A Discussion of Xunzi's “Encouraging Learning” and Its Significance For
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Carroll 2018 [Dao]
1 This is a post-peer-review, pre-copyedit version of an article published in Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy, December 2018, 17/4, 527–545. The final authenticated version is available online at: https://doi.org/ 10.1007/s11712-018-9627-5. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Springer Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving. “Wittgenstein and the Xunzi on the Clarification of Language”1 Thomas D. Carroll Senior Lecturer, General Education The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen 2001 Longxiang Avenue, Longgang District Shenzhen, China 518172 Email: [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0003-2890-9323 Abstract: Broadly speaking, language is part of a social activity in both Wittgenstein and Xunzi 荀⼦, and for both clarification of language is central to their philosophical projects; the goal of this article is to explore the extent of resonance and discord that may be found when comparing these two philosophers. While for Xunzi, the rectification of names (zhengming 正名) is anchored in a regard for establishing, propagating, and/or restoring a harmonious social system, perspicuity is for Wittgenstein represented as a philosophical end in itself. The article ventures study in particular the themes of perspicuity and aspect-perception in Wittgenstein together with the topics of correcting names and the cultivation of the heart-mind (xin ⼼) in the Xunzi. The 1 A previous version of this article was read at the 2015 meeting of the International Society for Chinese Philosophy in Hong Kong. I am thankful to attendees for questions that have helped improve my thinking with respect to these philosophical traditions. -
Two Conceptions of Harmony in Ancient Western and Eastern Aesthetics: “Dialectic Harmony” and “Ambiguous Harmony”
TWO CONCEPTIONS OF HARMONY IN ANCIENT WESTERN AND EASTERN AESTHETICS: “DIALECTIC HARMONY” AND “AMBIGUOUS HARMONY” Tak-lap Yeung∗ Abstract: In this paper, I argue that the different understandings of “harmony”, which are rooted in ancient Greek and Chinese thought, can be recapitulated in the name of “dialectic harmony” and “ambiguous harmony” regarding the representation of the beautiful. The different understandings of the concept of harmony lead to at least two kinds of aesthetic value as well as ideality – harmony in conciliation and harmony in diversity. Through an explication of the original meaning and relation between the concept of harmony and beauty, we can learn more about the cosmo-metaphysical origins in Western and Eastern aesthetics, with which we may gain insights for future aesthetics discourse. Introduction It is generally accepted that modern philosophy can trace itself back to two major origin points, ancient Greece in the West and China in the East. To understand the primary presuppositions of Western and Eastern philosophical aesthetics, we must go back to these origins and examine the core concepts which have had a great influence on later aesthetic representation. Inspecting the conception of “harmony”, a central concept of philosophical aesthetic thought for both the ancient Greek and Chinese world, may bring us valuable insight in aesthetic differences which persist today. In the following, I argue that the different understandings of “harmony”, which are rooted in ancient Greek and Chinese thought, can be recapitulated in the name of “dialectic harmony” and “ambiguous harmony” regarding the representation of the beautiful.1 The different understandings of the concept of harmony lead to, at least, two kinds of aesthetic value as well as ideality – harmony in conciliation and harmony in diversity. -
A New Examination of Confucius' Rectification of Names
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �47-�7� brill.com/joch A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names Cao Feng (曹峰) Professor of Philosophy, Renmin University, China [email protected] Translated by Brook Hefright Abstract Confucius’ explanation of the “rectification of names” is not necessarily related to the theories of “social status” and “names and actuality.” The reason scholars have inter- preted the rectification of names in the Analects in so many different ways is, to a large degree, due to assumptions about Confucius’ thinking by his successors, and based on the views on rectification of names among later generations. In the course of the devel- opment of thinking about names, scholars have augmented Confucius’ own explana- tion, gradually fleshing it out from an empty shell into a substantial edifice. The original meaning may have been very simple: Confucius did not wish to establish a standard system of names. Rather, he was simply the first person in history to realize the impor- tance of language in politics. As a politician, Confucius noticed and foresaw the influ- ence that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names could have on politics. He discerned the political consequences when language could not accurately express meaning or when there was no way for people to accurately perceive it. He also recognized how names, as a way of clarifying right and wrong and establishing norms, could have a great effect on a society’s politics. Although Confucius noted that disunity in speech could lead to disunity in politics, he did not propose a solution. -
Plato's Cosmic Animal Vs. the Daoist Cosmic Plant
RICHARD MCDONOUGH PLATO’S COSMIC ANIMAL VS. THE DAOIST COSMIC PLANT: RELIGIOUS AND IDEOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Richard McDonough Arium Academy, School of Arts and Sciences, Republic of Singapore. Email: [email protected], [email protected] Abstract: Heidegger claims that it is the ultimate job of philosophy to preserve the force of the “elemental words” in which human beings express themselves. Many of these elemental words are found in the various cosmogonies that have informed cultural ideologies around the world. Two of these “elemental words,” which shape the ideologies (ethics, aesthetics, and religion of a culture) are the animal-model of the cosmos in Plato’s Timaeus and the mechanical models developed in the 17th-18th centuries in Europe. The paper argues that Daoism employs a third, and neglected, plant-model of cosmogony and of human life that provides an illuminating contrast to the other more well-known models. First, Plato’s animal-model of the cosmos and, second, the alternative Daoist plant-model of the cosmos are discussed. Third, the paper replies to the objection that the organic model in general and the plant-model in particular cannot accommodate human freedom. Fourth, it is shown how the Daoist plant-model supports a novel account of the central Daoist notion of wu-wei (doing nothing, but everything gets done). Fifth, the paper rebuts the objection that the Daoist plant-model of the cosmos and human life is fatally nihilistic. Sixth, the paper argues that the Daoist account of the origin of human religion, art and historical feeling cannot be properly understood apart from its plant-model of the cosmos and human life. -
Identity and Hybridity – Chinese Culture and Aesthetics in the Age of Globalization
Identity and Hybridity – Chinese Culture and Aesthetics in the Age of Globalization Karl-Heinz Pohl Introduction: Culture and Identity Thirty years ago (1977), Thomas Metzger published a book which became well known in Sinological circles: Escape from Predicament: Neo-Confucianism and China’s Evolving Political Culture. In this book, Metzger discusses a serious problem Chinese scholars were confronted with at the turn of the 19th to the 20th century: the modernization of China and catching up with the West without giving up two thousand years of culturally valuable Confucian teachings. From the 1920s on, Confucian thought was replaced by Marxist ideology and, with the beginning of the Peoples’ Republic in 1949, the latter was firmly established as the new order of discourse. Metzger argues persuasively, however, in spite of all the new leftist ideology that poured into China after the May Fourth Movement of 1919, that Confucianism was not relegated to the museum of History of Philosophy in China as Joseph Levenson (in his Confucian China and its Modern Fate of 1958) had predicted. Instead, Confucian thought – as an integral part of the Chinese cultural psyche – survived and remained influential, though not visible, in shaping modern China. Even radicals of this time, such as Mao Tse-tung, although they attempted to give China a completely new ideological order, were formed by their cultural tradition to such an extent that it was impossible to shake it off completely. The above historical example is significant for our theme. It concerns the question of persistence of culture in the face of cultural encounters – both of the unfriendly kind, such as the first “clash of civilizations” between China and the West in the 19th century (after the Opium Wars), as well as of the latest and somewhat friendlier meeting, the process of mingling and interpenetration of cultures called globalization.1 Hence, the significance of culture and cultural identity in the age of globalization remains a question to be answered. -
A Confucian Defense of Shame: Morality, Self-Cultivation, and the Dangers of Shamelessness
religions Article Article Article A ConfucianA Confucian Defense Defense of Shame: of Shame: Morality, Morality, Self-Cultivation, Self-Cultivation, A Confucian Defense of Shame: Morality, Self-Cultivation, and theand Dangers the Dangers of Shamelessness of Shamelessness and the Dangers of Shamelessness Mark BerksonMark Berkson Mark Berkson Department of Religion,Department Hamline of Religion, University, Hamline St. Paul, University, MN 55104, St. USA;Paul, [email protected] 55104, USA; [email protected] Department of Religion, Hamline University, St. Paul, MN 55104, USA; [email protected] Abstract: ManyAbstract: philosophers Many and philosophers scholars in and the scholars West have in the a negative West have view a negative of shame. view In muchof shame. In much of Abstract: Many philosophers and scholars in the West have a negative view of shame.of post-classical In much ofpost-classical Western ethical Western thought, ethical shame thought, is compared shame is negativelycompared negatively with guilt, with as shame guilt, isas shame is asso- post-classical Western ethical thought, shame is compared negatively with guilt, asassociated shame is asso- withciated the “outer”, with the how “outer”, one appears how one before appears others before (and othe thusrs is (and merely thus a is matter merely of a “face”), matter of “face”), and ciated with the “outer”, how one appears before others (and thus is merely a matterand of “face”), guilt is and associatedguilt is associated with the “inner”with the realm “inner” of therealm conscience of the conscience and soul. and Anthropologists soul. Anthropologists and and philoso- guilt is associated with the “inner” realm of the conscience and soul. -
Basic Ethical Terms of Confucianism
ROCZNIKI TEOLOGICZNE Volume LXIV, issue 3 – 2017 English version DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rt.2017.64.3–4en ∗ REV. SŁAWOMIR NOWOSAD BASIC ETHICAL TERMS OF CONFUCIANISM Abstract. Confucianism has been a leading Chinese philosophical and ethical tradition for a long time. Not just Confucius himself but also Mencius and Xunzi contributed to its de- velopment over the centuries. In this paper the principal ethical notions of Confucianism–junzi , dao , ren and li – are characterized in their rich essence and unique context. Though ostensibly having much in common, those concepts can be paralleled to the Western ones only with difficulty and to a limited extent. Key words: Confucianism; Confucian ethics; junzi ; dao ; ren ; li . Among the philosophical systems of Chinese antiquity, Confucianism ap- pears to be the most common one, permanently shaping mentality and cus- toms of many societies.1 Despite many years of efforts to introduce atheism to Chinese society in the 20 th century and despite attempts to eradicate Con- fucian values and norms of life, Confucian system has, to some extent, re- mained present as a philosophy of thinking and ethics of acting. Confucius (551–479 BC), who gave name and started this system, lived in the final stage of the restless Spring and Autumn period (8 th—5th century BC), during the reign of the Zhou dynasty.2 He was a teacher and educator, a philosopher and publisher. He was also engaged in politics, performing the function of the Minister of Crime. He was familiar with music and poetry. Confucius ∗ Rev. Dr hab. SŁAWOMIR NOWOSAD , prof. -
The Educational Thought of Confucius
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1980 The Educational Thought of Confucius Helena Wan Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Part of the Education Commons Recommended Citation Wan, Helena, "The Educational Thought of Confucius" (1980). Dissertations. 1875. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/1875 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1980 Helena Wan THE EDUCATIONAL THOUGHT OF CONFUCIUS by Helena Wan A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Loyola University of Chicago in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1980 Helena Wan Loyola University of Chicago THE EDUCATIONAL THOUGHT OF CONFUCIUS The purpose of this study is to investigate the humanistic educational ideas of Confucius as they truly were, and to examine their role in the history of tradi- tional Chinese education. It is the contention of this study that the process of transformation from idea into practice has led to mutilation, adaptation or deliberate reinterpretation of the original set of ideas. The ex ample of the evolution of the humanistic educational ideas of Confucius into a system of education seems to support this contention. It is hoped that this study will help separate that which is genuinely Confucius' from that which tradition has attributed to him; and to understand how this has happened and what consequences have resulted. -
China's Place in Philology: an Attempt to Show That the Languages of Europe and Asia Have a Common Origin
CHARLES WILLIAM WASON COLLECTION CHINA AND THE CHINESE THE GIFT Of CHARLES WILLIAM WASON CLASS OF IB76 1918 Cornell University Library P 201.E23 China's place in phiiologyian attempt toI iPii 3 1924 023 345 758 CHmi'S PLACE m PHILOLOGY. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023345758 PLACE IN PHILOLOGY; AN ATTEMPT' TO SHOW THAT THE LANGUAGES OP EUROPE AND ASIA HAVE A COMMON OKIGIIS". BY JOSEPH EDKINS, B.A., of the London Missionary Society, Peking; Honorary Member of the Asiatic Societies of London and Shanghai, and of the Ethnological Society of France, LONDON: TRtJBNEE & CO., 8 aito 60, PATEENOSTER ROV. 1871. All rights reserved. ft WftSffVv PlOl "aitd the whole eaeth was op one langtta&e, and of ONE SPEECH."—Genesis xi. 1. "god hath made of one blood axl nations of men foe to dwell on all the face of the eaeth, and hath detee- MINED the ITMTIS BEFOEE APPOINTED, AND THE BOUNDS OP THEIS HABITATION." ^Acts Xvil. 26. *AW* & ju€V AiQionas fiereKlaOe tij\(J6* i6j/ras, AiOioiras, rol Si^^a SeSafarat effxarot av8p&Vf Ol fiiv ivffofievov Tireplovos, oi S' avdv-rof. Horn. Od. A. 22. TO THE DIRECTORS OF THE LONDON MISSIONAEY SOCIETY, IN EECOGNITION OP THE AID THEY HAVE RENDERED TO EELIGION AND USEFUL LEAENINO, BY THE RESEARCHES OP THEIR MISSIONARIES INTO THE LANGUAOES, PHILOSOPHY, CUSTOMS, AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS, OP VARIOUS HEATHEN NATIONS, ESPECIALLY IN AFRICA, POLYNESIA, INDIA, AND CHINA, t THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. -
The Status of Cosmic Principle (Li) in Neo-Confucian Metaphysics
jeeloo liu THE STATUS OF COSMIC PRINCIPLE (LI) IN NEO-CONFUCIAN METAPHYSICS Introduction In this article, I attempt to make use of Western metaphysical notions to explicate the cosmological variances in Chinese philosophical thinking, with specific reference to the debates among the Neo- Confucian thinkers. While I do not presume and argue that Chinese philosophers dealt with the same Western issues, I do believe that a comparative study of this nature can point to a new direction of think- ing concerning metaphysical pondering in Neo-Confucianism. This article is divided into three parts. In Part I, I employ Robert Nozick’s notion of natural cosmic state to analyze the fundamental difference between the Confucian and Daoist cosmologies. Even though this notion of natural cosmic state has no comparable match in Chinese philosophy, it may serve as an analytic and explanatory device for our comparative study of Chinese cosmology. In Part II, I employ Nicholas Rescher’s distinction between “laws of nature” and “laws for nature” to analyze the debate on the status of cosmic prin- ciple (li)a between Zhou Dunyib and Zhu Xic on the one hand, and Zhang Zaid and Wang Fuzhie on the other.1 In Part III, I employ the notion of supervenience,as defined by Jaegwon Kim,to argue that in the debate on the status of cosmic principle, it is Zhang Zai and Wang Fuzhi’s view that better preserves the causal relevance of cosmic principle in a physicalistic universe.2 In light of the three notions borrowed from contemporary Western metaphysics, I hope to offer an analytic reconstruction of the age-old debate on the status of cosmic principle (li). -
The Old Master
INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi. -
Confucianism, "Cultural Tradition" and Official Discourses in China at the Start of the New Century
China Perspectives 2007/3 | 2007 Creating a Harmonious Society Confucianism, "cultural tradition" and official discourses in China at the start of the new century Sébastien Billioud Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2033 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.2033 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2007 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Sébastien Billioud, « Confucianism, "cultural tradition" and official discourses in China at the start of the new century », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2007/3 | 2007, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2010, consulté le 14 novembre 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2033 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.2033 © All rights reserved Special feature s e v Confucianism, “Cultural i a t c n i e Tradition,” and Official h p s c r Discourse in China at the e p Start of the New Century SÉBASTIEN BILLIOUD This article explores the reference to traditional culture and Confucianism in official discourses at the start of the new century. It shows the complexity and the ambiguity of the phenomenon and attempts to analyze it within the broader framework of society’s evolving relation to culture. armony (hexie 和谐 ), the rule of virtue ( yi into allusions made in official discourse, we are interested de zhi guo 以德治国 ): for the last few years in another general and imprecise category: cultural tradi - Hthe consonance suggested by slogans and tion ( wenhua chuantong ) or traditional cul - 文化传统 themes mobilised by China’s leadership has led to spec - ture ( chuantong wenhua 传统文化 ). ((1) However, we ulation concerning their relationship to Confucianism or, are excluding from the domain of this study the entire as - more generally, to China’s classical cultural tradition.