UC Merced Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology

Title Ethnobotany of Devil's Claw ( parviflora ssp. parviflora: ) in the Greater Southwest

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Journal Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 8(2)

ISSN 0191-3557

Authors Bretting, P. K Nabhan, G. P

Publication Date 1986-07-01

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol 8, No. 2, pp. 226-237 (1986). Ethnobotany of Devil's Claw { ssp. parviflora: Martyniaceae) in the Greater Southwest P. K. BRETTING, Dept. of Crop Science, North Carolina State Univ., Box 7620, Raleigh, NC 27695-7620. G. P. NABHAN, Desert Botanical Garden, 1201N. Galvin Pkwy., Phoenix, AZ 85008.

X HE importance of devil's claw (Probos­ outside of southern Arizona led to inaccurate cidea parviflora [Wool.] Wool, and Standi, estimates by floristic workers of its ecogeo- subsp./?a/v//7ora: Martyniaceae) to the native graphical distribution (with the notable cultures of the Greater Southwest has been exception of Hevly [1970]). generally unrecognized for several reasons. During our ongoing research (Nabhan et First, although the use in basketry of fibers al. 1981; Bretting 1982; Nabhan and Rea n.d.) from the claw-like appendages of the fruit we found that devil's claw has a much wider of this has long been known (see ecogeographical distribution and is (or was) Tanner [1983] for a review), it only recently important to many more native groups has been demonstrated that these cultures throughout the Greater Southwest than is domesticated devil's claw (Yarnell 1977; commonly known (Fig. 1). This report sum­ Nabhan et al. 1981; Bretting 1982). The marizes the native names, uses, and cultiva­ domesticate (var. Hohokamlana Bretting) has tion practices for devil's claw for that white seeds and disproportionately long, thin region. Herbarium specimens, ethnohistori- claws; the wild (var. parviflora) have cal, archaeological, and ethnological litera­ black seeds and generally shorter and ture were first surveyed; these references thicker claws (Nabhan et al 1981; Bretting were complemented and updated by recent 1986). Variety Hohokamlana occurs almost extensive fieldwork (by Nabhan) at more always under cultivation or close to fields than 30 different Indian reservations. With cultivated by native Americans. Variety this information it is possible to detail the parviflora is rarely cultivated; usually it widespread use of devil's claw in basketry grows "wild" in disturbed soil of arroyos, and its enigmatic role in the rituals of pastures, roadcuts, etc. Pueblo cultures. Hjrpotheses regarding the Second, the widely available anthropolog­ chronology and locality for the domestication ical, botanical, and ethnobotanical literature of this plant are also suggested. Processes often gives the misconception that devil's and routes of diffusion for the cultural trail claw occurs and is cultivated only in the of devil's claw cultivation and use are hy­ Pimeria Alta, the Papago-Pima (or O'odham) pothesized; these may be valuable to ethno­ region of Arizona and northern Sonora. logists and others perhaps not interested in Gumerman and Johnson (1971), for example, devWs claw per se. thought that devil's claw was a key cultural resource found only south of the Mogollon USE OF DEVIL'S CLAW IN BASKETRY Rim and thus served as an indicator species BY THE PIMA-PAPAGO for Sonoran desert cultures. Also, the few The interrelationship of the Pima and herbarium specimens of devil's claw collected Papago with devil's claw is profound and [226] ETHNOBOTANY OF DEVIL'S CLAW 227

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« M _o "o £ o u 0 °.^ 1 .1 o iz aX> 3 (A o. - I O c> . g •o I c o 8 a:-i ice, * O « s o 8. - 3 C o o II II 228 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY complex. Indeed, here we can only sum­ cultivate and use devil's claw in basketry, or marize it; for further information see Nabhan did so in the past. The Yavapai, northern et al. (1981) and Nabhan and Rea (n.d.). neighbors of the Pima in Arizona, cultivate The Papago and River Pima (collectively, the devil's claw and use its fibers as binding O'odham), whose language is Uto-Aztecan, elements in cottonwood or willow baskets of call devil's claw 'ihug and several variations exceptional quality. They formerly traded upon this name (Nabhan and Rea n.d.). They baskets with devil's claw fibers (Corbusier have a hierarchial folk which dif­ 1886) to the Navajo, Yuma, and Papago for ferentiates domesticated from wild devil's agricultural products; today, most baskets are claw. The O'odham folk taxonomy for woven for the tourist demand (Robinson devil's claw seems to be in a state of 1954). Devil's claw also was formerly used transition or flux. in Yavapai healing rituals to treat blindness The O'odham and other Southwestern (Euler and Euler 1967). Nabhan found that Indian basketmakers strip bundles of fibers the Camp Verde Yavapai currently cultivate (called "splints") from the lateral surfaces var. Hohokamlana, whereas the Middle Ver­ of the two rostra (the "claws") that tip de, Prescott, and Fort McDowell Yavapai each fruit. The dark brown or black, highly cultivated or protected var. parviflora durable splints are employed as binding ele­ (Nabhan et al. 1981). ments in coiled basketry. They serve as The Yavapai, who speak a Hokan lan­ decoration, or to improve durability as they guage, call devil's claw helaka (Gifford are stronger and more resistant to abrasion 1936). Like the Papago, they wove both than are other fibers available to the specific sacred patterns and purely decora­ O'odham. Certain decorative patterns tive designs (Robinson 1954). Their intricate created with devil's claw fibers are consid­ sacred designs may indicate that they have ered sacred, perhaps because in the Papago gathered and used devil's claw in basketry creation myth the Great Spirit showed Papa­ for some time. go women how to weave devil's claw fibers The Walapai also speak a Hokan lan­ into different patterns that identified the guage, and their culture is closely related to baskets of each family or village (Wright that of the Yavapai (Newcomb 1974). They 1939). apparently obtained most of their agricul­ Even in the last century, some of the tural seed, perhaps including devil's claw, O'odham gathered devil's claw fruit from the from the Havasupai or Mohave (Kniffin et al. wild. Now the majority either buy the claws 1935). In the past, they cultivated devil's or fruit or cultivate the plants using a claw and wove its fiber into baskets (Mason variety of agricultural and gardening 1904) made mostly of sumac twigs (Robinson techniques, according to the extant economic 1954) which were once prized and traded and ecological factors. It is notable that throughout the Southwest (McGuire 1983). the O'odham territory (Fig. 1) is the center They call devil's claw mak dtuny (Watahomi- of genetic diversity for Proboscidea parvi­ gie et al. 1982) or makatiu in older ethno­ flora suhsp. parviflora (Bretting 1982). graphies. Devil's claw fibers are woven into Hava­ USE OF DEVIL'S CLAW IN BASKETRY supai willow baskets (Robinson 1954; McKee BY OTHER GROUPS et al. 1975). Basketry has long been a very Many other native Southwestern groups important trade item for the Havasupai ETHNOBOTANY OF DEVIL'S CLAW 229

(Schwartz 1983), who traditionally have dragging across the ground" (Spier 1933:122- farmed Havasu Canyon, where both var. par­ 123; Forde 1931: 124-125). According to viflora and var. Hohokamlana have been col­ Forde (1931), the Yuma no longer weave lected. Their plantings of devil's claw baskets. There is no evidence that these (usually var. Hohokamlana) bear enough fruit Colorado River groups cultivated devil's claw for local use; therefore, plants are rarely during recent times. gathered today from wild populations. How­ The Maricopa currently live near the ever, Nabhan (Nabhan 889 and 900, ARIZ)1 Pima in south-centreil Arizona, but until recently found that plants probably referable about 150 years ago their homeland lay west to var. parviflora were protected, or even along the Gila River (Castetter and Bell cultivated, in Havasupai fields. 1951). They speak a Hokan dialect, like The Havasupai apparently imported var. their western relatives, and call devil's claw Hohokamlana or a non-local type of var. gwoxotd n. In Maricopa coiled willow bas­ parviflora about a century ago. Spier ketry, devil's claw fibers serve as binding (1929:232) was told that it was introduced by elements on the base and on the sides. "a Walapai wife, who procured it from a Pima baskets were also used by the Marico­ sister, who in turn got it from the Paiute." pa, and are highly prized household items It has been reported that the Havasupai (Lamb 1972). began to manufacture a new type of According to Castetter and Bell (1951), basketry tray coetaneously with their the Gila Pima, Papago, Maricopa, and the adoption of the "new" devil's claw, and the Hokan speakers of the southern Colorado availability of its perhaps superior fibers River Valley comprise a single, large cultural may have contributed to this innovation province, differentiable into two subgroups (McKee et al. 1975). These reports and by their different assemblages of crops. In­ morphological evidence (Bretting 1982) terestingly, the lower Colorado River tribes seemingly confirm that var. Hohokamlana and the Maricopa (recent immigrants from arrived among the Havasupai recently, where that region) apparently have not grown it is termed halaa' kaki-yula 'hooked-long' devil's claw, nor has this species been found according to WTiiting (specimen 1045/B4504, in the lower Colorado River Valley. Despite MNA).2 their geographical proximity, cultural similar­ West of the Papago-Pima and Walapai- ities, and frequent contacts, the Colorado Yavapai territories, other Hokan groups, the River groups and the Pima-Papago appar^ Mohave, Yuma, Halchidhoma, Kamia, Ko- ently did not share this trait, just as they hauana, Halyikwamai, and Cocopa, farmed did not share some other cultivated plants. the alluvial floodplains of the Colorado River Nevertheless, more than a century ago, or hunted and gathered along its edge. devil's claw baskets were traded to the According to some accounts, the Yuma wove Yuman tribes or the nearby Chemehuevi, coiled basketry with willow, reeds, and both residents of the lower Colorado River devil's claw (called gwoxtd n or kwaxatd n). Valley. Nabhan recently found a Pima Their decorative patterns were similar to woman who was married to a Maricopa heal­ some Pima patterns. The bases of their er and who grew devil's claw in the Mohave baskets were always made of devil's claw settlement at Fort Mohave, so we may be fiber because it was ". . . suppler and easier witnessing the integration of two different to work" and "being tough, would stand crop assemblages (Nabhan et al. 1981). 230 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

The Apache and Navajo speak Athapascan North and west of the Walapai, Havasu­ dialects and migrated into the American pai, and Navajo territories, various Paiute Southwest fairly recently (A.D. 1200-1400 groups formerly subsisted by hunting and [Newcomb 1974]). Their use of devil's claw gathering augmented by horticulture. The in basketry may predate trade with Anglo- Shivwits and Kaibab Southern Paiute grow Americans as there are oral reports of trade both varieties of devil's claw in their garden with the Zuiii (Goodwin MS). The Apache plots, and weave the fiber into basketry probably began cultivating devil's claw fairly (Steward 1938, 1941, 1942; Kelly 1964; recently, as most bands returned to farming Nabhan et al. 1981). The Southern Paiute after the 1880s. Roberts (1929) reported have called it sah oo binump (Bye 1972). several Apache names for devil's claw and The Southern Paiute may obtain up to twelve claimed that in the 1920s it was not culti­ fiber splints per devil's claw fruit, whereas vated at San Carlos. the Papago and several other groups obtain Lamb (1972) reported that the Navajo only four. The Shoshone and Northern wove baskets containing devil's claw fiber, Paiute also cultivated devil's claw and used but Underbill's (1953) comments are contrary it in their basketry (Coville 1892; Merriam to this report. The Northern Tonto, Warm 1903; Steward 1941; Murphy 1959; Smith and Spring, and Mescalero Apache also wove Simpson 1964). Possibly, the Southern Paiute devil's claw fiber into their baskets (Palmer introduced the domesticated variety to sev­ 1871; Mason 1904; Gifford 1940; Lamb 1972). eral other groups. It is uncertain whether Tahuate or ta-gate are Apache words for the Paiute cultivated and independently devil's claw (Mason 1904; Nabhan et al. domesticated devil's claw in ancient times, 1981), and its fruit once served as a famine or whether they also adopted this trait food for these people (Palmer 1871). recently like neighboring tribes. San Carlos Apache now cultivate both Forbes (1904), Mason (1904), Weltfish var. parviflora and var. Hohokamlana and (1930), and Lamb (1972) reported that the decorate cottonwood baskets with devil's Chemehuevi, relatives of the Southern Paiute claw fibers (Nabhan et al. 1981). They who lived along the Colorado River, or­ named it tsi gol ca xa (Goddard, in Roberts namented their willow baskets with devil's 1929). Many designs were "borrowed" from claw. Their basketry style, formerly similar other tribes, especially from the Yavapai. It to Yavapai and Havasupai, has become highly is believed that the Yavapai taught basket commercialized, with no legends linked with weaving to these Apache (Robinson 1954) particular "sacred patterns" (Lamb 1972). and to the Camp Verde Apache, where at Nabhan et al. (1981) recently collected var. present the plant is called tsi gol sheh heh Hohokamiarui under cultivation by the Che­ (Nabhan et al. 1981). The White Mountain mehuevi, as had been reported previously Apache currently grow var. parviflora and (Forbes 1904). weave coiled bowls and trays from willow or California Indians who spoke Numic dia­ cottonwood twigs and devil's claw fibers. lects (Newcomb 1974) used devil's claw fibers These baskets are produced primarily for in basketry (Coville 1892; Steward 1938). commerce (Dobyns 1971). The Cibecue and Jaeger (1941) recorded that the plant was Clarkdale Apache now cultivate both var. introduced to Death Valley by a Shoshoni ca. Hohokamiana and var. parviflora for their 1860. The desert-dwelling Panamint Sho­ basketry fiber (Nabhan et al. 1981). shoni now grow var. Hohokamiarui (Nabhan ETHNOBOTANY OF DEVIL'S CLAW 231 et al. 1981) and have woven its fibers into ala 'sandhom') were used in the Soyaluna both coiled and twined baskets of willow, paho to "hookdown" the clouds (Voth MS; Rhus twigs, and yucca stems (Coville 1892; Hough 1897, and his herbarium specimens Kroeber 1925; Lamb 1972). The Shoshoni Hough 2 and 25 [US]3; Whiting 1939). from Lida, Nevada, and Fish Springs, Cali­ Devil's claw was used especially during fornia, planted devil's claw in their gardens severe droughts because it supposedly had (Steward 1941). Nabhan et al. (1981) recent­ "special influence" over rain clouds (Dorsey ly confirmed that the Shoshoni of Rawlings and Voth 1901). A devil's claw katslna Creek, California, also grew it for basketry (ceremonial statuette) with clouds affixed to fiber. According to Steward (1938), the its head and devil's claws painted on its Southern Paiute introduced horticulture, and cheeks "catches the rain clouds with the possibly devil's claw, to the Shoshoni during claws and draws them to the Hopi mesas" historic times. (Cohon 1949:72). Other California Indians such as the The Hopi also attached the "claws" of Western Mono also decorated their willow devil's claw fruit to a wooden disc to form a baskets with devil's claw fiber (Merrill 1923; frame very similar to the skeleton of an um­ Lamb 1972) as did the Koso, Kitanemuk, Ka- brella. They then twined colored string waiisu, and the Tubatulabal near Kern River, from claw to claw to form artificial squash California (Merrill 1923; Voegelin 1938; blossoms placed on the ritual altars used in Zigmond 1978). The latter group also was several ceremonies. Sometimes, the yarn and reported to cultivate devil's claw (Voegelin stick assembly was daubed with white clay 1938). and then painted various colors (Fewkes 1898; Dorsey and Voth 1901; Whiting 1939). USES OF DEVIL'S CLAW Hough (Hough 2) and Whiting (1939) BY THE PUEBLO CULTURES noted that devil's claw grew as a weed in The interrelationship between devil's claw Hopi fields. Whiting (1939:16) termed this and several Pueblo cultures, such as the plant "semi-cultivated," probably because Hopi, was quite different from the situation although the Hopi did not sow it, they did among other Indian groups. The Hopi con­ let "wild" plants remain in their fields, as served many ancient beliefs and cultural they believed that the claws acted as lightn­ traits, and their life revolved around a ing rods to attract rain storms. seasonal calendar of rituals that included sun Recently, Nabhan et al. (1981) collected worship (Fewkes 1896, 1898, 1899). Perhaps var. parviflora growing as a widespread weed the most important ritual was the Soyaluna, in Hopi fields, but var. Hohokamiana was or winter solstice ceremony. According to found under cultivation only at Lower Moen- legend, the Patkl clan brought this ritual kopi. Interviews with Hopi craftsmen sug­ from the "giant cactus [saguaro?] land in gest that var. Hohokamiana was introduced the far south" (Fewkes 1898:67) during one to the Hopi at Tuba City (Moenkopi), Ari­ of the frequent human migrations that zona, from the nearby Kaibab Southern characterized Southwestern prehistory. Many Paiute, who had recently received it from pahos (prayer sticks) fashioned for this the Moapa Southern Paiute. The Kaibab tra­ ceremony included parts of plants or animals ditionally have visited Hopi fields at Moen­ that inhabited wet places (Fewkes 1896). kopi and, with permission, collected the Fruit of devil's claw (in Hopi, miimi or tiimo devil's claw there. Edna Dallas, a Hopi 232 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY basketmaker from Moenkopi, has recently recovered in archaeological sites. Several started weaving Southern Paiute-style bas­ were found in strata dating A.D. 300-1100 at kets decorated with devil's claw fiber Cordova Cave, New Mexico. Using photo­ (Nabhan et al. 1981). graphs in Kaplan's article (1963), we iden­ Nabhan's recent fieldwork, plus earlier tified them as P. parviflora ssp. parviflora. reports (Weltfish 1930) that the Hopi pur­ Morphologically, these fi^uits seemed to chased coiled baskets from the Havasupai resemble the wild variety more than the rather than weaving their own, suggest that domesticate. Baskets recovered at this site the domesticated var. Hohokamiana entered and at nearby Tularosa Cave contained no Hopi culture recently. Biosystematic analy­ devil's claw fiber. M. R. Harrington col­ ses showing that Hopi populations of var. lected a fruit of domesticated devil's claw Hohokamiana are more similar to Pima- from a cave site in the Southern Paiute Papago populations of this variety than to territory near Parowan, Utah. No basketry nearby populations of var. parviflora also was recovered from this apparently prehis­ suggest a recent introduction to the Hopi toric site.'* (Bretting 1982). It must be stressed that, in Extensive excavation of Hohokam (con­ contrast, the wild var. parviflora may have a sidered the probable ancestors of the Papago very long history as an "encouraged weed" and Pima by some scholars) sites in southern in Hopi fields, because of its supposed abil­ Arizona has uncovered only a few Probo­ ity to attract or "hook" rain, much like scidea fruits in Ventana Cave (Haury 1950, lightning. 1976). Haury (1950:488) remarked that these Stevenson (1915) gave a good account of fruits were small and likely came from wild, devil's claw among the Zuiii Indians. They, not cultivated plants. Weltfish (1932) found like the Hopi, made artificial blossoms from devil's claw in basketry trays from the Ho­ devil's claw fruit and yarn. These blossoms hokam site of Casa Grande in Arizona, but were attached to headdresses worn by women recent, intensive archaeobotanical salvage during ceremonial dances. But, according to between Tucson and Phoenix has not uncov­ Stevenson, ered additional Hohokam basketry with Students have described it as symbolizing the devil's claw. It has been suggested that squash blossom, an error only too pleasing to devil's claw cultivation was not an ancient the Zuni as the blossom of Datura is most trait among the Pima and Papago (Castetter sacred to them [1915:46]. and Bell 1942). Archaeological investigations Datura, a potent hallucinogen, was of of the Hohokam culture have not disproved course proscribed by the Spanish authorities, that hypothesis. For example, specimens of so that its use in religious ceremonies be­ the white-seeded domesticate recently were came surreptitious. Recent fieldwork (Nab­ recovered from an Ak-Chin Papago site, but han et al. 1981) revealed that residents of the site dates only to the 1800s (Charles the Zuni and Laguna pueblos still gather Miksicek, personal communication 1980). devil's claw from distant stands, because it Furthermore, the fact that the earliest is rare near the pueblos. ethnohistorical report of devil's claw used in southern Arizona (Alamdn 1825; cited in FIRST USE OF DEVIL'S CLAW Ezell 1983) occurs about 150 years ago IN THE GREATER SOUTHWEST supports Castetter and Bell's viewpoint. The Only a few Proboscidea fruits have been apparent novelty of devil's claw cultivation ETHNOBOTANY OF DEVIL'S CLAW 233 among the Pima and Papago is nevertheless which wild devil's claw may have become incongruent with the high frequency with increasingly scarce. The process of disrup­ which they now cultivate it, plus their rich tive selection (Thoday 1972) may be respon­ folklore and complex folk taxonomy asso­ sible for the seemingly rapid evolution of ciated with this plant (Nabhan et al. 1981; the domesticate despite the potentially Nabhan and Rea n.d.). impeding effects of gene flow from nearby Outside of the Pima-Papago region, wild populations. devil's claw fiber was reported in prehistoric Notably, though, our most recent field basketry from archaeological sites in the work revealed that many groups outside of upper Gila River region of New Mexico, and the Pimeria Alta now cultivate both domes­ at Ceremonial and Hueco caves in south­ ticated and wild devil's claw. If devil's claw western Texas (Cosgrove 1947). In the were traded to these tribes living outside latter site, devil's claw fiber was reported in the plant's current "natural" ecogeographical the rim coil and sides of yucca and sotol range, it is likely that it would be main­ baskets. Two basketry fragments apparently tained by the recipients via cultivation. were constructed entirely from devil's claw. Current evolutionary theory holds that gene­ They date to the transition between the tic differentiation probably occurs more Archaic and the appearance of wide-scale rapidly at the periphery of a plant's range farming (ca. A.D. 1-600 [Jennings 1978:48]). (Levin 1970). Perhaps the Chemehuevi, Hav­ The sparse archaeobotanical evidence asupai, or other groups obtained wild devil's suggests that devil's claw probably was used claw via trade, initiated or actually totally in baskets long before the Southwestern domesticated the plant, and then traded the Indians began to cultivate it for that pur­ improved source of basketry fiber back to pose. It is unlikely that selective pressures the O'odham. Until further studies of bas­ strong enough to produce a distinct type of ketry, excavations of early historic and late devil's claw were exerted until long after prehistoric archaeological sites, and popula­ the first appearance of devil's claw fiber in tion genetic analyses uncover further clues, archaeological basketry from southwestern neither of these provocative theories can be Texas or north of the Pimeria Alta. Perhaps dismissed. devil's claw may have been first used in The time and place that devil's claw first basketry outside the Pimeria Alta; neverthe­ was incorporated into the rituals of the less, the richest folk taxonomy for devil's Pueblo cultures has not yet been investigated claw, the plant's greatest genetic variability, in even the most preliminary way. The tech­ highly derived (fruit with very long, thin niques noted above must also be applied to claws [Nabhan et al. 1981; Bretting 1986]) this problem. The most fruitful preliminary cultivated types, and the earliest ethnohis­ work would involve reexamination of museum torical record for devil's claw cultivation specimens of ritual paraphernalia in the light occur in the Pimeria Alta. This region thus of devil's claw's importance in rain-making would appear the most probable center of rituals. origin for the domesticate var. Hohokamiana. NOTES It is possible that devil's claw was domesti­ cated rapidly here during historic times (ca. 1. Specimens deposited in the herbarium of the University of Arizona. 1700-present), a period of rapid economic, 2. Specimens deposited in the herbarium of cultural, and environmental change during the Museum of Northern Arizona. 234 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

3. Specimens deposited in the collections of 1951 Yuman Indian Agriculture. Albuquerque: the Department of Anthropology, Museum of University of New Mexico Press. Natural History of the United States (Smith­ Colton, H. S. sonian). 1949 Hopi Kachina Dolls. Albuquerque: Uni­ 4. Specimen 2F 916 deposited in the collec­ versity of New Mexico Press. tion of the Southwest Museum, Los Angeles. We thank Dr. Paul Minnis for this information. Corbusier, W. F. 5. Much of this paper is derived &om a 1886 The Apache-Yumas and the Apache- dissertation submitted by PKB to the Department Mohaves. American Antiquarian 8:216- of Biology, Indiana University, in partial 284,325-339. fulfillment of the requirements for the Ph.D. We thank C. B. Heiser, V. Bohrer, A. Rea, P. Ezell, Cosgrove, C. S. H. Dobyns, R. Euler, R. Bye, and the late A. 1947 Caves of the Upper Gila and Hueco Whiting for their help and comments. We grate­ Areas in New Mexico and Texas. Papers fully acknowledge the financial support of the of the Peabody Museum of American Ar­ Coleman Fimd, the Wenner-Gren Foundation for chaeology and Ethnology 24(2). Anthropological Research, the Department of Coville, F. V. Biology, Indiana University, and the Department 1892 The Panamint Indians of California. of Crop Sdence, North Carolina State University. American Anthropologist (o.s.) 5:351-356. REFERENCES Dobyns, H. F. 1971 The Apache People. Phoenix: Indian Tri­ Alam^ Luis bal Series. 1825 Memoir on the Pimas and Maricopas for the 1825 Treaty. Archivo Militar, Ciu- Dorsey, G. A., and H. R. Voth dad Mexico. Handwritten copy on file 1901 The Oraibi Soyal Ceremony. Chicago: in the Bancroft Library, University of Field Museum of Natural History Pub­ California, Berkeley. lication No. 55. Anthropological Series 3(1). Bretting, P. K. 1982 Morphological Differentiation of Probo­ Euler, R. C, and E. M. Euler scidea parviflora ssp. parviflora (Martyn­ 1967 Transcripts of the Yavapai Oral History iaceae) under Domestication. American Project. MS on fde at the Arizona State Journal of Botany 69:1531-1537. Museum Archives, Tucson, Arizona. 1986 Changes in Fruit Shape in Proboscidea EzeU, P. parviflora ssp. parviflora (Martyniaceae) 1983 History of the Pima. In: Handbook of with Domestication. Economic Botany North American Indians, Vol. 10, South­ 30:170-176. west, A. Ortiz, ed., pp. 149-160. Wash­ ington: Smithsonian Institution. Bye, R. A. 1972 Ethnobotany of the Southern Paiute In­ Fewkes, J. dians in the 1870's. In: Great Basin Cul­ 1896 The Tusayan Ritual: A Study of the In­ tural Ecology: A Symposium, D. D. Fow­ fluence of Environment on Abori^al ler, ed., pp. 87-104. Reno: Desert Cults. Washington: Annual Report of Research Institute Publications in the the Smithsonian Institution for the Year Sodal Sdences No. 8. Ending June 30,1895:683-706. Castetter, E. P., and W. H. Bell 1898 The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi. 1942 Pima and Papago Indian Agriculture. Al­ American Anthropologist (o.s.) 11:65-87. buquerque: University of New Mexico 1899 Hopi Basket Dances. Journal of American Press. Folk Lore 12:81-96. ETHNOBOTANY OF DEVIL'S CLAW 235

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