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In Defence of Trotskyism No. 31
In Defence of Trotskyism No. 31 £1 waged, 50p unwaged/low waged, €1.50 The April Theses and Permanent Revolution By Gerry Downing Trotsky’s theory pro- posed that the socialist revolution was necessary because of the combined and unequal character of the Russian economy. It had a highly concentrat- ed working class at the centre of huge modern factories and a weak bourgeoisie at the centre of an overwhelmingly peasant economy. This would enable the work- ing class to take power in Russia first. However, this revolution had to be uninter- rupted: it could only begin on a national scale, but it could not halt at the spontaneous demo- cratic stage. Rather it must proceed directly to socialism. This could only be completed on the international scale, with the victory of the working class in advanced metropolitan coun- tries, particularly Germany. This is the essen- tial political content of the April Theses. Charges of Trotsky’s failure to recognise the vital necessity for a democratic centralist par- ty of professional revolutionaries deeply em- bedded in the leadership of the working class are immediately conceded, as Trotsky himself did in 1917, as soon as he realised his mis- takes and whenever the issue later arose. trade union bureaucracy and their allies in the Where We Stand Labour party leadership as the most funda- WE STAND WITH KARL MARX: ‘The mental obstacle to the struggle for power of emancipation of the working classes must be the working class, outside of the state forces conquered by the working classes themselves. and their direct agencies themselves, we must The struggle for the emancipation of the fight and defeat and replace them with a revo- working class means not a struggle for class lutionary leadership by mobilising the base privileges and monopolies but for equal rights against the pro-capitalist bureaucratic mis- and duties and the abolition of all class leaders to open the way forward for the strug- rule’ (The International Workingmen’s Asso- gle for workers’ power. -
FROM MAOISM to TROTSKYISM -Reprinted from WORKERS VANGUARD, No.1, October 1971
iii PREFACE The Communist Horking Collective originated tvhen a small group of Ivlaoists came together in Los Angeles to undertake an intensive investigation of the history of the communist movement in order to develop a strategy for the U.S. ,socialist revolution. Its study of the essentials of Stalinist and Maoist theory led the CWC to the inescapable conclusion that the theory of IISocialism in One Country" is in irreconcilable opposition to revolutionary internationalism. The consolidation of the CWC around Trotskyism and its systematic study of the various ostensible Trotskyist international tendencies was culminated in the fusion between the CWC and the Spartacist League in September 1971. The brief history of the Ct'lC which appeared originally in the first issue of Workers Vanguard (see page viii) alludes to the splits of the CWC's founding cadre from the Revolutionary Union (RU) and the California Communist League (CCL). To convey the genesis of this process, we have included a number of forerunner documents going back to the original split from the CPUSA on the 50th anniver sary of the October Revolution. The original resignation of comrade~ Treiger and Miller began the "floundering about for three years ••• seeking in Mao Tse Tung Thought a revolutionary al ternati ve to the revisionists." Treiger went on to help found the CWC; fUller con tinued to uphold the dogmatic tradition and declined to even answer the "Letter to a IvIao~_st" (see page 30). Why the Critique of "Tvw Stages"? The lynchpin on which all variants of the fJIaoist "t"t'lO stage" theory of revolution rest--whether applied to the advanced countries or to the colonial world--is collaboration with the ruling class or a section of it during the initial "stage." Early in its develop ment the CWC had rejected the conception as it was applied to the Un1 ted States, but believed it remained applicable to the col'onial revolution. -
The Revolutionary Internationalist League on Workers Power
The Revolutionary Internationalist League On Workers Power RIL on Workers Power in 1995 “This position has got the LRCI leadership into a series of hopeless tangles and convoluted arguments, as their positions have zigzagged in response to the shifting circumstances of the Bosnian war. One general feature has become steadily more pronounced however, the adaptation to the feeling among sections of liberal western opinion that ‘our' governments must ’do something' – a sentiment that plays directly into the hands of imperialism. So now we have the ludicrous position of the LRCI trying to sound revolutionary, and calling for the UN and NATO out of the Balkans and condemning the bombing, while at the same time demanding that 'our' government sends arms to the Bosnian forces and opens the borders to (Islamic) ‘volunteers‘ going to fight with them. In other words Workers Power does not want the imperialists to fight in the Balkans; they just want them to get their clients and proxies to do the fighting! No wonder that this reactionary nonsense has blown the LRCI apart and exposed it as an unprincipled bloc.” That is exactly what they did/do in Libya and Syria today! This document could be published by us but it would need a long introduction to clarify the differences on the questions of the Anti Imperialist United Front and Special Oppression. But is has very valuable insights on the politics of Workers Power and the RCIT today. This documant was written by Nick De Marco, now a rich Barrister who has abandonded all revolutionary politics. He defends rich FA clubs against players compensation claims and is/was a director of Queens Park Rangers. -
Programme Communiste – Trotskyism
Programme Communiste – Trotskyism – Part III Critique of the Transitional Programme "The economic prerequisite for the proletarian revolution has already in general achieved the highest point of fruition that can be reached under capitalism. Mankind’s productive forces stagnate". This is the famous statement that sounds like a thunderclap from the first lines of the programmatic document that Trotsky wrote in 1938 for the founding conference of the Fourth International. The productive forces have reached the highest point they can reach under capitalism; the masses tend to become more and more revolutionary, but are held back by opportunist leadership; capitalism being in permanent crisis, it can no longer be a question of any rise in the standard of living of the masses. This is the diagnosis of the first three chapters of this programme which lead to the conclusion that from now on, for the whole era of the decline of capitalism, the role of the Marxists is to present to the masses a transitional programme. "The strategic task of the next period – pre-revolutionary period of agitation, propaganda and organization – consists in overcoming the contradiction between the maturity of the objective revolutionary conditions and the immaturity of the proletariat and its vanguard (the confusion and disappointment of the older generation, the inexperience of the younger generation). It is necessary to help the masses in the process of the daily struggle to find the bridge between present demand and the socialist programme of the revolution. This bridge should include a system of transitional demands, stemming from today’s conditions and from today’s consciousness of wide layers of the working class and unalterably leading to one final conclusion: the conquest of power by the proletariat". -
A Spartacist Pamphlet 75¢
A Spartacist Pamphlet 75¢ On the ivil Rights Movement ·~~i~;~~·X523 Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, N.Y. 10116 ---------,.,," ._-- 2 Table of Introduction Contents When on I December 1955 Rosa open the road to freedom for black Parks of Montgomery, Alabama re people. With this understanding the fused to give up her seat on a bus to a early Spartacist tendency fought to Introduction ................ 2 white man, she sparked a new and break the civil rights militants from the convulsive period in modern American Democratic/ Dixiecratic Party and to history. For over a decade black forge a Freedom/Labor Party, linking -Reprinted from Workers Vanguard struggle for equality and democratic the mass movement for black equality No. 207, 26 May 1978 rights dominated political life in this with the working-class struggle against country. From the lunch counter sit-ins Ten Years After Assassination capital. and "freedom rides" in the Jim Crow The reformist "left" groups, particu Bourgeoisie Celebrates South to the ghetto explosions in the larly the Communist Party and Socialist King's Liberal Pacifism .... 4 North, black anger shook white racist Party, sought actively to keep the America. explosive civil rights activism "respect Amid the present anti-Soviet war able" and firmly in the death-grip of the -Reprinted from Young Spartacus Nos. 115 hysteria of the Reagan years, it is white liberals and black preachers. For and 116, February and March 1984 important to recall an aspect of the civil example the SP was hand in glove with The Man That rights movement which is now easily the establishment black leaders in Liberals Feared and Hated forgotten. -
Salgado Munoz, Manuel (2019) Origins of Permanent Revolution Theory: the Formation of Marxism As a Tradition (1865-1895) and 'The First Trotsky'
Salgado Munoz, Manuel (2019) Origins of permanent revolution theory: the formation of Marxism as a tradition (1865-1895) and 'the first Trotsky'. Introductory dimensions. MRes thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/74328/ Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] Origins of permanent revolution theory: the formation of Marxism as a tradition (1865-1895) and 'the first Trotsky'. Introductory dimensions Full name of Author: Manuel Salgado Munoz Any qualifications: Sociologist Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Master of Research School of Social & Political Sciences, Sociology Supervisor: Neil Davidson University of Glasgow March-April 2019 Abstract Investigating the period of emergence of Marxism as a tradition between 1865 and 1895, this work examines some key questions elucidating Trotsky's theoretical developments during the first decade of the XXth century. Emphasizing the role of such authors like Plekhanov, Johann Baptists von Schweitzer, Lenin and Zetkin in the developing of a 'Classical Marxism' that served as the foundation of the first formulation of Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution, it treats three introductory dimensions of this larger problematic: primitive communism and its feminist implications, the debate on the relations between the productive forces and the relations of production, and the first apprehensions of Marx's economic mature works. -
Education for Socialists
Education for Socialists Class Guides for the Study of Marxism Volume 2 2 Education for Socialists Contents Party leadership & functioning ........................................................4 Class 1. The vanguard party & its leadership......................................................... 4 Class 2. The organisation & functioning of the party............................................ 5 Class 3. The Struggle for a Proletarian Party — I................................................... 6 Class 4. The Struggle for a Proletarian Party — II.................................................7 Class 5. Common problems for organisers...........................................................8 Reading list.............................................................................................................. 9 Introduction to the Marxist Classics .............................................10 Class 1. The Communist Manifesto (I)................................................................ 10 Class 2. The Communist Manifesto (II)............................................................... 12 Class 3. Wage Labour & Capital........................................................................... 14 Class 4. Socialism: Utopian & Scientific................................................................ 15 Class 5. What Is To Be Done? (I).......................................................................... 15 Class 6. What Is To Be Done? (II)........................................................................ 16 Class -
Campaigning for the Labour Party but from The
Campaigning for the Labour Party but from the Outside and with Different Objectives: the Stance of the Socialist Party in the UK 2019 General Election Nicolas Sigoillot To cite this version: Nicolas Sigoillot. Campaigning for the Labour Party but from the Outside and with Different Ob- jectives: the Stance of the Socialist Party in the UK 2019 General Election. Revue française de civilisation britannique, CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d’études en civilisation britannique, 2020, XXV (3), 10.4000/rfcb.5873. hal-03250124 HAL Id: hal-03250124 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03250124 Submitted on 4 Jun 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XXV-3 | 2020 "Get Brexit Done!" The 2019 General Elections in the UK Campaigning for the Labour Party but from the Outside and with Different Objectives: the Stance of the Socialist Party in the UK 2019 General Election Faire campagne pour le parti travailliste mais depuis l’extérieur et avec des objectifs différents: -
No. 27, August 31, 1973
.0.- -0:...- ...0..-_ ~ *= - . ...... 2S¢ _ WfJR/(ERS "HIII'R'~~~,. X-523 No. 27 ::51 August 1973 '" ,\ - "'"z l g.... .... '"Cl Strikers at Mack Stamping plant try to stop supply trucks during wi Idcat. Auto workers arguing with Local Pres. Ghant (right), who opposed Mack strike. Solit/llrity House Runs Amok liS • • I cats x oDe In • elrOI UIO An upsurge of wildcat strikes in firings of 13 workers over the past few worker, William Gilbreth, who had been the proportions of the purges ofthe Mc Detroit, culminating in the second sit months, which the workers said were a fired for participation in an earlier Carthy era. Fraser denounced radicals down striko in three we~ks, has upset conscious company ploy to raise the work stoppage and had returned to the and chastised the company for having the normal pattern of contract bargain stakes at the bargaining table, putting plant to seek reinstatemenL In a planned given in to the Jefferson Ave. strikers. ing in the auto industry and caused the the union on the defensive and perhaps action, Gilbreth sat down on the lineo "If you surrender to this type of black UAW tops to reveal themselves as vir forcing it, in the interest of getting Chrysler sent the bulk of the workers mail, there is no end to it," said tual shock troops for the companies, the workers rehired, to ab.1.ndon de home immediately, but a dwindling crew Fraser, who then mobilized 1,000 UAW preserving labor-force discipline by mands (such as a dental plan) which it of militants continued to occupy the fun c t ion a r i e s, mostly from other mobilizing goon squads of functionaries might otherwise have won. -
Marxism, Nationalism and the National Question After Stalinism
MARXISM, NATIONALISM AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION AFTER STALINISM Hillel Ticktin Part 1: The Problem of Nationalism Introduction Nationalism has been crucial in preventing the victory of socialism. It broke up the socialist movement during the First World War. The Stalinist counter-revolution was itself nationalist. Formerly Stalinism and social democracy were the main barriers to working class victory. Now that social democracy and Stalinism is finished, only nationalism remains. There have been many discussions of nationalism, both from a Marxist 1 perspective as well as from right wing and often academic viewpoints. The 1 Ernest Gellner and Anthony Smith are perhaps among the best known. Anthony Smith defines nationalism thus: "By 'nationalism' I shall mean an ideological movement for the attainment and maintenance of autonomy, unity and identity of a human population, some of whose members conceive it to constitute an actual or potential 'nation.' A 'nation' in turn I shall define as a named human population sharing an historic territory, common myths and memories, a mass, public culture, a single economy and common rights and duties for all members." Smith, A. (1991) National Identity, UK: Penguin/Harmondsworth. Chp 1, 4. This definition suggests that the concept of the nation refers to a particular kind of social and cultural community, a territorial community of shared history and culture. This is the assumption of nationalists themselves, for whom the world is composed of unique historic culture-communities, to which their citizens owe a primary loyalty and which are the sole source of political power and inner freedom. This definition of a nation is little different from that J.V.Stalin. -
ON the HUMAN RIGHTS QUESTION Paul O’Connell*
This is the version of the article accepted for publication in Human Rights Quarterly published by John Hopkins University Press: https://www.press.jhu.edu/journals/human-rights-quarterly Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24788/ ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS QUESTION Paul O’Connell* ABSTRACT: There is a marked disjuncture today between the generalised critique and rejection of human rights by many progressive and critical commentators, and the embrace of the language of human rights by a variety of movements around the world engaged in struggles for social change. This divide between critical theory and critical practice raises important questions about whether and how movements for fundamental social change should engage with human rights. In contrast to a number of well-established critical dismissals of rights, this article argues, from within the Marxist tradition, that human rights can, and in some cases should, be deployed by social movements in their campaigns. However, reaching this conclusion requires developing an understanding of human rights that gives primacy to social struggle and to a nuanced understanding of the contradictory nature of human rights. KEYWORDS: human rights - critique - Marxism - contradiction - struggle - social change I. INTRODUCTION Critiques of human rights abound.1 This is by no means a recent development,2 but the very ubiquity of the language of human rights in our age,3 means that a plethora of critiques of human rights have proliferated over the last forty years. While it is true that such critiques arise from various points along the ideological and political spectrum—at times making strange bedfellows of critical theorists and reactionary politicians—what we might, broadly, term ‘the left’ has provided particularly fertile ground for critical accounts of human rights.4 Notwithstanding these critiques, and a recent spate of declarations about * Reader in Law, SOAS University of London. -
Labor Valorization and Social Reproduction: What Is Valuable About the Labor Theory of Value?
CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture ISSN 1481-4374 Purdue University Press ©Purdue University Volume 22 (2020) Issue 2 Article 4 Labor Valorization and Social Reproduction: What is Valuable about the Labor Theory of Value? Kate Doyle Griffiths CUNY Graduate Center Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/clcweb Part of the Comparative Literature Commons, European Languages and Societies Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Dedicated to the dissemination of scholarly and professional information, Purdue University Press selects, develops, and distributes quality resources in several key subject areas for which its parent university is famous, including business, technology, health, veterinary medicine, and other selected disciplines in the humanities and sciences. CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture, the peer-reviewed, full-text, and open-access learned journal in the humanities and social sciences, publishes new scholarship following tenets of the discipline of comparative literature and the field of cultural studies designated as "comparative cultural studies." Publications in the journal are indexed in the Annual Bibliography of English Language and Literature (Chadwyck-Healey), the Arts and Humanities Citation Index (Thomson Reuters ISI), the Humanities Index (Wilson), Humanities International Complete (EBSCO), the International Bibliography of the Modern Language Association of America, and Scopus (Elsevier). The journal is affiliated with the Purdue University Press monograph series of Books in Comparative Cultural Studies. Contact: <[email protected]> Recommended Citation Doyle Griffiths, Kate. "Laboralorization V and Social Reproduction: What is Valuable about the Labor Theory of Value?." CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 22.2 (2020): <https://doi.org/10.7771/1481-4374.3839> This text has been double-blind peer reviewed by 2+1 experts in the field.