiting the generality of clause 2.1, a Member will be taken as having brought football into Disrepute if any of the following occurs:

(a) discriminatory behaviour, including public disparagement of, discrimination against, or vilification of, a person on account of an Attribute;

(b) harassment, including sexual harassment or any unwelcome sexual conduct which makes a person feel offended, humiliated and/or intimidated where that reaction is reasonable in the circumstances;

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(d) incitement of hatred or violence;

(e) spectator or crowd violence;

(f) intimidation of Match Officials, including use of violence or threats to pressure a Match Official to take or omit to take certain action;

(g) forgery and falsification, including creation of a false document, forgery of a document or signature, the making of a false claim or providing inaccurate or false information on a prescribed form;

(h) corruption, including offering a Benefit or an advantage to a Player or an Official in an attempt to incite him or her to violate FIFA Statutes or FFA Statutes;

(i) abuse of position to obtain personal benefit;

(j) commission or charge of a criminal offence; or

(k) any other conduct, behaviour or statement that materially injures the reputation and goodwill of FFA or football generally.

2.3 Players and Officials are entitled to have their privacy respected and this Code is not intended to apply to private activities engaged in by a Player or an Official that are not in the public domain.

3. LIABILITY FOR SUPPORTER AND SPECTATOR CONDUCT

3.1 A Club is responsible, and liable, for the conduct and behaviour of its supporters, whether at home or away Matches.

3.2 Each patron at a Match must comply with the Spectator Code of Behaviour. It is the host Club’s responsibility to ensure this Spectator Code of Behaviour is implemented and enforced against all spectators.

3.3 A guest Club is liable for improper conduct among its own group of supporters. Supporters occupying the guest sector of a stadium are regarded as the guest Club’s supporters, unless proven to the contrary.

4. BETTING, MATCH-FIXING AND CORRUPTION

4.1 A Member must not engage, directly or indirectly, in:

(a) any bet, wager, gamble or any other form of financial speculation where the relevant person stands to win or gain from the win, draw or loss of any Club competing in a Match;

(b) the throwing or fixing of a Match; or

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(c) any conduct or behaviour intended to unfairly affect the result of a Match, including accepting or agreeing to accept any Benefit connected with or relating to the ability of a Member to exercise control over or influence the outcome of a Match so as to bring about a result other than that which would be achieved in a fair contest between the competing teams.

4.2 A Player, an Official and an Agent must not:

(a) accept bribes through the offer, promise or acceptance of any Benefit in return for violating his or her duties; or

(b) provide for a Benefit any information concerning a Club, its team’s actual or likely composition, the form or injuries of Players or possible tactics (other than in connection with a bona fide media interview).

4.3 A person who is under prosecution for action unworthy of a football management position (especially doping, corruption, forgery etc) or who has been prosecuted for such action in the last 5 years cannot be involved in football management, including as an Official or an Agent.

4.4 A Member must immediately report to FFA or a Member Federation any offer of a bribe or any attempt by a person in breach of this clause 4.

5. DISPARAGING MEDIA STATEMENTS

5.1 A Member must not make any statement in public, including any contribution to television, radio or print media that:

(a) is disparaging of a Match Official, opposition team or any Player or Team Official;

(b) is disparaging or critical of FFA, or any FFA Statute or FFA policy decision, without reasonable basis or justification; or

5.2 A Member must not make or issue any public or media statement or release that incorporates a reference to FFA or an FFA property, such as the A-League or a national team, without FFA’s prior written consent.

6. RESPONSIBILITIES OF PROFESSIONAL AND REPRESENTATIVE PLAYERS

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6.1 Professional Players and Representative Players are the public face of football in Australia and so their behaviour is subject to greater scrutiny. Accordingly, a Professional Player and a Representative Player must:

(a) at all times behave in a manner that promotes and upholds the highest standards of integrity, dignity and professionalism;

(b) comply with any team protocol and procedures, including in relation to alcohol, curfews and inappropriate relationships; and

6.2 A Club may discipline its Professional Players or Representative Player in relation to behaviour that relates only to that Player’s employment or engagement by that Club, including:

(a) unexplained absence from a Match or official training session or team meeting;

(b) failure to wear designated clothing to a team promotion or activity;

(d) behaviour that brings the Club into Disrepute, including inappropriate behaviour in public (such as a nightclub brawl).

6.3 A Club may impose disciplinary sanctions on a Professional Player in accordance with Part V of the FFA Statutes subject to the following maximum sanctions:

(a) imposition of a fine not exceeding 50% of 1 week’s remuneration (being the Annual Salary paid for the most recent week and Match Payments for the Player’s most recent Match);

(b) suspension up to a maximum of 2 Matches; or (c) termination of a Standard Player Contract (provided that the Club has already enforced sanctions against the Player on at least 3 separate occasions).

6.4 A Club may impose disciplinary sanctions on a Representative Player in accordance with Part V of the FFA Statutes subject to the following maximum sanctions:

(a) no imposition of a fine;

(b) suspension up to a maximum of 2 Matches; or

(c) expulsion from the representative team (provided that the Club has already enforced sanctions against the Player on at least 3 separate occasions).

7. NOTICE AND DISCIPLINARY SANCTIONS

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7.1 A Football Administrator may enforce the terms of this Code and invoke the sanctions only if it has given the party alleged to have infringed this Code:

(a) reasonable details of the alleged infringement;

(b) notice of possible sanctions; and

7.2 The scope and implementation of disciplinary sanctions is as specified in Part V of the FFA Statutes.

7.3 The imposition of a sanction is immediate or as otherwise notified by the party imposing the sanction.

7.4 If a Member disputes the sanction or purported action taken under this Code, that party may appeal in accordance with the Grievance Resolution Regulations provided that it does so within 7 business days of notice of the sanction.

8. DEFINITIONS AND INTERPRETATION

8.1 Any terms used but not defined in this Code of Conduct have the meaning given to them in the FFA Statutes.

8.2 In this Code:

Attribute means race, colour, religion, language, politics, national or ethnic origin, gender, transgender, sexual orientation, age, marital status, pregnancy or intellectual or physical impairment or any other attribute specified under commonwealth or state legislation.

Benefit means money, gift, advantage, consideration or any other benefit or reward, whether in cash or kind.

Club means any club registered with FFA in accordance with the National Registration Regulations from time to time. A reference to Club includes a club admitted by:

(a) a Competition Administrator to field a team in a Competition; (b) a Member Federation to field a representative team in a Competition; or (c) FFA to field a team in a National League or a National Championships.

Disrepute means any conduct, statement or appearance in public that is damaging to reputation.

FFA Statutes means FFA’s statutes as promulgated by FFA from time to time, including its constitution and by-laws and rules and regulations and policies and procedures.

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Football Administrator means FFA, a Member Federation, a Competition Administrator or a Club as the case requires.

8.3 If there is any inconsistency between a term of this Code and a term of any Member Federation regulation or any Competition Rule, the term of this Code will govern to the extent of that inconsistency and the inconsistent term is void and of no effect.

8.4 This Code will be interpreted, varied and reviewed in accordance with Part IX of the FFA Statutes.

9. ENFORCEMENT

This Code of Conduct comes into force on 1 January 2007.

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BASKETBALL AUSTRALIA

CODE OF CONDUCT

Retrieved from: http://www.deafbasketball.org.au/_uploads/res/1_22747.doc

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1. Object of Code of Conduct

(a) Sport may be damaged by any impairment of public confidence in the honest and orderly conduct of sporting events and competitions or in the integrity and good character of the Participants. This Code of Conduct is designed to ensure that the high standard of sportsmanship, fairness, honesty and honour involved in Basketball continues to prevail.

(b) BA regards any breach of this Code of Conduct as a serious matter and may take disciplinary action against a Participant in breach.

2. Code of Conduct

(a) This Code of conduct applies to all Participants in any Olympic Games, games or events recognised by FIBA, events and championships approved by FIBA or any games, sports, meetings or training as arranged by BA or its Member organisations.

(b) Participants in any events as set out in (a) above must:

1. not possess or use prohibited drugs or participate in any other practices prohibited by the policies published by BA from time to time;

2. not breach the rules of any basketball sport, event or competition;

3. not abuse, threaten or intimidate;

i) an event or competition official’ ii) a selector, coach, manager or other squad official; or iii) or any other participant,

whether before, during or after the event or competition.

4. not show unnecessary or obvious dissension, displeasure or disapproval towards an event or competition official, his or her decision, or generally after a decision of an event or competition official has been made;

5. not use crude or abusive language or gestures towards an event or competition official or any other person present at the event or competition (including, without limitation, a spectator or Participant);

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6. not do anything which is likely to intimidate, offend, insult or humiliate another Participant on the basis of their sex, disability, race, colour, age, religion, national or ethnic origin;

7. not conduct themselves in any manner, or engage in any activity, whether before, during or after an event or competition (including during training), that would impair public confidence in the honest and orderly conduct of events and competitions or in the integrity and good character of basketball and its participants;

8. not do anything which adversely affects or reflects on or discredits Basketball as a sport generally, Basketball Australia, any Member organisation or Associate Member of BA, the squad, an event, competition, tournament, sponsor, official supplier or licensee, including, without limitation, any illegal act or any act of dishonesty or fraud at any time;

9. at all times provide honest, complete and accurate information to BA in relation to the performance of a Participant;

10. not bet on the outcome or on any other aspect of the event or competition;

11. not throw or fix an event or competition, attempt to achieve a contrived outcome to an event or a competition, or otherwise influence improperly the outcome of any other aspect of an event or a competition;

12. not seek or accept a bribe or other benefit (whether pecuniary or non-pecuniary) to do anything mentioned in paragraph (11); and

13. report immediately to BA any offer of a bribe or other benefit (whether pecuniary or non-pecuniary) to do anything mentioned in paragraph (11), or any attempt by any other person to do anything mentioned in paragraph (10) or (11).

3. Duty to comply

Each Member Organisation and Associate Member should:

(a) comply with, and require any other body or person in membership with or affiliated with it to comply with, this Code of Conduct;

(b) adopt appropriate procedures for monitoring compliance with this Code of Conduct by Participants under its jurisdiction or under the jurisdiction of other bodies in membership with or affiliated with it; and

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(c) promptly report to the President, in accordance with clause 4.1, any potential breach of this Code of Conduct of which it becomes aware.

(d) ensure that all Participants understand the requirements of this Code of Conduct and where necessary have the details explained to him/her.

4. Breaches of Code of Conduct

4.1 Reporting breaches of the Code of Conduct

(a) An alleged breach of this Code of Conduct may be reported to the President by: 1. any director, or other officer or employee of BA; 2. the Chief Executive Officer of each of the Member organisations and Associate Members of BA; and 3. any Participant participating in or involved on or at the event or competition in which an alleged breach occurs.

(b) A person reporting an alleged breach under this clause 4.1 must furnish to the President a written report setting out the particulars of the alleged breach of this Code of Conduct. If a person is not able to provide a written report, he/she shall provide a verbal report to the President.

4.1 Referral of report to BA Tribunal

(a) The President may refer a report of an alleged breach of this Code of Conduct to the BA Tribunal.

(b) In the event that the President decides to refer a report to the BA Tribunal, he or she must promptly arrange for a hearing to be conducted by the BA Tribunal.

4.3 The BA Tribunal

The BA Tribunal will consist of:

(a) a Chairman who is a solicitor or barrister nominated by the President who holds a current practising certificate in an Australian state or territory

(b) a member nominated by the Member Organisation or Associate Member with jurisdiction over the Participant alleged to have breached this Code of Conduct or, in the event that the Member Organisation or Associate Member is itself alleged to be in breach of this Code of Conduct or does not promptly nominate a member, a member nominated by the President;

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(c) a member nominated by the National Sports Dispute Centre or, in the event that the National Sports Disputes Centre does not promptly nominate a member, a member nominated by the President.

4.4 Proceedings of BA Tribunal

(a) The BA Tribunal will promptly hear and decide a report referred to it by the President in such manner as it sees fit (including, without limitation, conducting a hearing by way of telephone conversation, video link or any other means).

(b) Rules of evidence will only apply to a hearing before the BA Tribunal to the extent that the BA Tribunal sees fit.

(c) The Participant alleged to have breached this Code of Conduct and the person reporting the alleged breach may be present at the hearing of the report by the BA Tribunal. If the participant is a minor or has an intellectual disability, he/she may be accompanied by an adult person.

(d) If the BA Tribunal decides that there has been a breach of this Code of Conduct, it may impose such penalty on the Participant in breach as it sees fit including, without limitation, reprimanding, monetary penalty, suspending, banning or directing that the Participant not be eligible to compete in a particular event or competition, or events or competitions, including the Olympic Games.

(e) The BA Tribunal must make its decision and advise the President of its decision within 14 days of the conclusion of the hearing.

(f) The President must report the decision to the Participant alleged to have breached this Code of Conduct and the person reporting the alleged breach within 14 days of the BA Tribunal advising its decision to the President.

4.5 Appeals

(a) A Participant or BA may within 21 days of a decision of the BA Tribunal appeal to the NSDC from a decision made by the BA Tribunal. An appeal may be against the finding that a breach of this Code has occurred (or has not occurred), or against a penalty imposed (or not imposed).

(b) Any appeal from a decision of the BA Tribunal must be solely and exclusively resolved by the NSDC. The decision of NSDC on appeal will be final and binding on the parties to the appeal and neither the Participant nor BA may institute or maintain

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proceedings in any court or tribunal other than NSDC on any grounds whatsoever.

(c) An appeal will be by way of a rehearsing of the matters appealed against and the provisions of clause 4.4 will apply, mutatis mutandis, to any appeal to the NSDC.

4.6 Natural Justice

A Participant alleged to have breached this Code of Conduct:

(a) has no right to be afforded natural justice in relation to a decision by the President to refer or not refer a report to the BA Tribunal;

(b) has no right, in relation to a hearing before the BA Tribunal, to be represented at the hearing but may make submissions to or otherwise address the BA Tribunal.

4.7 Media Advice

Only the President may notify the media of a decision made by the BA Tribunal.

5. Definitions and Interpretation

5.1 Definitions

In this Code of Conduct:

BA means Basketball Australia;

NSDC means the National Sports Disputes Centre;

Participant means an athlete, official, selector, coach, trainer, manager, medical practitioner, physiotherapist or other Squad official, or an individual involved in the organisation, administration, promotion of basketball and includes any member of any Member Organisation or Associate Member of BA, or other body in membership or affiliated with a Member Organisation or Associate Member of BA;

President means the President of BA from time to time, or any other person nominated in writing by the President;

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Squad means any team or squad organised by BA for training and competition including, without limitation, a squad for the Olympic Games.

5.2 Interpretations

In this Code of Conduct, headings and bold type are for convenience only and do not affect the interpretation of this Code of Conduct and, unless the context otherwise requires:

(a) words importing the singular include the plural and vice versa;

(b) words importing a gender include either gender;

(c) an expression importing a natural person includes a company, partnership, joint venture, association, corporation or other body corporate; and

(d) a reference to an event or competition includes a reference to any conduct, attendance or other activity related, whether directly or indirectly, to a basketball event or competition.

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Cricket Australia

Code of Behaviour

Retrieved from: http://cricket.com.au/site/_content/document/00000129-source.doc

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PREAMBLE

Cricket is a game that owes much of its unique appeal to the fact that it is to be played not only within its Laws, but also within the spirit of the game. Any action seen as abusing this spirit causes injury to the game itself.

Embracing the spirit of the game means participating, either as a player or as an official, fairly and exhibiting respect for other players and officials and the game’s traditional values such as graciousness in defeat and humility in victory.

Cricket has a distinct place in Australian society and history. As an element in

Australia’s national identity, cricket plays a significant role. This status brings with it particular responsibilities for players and officials to conform to high standards of fair play and personal behaviour on and off the field.

This Code of Behaviour is intended to protect and enshrine such important qualities and standards so that all may continue to enjoy the game of cricket now and in the future.

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DEFINITIONS AND INTERPRETATION

1. In this Code:

Chief Executive Officer of Cricket Australia means the person holding that position from time to time (including any person acting in that position).

Commission means the Code of Behaviour Commission established by Section 2 of this Code.

Commissioner means a Code of Behaviour Commissioner appointed under Section 2 of this Code.

General Manager Cricket of Cricket Australia means the person holding that position from time to time (including any person acting in that position).

ICC means the International Cricket Council.

Match means any cricket match: (a) played as part of a test series, one day international series or twenty20 series (whether or not one or more matches are played as part of that series) (whether in Australia or overseas and whether or not played under the auspices of the ICC or any other country’s governing authority for cricket); (b) played as part of a Cricket Australia-approved cricket tour (whether in Australia or overseas); (c) played as part of the domestic one-day competition; (d) played as part of the domestic four-day competition; (e) played as part of the domestic twenty20 competition; (f) played by a State Association team against a touring international team in Australia or against any other team overseas; (g) played as part of the WNCL competition; (h) played as part of the Cricket Australia Cup competition (both male and female); (i) played as part of the National Under 19 Championships (both male and female); (j) played as part of the National Under 17 Championships (both male and female); and (k) played as part of the Australian Country Cricket Championships, and includes any other matches played under the jurisdiction or auspices or with the consent or approval of Cricket Australia or a State or Territory Association.

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official means: (a) the manager or a member of the coaching, medical or fitness staff of a Team; (b) the selectors of a Team; (c) any other person acting in an official capacity for Cricket Australia or a State or Territory Association or in relation to a Team; (d) an umpire of a Match; or (e) the referee of a Match.

Registrar means the person appointed from time to time by Cricket Australia to act as the registrar of the Commission or, in default of such appointment, the Chief Executive Officer of Cricket Australia.

Team means the following cricket teams and includes both male and female teams: (a) the Australian 1 st XI team; (b) the Australian 2 nd XI team (commonly referred to as “ Australia A ”); (c) a State or Territory 1 st XI team; (d) a State or Territory CA Cup or 2 nd XI team; (e) an Australian under-age team; (f) a State or Territory under-age team; (g) a team from the Cricket Australia Centre of Excellence; (h) a team from a State or Territory Institute of Sport; and (i) any other cricket team selected by or under the auspices of Cricket Australia or a State or Territory Association to compete in a Match.

Team official means any of the people identified in paragraphs (a) to (c) inclusive of the definition of “official”.

Tour Executive means the manager, coach, captain and vice-captain of an Australian touring Team.

2. In the interpretation of this Code:

(a) a construction that would promote the purpose or object underlying the Code must be preferred to a construction that would not promote that purpose or object;

(b) consideration may be given to any matter or document that is relevant; and

3. This Code applies to conduct on the field of play (in respect of any Match) and off the field of play. Subject to Section 5, it applies in addition to (and not in substitution of) the ICC Code of Conduct and is not in any way limited by, or construed with reference to, the ICC code of Conduct.

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SECTION 1: RULES FOR BEHAVIOUR - OFFENCES

Each of the rules for behaviour has a guideline. The guidelines are intended as an illustrative guide only and in the case of any doubt as to the interpretation of the Rule, the provisions of the Rule itself shall take precedence over the provisions of the guidelines. The guidelines should not be read as an exhaustive list of offences or prohibited conduct.

1. Level 1 Offences

The Offences set out at 1.1 to 1.6 below are Level 1 Offences. The range of penalties which shall be imposed for a Level 1 Offence is set out in Section 5 of this Code. Players and, where applicable, officials must not:

No. Guidelines Rule 1.1 Abuse cricket • Includes actions outside the course of normal cricket equipment or actions such as hitting or kicking the wickets and actions clothing, ground which intentionally or negligently result in damage to equipment or fixtures the advertising boards, boundary fences, dressing room and fittings doors, mirrors, windows and other fixtures and fittings.

1.2 Show dissent at an • Includes showing dissent at an umpire’s decision by way umpire’s decision of showing inappropriate or excessive disappointment, an obvious delay in resuming play or leaving the wicket, shaking the head, pointing or looking at the inside edge when given out lbw, pointing to the pad or rubbing the shoulder when caught behind, snatching the cap from the umpire, a bowler or fielder arguing or entering into an unduly prolonged discussion with the umpire about the umpire’s decision.

• This Rule does not prohibit the bowler involved in the decision or a team captain from asking an umpire to provide an explanation for a decision or a Team official from making a formal complaint.

1.3 Use language that is • This includes swearing and offensive gestures which are obscene, offensive or not directed at another person such as swearing in insulting and/or the frustration at one’s own poor play or fortune. making of an obscene gesture • This offence is not intended to penalise trivial behaviour. The extent to which such behaviour is likely to give offence shall be taken into account when deciding to report the behaviour as an offence and when assessing the seriousness of the breach.

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1.4 Engage in excessive • Excessive shall mean repeated appealing when the appealing bowler/fielder knows the batsman is not out with the intention of placing the umpire under pressure. It is not intended to prevent loud or enthusiastic appealing. Excessive may also mean the practice of celebrating or assuming a dismissal before the decision has been given.

1.5 Point or gesture • Self explanatory. towards the pavilion in an aggressive manner upon the dismissal of a batsman

1.6 Breach any • This includes regulations regarding bat logos and regulation regarding regulations regarding other logos or advertising which approved clothing or may be worn or displayed. equipment

1.7 Failure by a Team to • Where no individual player is reported for breach of ensure that the Rule 2.7, each member of the relevant fielding team condition of a ball is (including the 12 th man) shall be considered to be in not changed in breach breach of this rule if the condition of the ball being used of Law 42.3 by that team has been changed in breach of Law 42.3. The presence or absence of involvement of each team member in changing the condition of the ball shall be irrelevant to a finding of guilt for Rule 2.10.

Note: • In accordance with Rule 1(e) in Section 5 of this Code, any repeat of the same Level 1 Offence within 12 months of such offence will for the purposes of penalty only be regarded as a Level 2 Offence.

2. Level 2 Offences

The Offences set out at 2.1 to 2.9 below are Level 2 Offences. The range of penalties which shall be imposed for a Level 2 Offence is set out in Section 5 of this Code. Players and, where applicable, officials must not:

No. Guidelines Rule 2.1 Show serious dissent • Dissent (including examples given in 1.2 above) will be at an umpire’s classified as serious where the conduct contains an decision element of anger or abuse that is directed at the umpire or the umpire’s decision or where there is excessive delay in resuming play or leaving the wicket.

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• This Rule does not prohibit the bowler involved in the decision or a team captain from asking an umpire to provide an explanation for a decision or a Team official from making a formal complaint.

2.2 Engage in • Without limitation, players will breach this regulation if inappropriate and they deliberately walk or run into or shoulder another deliberate physical player, official or match official either during the course contact with other of play of a Match or during the periods before or after players or officials play at the relevant venue.

2.3 Charge or advance • Self explanatory. towards the umpire in an aggressive manner when appealing

2.4 Deliberately and • This does not replace clauses 39 and 40 of the Sheffield maliciously distract Shield Playing Conditions. or obstruct another player or official on • Without limitation, players will breach this rule if they the field of play deliberately attempt to distract a striker by words or gestures or deliberately shepherd a batsman while running or attempting to run between wickets.

2.5 Throw the ball at or • This Rule will not prohibit a fielder or bowler from near a player or returning the ball to the stumps in the normal fashion. official in an inappropriate and/or dangerous manner

2.6 Use language that is • This is language or gestures which are directed at another obscene, offensive person or persons. In exercising his judgement as to or of a generally whether the behaviour has fallen below an acceptable insulting nature to standard, the umpire seeking to lay a charge shall be another player, required to take into account the context of the particular official or spectator. situation and whether the words or gesture are likely to:

• be regarded as obscene; or • give offence; or • insult another person.

• This offence is not intended to penalise trivial behaviour. The extent to which such behaviour is likely to give offence shall be taken into account when assessing the seriousness of the breach.

2.7 Change the • Prohibited behaviour includes picking the seam or condition of the ball deliberately throwing the ball into ground for the purpose

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in breach of Law of roughening it up and the application of moisture to the 42.3 ball, save for perspiration and saliva.

2.8 Without limiting • Prohibited conduct under this rule will include incidents Rule 8, attempt to where a team bats in such a way as to either adversely manipulate a Match affect its own, or improve its opponent’s, bonus points, in regard to the net run rate or quotient. result, net run rate, bonus points or otherwise. The captain of any team guilty of such conduct shall be held responsible.

2.9 Seriously breach any • See guideline for Rule 1.6 above. Without limitation, a regulation regarding breach will be considered serious if it is done in bad faith approved clothing or or where it has serious commercial consequences (eg equipment display of logo of competing CA or State sponsor)

Note • In accordance with Rule 1(e) in Section 5 of this Code any : repeat of the same Level 2 Offence within 12 months of such offence will for the purposes of penalty only be regarded as a Level 3 Offence.

3. Level 3 Offences

The Offences set out at 3.1 to 3.3 below are Level 3 Offences. The range of penalties which shall be imposed for a Level 3 Offence is set out in Section 5 of this Code. Players and, where applicable, officials must not:

No. Guidelines Rule 3.1 Intimidate or • Includes appealing in an aggressive or threatening manner. attempt to intimidate an umpire or referee whether by language or conduct

3.2 Threaten to assault • Self explanatory. another player, Team official or spectator

3.3 Use language or • Self explanatory. gestures that offend, insult, humiliate,

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intimidate, threaten, disparage or vilify another person on the basis of that person’s race, religion, colour, descent, sexuality or national or ethnic origin

Note • In accordance with Rule 1(e) in Section 5 of this Code any : repeat of the same Level 3 Offence within 12 months of such offence will for the purposes of penalty only be regarded as a Level 4 Offence.

4. Level 4 Offences

The Offences set out at 4.1 to 4.4 below are Level 4 Offences. The range of penalties which shall be imposed for a Level 4 Offence is set out in Section 5 of this Code. Players and, where applicable, officials must not:

No. Guidelines Rule 4.1 Threaten to assault an • Self explanatory. umpire or referee

4.2 Physically assault • Self explanatory. another player, umpire, referee, official or spectator

4.3 Engage in any act of • Self explanatory. violence on the field of play

4.4 Use language or • Self explanatory. gestures that seriously offends, insults, humiliates, intimidates, threatens, disparages or vilifies another person on the basis of that person’s race, religion, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin

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5. Laws of Cricket and Spirit of the Game

No. Rule Guidelines 5 Players must obey the • This is meant as a general Rule to deal with situations Laws of Cricket and where the facts of or the gravity or seriousness of the play within the spirit alleged incident are not adequately or clearly covered by of the game. The the offences set out in Rules 1 – 4 (inclusive) of the Code. captain and Team coach must use their • Conduct which will be prohibited under the clause best efforts to ensure includes using an illegal bat, cheating during play, time that their Team and wasting and any conduct which is considered “unfair individual members play” under Law 42 of the Laws of Cricket. of the Team complies with this rule • This Rule is not intended to punish unintentional breaches of the Laws of Cricket.

• Reference may be made to any statement or explanation of the Spirit of Cricket published in conjunction with the Laws of Cricket.

• Nothing in this Rule or the Code alters the onus on the captain to ensure that the Spirit of the Game is adhered to as stated and defined in the preamble to the Laws of Cricket.

6. Unbecoming Behaviour

No. Rule Guidelines 6 Without limiting any • This is also meant as a general Rule to deal with situations other rule, players and where the facts of or the gravity or seriousness of the officials must not at alleged incident are not adequately or clearly covered by any time engage in the offences set out in Rules 1 – 4 (inclusive) of the Code. behaviour unbecoming to a • It is intended to include (but not be limited to) serious or representative player repeated criminal conduct, public acts of misconduct, or unruly public behaviour and sexual misconduct. official that could bring them or the • This Rule applies in the following circumstances only game of cricket into (whichever is the longer): disrepute or be harmful to the (a) subject to paragraph (b), participation in any Match, interests of cricket tour or training camp in Australia or overseas – from the time of departure from the player’s or official’s usual private residence prior to the tour or camp until return to that residence after the tour or

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camp;

(b) participation in a Home Match or series of Home Matches – from the commencement of the day before the first day of the Match or series of Matches until the end of the day following the conclusion of the Match or series of Matches;

(d) attendance at an official cricket function or performance of obligations under a contract with Cricket Australia or a state or territory cricket association - from the time of departure from the player’s or official’s usual private residence prior to the function or performance of the obligation until return to that residence afterwards.

Notwithstanding the foregoing, this Rule applies at all times where the unbecoming behaviour involves the player or official being involved in:

(i) serious or repeated criminal conduct; or

(ii) public comment or comment to or in the media.

7. Anti-Doping Policy

No. Rule Guidelines 7 Players and officials • Any behaviour prohibited by this Rule will be dealt with must obey Cricket under the Anti-Doping Policy and not under the Code of Australia’s Anti- Behaviour. Doping Policy (as amended from time to time).

8. Betting, Match-fixing and Corruption

Players or officials must not, directly or indirectly, engage in the following conduct:

No. Rule Guidelines 8 (a) bet, gamble or enter into any other form of • For the purpose of this financial speculation on any cricket match or Rule: on any event connected with any cricket

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match or series of cricket matches (for the (a) a reference to a purposes of this Rule, an Event); “cricket match or series of cricket (b) induce or encourage any other person to bet, matches” includes any gamble or enter into any other form of cricket match or financial speculation on any cricket match or matches whatsoever series of cricket matches or on any Event or to played anywhere in the offer the facility for such bets to be placed; world and is not restricted to a cricket (c) be a party to contriving or attempting to match or matches in contrive the result of any cricket match or which the player or series of cricket matches or the occurrence of official concerned, or any Event in exchange for any benefit or any Team, took part; reward (other than a benefit or reward and received from his home Board); (b) a reference to an (d) fail to attempt to perform to the best of his “attempt” shall include ability in any cricket match for any reason an offer or an whatsoever (including, in particular, owing to invitation. an arrangement relating to betting on the outcome of any cricket match or series of cricket matches or on the occurrence of any Event) other than for legitimate tactical reasons in relation to that cricket match;

(e) induce or encourage any player not to attempt to perform to the best of the player’s ability in any cricket match for any reason whatsoever (including, in particular, owing to an arrangement relating to betting on the outcome of any cricket match or series of cricket matches or on the occurrence of any Event) other than for legitimate tactical reasons in relation to that cricket match;

(f) for money, benefit or other reward (whether for the player him or herself or any other person and whether financial or otherwise), provide any information concerning the weather, the state of the ground, a Team or its members (including, without limitation, the Team’s actual or likely composition, the form of individual players or tactics) the status or possible outcome of any cricket match or series of cricket matches or the possible occurrence of any Event other than in connection with bona fide media interviews and commitments;

(g) engage in any other form of corrupt conduct in

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relation to any cricket match or series of cricket matches or Event;

(h) fail to promptly disclose to the Chief Executive Officer of Cricket Australia that he or she has received an approach from another person to engage in conduct such as that described in paragraphs (a) – (g) above (such disclosure to be in writing and include full particulars of any such approach);

(i) fail to promptly disclose to the Chief Executive Officer of Cricket Australia that he or she knows or reasonably suspects that any current or former player or official or any other person has engaged in conduct, or been approached to engage in conduct, such as that described in paragraphs (a) – (g) above (such disclosure to be in writing and include full particulars of any such knowledge or suspicion);

(j) fail to promptly disclose to the Chief Executive Officer of Cricket Australia that he or she has received, or is aware or reasonably suspects that another player or official or any other person has received, actual or implied threats of any nature in relation to past or proposed conduct such as that described in paragraphs (a) – (g) above (such disclosure to be in writing and include full particulars of any such knowledge or suspicion); or

(k) engage in conduct that relates directly or indirectly to any of the conduct described in paragraphs (a) – (j) above and is prejudicial to the interests of the game of cricket or which could bring him or her or the game of cricket into disrepute.

A valid defence may be made to a charge in respect of any prohibited conduct set out in this Rules 8(h), (i) and (j) if the person charged proves that the conduct was the result of an honest and reasonable belief that there was a serious threat to the life or safety of the person charged or any member of the person’s family.

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9. Detrimental Public Comment

No. Rule Guidelines 9 Without limiting any Without limitation, players and officials will breach this rule other rule, players and and be deemed to be making comment detrimental to the officials must not interests of the game if in making any public or media make public or media comment they: comment which is detrimental to the • publicly denigrate or criticise another player or publicly interests of the game denigrate or criticise an, official, umpire, referee or team against which they have played or will play, whether in relation to incidents which occurred in a match or otherwise;

• publicly denigrate or criticise Cricket Australia or any State Association or any of their respective commercial partners;

• denigrate a country in which they are or are likely to be touring or officiating;

• denigrate the home country of a touring team against which they are or are likely to be playing or in respect of which they are or are likely to be officiating;

• denigrate or criticise another player or official by inappropriately commenting on any aspect of his or her performance, abilities or characteristics;

• comment on the likely outcome of a hearing or a report or an appeal;

• criticise the outcome of a hearing or an appeal; or

• criticise any evidence, submission or other comment made by any person at the hearing of a report or any appeal.

10. Racial and Religious Vilification Code

No. Rule Guidelines 10 Without limiting • Any behaviour prohibited by this Rule will be dealt with Rules 3.3 and 4.4, under the Racial and Religious Vilification Code and not players and officials under the Code of Behaviour, save where a report is must obey Cricket made under another rule of the Code of Behaviour (in Australia’s Racial and which case a player or official may also lodge a Religious Vilification complaint under the Racial and Religious Vilification

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Code (as amended Code). from time to time)

11. Anti-Harassment Policy

No. Rule Guidelines 11 Players and officials • Any behaviour prohibited by this Rule will be dealt with must obey Cricket under the Anti-Harassment Policy and not under the Australia’s Anti- Code of Behaviour, save where a report is made under Harassment Policy (as another rule of the Code of Behaviour (in which case a amended from time to player or official may also lodge a complaint under the time). Anti-Harassment Policy).

12. Illicit Substance Rule

No. Rule Guidelines 12 Players and officials • Any behaviour prohibited by this Rule will be dealt with must obey Cricket under the Illicit Substance Rule and not under the Code Australia’s Illicit of Behaviour. Substance Rule (as amended from time to time).

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The Players' Spirit of Australian Cricket

As cricketers who represent Australia we acknowledge and embrace .The Spirit of Cricket. and the laws of our game.

This Players' Spirit of Australian Cricket serves as a guide to the shared standards of behaviour that we expect of ourselves and of the values we hold.

Our on-field behaviour

We play our cricket hard but fair and accept all umpiring decisions as a mark of respect for our opponents, the umpires, ourselves and the game.

We view positive play, pressure, body language and banter between opponents and ourselves as legitimate tactics and integral parts of the competitive nature of cricket.

We do not condone or engage in sledging or any other conduct that constitutes personal abuse.

We encourage the display of passion and emotion as a sign of our enjoyment and pride in the game, as a celebration of our achievements and as a sign of respect for our opponents.

Our off-field behaviour

It is acknowledged that we have a private life to lead but understand our off-field conduct has the potential to reflect either positively or adversely on us as individuals and also on the game of cricket.

We consider off field conduct that may be likely to warrant legitimate public criticism to be unacceptable conduct.

Our team

We take pride in our sense of the importance of the team and acknowledge the role of the team captain and our direct support staff. We demonstrate this by displaying loyalty and compassion to each other, by accepting our role as mentors and by supporting each other to abide by these values.

We value honesty and accept that every member of the team has a role to play in shaping, and abiding by our shared standards and expectations.

We strive to be regarded as the best team in the world. We measure this by our on field achievements and by exploring ways in which we might continue to .raise the bar. in respect of our own professionalism.

We acknowledge and follow the traditions of our game while encouraging and accepting experimentation that will enable us to create our own traditions and history. We do this in the expectation that we will leave the game in a better shape than it was before we arrived.

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Our opponents

We acknowledge and respect that our opponents may hold different cultural values and beliefs from our own, and value the diversity and richness this adds to the game. By treating our opponents with dignity and forging bonds of mutual respect, we will overcome any cultural barriers.

Our supporters

We value our supporters and acknowledge those who support our opponents and the game of cricket. We demonstrate commitment to our supporters by always giving our best and demonstrating leadership in everything we do.

Our family

We value the contribution and sacrifices of our families that enable us to meet these expectations.

Respect

We respect the governing bodies of the game, our support teams in every capacity and our players' association. We demonstrate this respect by seeking and offering frank and open communication in accordance with the Players' Spirit of Australian Cricket.

Written by Cricket Australia contracted players, October 2003

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Netball Australia

Code of Behaviour

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The Player is required to comply with this Code of Behaviour.

The Player must meet the following requirements in regard to her conduct during any activity held or sanctioned by Netball Australia, a member organisation, a region, an affiliated association or an affiliated club:

1. Respect the rights, dignity and worth of others. 2. Be fair, considerate and honest in all dealings with others. 3. Be professional in, and accept responsibility for her actions. 4. Make a commitment to providing quality service. 5. Be aware of, and maintain an uncompromising adhesion to Netball Australia¹s and/or the member organisation’s standards, rules, regulations and policies. 6. Operate within the rules of the sport including state guidelines which govern Netball Australia, the member organisations, the regions, the affiliated associations and the affiliated clubs. 7. Not use her involvement with Netball Australia, a member organisation, a Region, an Affiliated Association or an Affiliated Club to promote her own beliefs, behaviours or practices where these are inconsistent with those of Netball Australia, a member organisation, a region, an affiliated association or an affiliated club. 8. Demonstrate a high degree of individual responsibility especially when dealing with persons under 18 years of age, as her words and actions are an example. 9. Avoid unaccompanied and unobserved activities with persons under 18 years of age, wherever possible. 10. Refrain from any behaviour that may bring Netball Australia, a member organisation, a region, an affiliated association or an affiliated club into disrepute. 11. Provide a safe environment for the conduct of the activity. 12. Show concern and caution towards others who may be sick or injured. 13. Be a positive role model. 14. Understand the repercussions if she breaches, or is aware of any breaches of this Code of Behaviour.

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Appendix B – Psychometric Inventories

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Front-Stage Emotional Labour Scale

INSTRUCTIONS: We want to know how the persona that is built up in the media is maintained. We are not interested in people that you have close relationships with (i.e., family and friends). Rather, we are interested in your interactions with members of the public (i.e., media, fans, and spectators), and the maintenance of that exposure. Using the 1-6 scale (1 – never to 6 – all of the time), please indicate your responses to the statement below.

When I am interacting with members of the public:

never occasionally someof the time muchof the time mostof the time of all the time

1. I fake the emotions I show. 1 2 3 4 5 6

2. I behave in a way that differs from how I really feel 1 2 3 4 5 6

3. I put on an act in order to deal with people in an appropriate way. 1 2 3 4 5 6

4. I fake emotions that I don’t really feel. 1 2 3 4 5 6

5. I display emotions that I am not actually feeling. 1 2 3 4 5 6

6. I have to cover up my true feelings. 1 2 3 4 5 6

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Depression-Enthusiasm Subscale (Warr, 1990)

INSTRUCTIONS: This section is concerned with how you have been feeling in yourself both playing your sport and generally over the past few weeks .

Thinking of the past few weeks, how much of the time has playing your sport made you feel each of the following? never Occasionally someof the time muchof the time mostof the time of all the time

Gloomy 1 2 3 4 5 6

Depressed 1 2 3 4 5 6

Miserable 1 2 3 4 5 6

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Maslach Burnout inventory – Emotional Exhaustion Subscale (Maslach & Jackson, 1981)

INSTRUCTIONS: Below are 9 statements about sport-related feelings. Please read each statement carefully and respond to how you generally feel about your sport at this time.

Never Afew times year a Oncemonth a lessor Afew times month a Onceweek a Afew times week a Everyday

1. I feel emotionally drained from my sport. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6

2. I feel used up by my sport at the end of the day. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 3. I feel tired when I get up in the morning and have to face another day of my sport. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6

4. Playing my sport is really a strain for me. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 5. I feel burnt out from my sport. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 6. I feel frustrated by my sport. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7. I feel I’m working too hard on my sport. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 8. Dealing with the public puts too much stress on me. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6

9. I feel like I’m at the end of my rope. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6

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Work-Family Conflict Scale (Netemeyer, Boles, & McMurrian, 1996)

INSTRUCTIONS: Below are five statements with which you may agree or disagree. Using the 1-7 scale below (1 – strongly disagree to 7 – strongly agree), indicate your agreement with each item by placing the appropriate number on the line preceding that item.

stronglydisagree disagree slightlydisagree neitheragree nor disagree slightlyagree Agree stronglyagree

1. The demands of my sport interfere with my home and family/personal life. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

2. The amount of time my sport takes up makes it difficult to fulfil family/personal 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 responsibilities.

3. Things I want to do at home do not get done because of the demands my sport puts on 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 me.

4. My sport produces strain that makes it difficult to fulfil family/personal duties. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

5. Due to my sporting commitments, I have to make changes to my plans for 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 family/personal activities.

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Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS) (Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988)

INSTRUCTIONS: The following words describe feelings and emotions. Please circle the number using the 1-5 scale below (1 – not at all to 5 – extremely) that best describes how you normally feel on an average day.

veryslightly or not at all little a moderately quitebit a Extremely

Interested 1 2 3 4 5

Distressed 1 2 3 4 5

Excited 1 2 3 4 5

Upset 1 2 3 4 5

Strong 1 2 3 4 5

Guilty 1 2 3 4 5

Scared 1 2 3 4 5

Hostile 1 2 3 4 5

Enthusiastic 1 2 3 4 5

Proud 1 2 3 4 5

Irritable 1 2 3 4 5

Alert 1 2 3 4 5

Ashamed 1 2 3 4 5

Inspired 1 2 3 4 5

Nervous 1 2 3 4 5

Determined 1 2 3 4 5

Attentive 1 2 3 4 5

Jittery 1 2 3 4 5

Active 1 2 3 4 5

Afraid 1 2 3 4 5

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Appendix C

Exploratory Factor Analysis Output Front-Stage Emotional Labour Scale

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Factor Analysis SPSS 8.0

Descriptive Statistics

Mean Std. Analysis Deviation N SA 1 2.43 1.072 249 SA2 2.41 1.086 249 SA3 2.60 1.227 249 SA4 2.14 1.051 249 SA5 2.21 1.026 249 SA6 2.39 1.152 249

Correlation Matrix

SA 1 SA2 SA3 SA4 SA5 SA6 Correlation SA 1 1.000 .631 .546 .616 .648 .451 SA2 .631 1.000 .590 .609 .653 .507 SA3 .546 .590 1.000 .600 .681 .454 SA4 .616 .609 .600 1.000 .735 .475 SA5 .648 .653 .681 .735 1.000 .539 SA6 .451 .507 .454 .475 .539 1.000

Sig. (1-tailed) SA 1 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000 SA2 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000 SA3 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000 SA4 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000 SA5 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000 SA6 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000 a Determinant = 3.825E-02

KMO and Bartlett's Test

Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin Measure of Sampling Adequacy. .902

Bartlett's Test of Approx. Chi- 800.160 Sphericity Square df 15 Sig. .000

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Communalities Initial SA 1 .520 SA2 .547 SA3 .516 SA4 .594 SA5 .682 SA6 .342 Extraction Method: Maximum Likelihood.

Total Variance Explained

Initial Eigenvalues

Factor Total % of Cumulativ Variance e % 1 3.930 65.506 65.506 2 .605 10.078 75.584 3 .468 7.794 83.379 4 .403 6.713 90.092 5 .351 5.856 95.947 6 .243 4.053 100.000 Extraction Method: Maximum Likelihood.

Scree Plot 5

0 Eigenvalue 1 2 3 4 5 6

Factor Number

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Factor Matrix a 1 factor extracted. 4 iterations required.

Goodness-of-fit Test Chi-Square df Sig. 11.247 9 .259

Rotated Factor Matrix a Only one factor was extracted. The solution cannot be rotated.

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Appendix D

Path Analysis Output

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L I S R E L 8.71

Karl G. Jöreskog & Dag Sörbom

This program is published exclusively by Scientific Software International, Inc. 7383 N. Lincoln Avenue, Suite 100 Lincolnwood, IL 60712, U.S.A. Phone: (800)247-6113, (847)675-0720, Fax: (847)675-2140 Copyright by Scientific Software International, Inc., 1981-2004 Use of this program is subject to the terms specified in the Universal Copyright Convention. Website: www.ssicentral.com

The following lines were read from file C:\Documents and Settings\169842f\My Documents\Meta-analysis (S. Kiely)\KIELY(HYPOTHESIZED).LS8:

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model DATA NI=6 NO=245 LABELS; PA NA SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES KMATRIX 1 -.07 1 -.33 .35 1 -.33 .44 .52 1 -.27 .12 .35 .46 1 -.35 .31 .39 .55 .34 1 SELECT; 3 4 5 6 1 2 MODEL NY=4 NX=2 BE=SD PS=DI FI GA(3,1)GA(4,1)GA(4,2)GA(3,2) FI BE(4,3) OUTPUT SE TV EF SC ND=3 MI

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

Number of Input Variables 6 Number of Y - Variables 4 Number of X - Variables 2 Number of ETA - Variables 4 Number of KSI - Variables 2 Number of Observations 245

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

Covariance Matrix

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES PA NA ------SURFACT 1.000 EXHAUST 0.520 1.000 WFI 0.350 0.460 1.000 DEPRES 0.390 0.550 0.340 1.000 PA -0.330 -0.330 -0.270 -0.350 1.000 NA 0.350 0.440 0.120 0.310 -0.070 1.000

215

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

Parameter Specifications

BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT 0 0 0 0 EXHAUST 1 0 0 0 WFI 2 3 0 0 DEPRES 4 5 0 0

GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT 6 7 EXHAUST 8 9 WFI 0 0 DEPRES 0 0

PHI

PA NA ------PA 10 NA 11 12

PSI

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------13 14 15 16

216

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

Number of Iterations = 0

LISREL Estimates (Maximum Likelihood)

BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT ------

EXHAUST 0.350 ------(0.057) 6.115

WFI 0.152 0.381 - - - - (0.066) (0.066) 2.297 5.764

DEPRES 0.143 0.476 - - - - (0.062) (0.062) 2.292 7.653

GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 (0.057) (0.057) -5.382 5.759

EXHAUST -0.193 0.304 (0.054) (0.054) -3.598 5.617

WFI - - - -

DEPRES - - - -

Covariance Matrix of Y and X

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES PA NA ------SURFACT 1.000 EXHAUST 0.520 1.000 WFI 0.350 0.460 1.000 DEPRES 0.390 0.550 0.269 1.000 PA -0.330 -0.330 -0.176 -0.204 1.000 NA 0.350 0.440 0.221 0.259 -0.070 1.000

PHI

PA NA ------PA 1.000 (0.091) 11.000

NA -0.070 1.000 (0.064) (0.091) -1.086 11.000

217

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

PSI Note: This matrix is diagonal.

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------0.784 0.621 0.772 0.683 (0.071) (0.056) (0.070) (0.062) 11.000 11.000 11.000 11.000

Squared Multiple Correlations for Structural Equations

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------0.216 0.379 0.228 0.317

Squared Multiple Correlations for Reduced Form

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------0.216 0.284 0.075 0.102

Reduced Form

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 (0.057) (0.057) -5.382 5.759

EXHAUST -0.301 0.419 (0.055) (0.055) -5.512 7.681

WFI -0.161 0.210 (0.032) (0.035) -5.032 5.922

DEPRES -0.187 0.246 (0.035) (0.038) -5.312 6.495

218

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

Goodness of Fit Statistics

Degrees of Freedom = 5 Minimum Fit Function Chi-Square = 19.909 (P = 0.00130) Normal Theory Weighted Least Squares Chi-Square = 19.922 (P = 0.00129) Estimated Non-centrality Parameter (NCP) = 14.922 90 Percent Confidence Interval for NCP = (4.777 ; 32.607)

Minimum Fit Function Value = 0.0816 Population Discrepancy Function Value (F0) = 0.0617 90 Percent Confidence Interval for F0 = (0.0197 ; 0.135) Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) = 0.111 90 Percent Confidence Interval for RMSEA = (0.0628 ; 0.164) P-Value for Test of Close Fit (RMSEA < 0.05) = 0.0214

Expected Cross-Validation Index (ECVI) = 0.215 90 Percent Confidence Interval for ECVI = (0.173 ; 0.288) ECVI for Saturated Model = 0.174 ECVI for Independence Model = 2.086

Chi-Square for Independence Model with 15 Degrees of Freedom = 492.734 Independence AIC = 504.734 Model AIC = 51.922 Saturated AIC = 42.000 Independence CAIC = 531.741 Model CAIC = 123.942 Saturated CAIC = 136.526

Normed Fit Index (NFI) = 0.960 Non-Normed Fit Index (NNFI) = 0.906 Parsimony Normed Fit Index (PNFI) = 0.320 Comparative Fit Index (CFI) = 0.969 Incremental Fit Index (IFI) = 0.969 Relative Fit Index (RFI) = 0.879

Critical N (CN) = 185.921

Root Mean Square Residual (RMR) = 0.0478 Standardized RMR = 0.0478 Goodness of Fit Index (GFI) = 0.974 Adjusted Goodness of Fit Index (AGFI) = 0.889 Parsimony Goodness of Fit Index (PGFI) = 0.232

219

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

Modification Indices and Expected Change

Modification Indices for BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - - - 0.038 9.227 EXHAUST - - - - 0.524 7.274 WFI ------2.329 DEPRES - - - - 2.329 - -

Expected Change for BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - - - 0.029 -0.486 EXHAUST - - - - 0.108 -0.428 WFI ------0.104 DEPRES - - - - 0.092 - -

Standardized Expected Change for BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - - - 0.029 -0.486 EXHAUST - - - - 0.108 -0.428 WFI ------0.104 DEPRES - - - - 0.092 - -

Modification Indices for GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT - - - - EXHAUST - - - - WFI 3.245 4.054 DEPRES 8.811 1.160

Expected Change for GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT - - - - EXHAUST - - - - WFI -0.110 -0.128 DEPRES -0.170 0.065

Standardized Expected Change for GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT - - - - EXHAUST - - - - WFI -0.110 -0.128 DEPRES -0.170 0.065

No Non-Zero Modification Indices for PHI

220

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

Modification Indices for PSI

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - EXHAUST - - - - WFI 0.038 0.524 - - DEPRES 9.227 7.274 2.329 - -

Expected Change for PSI

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - EXHAUST - - - - WFI 0.023 0.083 - - DEPRES -0.332 -0.292 0.071 - -

Standardized Expected Change for PSI

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - EXHAUST - - - - WFI 0.023 0.083 - - DEPRES -0.332 -0.292 0.071 - -

Modification Indices for THETA-EPS

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT 7.251 EXHAUST 7.062 5.218 WFI 0.646 0.479 - - DEPRES 12.320 9.190 2.329 - -

Expected Change for THETA-EPS

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT 2.068 EXHAUST 0.441 0.339 WFI -0.125 -0.052 - - DEPRES -0.512 -0.246 0.071 - -

Modification Indices for THETA-DELTA-EPS

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------PA 10.989 11.818 2.447 9.769 NA 0.062 0.006 3.256 2.118

Expected Change for THETA-DELTA-EPS

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------PA 0.801 0.281 -0.081 -0.152 NA 0.058 -0.006 -0.090 0.068

Maximum Modification Index is 12.32 for Element ( 4, 1) of THETA-EPS

221

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

Standardized Solution

BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT ------EXHAUST 0.350 ------WFI 0.152 0.381 - - - - DEPRES 0.143 0.476 - - - -

GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 EXHAUST -0.193 0.304 WFI - - - - DEPRES - - - -

Correlation Matrix of Y and X

PSI Note: This matrix is diagonal.

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------0.784 0.621 0.772 0.683

Regression Matrix Y on X (Standardized)

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 EXHAUST -0.301 0.419 WFI -0.161 0.210 DEPRES -0.187 0.246

222

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

Total and Indirect Effects

Total Effects of X on Y

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 (0.057) (0.057) -5.382 5.759

EXHAUST -0.301 0.419 (0.055) (0.055) -5.512 7.681

WFI -0.161 0.210 (0.032) (0.035) -5.032 5.922

DEPRES -0.187 0.246 (0.035) (0.038) -5.312 6.495

Indirect Effects of X on Y

PA NA ------SURFACT - - - -

EXHAUST -0.107 0.115 (0.027) (0.027) -4.040 4.192

WFI -0.161 0.210 (0.032) (0.035) -5.032 5.922

DEPRES -0.187 0.246 (0.035) (0.038) -5.312 6.495

Total Effects of Y on Y

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT ------

EXHAUST 0.350 ------(0.057) 6.115

WFI 0.285 0.381 - - - - (0.062) (0.066) 4.632 5.764

DEPRES 0.309 0.476 - - - - (0.061) (0.062) 5.098 7.653

Largest Eigenvalue of B*B' (Stability Index) is 0.431

223

Surface Acting in sport: Hypothesized Causal Model

Indirect Effects of Y on Y

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT ------

EXHAUST ------

WFI 0.133 ------(0.032) 4.194

DEPRES 0.166 ------(0.035) 4.777

Standardized Total and Indirect Effects

Standardized Total Effects of X on Y

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 EXHAUST -0.301 0.419 WFI -0.161 0.210 DEPRES -0.187 0.246

Standardized Indirect Effects of X on Y

PA NA ------SURFACT - - - - EXHAUST -0.107 0.115 WFI -0.161 0.210 DEPRES -0.187 0.246

Standardized Total Effects of Y on Y

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT ------EXHAUST 0.350 ------WFI 0.285 0.381 - - - - DEPRES 0.309 0.476 - - - -

Standardized Indirect Effects of Y on Y

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT ------EXHAUST ------WFI 0.133 ------DEPRES 0.166 ------

Time used: 0.047 Seconds

224

L I S R E L 8.71

Karl G. Jöreskog & Dag Sörbom

The following lines were read from file C:\Documents and Settings\169842f\My Documents\Meta-analysis (S. Kiely)\KIELY(CONSTRAINED).LS8:

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting --> Exhaustion constrained DATA NI=6 NO=245 LABELS; PA NA SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES KMATRIX 1 -.07 1 -.33 .35 1 -.33 .44 .52 1 -.27 .12 .35 .46 1 -.35 .31 .39 .55 .34 1 SELECT; 3 4 5 6 1 2 MODEL NY=4 NX=2 BE=SD PS=DI FI GA(3,1)GA(4,1)GA(4,2)GA(3,2) FI BE(4,3) BE(2,1) OUTPUT SE TV EF SC ND=3 MI

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting --> Exhaustion constrained

Number of Input Variables 6 Number of Y - Variables 4 Number of X - Variables 2 Number of ETA - Variables 4 Number of KSI - Variables 2 Number of Observations 245

225

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting --> Exhaustion constrained

Covariance Matrix

Parameter Specifications

BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT 0 0 0 0 EXHAUST 0 0 0 0 WFI 1 2 0 0 DEPRES 3 4 0 0

GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT 5 6 EXHAUST 7 8 WFI 0 0 DEPRES 0 0

PHI

PA NA ------PA 9 NA 10 11

PSI

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------12 13 14 15

226

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting --> Exhaustion constrained

Number of Iterations = 0

LISREL Estimates (Maximum Likelihood)

BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT ------

EXHAUST ------

WFI 0.152 0.381 - - - - (0.058) (0.058) 2.607 6.541

DEPRES 0.143 0.476 - - - - (0.055) (0.055) 2.601 8.685

GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 (0.057) (0.057) -5.382 5.759

EXHAUST -0.301 0.419 (0.055) (0.055) -5.512 7.681

WFI - - - -

DEPRES - - - -

Covariance Matrix of Y and X

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES PA NA ------SURFACT 1.000 EXHAUST 0.246 1.000 WFI 0.246 0.418 0.968 DEPRES 0.260 0.511 0.234 0.963 PA -0.330 -0.330 -0.176 -0.204 1.000 NA 0.350 0.440 0.221 0.259 -0.070 1.000

PHI

PA NA ------PA 1.000 (0.091) 11.000

NA -0.070 1.000 (0.064) (0.091) -1.086 11.000

227

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting --> Exhaustion constrained

PSI Note: This matrix is diagonal.

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------0.784 0.716 0.772 0.683 (0.071) (0.065) (0.070) (0.062) 11.000 11.000 11.000 11.000

Squared Multiple Correlations for Structural Equations

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------0.216 0.284 0.203 0.291

Squared Multiple Correlations for Reduced Form

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------0.216 0.284 0.077 0.106

Reduced Form

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 (0.057) (0.057) -5.382 5.759

EXHAUST -0.301 0.419 (0.055) (0.055) -5.512 7.681

WFI -0.161 0.210 (0.031) (0.035) -5.150 5.952

DEPRES -0.187 0.246 (0.034) (0.037) -5.491 6.609

228

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting -->Exhaustion constrained

Goodness of Fit Statistics

Degrees of Freedom = 6 Minimum Fit Function Chi-Square = 54.972 (P = 0.00) Normal Theory Weighted Least Squares Chi-Square = 53.608 (P = 0.00) Estimated Non-centrality Parameter (NCP) = 47.608 90 Percent Confidence Interval for NCP = (27.826 ; 74.857)

Minimum Fit Function Value = 0.225 Population Discrepancy Function Value (F0) = 0.197 90 Percent Confidence Interval for F0 = (0.115 ; 0.309) Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) = 0.181 90 Percent Confidence Interval for RMSEA = (0.138 ; 0.227) P-Value for Test of Close Fit (RMSEA < 0.05) = 0.000

Expected Cross-Validation Index (ECVI) = 0.345 90 Percent Confidence Interval for ECVI = (0.264 ; 0.458) ECVI for Saturated Model = 0.174 ECVI for Independence Model = 2.086

Chi-Square for Independence Model with 15 Degrees of Freedom = 492.734 Independence AIC = 504.734 Model AIC = 83.608 Saturated AIC = 42.000 Independence CAIC = 531.741 Model CAIC = 151.127 Saturated CAIC = 136.526

Normed Fit Index (NFI) = 0.888 Non-Normed Fit Index (NNFI) = 0.744 Parsimony Normed Fit Index (PNFI) = 0.355 Comparative Fit Index (CFI) = 0.897 Incremental Fit Index (IFI) = 0.899 Relative Fit Index (RFI) = 0.721

Critical N (CN) = 75.623

Root Mean Square Residual (RMR) = 0.0881 Standardized RMR = 0.0890 Goodness of Fit Index (GFI) = 0.932 Adjusted Goodness of Fit Index (AGFI) = 0.761 Parsimony Goodness of Fit Index (PGFI) = 0.266

229

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting --> Exhaustion constrained

Modification Indices and Expected Change

Modification Indices for BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - 32.392 15.718 5.336 EXHAUST 32.392 - - 5.180 1.287 WFI ------2.329 DEPRES - - - - 2.329 - -

Expected Change for BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - 0.383 0.468 0.250 EXHAUST 0.350 - - 0.276 -0.146 WFI ------0.104 DEPRES - - - - 0.092 - -

Standardized Expected Change for BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - 0.383 0.476 0.255 EXHAUST 0.350 - - 0.280 -0.149 WFI ------0.108 DEPRES - - - - 0.096 - -

Modification Indices for GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT - - - - EXHAUST - - - - WFI 3.369 4.283 DEPRES 9.147 1.226

Expected Change for GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT - - - - EXHAUST - - - - WFI -0.114 -0.135 DEPRES -0.177 0.068

Standardized Expected Change for GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT - - - - EXHAUST - - - - WFI -0.116 -0.138 DEPRES -0.180 0.069

230

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting --> Exhaustion constrained

No Non-Zero Modification Indices for PHI

Modification Indices for PSI

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - EXHAUST 32.392 - - WFI 0.043 0.358 - - DEPRES 10.301 8.837 2.329 - -

Expected Change for PSI

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - EXHAUST 0.274 - - WFI 0.025 0.059 - - DEPRES -0.371 -0.274 0.071 - -

Standardized Expected Change for PSI

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT - - EXHAUST 0.274 - - WFI 0.026 0.060 - - DEPRES -0.378 -0.279 0.074 - -

Modification Indices for THETA-EPS

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT 5.959 EXHAUST 39.029 6.317 WFI 0.117 0.431 - - DEPRES 12.541 10.842 2.329 - -

Expected Change for THETA-EPS

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT 1.350 EXHAUST 0.282 0.333 WFI -0.039 -0.046 - - DEPRES -0.383 -0.243 0.071 - -

Modification Indices for THETA-DELTA-EPS

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------PA 43.558 32.589 2.224 10.714 NA 25.271 8.120 3.138 2.793

Expected Change for THETA-DELTA-EPS

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------PA 0.874 0.406 -0.075 -0.155 NA -0.514 -0.192 -0.085 0.075

231

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting --> Exhaustion constrained

Modification Indices for THETA-DELTA

PA NA ------PA 32.392 NA 32.392 32.392

Expected Change for THETA-DELTA

PA NA ------PA 2.970 NA -1.206 1.992

Maximum Modification Index is 43.56 for Element ( 1, 1) of THETA DELTA- EPSILON

Standardized Solution

BETA

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT ------EXHAUST ------WFI 0.154 0.387 - - - - DEPRES 0.145 0.485 - - - -

GAMMA

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 EXHAUST -0.301 0.419 WFI - - - - DEPRES - - - -

Correlation Matrix of Y and X

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES PA NA ------SURFACT 1.000 EXHAUST 0.246 1.000 WFI 0.250 0.425 1.000 DEPRES 0.265 0.521 0.242 1.000 PA -0.330 -0.330 -0.179 -0.208 1.000 NA 0.350 0.440 0.224 0.264 -0.070 1.000

PSI Note: This matrix is diagonal.

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------0.784 0.716 0.797 0.709

Regression Matrix Y on X (Standardized)

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 EXHAUST -0.301 0.419 WFI -0.164 0.213 DEPRES -0.190 0.251

232

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting --> Exhaustion constrained

Total and Indirect Effects

Total Effects of X on Y

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 (0.057) (0.057) -5.382 5.759

EXHAUST -0.301 0.419 (0.055) (0.055) -5.512 7.681

WFI -0.161 0.210 (0.031) (0.035) -5.150 5.952

DEPRES -0.187 0.246 (0.034) (0.037) -5.491 6.609

Indirect Effects of X on Y

PA NA ------SURFACT - - - -

EXHAUST - - - -

WFI -0.161 0.210 (0.031) (0.035) -5.150 5.952

DEPRES -0.187 0.246 (0.034) (0.037) -5.491 6.609

Total Effects of Y on Y

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT ------

EXHAUST ------

WFI 0.152 0.381 - - - - (0.058) (0.058) 2.607 6.541

DEPRES 0.143 0.476 - - - - (0.055) (0.055) 2.601 8.685

Largest Eigenvalue of B*B' (Stability Index) is 0.414

233

Surface Acting in sport: path Surface Acting --> Exhaustion constrained

Standardized Total and Indirect Effects

Standardized Total Effects of X on Y

PA NA ------SURFACT -0.307 0.329 EXHAUST -0.301 0.419 WFI -0.164 0.213 DEPRES -0.190 0.251

Standardized Indirect Effects of X on Y

PA NA ------SURFACT - - - - EXHAUST - - - - WFI -0.164 0.213 DEPRES -0.190 0.251

Standardized Total Effects of Y on Y

SURFACT EXHAUST WFI DEPRES ------SURFACT ------EXHAUST ------WFI 0.154 0.387 - - - - DEPRES 0.145 0.485 - - - -

Time used: 0.047 Seconds

234