Our Sacred Waters: Theorizing Kuuyam As a Decolonial Possibility
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Sec 05 11 Tribal and Cultural Resources
Tribal and Cultural Resources 5.11 TRIBAL AND CULTURAL RESOURCES 5.11.1 PURPOSE This section identifies existing cultural (including historic and archeological resources), paleontological and tribal resources within the Study Area, and provides an analysis of potential impacts associated with implementation of the General Plan Update. Potential impacts are identified and mitigation measures to address potentially significant impacts are recommended, as necessary. This section is primarily based upon the Cultural and Tribal Cultural Resources Technical Report for the Rancho Santa Margarita General Plan Update, Rancho Santa Margarita, Orange County, California (Cultural Study), and the Paleontological Resources Impact Assessment Report for the Rancho Santa Margarita General Plan Update, Orange County, California (Paleontological Assessment), both prepared by SWCA Environmental Consultants (SWCA) and dated April 2019; refer to Appendix F, Cultural/ Paleontological Resources Assessment. 5.11.2 EXISTING REGULATORY SETTING Numerous laws and regulations require Federal, State, and local agencies to consider the effects a project may have on cultural resources. These laws and regulations establish a process for compliance, define the responsibilities of the various agencies proposing the action, and prescribe the relationship among other involved agencies (i.e., State Historic Preservation Office and the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation). The National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) of 1966, as amended, the California Environmental -
HOLLYWOOD CENTER PROJECT, CITY of LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA Assembly Bill 52 Consultation Summary Report
APPENDIX O Tribal Cultural Resources Report HOLLYWOOD CENTER PROJECT, CITY OF LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA Assembly Bill 52 Consultation Summary Report April 2020 HOLLYWOOD CENTER PROJECT, CITY OF LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA Assembly Bill 52 Consultation Summary Report April 2020 Prepared by: ESA 626 Wilshire Blvd. Suite 1100 Los Angeles, CA 90017 Project Director: Monica Strauss, M.A., RPA Project Location: Hollywood (CA) USGS 7.5-minute Topographic Quad Section 10, Township 1 South, Range 14 West Acreage: Approx. 4.46 acres Assessor Parcel Numbers: 5546-004-006; 5546-004-029; 5546-004-020; 5546-004-021; 5546-004-032; 5546-030-028; 5546-030-031; 5546-030-032; 5546-030-033; and 5546-030-034 626 Wilshire Boulevard Suite 1100 Los Angeles, CA 90017 213.599.4300 esassoc.com Oakland Bend Orlando Camarillo Pasadena Delray Beach Petaluma Destin Portland Irvine Sacramento Los Angeles D170105.00 OUR COMMITMENT TO SUSTAINABILITY | ESA helps a variety of public and private sector clients plan and prepare for climate change and emerging regulations that limit GHG emissions. ESA is a registered assessor with the California Climate Action Registry, a Climate Leader, and founding reporter for the Climate Registry. ESA is also a corporate member of the U.S. Green Building Council and the Business Council on Climate Change (BC3). Internally, ESA has adopted a Sustainability Vision and Policy Statement and a plan to reduce waste and energy within our operations. This document was produced using recycled paper. Table of Contents Hollywood Center Project – Assembly Bill 52 Consultation Summary Report Page Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 1 Project Description ................................................................................................................................. 2 Project Location ............................................................................................................................. -
Indian Sandpaintings of Southern California
UC Merced Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Title Indian Sandpaintings of Southern California Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/59b7c0n9 Journal Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 9(1) ISSN 0191-3557 Author Cohen, Bill Publication Date 1987-07-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Journal of California and Great Basin Antliropology Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 4-34 (1987). Indian Sandpaintings of Southern California BILL COHEN, 746 Westholme Ave., Los Angeles, CA 90024. OANDPAINTINGS created by native south were similar in technique to the more elab ern Californians were sacred cosmological orate versions of the Navajo, they are less maps of the universe used primarily for the well known. This is because the Spanish moral instruction of young participants in a proscribed the religion in which they were psychedelic puberty ceremony. At other used and the modified native culture that times and places, the same constructions followed it was exterminated by the 1860s. could be the focus of other community ritu Southern California sandpaintings are among als, such as burials of cult participants, the rarest examples of aboriginal material ordeals associated with coming of age rites, culture because of the extreme secrecy in or vital elements in secret magical acts of which they were made, the fragility of the vengeance. The "paintings" are more accur materials employed, and the requirement that ately described as circular drawings made on the work be destroyed at the conclusion of the ground with colored earth and seeds, at the ceremony for which it was reproduced. -
The Desert Serrano of the Mojave River
The Desert Serrano of the Mojave River Mark Q. Sutton and David D. Earle Abstract century, although he noted the possible survival of The Desert Serrano of the Mojave River, little documented by “perhaps a few individuals merged among other twentieth century ethnographers, are investigated here to help un- groups” (Kroeber 1925:614). In fact, while occupation derstand their relationship with the larger and better known Moun- tain Serrano sociopolitical entity and to illuminate their unique of the Mojave River region by territorially based clan adaptation to the Mojave River and surrounding areas. In this effort communities of the Desert Serrano had ceased before new interpretations of recent and older data sets are employed. 1850, there were survivors of this group who had Kroeber proposed linguistic and cultural relationships between the been born in the desert still living at the close of the inhabitants of the Mojave River, whom he called the Vanyumé, and the Mountain Serrano living along the southern edge of the Mojave nineteenth century, as was later reported by Kroeber Desert, but the nature of those relationships was unclear. New (1959:299; also see Earle 2005:24–26). evidence on the political geography and social organization of this riverine group clarifies that they and the Mountain Serrano belonged to the same ethnic group, although the adaptation of the Desert For these reasons we attempt an “ethnography” of the Serrano was focused on riverine and desert resources. Unlike the Desert Serrano living along the Mojave River so that Mountain Serrano, the Desert Serrano participated in the exchange their place in the cultural milieu of southern Califor- system between California and the Southwest that passed through the territory of the Mojave on the Colorado River and cooperated nia can be better understood and appreciated. -
Native American Settlement to 1969
29 Context: Native American Settlement to 1969 Francisco Patencio outside the roundhouse, c. 1940. Source: Palm Springs Historical Society. FINAL DRAFT – FOR CITY COUNCIL APPROVAL City of Palm Springs Citywide Historic Context Statement & Survey Findings HISTORIC RESOURCES GROUP 30 CONTEXT: NATIVE AMERICAN SETTLEMENT TO 196923 The earliest inhabitants of the Coachella Valley are the Native people known ethnohistorically as the Cahuilla Indians. The Cahuilla territory includes the areas from the San Jacinto Mountains, the San Gorgonia Pass, and the desert regions reaching east to the Colorado River. The Cahuilla language is part of the Takic branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family and all the Cahuilla groups speak a mutually intelligible despite different dialects. The Cahuilla group that inhabited the Palm Springs area are known as the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The Cahuilla name for the area that is now Palm Springs is Sec-he, “boiling water,” named for the hot springs located in what is currently the center of the Palm Springs business district. The springs have always provided clean water, bathing, and a connection to the spiritual world, and were used for ceremonial and healing purposes.24 The Cahuilla people refer to themselves as ‘ivi’lyu’atum and are ethnographically divided into two patrilineal moieties: the Wildcats and the Coyotes. Each moiety was further divided into clans which are made up of lineages. Lineages had their own territory and hunting rights within a larger clan territory. There are a number of lineages in the Palm Springs area, which each have religious and political autonomy. Prior to European contact, Cahuilla communities established summer settlements in the palm-lined mountain canyons around the Coachella valley; oral histories and archaeological evidence indicates that they settled in the Tahquitz Canyon at least 5,000 years ago.25 The Cahuilla moved each winter to thatched shelters clustered around the natural mineral hot springs on the valley floor. -
Chapter 2. Native Languages of West-Central California
Chapter 2. Native Languages of West-Central California This chapter discusses the native language spoken at Spanish contact by people who eventually moved to missions within Costanoan language family territories. No area in North America was more crowded with distinct languages and language families than central California at the time of Spanish contact. In the chapter we will examine the information that leads scholars to conclude the following key points: The local tribes of the San Francisco Peninsula spoke San Francisco Bay Costanoan, the native language of the central and southern San Francisco Bay Area and adjacent coastal and mountain areas. San Francisco Bay Costanoan is one of six languages of the Costanoan language family, along with Karkin, Awaswas, Mutsun, Rumsen, and Chalon. The Costanoan language family is itself a branch of the Utian language family, of which Miwokan is the only other branch. The Miwokan languages are Coast Miwok, Lake Miwok, Bay Miwok, Plains Miwok, Northern Sierra Miwok, Central Sierra Miwok, and Southern Sierra Miwok. Other languages spoken by native people who moved to Franciscan missions within Costanoan language family territories were Patwin (a Wintuan Family language), Delta and Northern Valley Yokuts (Yokutsan family languages), Esselen (a language isolate) and Wappo (a Yukian family language). Below, we will first present a history of the study of the native languages within our maximal study area, with emphasis on the Costanoan languages. In succeeding sections, we will talk about the degree to which Costanoan language variation is clinal or abrupt, the amount of difference among dialects necessary to call them different languages, and the relationship of the Costanoan languages to the Miwokan languages within the Utian Family. -
Edible Seeds and Grains of California Tribes
National Plant Data Team August 2012 Edible Seeds and Grains of California Tribes and the Klamath Tribe of Oregon in the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology Collections, University of California, Berkeley August 2012 Cover photos: Left: Maidu woman harvesting tarweed seeds. Courtesy, The Field Museum, CSA1835 Right: Thick patch of elegant madia (Madia elegans) in a blue oak woodland in the Sierra foothills The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) prohibits discrimination in all its pro- grams and activities on the basis of race, color, national origin, age, disability, and where applicable, sex, marital status, familial status, parental status, religion, sex- ual orientation, genetic information, political beliefs, reprisal, or because all or a part of an individual’s income is derived from any public assistance program. (Not all prohibited bases apply to all programs.) Persons with disabilities who require alternative means for communication of program information (Braille, large print, audiotape, etc.) should contact USDA’s TARGET Center at (202) 720-2600 (voice and TDD). To file a complaint of discrimination, write to USDA, Director, Office of Civil Rights, 1400 Independence Avenue, SW., Washington, DC 20250–9410, or call (800) 795-3272 (voice) or (202) 720-6382 (TDD). USDA is an equal opportunity provider and employer. Acknowledgments This report was authored by M. Kat Anderson, ethnoecologist, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS) and Jim Effenberger, Don Joley, and Deborah J. Lionakis Meyer, senior seed bota- nists, California Department of Food and Agriculture Plant Pest Diagnostics Center. Special thanks to the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum staff, especially Joan Knudsen, Natasha Johnson, Ira Jacknis, and Thusa Chu for approving the project, helping to locate catalogue cards, and lending us seed samples from their collections. -
The Creation and Flute Lure Myths: Regional Patterns in Southern California Traditions
Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 155-178 (2001) The Creation and Flute Lure Myths: Regional Patterns in Southern California Traditions DON LAYLANDER ASM Affiliates, Inc. 543 Encinitas Blvd., Suite 114, Encinitas, GA 92024 Among the 'ways in 'which traditional narratives shed light on prehistory, regional variations in shared myths provide insights concerning cultural conservatism or fluidity and the patterns of social interaction among groups. A comparative analysis offwo myths recorded in numerous versions from southern California, 'western Arizona, and northern Baja California suggests that the region's traditional cultures 'were shaped by ongoing borro'wing and innovation to a greater extent than has sometimes been supposed, and that individual narrative motifs typically had relatively short lifespans ofafe'w centuries at most. Cultural interaction among the region's different peoples 'was evidently little constrained by disparate linguistic heritages, competing military alliances, or social and economic dissimilarities. "KTative Californian traditional narratives shed light on regional prehistory and ethnohistory in -/.\ several different ways. In some cases, they directly preserved information about past events (e.g., Laylander). More generally, they reflect past lifeways, including material culture and social organization, but in particular they mirror ideas about human nature, morality, and aesthetics which were otherwise often not well documented (e.g., Blackburn 1975). The present study considers two additional ways in which traditional narratives are revealing, based on interethnic sharing of common narrative themes and story elements. Diachronically considered, the extent to which patterns of narrative sharing crosscut the primary lines of cultural descent, as those were marked by linguistic affiliations, is a measure of the extent to which the groups' traditions were open to borrowing and innovation, rather than static and conservative. -
Uto-Aztecan Maize Agriculture: a Linguistic Puzzle from Southern California
Uto-Aztecan Maize Agriculture: A Linguistic Puzzle from Southern California Jane H. Hill, William L. Merrill Anthropological Linguistics, Volume 59, Number 1, Spring 2017, pp. 1-23 (Article) Published by University of Nebraska Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/anl.2017.0000 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/683122 Access provided by Smithsonian Institution (9 Nov 2018 13:38 GMT) Uto-Aztecan Maize Agriculture: A Linguistic Puzzle from Southern California JANE H. HILL University of Arizona WILLIAM L. MERRILL Smithsonian Institution Abstract. The hypothesis that the members of the Proto—Uto-Aztecan speech community were maize farmers is premised in part on the assumption that a Proto—Uto-Aztecan etymon for ‘maize’ can be reconstructed; this implies that cognates with maize-related meanings should be attested in languages in both the Northern and Southern branches of the language family. A Proto—Southern Uto-Aztecan etymon for ‘maize’ is reconstructible, but the only potential cog- nate for these terms documented in a Northern Uto-Aztecan language is a single Gabrielino word. However, this word cannot be identified definitively as cognate with the Southern Uto-Aztecan terms for ‘maize’; consequently, the existence of a Proto—Uto-Aztecan word for ‘maize’ cannot be postulated. 1. Introduction. Speakers of Uto-Aztecan languages lived across much of western North America at the time of their earliest encounters with Europeans or Euro-Americans. Their communities were distributed from the Columbia River drainage in the north through the Great Basin, southern California, the American Southwest, and most of Mexico, with outliers as far south as Panama (Miller 1983; Campbell 1997:133—38; Caballero 2011; Shaul 2014). -
Early Southern California History (1769-1800) by John P
Early Southern California History (1769-1800) by John P. Schmal (2019) This presentation explores the original Spanish settlement of Southern California in the late 18th Century, as well as the large number of indigenous communities that existed in the area. Of special interest will be the Expedition of 1781 from Álamos, Sonora, which led to the establishment of Los Angeles, San Buenaventura and Santa Barbara. Copyright © 2019 John P. Schmal Background Sebastián Vizcaíno (1548 – 1624) explored the California coast in 1602-1603. However, after this Spain lost interest in California and did not send any expeditions to California for over a century-and-a-half. Fearing that the Russians were moving down from Alaska to California, Spain regained interest in California and decided to establish some settlements in the area in the 1760s and beyond. José de Gálvez (1720 – 1787), Inspector General for the King of Spain was given permission by King Carlos III to explore Alta California and establish the first permanent Spanish presence there. Gálvez was supported in the planning of an expedition by Carlos Francisco de Croix (1699 – 1786), Viceroy of New Spain, and Father Junípero Serra (1713 – 1784), the head of the Franciscan mission to the Californias (Baja and Alta California). The expedition was planned in 1768. Gálvez placed Gaspar de Portolá (1723- 1786), recently appointed governor of Las Californias, in overall command of the expedition. Second in command was Captain Fernando Rivera y Moncada (1725 – 1781), commander of the Presidio at Loreto. 2 Copyright © 2019 John P. Schmal The San Diego Expeditions of 1769 Four expeditions were organized. -
Kizh Not Tongva, E. Gary Stickel, Ph.D (UCLA)
WHY THE ORIGINAL INDIAN TRIBE OF THE GREATER LOS ANGELES AREA IS CALLED KIZH NOT TONGVA by E. Gary Stickel, Ph.D (UCLA) Tribal Archaeologist Gabrieleno Band of Mission Indians/ Kizh Nation 2016 1 WHY THE ORIGINAL INDIAN TRIBE OF THE GREATER LOS ANGELES AREA IS CALLED KIZH NOT TONGVA by E. Gary Stickel, Ph.D (UCLA) Tribal Archaeologist Gabrieleno Band of Mission Indians/ Kizh Nation The original Indian Tribe of the greater Los Angeles and Orange County areas, has been referred to variously which has lead to much confusion. This article is intended to clarify what they were called, what they want to be called today (Kizh), and what they do not want to be called (i.e. “tongva”). Prior to the invasion of foreign nations into California (the Spanish Empire and the Russian Empire) in the 1700s, California Indian Tribes did not have pan-tribal names for themselves such as Americans are used to (for example, the “Cherokee” or “Navajo” [Dine]). The local Kizh Indian People identified themselves with their associated resident village (such as Topanga, Cahuenga, Tujunga, Cucamonga, etc.). This concept can be understood if one considers ancient Greece where, before the time of Alexander the Great, the people there did not consider themselves “Greeks” but identified with their city states. So one was an Athenian from Athens or a Spartan from Sparta. Similarly the Kizh identified with their associated villages. Anthropologists, such as renowned A.L. Kroeber, a professor at the University of California at Berkeley, who wrote the first “bible” of California Indians (1925), inappropriately referred to the subject tribe as the “Gabrielinos” (Kroeber 1925). -
Appendix E: Cultural Resources Technical Report
SAN BERNARDINO COUNTYWIDE PLAN DRAFT PEIR COUNTY OF SAN BERNARDINO Appendices Appendix E: Cultural Resources Technical Report June 2019 SAN BERNARDINO COUNTYWIDE PLAN DRAFT PEIR COUNTY OF SAN BERNARDINO Appendices This page intentionally left blank. PlaceWorks CULTURAL RESOURCES TECHNICAL REPORT FOR THE SAN BERNARDINO COUNTYWIDE PLAN, SAN BERNARDINO COUNTY, CALIFORNIA FEBRUARY 2019 PREPARED FOR PlaceWorks PREPARED BY SWCA Environmental Consultants E-1 E-2 CULTURAL RESOURCES TECHNICAL REPORT FOR THE SAN BERNARDINO COUNTYWIDE PLAN, SAN BERNARDINO COUNTY, CALIFORNIA Prepared for PlaceWorks 3 MacArthur Place, Suite 1100 Santa Ana, California 92707 Attn: Colin Drukker Prepared by Alex Wesson, B.A., Chris Millington, M.A., RPA and Nicole Kromarek, B.A. SWCA Environmental Consultants 51 W. Dayton Street Pasadena, California 91105 (626) 240-0587 www.swca.com Contact: Chris Millington, Project Manager SWCA Project No. 31474 SWCA Cultural Resources Report No. 18-270 February 2019 E-3 This page intentionally left blank. E-4 Cultural Resource Technical Report for the San Bernardino Countywide Plan, San Bernardino County, California EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Purpose and Scope: In support of the forthcoming San Bernardino Countywide Plan, PlaceWorks retained SWCA Environmental Consultants (SWCA) to summarize the existing conditions of cultural resources within the study area, evaluate potential impacts that could occur to these resources because of the Countywide Plan, and to provide mitigation measures for potential impacts. The study area is composed of all unincorporated lands that are subject to the County of San Bernardino’s land use jurisdiction; also referred to as the “County Control Area,” the study area is approximately 1,623,988 acres (2,537 square miles) in area, or 12.627 percent of the approximately 12,861,026-acre (20,105- square mile) county.