Labor Valorization and Social Reproduction: What Is Valuable About the Labor Theory of Value?
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
In Defence of Trotskyism No. 31
In Defence of Trotskyism No. 31 £1 waged, 50p unwaged/low waged, €1.50 The April Theses and Permanent Revolution By Gerry Downing Trotsky’s theory pro- posed that the socialist revolution was necessary because of the combined and unequal character of the Russian economy. It had a highly concentrat- ed working class at the centre of huge modern factories and a weak bourgeoisie at the centre of an overwhelmingly peasant economy. This would enable the work- ing class to take power in Russia first. However, this revolution had to be uninter- rupted: it could only begin on a national scale, but it could not halt at the spontaneous demo- cratic stage. Rather it must proceed directly to socialism. This could only be completed on the international scale, with the victory of the working class in advanced metropolitan coun- tries, particularly Germany. This is the essen- tial political content of the April Theses. Charges of Trotsky’s failure to recognise the vital necessity for a democratic centralist par- ty of professional revolutionaries deeply em- bedded in the leadership of the working class are immediately conceded, as Trotsky himself did in 1917, as soon as he realised his mis- takes and whenever the issue later arose. trade union bureaucracy and their allies in the Where We Stand Labour party leadership as the most funda- WE STAND WITH KARL MARX: ‘The mental obstacle to the struggle for power of emancipation of the working classes must be the working class, outside of the state forces conquered by the working classes themselves. and their direct agencies themselves, we must The struggle for the emancipation of the fight and defeat and replace them with a revo- working class means not a struggle for class lutionary leadership by mobilising the base privileges and monopolies but for equal rights against the pro-capitalist bureaucratic mis- and duties and the abolition of all class leaders to open the way forward for the strug- rule’ (The International Workingmen’s Asso- gle for workers’ power. -
FROM MAOISM to TROTSKYISM -Reprinted from WORKERS VANGUARD, No.1, October 1971
iii PREFACE The Communist Horking Collective originated tvhen a small group of Ivlaoists came together in Los Angeles to undertake an intensive investigation of the history of the communist movement in order to develop a strategy for the U.S. ,socialist revolution. Its study of the essentials of Stalinist and Maoist theory led the CWC to the inescapable conclusion that the theory of IISocialism in One Country" is in irreconcilable opposition to revolutionary internationalism. The consolidation of the CWC around Trotskyism and its systematic study of the various ostensible Trotskyist international tendencies was culminated in the fusion between the CWC and the Spartacist League in September 1971. The brief history of the Ct'lC which appeared originally in the first issue of Workers Vanguard (see page viii) alludes to the splits of the CWC's founding cadre from the Revolutionary Union (RU) and the California Communist League (CCL). To convey the genesis of this process, we have included a number of forerunner documents going back to the original split from the CPUSA on the 50th anniver sary of the October Revolution. The original resignation of comrade~ Treiger and Miller began the "floundering about for three years ••• seeking in Mao Tse Tung Thought a revolutionary al ternati ve to the revisionists." Treiger went on to help found the CWC; fUller con tinued to uphold the dogmatic tradition and declined to even answer the "Letter to a IvIao~_st" (see page 30). Why the Critique of "Tvw Stages"? The lynchpin on which all variants of the fJIaoist "t"t'lO stage" theory of revolution rest--whether applied to the advanced countries or to the colonial world--is collaboration with the ruling class or a section of it during the initial "stage." Early in its develop ment the CWC had rejected the conception as it was applied to the Un1 ted States, but believed it remained applicable to the col'onial revolution. -
The Revolutionary Internationalist League on Workers Power
The Revolutionary Internationalist League On Workers Power RIL on Workers Power in 1995 “This position has got the LRCI leadership into a series of hopeless tangles and convoluted arguments, as their positions have zigzagged in response to the shifting circumstances of the Bosnian war. One general feature has become steadily more pronounced however, the adaptation to the feeling among sections of liberal western opinion that ‘our' governments must ’do something' – a sentiment that plays directly into the hands of imperialism. So now we have the ludicrous position of the LRCI trying to sound revolutionary, and calling for the UN and NATO out of the Balkans and condemning the bombing, while at the same time demanding that 'our' government sends arms to the Bosnian forces and opens the borders to (Islamic) ‘volunteers‘ going to fight with them. In other words Workers Power does not want the imperialists to fight in the Balkans; they just want them to get their clients and proxies to do the fighting! No wonder that this reactionary nonsense has blown the LRCI apart and exposed it as an unprincipled bloc.” That is exactly what they did/do in Libya and Syria today! This document could be published by us but it would need a long introduction to clarify the differences on the questions of the Anti Imperialist United Front and Special Oppression. But is has very valuable insights on the politics of Workers Power and the RCIT today. This documant was written by Nick De Marco, now a rich Barrister who has abandonded all revolutionary politics. He defends rich FA clubs against players compensation claims and is/was a director of Queens Park Rangers. -
Wages for Housework: Reflections for Malaysia
DISCUSSION PAPER 04/21 | 06 JULY 2021 Wages for Housework: Reflections for Malaysia Christopher Choong Khazanah Research Institute The KRI Discussion Papers are a series of research documents by the author(s) discussing and examining pressing and emerging issues. They are stand-alone products published to stimulate discussion and contribute to public discourse. In that respect, readers are encouraged to submit their comments directly to the authors. The views and opinions expressed are those of the author and may not necessarily represent the official views of KRI. All errors remain authors’ own. DISCUSSION PAPER 04/21 | 06 JULY 2021 Wages for Housework: Reflections for Malaysia This discussion paper was prepared by Christopher Choong Weng Wai from the Khazanah Research Institute (KRI). This paper is adapted from essays submitted to the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), made possible by support from the Atlantic Fellows in Social and Economic Equity (AFSEE) Programme. The author is grateful to anonymous reviewers from the LSE for their valuable comments on the earlier essays. The views expressed are solely those of the author and do not represent those of the LSE and AFSEE. Authors’ email address: [email protected] Attribution – Please cite the work as follows: Christopher Choong Weng Wai. 2021. Wages for Housework: Reflections for Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Khazanah Research Institute. License: Creative Commons Attribution CC BY 3.0. Information on Khazanah Research Institute publications and digital -
Programme Communiste – Trotskyism
Programme Communiste – Trotskyism – Part III Critique of the Transitional Programme "The economic prerequisite for the proletarian revolution has already in general achieved the highest point of fruition that can be reached under capitalism. Mankind’s productive forces stagnate". This is the famous statement that sounds like a thunderclap from the first lines of the programmatic document that Trotsky wrote in 1938 for the founding conference of the Fourth International. The productive forces have reached the highest point they can reach under capitalism; the masses tend to become more and more revolutionary, but are held back by opportunist leadership; capitalism being in permanent crisis, it can no longer be a question of any rise in the standard of living of the masses. This is the diagnosis of the first three chapters of this programme which lead to the conclusion that from now on, for the whole era of the decline of capitalism, the role of the Marxists is to present to the masses a transitional programme. "The strategic task of the next period – pre-revolutionary period of agitation, propaganda and organization – consists in overcoming the contradiction between the maturity of the objective revolutionary conditions and the immaturity of the proletariat and its vanguard (the confusion and disappointment of the older generation, the inexperience of the younger generation). It is necessary to help the masses in the process of the daily struggle to find the bridge between present demand and the socialist programme of the revolution. This bridge should include a system of transitional demands, stemming from today’s conditions and from today’s consciousness of wide layers of the working class and unalterably leading to one final conclusion: the conquest of power by the proletariat". -
A Spartacist Pamphlet 75¢
A Spartacist Pamphlet 75¢ On the ivil Rights Movement ·~~i~;~~·X523 Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, N.Y. 10116 ---------,.,," ._-- 2 Table of Introduction Contents When on I December 1955 Rosa open the road to freedom for black Parks of Montgomery, Alabama re people. With this understanding the fused to give up her seat on a bus to a early Spartacist tendency fought to Introduction ................ 2 white man, she sparked a new and break the civil rights militants from the convulsive period in modern American Democratic/ Dixiecratic Party and to history. For over a decade black forge a Freedom/Labor Party, linking -Reprinted from Workers Vanguard struggle for equality and democratic the mass movement for black equality No. 207, 26 May 1978 rights dominated political life in this with the working-class struggle against country. From the lunch counter sit-ins Ten Years After Assassination capital. and "freedom rides" in the Jim Crow The reformist "left" groups, particu Bourgeoisie Celebrates South to the ghetto explosions in the larly the Communist Party and Socialist King's Liberal Pacifism .... 4 North, black anger shook white racist Party, sought actively to keep the America. explosive civil rights activism "respect Amid the present anti-Soviet war able" and firmly in the death-grip of the -Reprinted from Young Spartacus Nos. 115 hysteria of the Reagan years, it is white liberals and black preachers. For and 116, February and March 1984 important to recall an aspect of the civil example the SP was hand in glove with The Man That rights movement which is now easily the establishment black leaders in Liberals Feared and Hated forgotten. -
The Survival of Capitalism: Reproduction of the Relations Of
THE SURVIVAL OF CAPITALISM Henri Lefebvre THE SURVIVAL OF CAPITALISM Reproduction of the Relations of Production Translated by Frank Bryant St. Martin's Press, New York. Copyright © 1973 by Editions Anthropos Translation copyright © 1976 by Allison & Busby All rights reserved. For information, write: StMartin's Press. Inc.• 175 Fifth Avenue. New York. N.Y. 10010 Printed in Great Britain Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 75-32932 First published in the United States of America in 1976 AFFILIATED PUBLISHERS: Macmillan Limited. London also at Bombay. Calcutta, Madras and Melbourne CONTENTS 1. The discovery 7 2. Reproduction of the relations of production 42 3. Is the working class revolutionary? 92 4. Ideologies of growth 102 5. Alternatives 120 Index 128 1 THE DISCOVERY I The reproduction of the relations of production, both as a con cept and as a reality, has not been "discovered": it has revealed itself. Neither the adventurer in knowledge nor the mere recorder of facts can sight this "continent" before actually exploring it. If it exists, it rose from the waves like a reef, together with the ocean itself and the spray. The metaphor "continent" stands for capitalism as a mode of production, a totality which has never been systematised or achieved, is never "over and done with", and is still being realised. It has taken a considerable period of work to say exactly what it is that is revealing itself. Before the question could be accurately formulated a whole constellation of concepts had to be elaborated through a series of approximations: "the everyday", "the urban", "the repetitive" and "the differential"; "strategies". -
The Critique of Real Abstraction: from the Critical Theory of Society to the Critique of Political Economy and Back Again
The Critique of Real Abstraction: from the Critical Theory of Society to the Critique of Political Economy and Back Again Chris O’Kane John Jay, CUNY [email protected] There has been a renewed engagement with the idea of real abstraction in recent years. Scholars associated with the New Reading of Marx, such as Moishe Postone, Chris Arthur, Michael Heinrich, Patrick Murray, Riccardo Bellofiore and others,1 have employed the idea in their important reconstructions of Marx’s critique of political economy. Alberto Toscano, Endnotes, Jason W. Moore and others have utilized and extended these theorizations to concieve of race, gender, and nature as real abstractions. Both the New Reading and these new theories of real abstraction have provided invaluable work; the former in systematizing Marx’s inconsistent and unfinished theory of value as a theory of the abstract social domination of capital accumulation and reproduction; the latter in supplementing such a theory. Yet their exclusive focus on real abstraction in relation to the critique of political economy means that the critical marxian theories of real abstraction -- developed by Alfred Sohn- Rethel, Theodor W. Adorno and Henri Lefebvre -- have been mostly bypassed by the latter and have largely served as the object of trenchant criticism for their insufficient grasp of Marx’s theory of value by the former. Consequently these new readings and new theories of real abstraction elide important aspects of Sohn-Rethel, Adorno and Lefebvre’s critiques of real abstraction; which sought to develop Marx’s critique of political economy into objective-subjective critical theories of the reproduction of capitalist society.2 However, two recent works by 1 Moishe Postone’s interpretation of real abstraction will be discussed below. -
The Social Life of Gender Dedicated to Saba Mahmood, Whose Brilliant Scholarship Has Challenged and Inspired Our Thinking About the Meaning and Goals of Feminism
The Social Life of Gender Dedicated to Saba Mahmood, whose brilliant scholarship has challenged and inspired our thinking about the meaning and goals of feminism. CHAPTER Politicizing Gender 9 Gowri Vijayakumar and Katherine Maich The previous chapters have examined how gendered norms, practices, ideologies, and institutions shape social life. This chapter explores how movements create changes in gender relations by tracing the history of feminist activism since the late 19th century. Feminist activism is typically described as involving three “waves”: the first wave of the late 1800s and early 1900s, when women organized for voting and other legal rights; the second wave of the 1960s and 1970s, when women organized for workplace equality and against sexual violence; and the third wave of the 1990s and beyond, when the category of “woman” increasingly became contested and feminists of color pushed for an understanding of gender and sexuality with attention to race, class, and colonialism. This chapter takes a different approach: Instead of describing feminist movements as consecutive waves, we will look at feminist movements as involving multiple “currents” that sometimes intersect, sometimes join, and sometimes emerge in tension with one another. The chapter shows that like other social movements, feminist activism has historically been influenced by and reproduced multiple social inequalities. Though the chapter primarily examines feminisms in the United States, it also looks at the global context for feminist activism and the powerful influence of feminists in Europe, Asia, Latin America, and Africa on U.S. feminisms. The chapter concludes by showing how activists around the world challenge and transform gender relations in many ways, including in ways not typically defined as feminist. -
On the Reproduction of Capitalism
LOUIS AL THUSSER was born in Algeria in 1918 and died in France in 1990. He taught philosophy for many years at the Ecole N ormale Superieure in Paris and was a leading intellectual in the French Communist Party. His books include For Marx; Reading Capital (with Etienne Balibar); On Ideolo,u; Politics and History: ,\1ontcsquieu, Rousseau, A1arx; 1\1acl1iavelli and Us; and The Specture efHegel. On the Reproduction of Capitalislll Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses LOUIS ALTHUSSER PREFACE BY ETIENNE BALIBAR INTRODUCTION BY JACQUES BIDET TRANSLATED BY G. M. GOSHGARIAN VERSO London • New York This Engfoh-lJ11gu.1ge edition published by Verso 21114 TL1nsLition £: G. M. Goshgarian 2()14 First published as Sur la reprod1w1011 ,:G:. Presses Universitaires de France 1995 Preface£: Etienne l:lalibar 21114 Introduction£: Jacques Bidet 21114 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses' first appeared in Louis Althusser. Lc11i11 <111d P!tilosoplt)' a11d Otltcr Essays. tram. Ben Brewster. London. New Lett Books. 1971. The translation has been modified. 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses,' translation 1;; Ben Brewster 1971. 1994, 2U14 All rights reserved The moral rights of the authors have been asserted 135791118642 Verso UK: 6 Meard Street, London W1 F OEG US: 211Jay Street, Suite 111111, Brooklyn, NY 112111 W\V\V. versobooks.con1 Verso is the imprint of New Left Books ISBN-13: 978-1-78168-164-11 (PBK) ISl:lN-13: 978-1-78168-165-7 (HBK) e!SBN-13: 978-1-78168-215-9 (US) eISBN-13: 978-1-78168-524-2 (UK) British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
TRANSFEMINISM Elia A.G. Arfini
TRANSFEMINISM Elia A.G. Arfini THE ENTANGLEMENTS BETWEEN queer, trans and feminist com- plicate the investigation of transfeminism and its genealogies, with particular attention to the continental dimension. Transfeminism is understood here not as a monolithic theoretical concept but rather as a field of practices and discourses, cultures and desires, struggles, and locations. The European, and Southern-European in particular, expres- sion of the field is certainly less codified then its Anglo-American counterpart, yet we argue it is precisely its blurriness, situated and anti- institutional character that allows transfeminism to be a useful keyword to queer the 2020s. Transfeminism is a keyword indeed, an instance of the many iterations of trans as a troubling agent. “Trans-” is the “evil twin” (Stryker 2004) of many academic areas of inquiry and political cultures, less definitive then “post-,” it nonetheless indicate a displace- ment, a pressure on boundaries, an expansive move (Stryker et al. 2008). Transgender, in particular, invites us to confront nothing less than the limits of our desires and the gender binary infrastructure that sustains them. The term transfeminism is also marked by a capacity to be situat- ed and very specific to the conditions of its emergence and use ( Bettcher and Stryker 2016). On the one hand, in the Anglophone area, transfeminism is under- stood as a political standpoint of inclusion of trans women into the lib- eration struggles of all women. In this sense, transfeminism is mainly aimed at the participation of trans women into feminism and their lambda nordica 4/2019–1/2020 © The authors. Published by Föreningen Lambda Nordica under the CC BY-ND license. -
Salgado Munoz, Manuel (2019) Origins of Permanent Revolution Theory: the Formation of Marxism As a Tradition (1865-1895) and 'The First Trotsky'
Salgado Munoz, Manuel (2019) Origins of permanent revolution theory: the formation of Marxism as a tradition (1865-1895) and 'the first Trotsky'. Introductory dimensions. MRes thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/74328/ Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] Origins of permanent revolution theory: the formation of Marxism as a tradition (1865-1895) and 'the first Trotsky'. Introductory dimensions Full name of Author: Manuel Salgado Munoz Any qualifications: Sociologist Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Master of Research School of Social & Political Sciences, Sociology Supervisor: Neil Davidson University of Glasgow March-April 2019 Abstract Investigating the period of emergence of Marxism as a tradition between 1865 and 1895, this work examines some key questions elucidating Trotsky's theoretical developments during the first decade of the XXth century. Emphasizing the role of such authors like Plekhanov, Johann Baptists von Schweitzer, Lenin and Zetkin in the developing of a 'Classical Marxism' that served as the foundation of the first formulation of Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution, it treats three introductory dimensions of this larger problematic: primitive communism and its feminist implications, the debate on the relations between the productive forces and the relations of production, and the first apprehensions of Marx's economic mature works.