Beyond Betrayal
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Stalinism and Trotskyism in Vietnam
r Telegram: Defend the DRV-NLF! The following telegram was sent as the u.s. imperialists mined Haiphong harbor and the North Vietnamese coast. At the time Soviet bureaucrats were preparing to receive Nixon in Moscow just as their Chinese counterparts a few months earlier wined and dined him in Peking as he terror-bombed Vietnam. Embassy of the U.S.S.R. Washington, D.C. U.N. Mission of the People's Republic of China New York, N.Y. On behalf of the urgent revolutionary needs of the international working class and in accord with the inevitable aims of our future worker~ government in the United States, we demand that you immediately expand shipment of military supplies of the highest technical quality to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and that you offer the DRV the fullest all sided assistance including necessary Russian-Chinese joint military collaboration. No other course will serve at this moment of savage imperialist escalation against the DRV and the Indochinese working people whose military victories have totally shattered the myths of the Vietnamization and pacification programs of Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon. signed: Political Bureau, Spartacist League of the U.S. 8 May 1972 copies to: D RV and N LF delegations, Paris -from Workers Vanguard No.9, June 1972 6 n p Stalinism and Trotskyism In• Vietnam ~···· l,~ ~ r SPARTACIST PUBLISHING co. Box 1377, G.P.O. New York, N.Y. 10001, U.S.A . • December 1976 Ho Chi Minh Ta Thu Thau CONTENTS CHAPTER I In Defense of Vietnamese Trotskyism (I:·: • >'~ Stalinism and Trotskyism in Vietnam ................... -
In Defence of Trotskyism No. 31
In Defence of Trotskyism No. 31 £1 waged, 50p unwaged/low waged, €1.50 The April Theses and Permanent Revolution By Gerry Downing Trotsky’s theory pro- posed that the socialist revolution was necessary because of the combined and unequal character of the Russian economy. It had a highly concentrat- ed working class at the centre of huge modern factories and a weak bourgeoisie at the centre of an overwhelmingly peasant economy. This would enable the work- ing class to take power in Russia first. However, this revolution had to be uninter- rupted: it could only begin on a national scale, but it could not halt at the spontaneous demo- cratic stage. Rather it must proceed directly to socialism. This could only be completed on the international scale, with the victory of the working class in advanced metropolitan coun- tries, particularly Germany. This is the essen- tial political content of the April Theses. Charges of Trotsky’s failure to recognise the vital necessity for a democratic centralist par- ty of professional revolutionaries deeply em- bedded in the leadership of the working class are immediately conceded, as Trotsky himself did in 1917, as soon as he realised his mis- takes and whenever the issue later arose. trade union bureaucracy and their allies in the Where We Stand Labour party leadership as the most funda- WE STAND WITH KARL MARX: ‘The mental obstacle to the struggle for power of emancipation of the working classes must be the working class, outside of the state forces conquered by the working classes themselves. and their direct agencies themselves, we must The struggle for the emancipation of the fight and defeat and replace them with a revo- working class means not a struggle for class lutionary leadership by mobilising the base privileges and monopolies but for equal rights against the pro-capitalist bureaucratic mis- and duties and the abolition of all class leaders to open the way forward for the strug- rule’ (The International Workingmen’s Asso- gle for workers’ power. -
FROM MAOISM to TROTSKYISM -Reprinted from WORKERS VANGUARD, No.1, October 1971
iii PREFACE The Communist Horking Collective originated tvhen a small group of Ivlaoists came together in Los Angeles to undertake an intensive investigation of the history of the communist movement in order to develop a strategy for the U.S. ,socialist revolution. Its study of the essentials of Stalinist and Maoist theory led the CWC to the inescapable conclusion that the theory of IISocialism in One Country" is in irreconcilable opposition to revolutionary internationalism. The consolidation of the CWC around Trotskyism and its systematic study of the various ostensible Trotskyist international tendencies was culminated in the fusion between the CWC and the Spartacist League in September 1971. The brief history of the Ct'lC which appeared originally in the first issue of Workers Vanguard (see page viii) alludes to the splits of the CWC's founding cadre from the Revolutionary Union (RU) and the California Communist League (CCL). To convey the genesis of this process, we have included a number of forerunner documents going back to the original split from the CPUSA on the 50th anniver sary of the October Revolution. The original resignation of comrade~ Treiger and Miller began the "floundering about for three years ••• seeking in Mao Tse Tung Thought a revolutionary al ternati ve to the revisionists." Treiger went on to help found the CWC; fUller con tinued to uphold the dogmatic tradition and declined to even answer the "Letter to a IvIao~_st" (see page 30). Why the Critique of "Tvw Stages"? The lynchpin on which all variants of the fJIaoist "t"t'lO stage" theory of revolution rest--whether applied to the advanced countries or to the colonial world--is collaboration with the ruling class or a section of it during the initial "stage." Early in its develop ment the CWC had rejected the conception as it was applied to the Un1 ted States, but believed it remained applicable to the col'onial revolution. -
The Revolutionary Internationalist League on Workers Power
The Revolutionary Internationalist League On Workers Power RIL on Workers Power in 1995 “This position has got the LRCI leadership into a series of hopeless tangles and convoluted arguments, as their positions have zigzagged in response to the shifting circumstances of the Bosnian war. One general feature has become steadily more pronounced however, the adaptation to the feeling among sections of liberal western opinion that ‘our' governments must ’do something' – a sentiment that plays directly into the hands of imperialism. So now we have the ludicrous position of the LRCI trying to sound revolutionary, and calling for the UN and NATO out of the Balkans and condemning the bombing, while at the same time demanding that 'our' government sends arms to the Bosnian forces and opens the borders to (Islamic) ‘volunteers‘ going to fight with them. In other words Workers Power does not want the imperialists to fight in the Balkans; they just want them to get their clients and proxies to do the fighting! No wonder that this reactionary nonsense has blown the LRCI apart and exposed it as an unprincipled bloc.” That is exactly what they did/do in Libya and Syria today! This document could be published by us but it would need a long introduction to clarify the differences on the questions of the Anti Imperialist United Front and Special Oppression. But is has very valuable insights on the politics of Workers Power and the RCIT today. This documant was written by Nick De Marco, now a rich Barrister who has abandonded all revolutionary politics. He defends rich FA clubs against players compensation claims and is/was a director of Queens Park Rangers. -
Programme Communiste – Trotskyism
Programme Communiste – Trotskyism – Part III Critique of the Transitional Programme "The economic prerequisite for the proletarian revolution has already in general achieved the highest point of fruition that can be reached under capitalism. Mankind’s productive forces stagnate". This is the famous statement that sounds like a thunderclap from the first lines of the programmatic document that Trotsky wrote in 1938 for the founding conference of the Fourth International. The productive forces have reached the highest point they can reach under capitalism; the masses tend to become more and more revolutionary, but are held back by opportunist leadership; capitalism being in permanent crisis, it can no longer be a question of any rise in the standard of living of the masses. This is the diagnosis of the first three chapters of this programme which lead to the conclusion that from now on, for the whole era of the decline of capitalism, the role of the Marxists is to present to the masses a transitional programme. "The strategic task of the next period – pre-revolutionary period of agitation, propaganda and organization – consists in overcoming the contradiction between the maturity of the objective revolutionary conditions and the immaturity of the proletariat and its vanguard (the confusion and disappointment of the older generation, the inexperience of the younger generation). It is necessary to help the masses in the process of the daily struggle to find the bridge between present demand and the socialist programme of the revolution. This bridge should include a system of transitional demands, stemming from today’s conditions and from today’s consciousness of wide layers of the working class and unalterably leading to one final conclusion: the conquest of power by the proletariat". -
A Spartacist Pamphlet 75¢
A Spartacist Pamphlet 75¢ On the ivil Rights Movement ·~~i~;~~·X523 Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, N.Y. 10116 ---------,.,," ._-- 2 Table of Introduction Contents When on I December 1955 Rosa open the road to freedom for black Parks of Montgomery, Alabama re people. With this understanding the fused to give up her seat on a bus to a early Spartacist tendency fought to Introduction ................ 2 white man, she sparked a new and break the civil rights militants from the convulsive period in modern American Democratic/ Dixiecratic Party and to history. For over a decade black forge a Freedom/Labor Party, linking -Reprinted from Workers Vanguard struggle for equality and democratic the mass movement for black equality No. 207, 26 May 1978 rights dominated political life in this with the working-class struggle against country. From the lunch counter sit-ins Ten Years After Assassination capital. and "freedom rides" in the Jim Crow The reformist "left" groups, particu Bourgeoisie Celebrates South to the ghetto explosions in the larly the Communist Party and Socialist King's Liberal Pacifism .... 4 North, black anger shook white racist Party, sought actively to keep the America. explosive civil rights activism "respect Amid the present anti-Soviet war able" and firmly in the death-grip of the -Reprinted from Young Spartacus Nos. 115 hysteria of the Reagan years, it is white liberals and black preachers. For and 116, February and March 1984 important to recall an aspect of the civil example the SP was hand in glove with The Man That rights movement which is now easily the establishment black leaders in Liberals Feared and Hated forgotten. -
Salgado Munoz, Manuel (2019) Origins of Permanent Revolution Theory: the Formation of Marxism As a Tradition (1865-1895) and 'The First Trotsky'
Salgado Munoz, Manuel (2019) Origins of permanent revolution theory: the formation of Marxism as a tradition (1865-1895) and 'the first Trotsky'. Introductory dimensions. MRes thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/74328/ Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] Origins of permanent revolution theory: the formation of Marxism as a tradition (1865-1895) and 'the first Trotsky'. Introductory dimensions Full name of Author: Manuel Salgado Munoz Any qualifications: Sociologist Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Master of Research School of Social & Political Sciences, Sociology Supervisor: Neil Davidson University of Glasgow March-April 2019 Abstract Investigating the period of emergence of Marxism as a tradition between 1865 and 1895, this work examines some key questions elucidating Trotsky's theoretical developments during the first decade of the XXth century. Emphasizing the role of such authors like Plekhanov, Johann Baptists von Schweitzer, Lenin and Zetkin in the developing of a 'Classical Marxism' that served as the foundation of the first formulation of Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution, it treats three introductory dimensions of this larger problematic: primitive communism and its feminist implications, the debate on the relations between the productive forces and the relations of production, and the first apprehensions of Marx's economic mature works. -
Education for Socialists
Education for Socialists Class Guides for the Study of Marxism Volume 2 2 Education for Socialists Contents Party leadership & functioning ........................................................4 Class 1. The vanguard party & its leadership......................................................... 4 Class 2. The organisation & functioning of the party............................................ 5 Class 3. The Struggle for a Proletarian Party — I................................................... 6 Class 4. The Struggle for a Proletarian Party — II.................................................7 Class 5. Common problems for organisers...........................................................8 Reading list.............................................................................................................. 9 Introduction to the Marxist Classics .............................................10 Class 1. The Communist Manifesto (I)................................................................ 10 Class 2. The Communist Manifesto (II)............................................................... 12 Class 3. Wage Labour & Capital........................................................................... 14 Class 4. Socialism: Utopian & Scientific................................................................ 15 Class 5. What Is To Be Done? (I).......................................................................... 15 Class 6. What Is To Be Done? (II)........................................................................ 16 Class -
History of the Class Struggle in Hungary 1919-1945
Barricade Collective History of the class struggle in Hungary 1919-1945 The period of retorsion As the part of the breaking down of the 1917-23 revolutionary wave the bourgeoisie used very manifold means, took advantage of the weaknesses of the proletariat, to beat back the proletarian revolution in Hungary. When the self-organizing proletariat was actively fighting against the imperialist war by force of arms, organizing extended strike movement, forming workers’ councils, looting, as well as started the liquidation of the bourgeoisie, a “radical” framing force was needed which could counteract the extension and centralization of the struggles, the organization of the proletariat as a party. This role was played by the Bolshevik movement which, in spite of that it gained its strength mainly from the proletariat and its leadership, in words, was for the revolution (of course it wanted to carry out the revolution by the specific Bolshevik scheme: it sought to withdraw the old ruling class in order that it could establish the radical social democratic form of capitalism controlled by the Bolsheviks), during the period of deap crisis of capital, when there were good conditions for proletarian self-organization and for the total destruction of capitalist structures, it was objectively counter- revolutionary. The Bolsheviks backed by the moderate social democrats established the so-called Hungarian Council Republic, a structure of power which was able to successfully counteract the radicalisation of the masses. Under their reign the Bolshevik leadership was acting the part of the grave-digger of the struggling proletariat and doing so encouraged the sweep of the counter-revolution. -
Latin American Critical Thought Latin American Critical Thought: Theory and Practice / Compilado Por Alberto L
Jorge Arzate Salgado Este libro contiene una serie de trabajos que desdoblan el sentido Latin American Jorge Arzate Salgado de la pobreza como carencia, es decir, presentan las situaciones Doctor en Sociología (Universidad de Salamanca). Doctor en Sociología (Universidad de Salamanca). de pobreza en tanto que formas de vida. Para la tarea se acude al Docente e investigador en la Facultad de Ciencias Docente e investigador en la Facultad de Ciencias uso de categorías sociológicas como la de clase, género, espacio Critical Thought Políticas y Sociales de la Universidad Autónoma del Políticas y Sociales de la Universidad Autónoma del regional, etnia, estructura social. Cada texto presenta una versión Estado de México. Miembro del Sistema Nacional de Estado de México. Miembro del Sistema Nacional de crítica de lo que es la reproducción de la pobreza, por lo que ésta Investigadores. Ha publicado más de cincuenta Investigadores. Ha publicado más de cincuenta es descentrada de su orden estadístico y es colocada como Theory and Practice trabajos académicos y ha sido conferencista en trabajos académicos y ha sido conferencista en referencia a un sistema de relaciones sociales y económicas diversos países de Iberoamérica. diversos países de Iberoamérica. situadas históricamente. Los actores aparecen no sólo como reproductores pasivos de las situaciones de carencia, sino Alicia B. Gutiérrez Alicia B. Gutiérrez como sujetos activos que construyen su tiempo vital, sus Doctora en Sociología (EHSS) y Doctora en Antropología instituciones sociales y económicas, -
Revolutionary Marxism 2019 Special Annual English Edition
Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement. V. I. Lenin, What is to be done? Revolutionary Marxism 2019 Special annual English edition www.devrimcimarksizm.net [email protected] Devrimci Marksizm Üç aylık politik/teorik dergi (Yerel, süreli yayın) İngilizce yıllık özel sayı Sahibi ve Sorumlu Yazı İşleri Müdürü: Şiar Rişvanoğlu Yönetim Yeri: Adliye Arkası 3. Sokak Tüzün İşhanı No: 22/2 ADANA Baskı: Net Copy Center, Özel Baskı Çözümleri, Ömer Avni Mh., İnönü Cad./ Beytül Malcı Sok. 23/A, 34427 Beyoğlu/İstanbul Tel: +90-4440708 Yurtdışı Fiyatı: 10 Avro Kıbrıs Fiyatı: 20 TL Fiyatı: 15 TL (KDV Dahil) Cover Photo Soviet troops examining the fallen eagle – the symbol of Nazism (Berlin, 1945). Revolutionary Marxism 2019 CONTENTS In this issue 5 Fascism Sungur Savran The return of barbarism: Fascism in the 21st 15 century (1): Historical roots: classical fascism Mustafa Kemal Coşkun Is fascism a non-class ideology? 49 Turkey Kurtar Tanyılmaz Turkey’s economic crisis 55 Topics in the history of socialism Armağan Tulunay The greatest revolutionary woman in 69 history: Rosa Luxemburg Burak Gürel The road to capitalist restoration in the 85 People’s Republic of China: Maoism, bureaucracy, and mass movements Celia Hart Welcome … Trotsky 109 Sungur Savran Captive Bolshevik: Nâzım Hikmet and 119 Stalinism 40th anniversary of the Iranian Revolution Praxis Collective How did the Iranian revolution transmute? 145 Araz Bağban A revolution between two dictatorships 159 Network of Marxist journals Tamás Krausz The Hungarian Soviet Republic from a 179 century-long perspective Katerina Matsa October 1917 and the everyday life of the 185 Soviet masses Jock Palfreeman Marx and human rights 197 In this issue More than ten years have passed since the collapse of the US financial system and the beginning of the Third Great Depression of capitalism. -
Redalyc.Lenin and the National Question. Beyond Essentialism And
Nómadas ISSN: 1578-6730 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Castien Maestro, Juan Ignacio Lenin and the national question. Beyond essentialism and constructionism Nómadas, vol. 49, 2016 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=18153282004 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Nómadas. Revista Crítica de Ciencias Sociales y Jurídicas Volumen Especial: Mediterranean Perspectives | 49 (2016) LENIN AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION. BEYOND ESSENTIALISM AND CONSTRUCTIONISM * Juan Ignacio Castien Maestro Complutense University of Madrid *Translated into english by Rodrigo Benito García-Retamero http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/NOMA.53536 Abstract.- Lenin's analysis of the 'national question' shows numerous virtualities from a theoretical and political perspective. We are going to examine some of the theoretical conceptions which seem to underlie his view on the national question. In our opinion, these conceptions are a commendable work since they represent an alternative to the dilemma of essentialism and constructivism through which the social contemporary thinking has often fluctuated. Whereas essentialism tends to consider the national fact as a reality by nature and since time immemorial, constructionist approaches like those of Benedict Anderson and Ernest Gellner have insisted on its relatively recent political construction nature. Despite its unquestionable merits, this approach has often fallen into an excessively artificial perspective. According to it, the fabrication of any national identity would be possible with the appropriate skills to do so.