2011 Eighth International Conference on Fuzzy Systems and Knowledge Discovery
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Melancholy in Europe and in China: Some Observations of a Student of Intercultural Process*
ASIAN AND AFRICAN STUDIES, 5, 1996, 1, 5069 MELANCHOLY IN EUROPE AND IN CHINA: SOME OBSERVATIONS OF A STUDENT OF INTERCULTURAL PROCESS* Marián GÁLIK Institute of Oriental and African Studies, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Klemensova 19, 813 64 Bratislava, Slovakia The aim of this paper is to characterize the different modes of melancholy in the West and in China during the ages beginning with the 8th cent. B.C. in Greece and 3rd cent. B.C. in China up to the beginning of the 20th cent. within the framework of intercultural process. There are the men who are wanting in the comparative, they are as a rule the most interesting. (Søren Kierkegaard: The Journals) The subject I am just beginning to talk about, is probably the most difficult and debatable topic during more than 35 years of my scholarly career. To solve adequately or at least approximately the question of melancholy in two parts of the world, that is Europe and China, is certainly not possible in the contempo- rary state of research, and even to try it, could be characterized as an adventure. One should have the measures of the bird Peng [1] from the book Zhuangzi [2], which with a back like Mount Tai and wings like clouds filling the sky1 would roam through the space under the blue and grey skies of the Eurasian continent to study variegated processes within the broad frameworks encom- passing that which our Western world labelled as melancholia, mélancolia, Melancholie, melenconie, malinconia, acedia, tristitia, tristesse, etc., just to name a few terms, concerned with this concept, and be good in or to understand enough from the ancient Greek and Roman philosophy, medicine, psychology, * This paper was delivered at the international conference: Melancholy and Society in China, organized by Professor Wolfgang Kubin, Bonn, July 36, 1995. -
A New Examination of Confucius' Rectification of Names
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �47-�7� brill.com/joch A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names Cao Feng (曹峰) Professor of Philosophy, Renmin University, China [email protected] Translated by Brook Hefright Abstract Confucius’ explanation of the “rectification of names” is not necessarily related to the theories of “social status” and “names and actuality.” The reason scholars have inter- preted the rectification of names in the Analects in so many different ways is, to a large degree, due to assumptions about Confucius’ thinking by his successors, and based on the views on rectification of names among later generations. In the course of the devel- opment of thinking about names, scholars have augmented Confucius’ own explana- tion, gradually fleshing it out from an empty shell into a substantial edifice. The original meaning may have been very simple: Confucius did not wish to establish a standard system of names. Rather, he was simply the first person in history to realize the impor- tance of language in politics. As a politician, Confucius noticed and foresaw the influ- ence that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names could have on politics. He discerned the political consequences when language could not accurately express meaning or when there was no way for people to accurately perceive it. He also recognized how names, as a way of clarifying right and wrong and establishing norms, could have a great effect on a society’s politics. Although Confucius noted that disunity in speech could lead to disunity in politics, he did not propose a solution. -
Chapter Three
526 Chapter Three 經學昌明時代 The Period of Advancement of Classical Scholarship [3/1 SVA Introductory Comments: In the opening section of Chapter Three, Pi Xirui quotes extensively from the "Rulin zhuan" chapter of the Shi ji so as to support his position that during the reign of Emperor Wu (141-87 B.C.), Classical Scholarship was in its purest and most orthodox form. He also uses the lack of information in the "Rulin zhuan" regarding the Old Script Documents, Zhouli, Mao Shi, and Zuozhuan to argue that Sima Qian did not have access to these texts, which are texts of the "Old Script" school.] 3/11 The "Rulin zhuan" chapter of the Shi ji states, "When the present emperor2 ascended the throne, there were men such as Zhao Wan 趙綰 and Wang Zang 王臧3 who clearly understood Confucian learning and the 1[SVA: Section 3/1 corresponds to pp.69-72 of the Zhonghua ed. and to pp.60-64 of the Yiwen ed.] 2(3/1, n.1) Zhou Yutong comments: In the Chinese jinshang 今上, "the present emperor," refers to Emperor Wu of the Han. 3(3/1, n.2) Zhou Yutong comments: Zhao Wan 趙綰 was a native of Dai 代 and Wang Zang 王臧 was a native of Lanling 蘭陵. They both studied the Lu 527 emperor himself was also inclined toward it.4 He thereupon issued an order recruiting scholar-officials in the recommendation categories of Straightforward and Upright, Worthy and Excellent, and Learned.5 After this, as for giving instruction in the Songs, in Lu it was Master Shen Pei 申 培公, in Qi it was Master Yuan Gu 轅固生, and in Yan, it was Grand Tutor Han Ying 韓(嬰)太傅. -
Ideology of Power and Power of Ideology in Early China
iii Ideology of Power and Power of Ideology in Early China Edited by Yuri Pines Paul R. Goldin Martin Kern LEIDEN | BOSTON For use by the Author only | © 2015 Koninklijke Brill NV ContentsContents v Contents Contents v Acknowledgments vii List of Contributors viii Introduction Ideology and Power in Early China 1 Yuri Pines Part One The Foundations: Unity, Heaven, and Ancestral Models 1 Representations of Regional Diversity during the Eastern Zhou Dynasty 31 Paul R. Goldin 2 Omens and Politics: The Zhou Concept of the Mandate of Heaven as Seen in the Chengwu 程寤 Manuscript 49 Luo Xinhui 羅新慧 3 Long Live The King! The Ideology of Power between Ritual and Morality in the Gongyang zhuan 公羊傳 69 Joachim Gentz 4 Language and the Ideology of Kingship in the “Canon of Yao” 118 Martin Kern Part Two Textual Battles: Rulers, Ministers, and the People 5 Monarch and Minister: The Problematic Partnership in the Building of Absolute Monarchy in the Han Feizi 韓非子 155 Romain Graziani 6 The Changing Role of the Minister in the Warring States: Evidence from the Yanzi chunqiu 晏子春秋 181 Scott Cook 7 Ideologies of the Peasant and Merchant in Warring States China 211 Roel Sterckx 8 Population Records from Liye: Ideology in Practice 249 Charles Sanft For use by the Author only | © 2015 Koninklijke Brill NV vi Contents Epilogue Ideological Authority in China: Past and Present 9 Political and Intellectual Authority: The Concept of the “Sage-Monarch” and Its Modern Fate 273 Liu Zehua 劉澤華 Bibliography 301 Index 337 Contents Contents v Acknowledgments vii List of Contributors -
Calea Samuraiului (Fragmente) Partea a Iia Yamaga Sokō 山鹿素行
Alexandra Mustățea Tōyō University, Tokyo Calea samuraiului (fragmente) Partea a iia Yamaga Sokō 山鹿素行 original title : 「山鹿語類巻第二十一・士道」[Însemnările lui Ya maga vol. 21: Calea samuraiului] 『山鹿語類第二』(Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1911), 60–83. Yamaga Sokō, an Edoperiod Confucian philosopher and harsh critic of the Hayashi school of NeoConfucianism, proposed a return to the teach ings of the Confucian classics, thus becoming the first representative of the Kogaku school. Almost forgotten after his death, his moral philosophy was revived towards the end of the Edo. The fragments translated here are part of Sokō’s『士道』, a text that influenced modern conceptions of national identity and morality. For example, his concept of “loyalty,” in connection with the Shintō idea of the emperor’s divine origin, was central to Meiji kokutai ideology. Many of its ideas can also be linked to contemporary ideas of individuality, morality, and social philosophy such as Watsuji Tetsurō’s ningen and aidagara. keywords : perioada Edo—filosofie premodernă—Confucianism—Ya maga Sokō—Calea samuraiului—shidō—bushidō—Om re marcabil—Om ales—maniere demne European Journal of Japanese Philosophy 3 • 2018, pp. 263–283 Prezentare Inițial, Yamaga Sokō 山鹿素行 (1622–1685) a fost o figură minoră pe scena filosofiei confucianiste japoneze. El fost însă printre primii intelectuali con fucianiști care sau opus vehement scolasticismului exagerat al neoconfuci anismului 朱子学 (Tawara 1998, 49), reprezentat la acea vreme de școala Hayashi, și care sau dedicat popularizării filosofiei confucianiste în sfera cercurilor strict intelectuale. Ceea ce îl face pe Sokō încă relevant astăzi este același lucru care la făcut relevant în epoca Edo – convingerea că esența filosofiei nu stă în investigarea stearpă a unor concepte abstracte, ci în relevanța ei socială, în resursele pe care le poate oferi în slujba unei existențe armonioase și fericite. -
201604-Article4.Pdf
Cambridge Journal of China Studies 47 From Verbal-static to Visual-dynamic: a Perspective Shift in Studying the Structure of Lun Yu Jiuquan HAN Hebei Agricultural University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract : Starting off from Makeham’s (2003) differentiation between historical meaning and scriptural meaning, Huang’s (2011) citation of coherence theories and Xu’s (2002; 2004a; 2004b) embodimental reading by rejecting Western logos, this paper takes a perspective shift from verbal-static to visual-dynamic to study the structure of The Analects of Confucius. While a sheer verbal-static reading of the Lun Yu is doomed to the extremities of either praising its structure into the heaven or damning it into the hell, and to the ambiguity to argue that its structure is neither very coherent nor quite chaotic, a new perspective from verbal-static to visual-dynamic might lead to a view that the compilers of the Lun Yu actually take a reverse thinking in compiling this historic classics by segmenting and quantifying. (Mcluhan,1962,1964) Confucius’ thoughts into bricks and tiles scattering here and there, which induces careful readers to reconstruct for themselves Confucius’ systemic TEMPLE composed of key notion windmills centering round how to be a Junzi by constant recitation, visualization and interpretation based on Gestalt cognition principles of spontaneous similarity, proximity and continuation. Key Words: Perspective shift, Reconstruction, Lun Yu, Segmentation, Quantification, Gestalt principles Volume 11, No. 4 48 1 INTRODUCTION Various studies of The Analects of Confucius (Lun Yu),to date, cover its politic-ethical meaning and significance, influences both at home and abroad, name origin, compiling, varieties of versions and structural analysis. -
OSDI '20: 14Th USENIX Symposium on Operating Systems Design And
OSDI ’20: 14th USENIX Symposium on Operating Systems Design and Implementation November 4–6, 2020 Wednesday, November 4 Correctness Theseus: an Experiment in Operating System Structure and State Management .............................. 1 Kevin Boos, Rice University; Namitha Liyanage, Yale University; Ramla Ijaz, Rice University; Lin Zhong, Yale University RedLeaf: Isolation and Communication in a Safe Operating System ........................................ 21 Vikram Narayanan, Tianjiao Huang, David Detweiler, Dan Appel, and Zhaofeng Li, University of California, Irvine; Gerd Zellweger, VMware Research; Anton Burtsev, University of California, Irvine Specification and verification in the field: Applying formal methods to BPF just-in-time compilers in the Linux kernel ...................................................................................... 41 Luke Nelson, Jacob Van Geffen, Emina Torlak, and Xi Wang, University of Washington COBRA: Making Transactional Key-Value Stores Verifiably Serializable. 63 Cheng Tan and Changgeng Zhao, NYU; Shuai Mu, Stony Brook University; Michael Walfish, NYU Determinizing Crash Behavior with a Verified Snapshot-Consistent Flash Translation Layer. 81 Yun-Sheng Chang, Yao Hsiao, Tzu-Chi Lin, Che-Wei Tsao, Chun-Feng Wu, Yuan-Hao Chang, Hsiang-Shang Ko, and Yu-Fang Chen, Institute of Information Science, Academia Sinica, Taiwan Storage Systems are Distributed Systems (So Verify Them That Way!) ...................................... 99 Travis Hance, Carnegie Mellon University; Andrea Lattuada, ETH Zurich; -
A Discussion of Xunzi's “Encouraging Learning” and Its Significance For
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �7�-�89 brill.com/joch A Discussion of Xunzi’s “Encouraging Learning” and Its Significance for Confucianism Wang Bo (王博) Professor of Philosophy, Peking University, China [email protected] Translated by Colleen Howe Abstract Much of Xunzi’s philosophy can be characterized as a deepening of themes introduced by Confucius and, at the same time, a reaction against Mencius’ brand of Confucianism. For Xunzi, the idea of learning was a critical concept in achieving both of these goals. In Xunzi’s philosophy, learning is not simply the accumulation of knowledge but, rather, the process of coming to understand morality as a lifelong process of self-cultivation and self-improvement. Xunzi did not agree with Mencius that human nature was inher- ently good; instead he believed that human nature was bad, which is why individuals must actively learn to control their base desires. It is no coincidence that, in Xunzi’s project of self-cultivation based on learning to overcome one’s primal nature, chapter 1 of his anthology is “Encouraging Learning.” Reexamining the respective moral philoso- phies of Xunzi and Mencius from the perspective of learning and its role in moral culti- vation can provide a deeper understanding of their overall philosophy. Keywords Confucianism learning – Mencius – moral philosophy – Xunzi The Complete Library of the Four Treasures [Siku quanshu zongmu 四庫全書 總目] says: Xun Kuang’s works aimed at illuminating the teachings of the Duke of Zhou and Confucius. He honored ceremony and valued learning. He believed that the nature of man is evil and that goodness is learned © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi �0.��63/�35��34�-��Downloaded340033 from Brill.com09/28/2021 01:07:37PM via free access A Discussion of Xunzi’s “Encouraging Learning” 173 through conscious effort. -
Wang Ruoxu and His Critical Essays In
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS WANG RUOXU (1174-1243) AND HIS CRITICAL ESSAYS IN INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF JIN DYNASTY (1115-1234) GAO YUAN (B. SC.), NUS A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE STUDIES NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2011 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the guidance and the help of my teachers and many individuals who have in one way or other contributed and extended their assistance towards the completion of this thesis. First and foremost, my utmost gratitude goes to my supervisor Dr. Ong Chang Woei, who had to accommodate a part-time graduate’s schedule to meet up with me to review numerous drafts and to give me invaluable advice. His sincerity and encouragement will never be forgotten. Dr. Neo Peng Fu, in his tenure in NUS, showed kind concern and consideration towards me regarding my academic requirements. His passion in research had been my inspiration. Dr. Wong Sin Kiong, Head of the Department of Chinese Studies, gave me a lot encouragement, and allowed me to gain exposure with a field trip project he conducted, leading to the publication of some research results from it. I am also grateful to all the teaching staff of the Department of Chinese studies who taught me during my by-courses and later by-research years: Dr. Koh Khee Heong, Dr. Lee Chee Hiang, Dr. Lee Cheuk Yin, Dr. Lo Yuet Keung, Dr. Shi Yuzhi, Dr. Su Jui- Lung, Dr. -
Comparative Analysis of Confucius Rites and the Russian Orthodox Church Service
Zhang Baichun. Comparative Analysis of Confucius Rites and the Russian Orthodox Church Service COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CONFUCIUS RITES AND THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH SERVICE* Zhang Baichun Zhang Baichun – Doctor of Science (Philosophy), Professor of the Department of Philosophy at the Beijing Normal University (People’s Republic of China, Bei- jing). E-mail: [email protected] Confucius and Confucianism show religious foundations and the divine spark ritual in a rather feeble way. But the attitudes of Confucius and Confucianism towards Rites are different. Thus, Rites are at the center of the teachings of Confucius whereas Confucianism put Rites to the mar- gin. Confucianism is strongly politically-loaded which has led to the breakup with the tradition of ritual. On the contrary, the traditions of the Russian Orthodox Church service have not changed and the divine spark is very important for the Church. Key words: Ritual, Confucianism. DOI: 10.31079/1992-2868-2018-15-2-203-208 The Fate of the Confucius Ritual* morals, restrict himself in his actions and follow the Confucius pointed out that the most attractive as- rules of the ritual; each person must have innate self- pects of the Zhou Dynasty was its ritual which he con- improvement and self-discipline. At the same time, one sidered the indication of a civilized state. But Confu- must never “look at, listen to, say, or do anything that cius himself lived in a time of the “destruction of the does not fit the system, specified by the ritual” music of ceremony”, when the ritual of the Zhou Dyn- (“Lunyu”, “Yan Yuan”). -
Disputers of Abdication 243
disputers of abdication 243 DISPUTERS OF ABDICATION: ZHANGUO EGALITARIANISM AND THE SOVEREIGN’S POWER* by YURI PINES The Hebrew University of Jerusalem The idea of a ruler yielding his throne to a worthier candidate, which is the theme of the legend of Yao’s 堯 abdication to his meritorious minister, Shun 舜, and of the parallel legend of Shun’s abdication in favor of Yu 禹, is one of the most curious legacies of Zhanguo (“Warring States,” 453-221 BCE)1 political thought. No other concept promulgated by Zhanguo thinkers was so contradic- tory to the political reality of pre-imperial and imperial China; and yet the ideal of “yielding to the worthy” remained popular through- out the imperial millennia, and the legend of Yao’s abdication was routinely employed to facilitate dynastic changes from the Han (漢, 206 BCE-220 CE) dynasty onwards. What is even more puzzling is that, despite the evident popularity of the abdication myth and its ubiquity in Zhanguo writings, not a single received Zhanguo text discusses this issue systematically. Angus Graham asserted that such muted discussion may reflect the thinkers’ reluctance to engage in the politically sensitive issue of questioning hereditary rule, but expressed confidence that the extant examples of advocacy of ruler’s abdication were “likely to be the tip of the iceberg”.2 Graham’s insight has been confirmed within less than two decades * This research was supported by the Israel Science Foundation (grant No. 726/02-1) and under the auspices of the Michael William Lipson Chair in Chinese Studies. I am deeply indebted to Carine Defoort, Irene Eber, Andrew Plaks, Moss Roberts and the T’oung Pao reviewers for their insightful remarks to the earlier drafts of this paper, and to Ed Shaughnessy for generously sharing with me his unpublished materials. -
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Analects [Of Confucius]
論語 Lún Yǔ The Analects [of Confucius] aka The Confucian Analects Discourses or Conversations Two English Translations Both in public domain 1. James Legge (1893) via Chinese Text Project in BOLD 2. Robert Eno (2015) open access (Univ. of Indiana) Assembled by: Jim Cleaver LAc. A Companion to My Translation Workbook Table of Contents • Chapter titles are usually derived from the first two or three characters of each chapter. Chapters 11-20 titles are all names (of people), usually a student of Master Kong (Confucius). Traditional Chapter Titles # of Paragraphs Page # 1. 學而 – Xué Ér 16 3 2. 為政 – Wéi Zhèng 24 8 3. 八佾 – Bā Yì 26 14 4. 里仁 – Lǐ Rén 26 21 5. 公冶長 – Gōng Yě Cháng 28 27 6. 雍也 – Yōng Yě 30 35 7. 述而 – Shù Ér 38 42 8. 泰伯 – Tài Bó 21 51 9. 子罕 – Zǐ Hǎn 31 57 10. 鄉黨 – Xiāng Dǎng 27 65 11. 先進 – Xiān Jìn 26 72 12. 顏淵 – Yán Yuān 24 80 13. 子路 – Zǐ Lù 30 87 14. 憲問 – Xiàn Wèn 44 96 15. 衛靈公 – Wèi Líng Gōng 42 107 16. 季氏 – Jì Shì 14 116 17. 陽貨 – Yáng Huò 26 122 18. 微子 – Wēi Zǐ 11 130 19. 子張 – Zǐ Zhāng 25 134 20. 堯曰 – Yáo Yuē 3 141 512 *** Appendix: A. Paragraphs with Junzi or Jun 144 B. Translations of The Analects in English 147 2018 Jim Cleaver LAc. 2 The Analects of Confucius (Chapters 1–20) Two Translations: James Legge (1893) & Robert Eno (2015) Kongfuzi gets Latinized as Confucius. His surname is Kong, fu means ‘teacher’ and zi means ‘master’, or turned around its ‘master-teacher Kong’, or simply Master Kong.