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In Defence of Trotskyism No. 31 In Defence of Trotskyism No. 31 £1 waged, 50p unwaged/low waged, €1.50 The April Theses and Permanent Revolution By Gerry Downing Trotsky’s theory pro- posed that the socialist revolution was necessary because of the combined and unequal character of the Russian economy. It had a highly concentrat- ed working class at the centre of huge modern factories and a weak bourgeoisie at the centre of an overwhelmingly peasant economy. This would enable the work- ing class to take power in Russia first. However, this revolution had to be uninter- rupted: it could only begin on a national scale, but it could not halt at the spontaneous demo- cratic stage. Rather it must proceed directly to socialism. This could only be completed on the international scale, with the victory of the working class in advanced metropolitan coun- tries, particularly Germany. This is the essen- tial political content of the April Theses. Charges of Trotsky’s failure to recognise the vital necessity for a democratic centralist par- ty of professional revolutionaries deeply em- bedded in the leadership of the working class are immediately conceded, as Trotsky himself did in 1917, as soon as he realised his mis- takes and whenever the issue later arose. trade union bureaucracy and their allies in the Where We Stand Labour party leadership as the most funda- WE STAND WITH KARL MARX: ‘The mental obstacle to the struggle for power of emancipation of the working classes must be the working class, outside of the state forces conquered by the working classes themselves. and their direct agencies themselves, we must The struggle for the emancipation of the fight and defeat and replace them with a revo- working class means not a struggle for class lutionary leadership by mobilising the base privileges and monopolies but for equal rights against the pro-capitalist bureaucratic mis- and duties and the abolition of all class leaders to open the way forward for the strug- rule’ (The International Workingmen’s Asso- gle for workers’ power. ciation 1864, General Rules). We are fully in support of all mass mobilisa- The capitalist state consists, in the last analy- tions against the onslaught of this reactionary sis, of ruling-class laws within a judicial sys- Con-Lib Dem coalition. However, whilst par- tem and detention centres overseen by the ticipating in this struggle we will oppose all armed bodies of police/army who are under policies which subordinate the working class the direction and are controlled in acts of to the political agenda of the petty-bourgeois defence of capitalist property rights against reformist leaders of the Labour party and the interests of the majority of civil society. trade unions The working class must overthrow the capi- We oppose all immigration controls. Interna- talist state and replace it with a workers’ state tional finance capital roams the planet in based on democratic soviets/workers’ coun- search of profit and imperialist governments cils to suppress the inevitable counter- disrupts the lives of workers and cause the revolution of private capitalist profit against collapse of whole nations with their direct planned production for the satisfaction of intervention in the Balkans, Iraq and Afghani- socialised human need. stan and their proxy wars in Somalia and the We recognise the necessity for revolutionaries Democratic Republic of the Congo, etc. to carry out serious ideological and political Workers have the right to sell their labour struggle as direct participants in the trade internationally wherever they get the best unions (always) and in the mass reformist price. Only union membership and pay rates social democratic bourgeois workers’ parties can counter employers who seek to exploit despite their pro-capitalist leaderships when immigrant workers as cheap labour to under- conditions are favourable. Because we see the mine the gains of past struggles. In Defence of Trotsky- Socialist Fight is a member of the Liaison Committee for the ism is produced by So- Fourth International with: cialist Fight. First 5 is- The Communist Workers Front, Brazil The Socialist Workers League, USA and Tendencia Militante Bol- sues are A4 format @£2 chevique, Argentina and from No. 6 are A5 Contact: Socialist Fight PO Box 59188, London, NW2 9LJ, @£1. Add postage £2 [email protected], https://socialistfight.com/ and enquire for larger Communist Workers Front—Brazil orders. Cheques and http://lcligacomunista.blogspot.co.uk/ SOs to Socialist Fight Tendencia Militante Bolchevique, Argentina, Account No. 1, Unity http://tmb1917.blogspot.co.uk/ Trust Bank, Sort Code, The Socialist Workers League, USA, 08-60-01, Account. No. http:/workerssocialistleague.blogspot.co.uk/ Signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of Socialist 20227368. Fight. 2 The April Theses and Permanent Revolution: An updated and edited version of a 2007 polemic with the Weekly Worker’s Jack Conrad and Mike Mcnair struggle for a democratic republic is clearly a false A stage that will allow a social- ist revolution (workers’ republic) to be fought for as the next stage in a revolu- tion but in the indefinite future. This Menshevik position allows the CPGB/ Weekly Worker to appear far more or- thodox in relation to the RDG’s Dem- ocratic Republic in Britain programme than they really are by defending Lenin’s pre-1917 ‘democratic dictator- ship of the proletariat and peasantry’, condemning stageism, but crucially having the same governmental slogan for the democratic republic. We will, therefore, analyse stageism and how revolutionaries understood the character of the coming revolu- tions in 19th century Germany and early 20th century Russia. We will look at its genesis in the writings of Marx mal Ataturk and the failed Chinese rev- and Engels, its relevance to the pro- olutionary epoch which ended of 1927 grammes of the German social democ- with the massacre of the Shanghai So- racy and its effects on the Russian viet. SDLP (Bolshevik). Then to Lenin’s Im- The victory of Hitler in 1933, Stalin- perialism the Highest Stage of Capitalism of ism’s abandonment of third-stage ultra 1916 and its significance for the turn -leftism and the adoption of popular that he made in the April Theses and to frontism (total collapse into stageism) the Russian Revolution itself, the failed in 1934-35 signalled for Trotsky the revolutions in Germany in 1918-19 and need for the Transitional Programme 1923 the massacre of the Turkish as the programmatic perspectives of a Communists in 1920 by Mustafa Ke- new international. We have argued that 3 these perspectives and the programmatic ori- entation that flowed from them were fully justified by the revolu- tionary situations that developed at the end of World War II.[1] International revolu- tionary leadership was the prime question for humanity and democratic state [the CPGB’s “extreme the crushing of these revolutions by democracy”?] is inadequate because it is the alliance between Stalinism and based on this fundamental contradic- world imperialism proved that point tion between the political state and civil in the negative. society.” And: Marx and Lenin, 1843 to 1905 “In political democracy” man - not In 1843 Marx wrote On the Jewish merely one man, but every man - is Question, in which he argues with Bru- there considered a sovereign being, a no Bauer on the freeing of the Jews supreme being; but it is uneducated, from the ghettos that “to be political- unsocial man... man as he has been cor- ly emancipated from religion is not to rupted, lost to himself, alienated, sub- be finally and completely emancipated jected to the rule of inhuman condi- from religion because political eman- tions and elements, by the whole organ- cipation is not the final and absolute isation of our society - in short man form of human emancipation”. who is not yet a real species-being.” [2] He goes on to generalise this idea: However, in the Economic and Philo- abolishing political inequality in gen- sophical Manuscripts of 1844 Marx de- eral fails to look at social and eco- veloped this theory of alienation to nomic man. Several states in the US locate it in the labour process itself had abolished the property qualifica- and the working class as the revolu- tion for voting, “but the political sup- tionary class. The products of his pression of private property not only own labour in an ever-deepening cri- does not abolish private property: it sis oppresses man. Congealed labour, presupposes its existence”. capital, stands above him and outside As CJ Arthur argues in his introduc- of him and necessarily produces and tion to Marx and Engels’s The German reinforces private property, just as Ideology: man creates a god in the sky as an idealised self and then becomes op- “Marx considers even the most perfect 4 pressed by his own creation. dom in 1862) were aspiring to the Here is Marx setting out his break position of the landlords. The poorer with Hegel and Feuerbach: his new peasantry was being ground under- world outlook, which really does de- foot even more viciously than ever. mand a socialist and not a democratic The stage of capitalist exploitation revolution. The agency of the revolu- was unavoidable, he thought. Yes, as tion, the working class, had not yet against the bogus egalitarianism of developed its organisational and po- feudal rural relationships; no, as litical strength sufficiently to produce against the international socialist rev- soviets until 1905 in Russia and so olution. Therein lay the confusion solve the dichotomy between the po- lodged in ‘the democratic dictator- litical and the social. Nevertheless, it ship of the proletariat and peasantry’. was to social man that Marx devoted Following the defeat of the 1848 the rest of his efforts until his death revolutions Marx drew the political in 1883.
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