Out of Resistance Sparks Hope: An Afrocentric Rhetorical Analysis of Mothers of Slain Black Children
A thesis submitted to the
The University of Cincinnati
in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
in the Department of Communication
of the College of Arts and Sciences
by Dominique K. Francisco
B.A. University of Cincinnati
Spring 2020
Committee Members:
Ronald L. Jackson II, Ph.D., Eric Jenkins, Ph.D., Carlos Morrison, Ph.D.
Abstract
In this study, I used an Afrocentric rhetorical approach to analyze the rhetoric of mothers of slain children advocating for social justice and police reform after the deaths of black males and females at the hands of police and vigilantes. The speeches include Sybrina Fulton, the mother of Trayvon
Martin and the Democratic National convention speech of the self-proclaimed group called the Mothers of the Movement. Using the metatheory of
Afrocentricity and paradigmatic adaptation of Afrocentricity, the study will serve as an Afrocentric rhetorical analysis to uncover ways in which a rhetoric of social resistance can be empowering and motivating to its audience members.
ii iii Acknowledgements
First, I would like to express gratitude to God and my family. Thank you to the phenomenal woman that I call mom, who always supported me amid her battle with cancer. My sincere thank you goes to my advisor, Dr. Ronald L.
Jackson II, thank you for your patience, motivation, and wealth of knowledge. I would like to thank the rest of my thesis committee: Dr. Eric
Jenkins and Dr. Carlos Morrison, for their encouragement and guidance.
Thank you to my amazing extended family: Dr. Kathy, DuBose family,
Wilkerson family, Dr. Roper, Candace, and my line sisters for your constant support, spiritual guidance, and words of encouragement as I completed my thesis. Lastly, I want to dedicate this thesis to my amazing great- grandmother who has always stressed the importance of education.
iv Table of Contents Abstract ...... ii Chapter 1 ...... 1 Overview ...... 1 Mothers of The Movement ...... 6 African American Women’s Rhetorical Influence ...... 7 Rhetoric of Resistance...... 8 Definition of Terms ...... 9 Significance of Study ...... 10 Preview of Conceptual Framework ...... 12 Preview of Forthcoming Chapters ...... 20 Chapter 2 ...... 21 Rest in Power: Rhetoric of Religion and Inclusivity of an Afrocentric Analysis from a Grieving Mother ...... 21 Methods ...... 29 Analysis of Speech ...... 31 Nommo Manifestation ...... 31 Rhythm ...... 31 Repetition ...... 33 Mythication ...... 36 Conclusion ...... 38 Chapter 3 ...... 41 Turning Grief to Governance: An Afrocentric Analysis of the political rhetoric of resistance from the Mothers of the Movement...... 41 Importance of Motherhood and Mothers of the Movement ...... 43 Afrocentricity and Location ...... 47 Analysis of Speech ...... 52 Chapter 4 ...... 65 Conclusion ...... 65 Overview of Methods ...... 69 Discussion of RQ #1 ...... 69 Discussion of RQ #2 ...... 71
v Discussion of RQ #3 ...... 72 Strengths, Implications, Limitations, and Future Research ...... 73
vi Chapter 1
Overview
Gun-related violence is a constant public safety concern despite the many efforts over the past decades for gun reform. The 1999-2017 Center for Disease Control and Prevention WONDER Report, a document that charts the cause of deaths in the U.S., showed more than one-third of gun deaths are a result of homicides (CDC, 2017). According to the Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, the United States gun homicide rate is twenty-five times higher than in other high-income countries.
Table 1.1
According to Finkelhor, et al. (2015), three million American children witness gun violence every year. Children are impacted by the intersection of gun and domestic violence. As we evaluate these stats it is important to
1 recognize that a larger percentage of these gun deaths disproportionately affect African Americans. The 2017 Center for Disease Control and
Prevention Injury Fatal Injury Report states, “Firearms are the leading cause of death for Black children and teens. Black children and teens are 14 times more likely than White children and teens of the same age to die by gun homicide” (CDC, 2017).
Table 1.2
It is important to draw awareness to the alarming rate of African
American homicides in America as a result of gun violence. Concentrated disadvantage is a major factor fueling the disproportionate fatalities amongst
Blacks due to gun violence. Everytown for safety stated, “White and Black
2 children may live in the same city yet experience it differently. Due to policy decisions that enforce racial segregation and disinvestment in certain communities, gun violence is concentrated in Black neighborhoods within cities, many of which are marked by high levels of poverty and joblessness and low levels of investment in education.” Due to the isolation of resources within their community such as stable housing, jobs, adequate schools, grocery stores, and other institutions, the risk for engagement in crime and violence within the community increases and adds to the perpetuating cycle.
We know gun violence is a major contributor to the death of many
Americans, and we have to work with legislators to seek positive change.
Any type of violence is egregious, but it is more of a concern when those in crime prevention careers such as police officers or those we trust to prevent crimes frequently utilize excessive behaviors toward individuals of certain ethnicities. African Americans have been fatally brutalized by those in crime prevention at a greater rate than other ethnicities. The Washington Post
2019 Fatal Force report states, 235 African Americans were shot and killed by police in the line of duty from 2015 to present day (Washington Post,
2020). The USA Today reported that there were 22,924 investigations of officers using excessive force, and that less than 10% of officers within most police forces get investigated for misconduct (Kelly & Nichols, 2019). This is less than the rate at which members of the public are convicted or incarcerated. Yet, for decades it has been unaddressed, and there have been
3 multiple high-profile cases involving African Americans and police that have been overlooked.
Mapping Police Violence generated a report on United States police officers’ fatal shooting rates outlining the differences in police killings based on ethnicity and how African Americans numbers are three times more likely to be killed by police than white people. The report revealed that African
Americans are overrepresented as victims of violent crimes at the hands of the police in 2019. The percentage of citizens killed by police in the United
States of America during this time period showed the Black community having the highest percentage every year. Specifically, in 2019, 24% of
Blacks killed by police in comparison to 6.04% of Whites and 11.05%. of
Hispanics. As one can see, the Black community appears to be a target. The number of police fatal shootings of unarmed Blacks is considerably higher than other ethnicities. According to the Washington Post, in 2015, police shot and killed over 35 unarmed Black males leaving mothers and families without their innocent loved ones.
Before the early 2000s there has been little research on law enforcement brutality and Blacks. Several scholars such as Entman &
Rojecki (2000), Smith & Holmes (2003), Tomaskovic-Devey, et al. (2006),
Dixon (2007), Dixon (2008), Dottolo and Stewart (2008), Elicker (2008),
Kane & White (2009), and Staples (2011), have started examining the increasing rate of law enforcement brutality against Blacks. Their research
4 highlights that Black men have greater encounters with law enforcement brutality than other racial groups, and that these encounters for Black men more often than not end fatally.
The high rate of African American deaths at the hands of police officers hurts the African American community. The African American community has a sense of fear when they encounter the police; consequently, many have lost trust and hope in the police. As a result, mothers and family members of those killed at the hands of police have started to form groups in order to inspire and motivate African American community members not to become hopeless or give up but to resist and organize for social change. This is seen mostly from mothers whose children have been killed at the hands of police.
There is still limited research highlighting mothers of slain children's response to such a tragedy associated with law enforcement brutality.
There is little evaluation on how the mother's utilization of rhetoric motivates and emotionally connects to a crowd. Since the early 2000s, there have been a multitude of African American women linked together by similar tragedies. They are mothers whose children were murdered at the hands of law enforcement. The slaying of African Americans at the hands of law enforcement, and other crime prevention apparatuses such as neighborhood watchmen, has become so prevalent that there is now a social movement developing against such brutality. This movement is inspired and facilitated
5 by a group of courageous, powerful, and determined mothers of slain Black children; they are known as the Mothers of the Movement.
Mothers of The Movement
The Mothers of the Movement is a group made up of African American women whose unarmed innocent children have been murdered at the hands of police officers, those we trust to prevent crimes, and civilians acting as vigilante as a result of self-perceived entitlement. Mothers of the Movement started as a result of the 2013 acquittal of George Zimmerman after he fatally shot and killed 17-year-old Trayvon Martin. The Mothers of the
Movement founding members are Sybrina Fulton, the mother of Trayvon
Martin; Lezley McSpadden, mother of 18-year-old Michael Brown, Gwen
Carr, the mother of 43-year-old Eric Garner; Geneva Reed-Veal, mother of
28-year-old Sandra Bland; Cleopatra Pendleton-Cowley, mother of 15-year- old Hadiya Pendleton; Maria Hamilton, mother of 31-year-old Dontré
Hamilton; Lucy McBath, mother of 17-year-old Jordan Davis.
This powerful group of women is important because society and media often force African American mothers of slain children to defend their child’s character almost instantaneously. The media will intensify the actual victims’ actions and pull irrelevant information from their past to make the slain victim appear negatively in the eyes of the public. However, the media defends and portrays the anti-black police officers that killed the individual as the victim or their actions justifiable. Far too often, the media makes
6 attempts to tarnish the character of the Black victims murdered at the hands of an officer. As a result, these mothers make it their mission to travel around the United States of America, speaking on television shows, award ceremonies, political speaking engagements, and a multitude of other speaking engagements sharing their experiences and fighting to clean up the negative images the media has attempted to portray of their child.
These strong and dedicated mothers use their child’s death as a prime example of how a traumatic incident can be used to rally a community and advocate for social reform. They are working to draw attention to the anti- black police and vigilante violence in hopes of preventing incidents similar to theirs from becoming another family’s reality. They do so in a variety of ways and their rhetorical resistance efforts are powerful.
African American Women’s Rhetorical Influence
African Americans have greatly depended upon rhetoric as a tool of resistance, empowerment, and hope against the freedom struggles and inequalities that are so deeply rooted within the culture of the United States of America. Rhetoric is the persuasive use of written, visual, or spoken language. One can explore various rhetorical strategies to understand the influence language has on organizing and maintaining social identities, social constructs, creating knowledge, and activating change. Throughout African
American women’s history, podium rhetoric has been used as a means to resist and comfort those that have lost a loved one due to senseless
7 prejudice murders. The use of rhetoric is vital in organizing, igniting, and progressing social movements of resistance within the Black community.
Rhetoric of Resistance
Resistance has always played an important role throughout African
American history and in the African American imagination, but only in the last thirty years has it become an indispensable tool of race interpretation. It is imperative to recognize how vital rhetoric of resistance is as a tool for publicly addressing law enforcement brutality. In Asante’s interview with
George Yancy of Emory University, he says that rhetoric of resistance is rhetoric used to claim ones space where oppression exists…the objective of the oppressed, the victimized and the exploited is always to “seize” the accouterments of power in order to correct the imbalance when the mastering force least expect assaults on the ramparts of villainy that seek to marginalize them” (2015). For example, after the media reporting of a tragedy in one of Cincinnati’s Black communities (police shooting death of an unarmed Black male motorist, Sam DuBose), the primary resource for community organizers, who took to the streets to mobilize a civil response was uplifting motivation of local citizens, which most often occurs through the use of a rhetoric of resistance. Here rhetoric was deployed, mainly by
Black protestors, in a manner that promoted community healing and inspiring hope.
8 Definition of Terms
Before moving forward, it is important to define what is meant by the term “Black” throughout this thesis. The term Black typically references an individual of African ancestral origins. However, contemporarily, the term
Black often signifies a member of a non-white minority population of African ancestry. This may include people throughout the African Diaspora such as
Haitians, Jamaicans, Ghanaians as well as those who are African descendants who reside in or are native to any given continent. According to
Comstock (2004), “the term Black has a history in social, political, and everyday life and in its use to denote African ancestry is entrenched in epidemiological and public health language” (p. 611). Despite the varying usages of “Black” to describe anyone in the African Diaspora, throughout this research study the use of Black people and Black culture will be utilized interchangeably with African American.
The term African American refers to a person of African ancestral origins self-identifying as an American citizen. While the term African
American has been used at least since the 1920s, it has been the preferred term in the USA since the 1980s. As most African Americans in the USA originated from Sub-Sahara Africa, the term is not applied to Africans from
Northern African countries such as Morocco. Most African Americans are descendants of persons brought to the Americas as slaves between the 17th and 19th century (distant ancestry). Such people differ from others who
9 came from Africa or the Caribbean in the 20th and 21st centuries (recent ancestry), in terms of culture, language, migration history, and health.
These differences are often ignored. That is why it is important to study how ones culture the way they utilize rhetoric as a method of community healing and motivation.
Significance of Study
There is a considerable amount of research exploring encounters of
Blacks and law enforcement brutality, and even research on protests that happen as a result of such racial crisis. However, there is not an extensive amount of literature focusing on the public rhetoric associated with mothers of slain Black children after the tragedy has occurred. Typically, when there is research conducted it explores their rhetoric through the White European theoretical approach. Research from this approach prevents the researcher from fully understanding how these mothers ignite communities unified in resistance and promote community healing through their rhetoric.
It is important to recognize that a unique encounter occurs when these
Black Mothers speak in public regardless of the demographic they are speaking to. This is because they speak from a place of grief and void. As a result, we will use Afrocentric rhetorical concepts to evaluate how they utilize rhetoric to emotionally connect with their audience.
For example, in Study 1 (found in chapter 2), driving investigative question of Sybrina Fulton’s speech about her son Trayvon Martin is, “How is
10 the concept of nommo manifested in the rhetoric of Fulton’s speech?” The concept of nommo is uncovered via three Afrocentric rhetorical devices – rhythm, repetition, and mythification.
In Study 2 (found in chapter 3), the focus is not on a single rhetor, but instead on several rhetors representing the Mothers of the Movement. The motivation for this study is reflected in two primary investigative questions,
“How is the concept of location manifested in the speech the Mothers of the
Movement gave at the Democratic National Convention?” and “How do these principles of magara seek to influence unity and resistance when communicating with her audiences?” Notice that the second study is conceptually compelled by two concepts – location and magara. Location refers to a sociopolitical and cultural consciousness, and magara refers to the power of rhetoric to influence action in a way that strengthens or weakens the audience.
Both studies look at the affect of rhetoric. Each study engages the notion of what happens when a rhetoric of resistance is enacted from the standpoint of mothers of slain Black children. Both studies adopt an
Afrocentric orientation.
Afrocentricity is an approach which Dr. Asante states, “studies ideas, concepts, events, personalities, and political and economic processes from a standpoint of Black people as subjects and not as objects, basing all knowledge on the authentic interrogation of location”. In order to truly
11 understand the effect these mothers’ speeches have in igniting community resistance and community reconciliation, one must understand the
Afrocentric approaches used to connect with a crowd through the utilization of various Afrocentric principles. These mothers employ Afrocentric principles in order to motivate for effective change to prevent law enforcement or vigilante brutality and the racial crisis plaguing the United States of America and other places across the world.
In this study, I will engage in rhetorical analysis of several speeches to learn how the mothers of slain children at the hands of a police officer communicate to inspire and ignite a crowd. The primary goal is to offer a better understanding of how African American mothers of slain children can communicate these tough messages protecting their child’s legacy and organizing for change in a manner to pierce through the often-desensitized messaging frequently heard.
Preview of Conceptual Framework
This study will adopt Dr. Molefi Asante’s Afrocentric Theory as a conceptual framework. Pulling from the Afrocentric concepts of the Magara principles, which incorporates concepts such as nommo and ntu. According to Woodyard, “The Magara principle (reflecting Bantu culture and language) invokes our ability to “strengthen” and/or weaken another toward a particular interpretation or understanding. Magara applied to
12 communication, suggests a system of operations wherein spiritual and material dynamics unite in the production of shared meaning” (p. 136).
Ntu is the universal life force representing itself through patterns and rhythms. Rhetoric using ntu includes rhythmic patterns urging shared meanings across shared communities (Jahn, 1994). For example, Dr. Martin
Luther King Jr.’s “I have a dream” speech is a prime example of rhetorical utilization of ntu. This is due to its rhythmic pattern and the message Dr.
King was seeking to communicate to the communities. Nommo helps the listener interact and understand the importance of the history being shared.
Without nommo it is difficult for the African American community to gain vivid detail pertaining to views of the history being told.
Asante (1988) believes discourse must maintain specific characteristics to be deemed as Afrocentric. Afrocentric discourse celebrates one's historical heritage, acknowledging the language modes of others and rejecting imposed hierarchies. Afrocentric discourse makes an attempt to bring balance and harmony along with reconciliation and collaboration when needed. For example, the mothers of slain children attempt to bring harmony in the midst of riots and protests to an angry and grieving community.
These mothers strive to reconcile the divided groups by working together to voice their demands for judicial system reform and other positive change. They started foundations that seek to keep youth off the streets and
13 encourage the Black Community to become more involved in government.
The Afrocentric discourse contributes intellectually to the world’s history as a viable, self-defined and distinct component of multicultural realities. It promotes community while celebrating diversity. Afrocentric discourse respects pluralism and opposes Western imperialism. It also conforms to and reflects the traditional communicative, stylistic and argumentative features of Black culture (Asante 1988). If a method fails to reflect the aforementioned criteria as required of the approach, the critic and the discourse, then in essence, it is not Afrocentric according to the standards presented by Dr. Asante (1988).
Afrocentricity is a strong pillar in research because it does not concern itself with how closely it approximates or deviates from any other traditional rhetorical approach. Afrocentricity stands alone as a fully functioning methodological entity, allowing the African culture and African American experience to be at the center of one’s research. Asante’s (1988) Afrocentric paradigm focuses on the interrelationships of specific rhetorical components from a narrowed, pure and insightful perspective centered around African cultures and various oratorical styles.
What distinguishes Afrocentricity from Afrocentric rhetorical analysis is the specificity of the Afrocentric rhetorical method. While Afrocentricity simply refers to placing African epistemology, cosmology, and axiology at the center of one’s analysis, the Afrocentric rhetorical method demonstrates
14 how this is done when systematically examining a text. The application of an
African cultural lens begins with an understanding of cultural tendencies, communicative patterns, values, and beliefs. For example, culturally African people throughout the African Diaspora have maintained a strong belief in a supreme being, an undying commitment to community uplift, a matriarchal family structure with patrilineal heritage, a firm commitment to relationships and extended family networks, including fictive kin, as well as culturally- defined patterns exemplified by call-n-response, repetition, epic memory, wholism, curvilinearity, polycentrism, and rhythm (Jackson et al, 2020).
Additionally, one of the central features of an Afrocentric rhetorical method is the presence of nommo, or the life-giving vivacity of the word, as a rhetorical tool.
Characteristics of Nommo
Nommo is defined as the power of the spoken word. It is more than the force with which a word is stated, but rather a combination of features described below, all of which reflects African-centered orature. African
American communication has a multitude of oratorical styles that mirror this
African centeredness. The values of humanism, compassionate understanding, and rhythm as well as the attributes of oppression are foundational building blocks within African American communication (Asante,
1988). Orality is vital in African American communication and is one component utilized when evaluating the manifestation of nommo through
15 speech. According to Cummings and Roy Nommo is manifested through performative characteristics such as, “rhythm, soundin’ out, repetition, stylin’, storytelling, lyrical quality, historical perspective, indirection, call and response, protests against the White establishment, and mythication” (2002, p. 63). I have chosen to outline various characteristics for each speech that will be picked at random.
African American Mothers Influence Through Nommo
African Americans added their own spirit and culture to the genre of speech. National speeches from African American women leaders of murdered children were designed to engage and prompt audience involvement. However, the audience may respond how they see fit based on the emotions felt while listening to the speech of the mother. Often times the action after the speech might be to resist the oppressor, engage in the fight for justice, and comforting the family affected by a situation where a loved one is slain due to hatred and excessive force. These mothers' speeches spread like wildfire as they defend their child's legacy and build a legacy for their child in the community. The speeches attempt to override the negative image that the media has tried to portray of their child. They penetrate neighborhoods across the country, gathering more support in the fight against the murder of their child by those that were supposed to be protecting them.
16 Prominent African American women activist speeches became increasingly popular within the mid to late 20th century. One prominent
African American mother whose child was slain is Ms. Mammie Till (1955).
She managed to convey some of her emotions to many across the United
States after the murder of her son Emmett Till. DeLuca states, “Emmett Till, provoked both affect and action because it demonstrated that conventional boundaries between self and others, North and South, life and death are irrevocably blurred” (p. 281). The United States seeing and experiencing nommo in a different manner than that of the art forms such as Hip-Hop and dance, and its manifestation through the pain, grief, and agony of Ms.
Mammie Till. For Mammie Till, her activism amplified a call for justice to prevent lynching and draw awareness to the violence toward people of color within the South.
Nommo’s manifestation is still relevant today and surrounding us daily.
In order to properly study nommo, one must thoroughly understand the theory of Afrocentricity and the history of the oral tradition, folklore, and storytelling in Africans and African Americans (Howard, 2011). Black culture is oral culture and relies heavily on spoken and written in order to create and maintain tradition within their particular culture. The oratory is a powerful form of communication. According to nommo, a spoken word from one human being to the next is an entity that can change or create a life.
According to the Bible Proverbs 18:21 “Life and death lie in the power of the
17 tongue”. This is a quote many Black Christians live solely by. Therefore, it alludes to just how powerful verbal communication is within the Black
Community.
According to Woodyard, “Nommo is the essence of the oral tradition and holds a mystical characteristic that is described as magical” (p. 135,
2003). Nommo is viewed as the life force, it is a unity of spiritual and physical fluidity, giving life to everything, penetrating everything, causing everything (Woodyard, p. 124, 2003). If nommo did not exist, it would be difficult to gain vivid detail pertaining to views of the history being told.
Nommo operates within the context of ntu. It engenders magara within and across rhetorical communities. The new and innovate speeches of the civil rights movement had a rhythm that would catch people’s attention and strengthened the audience’s acceptance of full participation. Nommodic rhetorical behaviors are evident in behaviors of certain communicators and participants of rhetorical communities. Civil rights leaders actively utilize words to change the way the world thought about things. Magara principles are a system of operations where the spirit and material forces are united in the production of life and meaning. Helping individuals to understand persuasion from an African perspective in tune with modern European understanding of persuasive processes.
Through the Afrocentric Theory, I plan to explore how these African
American mothers’ rhetoric motivates a crowd toward resistance and action.
18 There is a considerable amount of research exploring encounters of Blacks and police fatalities, and even research on protests that happen as a result of such racial crisis. However, there is limited literature focusing on public rhetoric associated with mothers of slain Black children after the tragedy from an Afrocentric lens. Typically, when there is research conducted it explores their rhetoric through the European theoretical approach, thus hindering the researcher from fully understanding how these mothers ignite communities unified in resistance and promote community healing through their rhetoric.
Preview of Methods
In the chapters that follow, chapter 2, seeks to answer the investigative question, “How is the concept of nommo manifested in the rhetoric of Fulton’s speech?” In chapter 3, the investigate question is, “How is the concept of location and subject-place manifested in the speech the
Mothers of the Movement gave at the Democratic National Convention?” and
“How do the principles of magara seek to influence unity and resistance when communicating with her audiences?”. Each chapter’s investigative questions will be evaluated using Afrocentric characteristics displayed through reading of speech transcripts and watching video recordings of the speeches. This Afrocentric rhetorical analysis places Afrocentric views at the center of the analysis. I will be evaluating the rhetorician’s goals, what
19 Afrocentic devices were used when the speeches were delivered and highlighting overarching themes within the speeches.
Preview of Forthcoming Chapters
In the chapters that follow, chapter 2, I will evaluate the rhetoric of
Trayvon Martin's Mother, Ms. Sybrina Fulton's 2015 speech in Portland,
Oregon. Within this speech, Ms. Fulton speaks about her experience since the death of her son and how the community needs to become united to fight the racial struggles plaguing the African American community. In chapter 3, I explore the rhetorical methods of a speech given at the 2016
Democratic National Convention by multiple members of the Mothers of the
Movement group. In Chapter 4, I will conclude by presenting findings, introduce emerging themes from each speech's rhetorical analysis, and suggest limitations and future next steps within research around the topic.
20 Chapter 2
Rest in Power: Rhetoric of Religion and Inclusivity of an Afrocentric Analysis
from a Grieving Mother
Have you ever lost a loved one? Imagine the thought of your parent having to bury you due to someone thinking you did not belong in a neighborhood and shooting you at close range. This incident is happening frequently in the Black community by those believing they are superior.
Over the past decade riots and protests have spread across the nation after the frequent killing of unarmed Blacks. News story after news story has shown evidence of vigilante brutality of Blacks. However, there is limited literature focusing on public rhetoric associated with the family and more particularly the mothers of slain Black children after the tragedy. This is the first communication study that explores how these mothers ignite communities unified in resistance and promotes community healing through their rhetoric.
This particular research is vital to gaining insight on how Afrocentric concepts are infused within the rhetoric of grieving Black mothers to calm and motivate an audience. I have chosen to analyze Sybrina Fulton’s speech delivered three years after the tragic unexpected death of her son Trayvon
Martin. Focusing more specifically on how she uses Afrocentric rhetoric to tell a story of sadness, perseverance, and resistance to inspire and move the nation I chose to evaluate this particular speech because I wanted to
21 evaluate how powerful her popular YouTube speech really was and how
Afrocentric elements were displayed in her speech.
This chapter provides context to situate Fulton’s performance of resistance towards gun violence and vigilante brutality through evaluating her experiences as a mother of a murdered son, activist, and now political figure. One must account for Fulton’s transition from loving grieving mother to mainstream political icon fighting for justice. To account for her transition, one must trace the background of events that lead to her becoming a public figure and the speeches she delivers addressing racial injustices facing
African Americans in the United States of America. This serves as a backdrop in analyzing Fulton’s performance of resistance, while upholding an
Afrocentric view of her speech and rhetoric.
Tracing the Background of Events
Trayvon Benjamin Martin, born February 5, 1995, a 17-year-old
African American high school student who lived in Miami Gardens, Florida, with his mother, Sybrina Fulton. In February 2012, Martin was visiting his father, Tracy Martin in Sanford, Florida. George Zimmerman was a neighborhood watch volunteer at Twin Lakes gated community in Sanford,
Florida.
On February 26, 2012, Trayvon Martin, a young vibrant, 17-year-old from Miami, Florida visiting his father in a gated community of Sanford,
Florida experienced the unexpected. During Trayvon’s walk home from
22 purchasing Skittles and an Arizona tea from the local 7-Eleven the unimaginable happened. George Zimmerman, the neighborhood watch captain, began trailing Martin from inside his car and called 911. George calls 911 to report “a suspicious person” within the neighborhood. According to CNN reports, “He is instructed not to get out of his SUV or approach the person. Zimmerman disregards the instructions. Moments later, neighbors report hearing gunfire. Zimmerman does acknowledge that he shot Martin”
(CNN Trayvin Martin Shooting Fast Facts, 2012).
On July 13, 2013 Zimmerman was later found not guilty for the charges of second-degree murder or manslaughter in 2013. The facts of what truly happened that 26th day of February will probably never be fully known. However, what we do know is that American history is constantly repeating itself more frequently when it comes to acquittal after murdering innocent unarmed Black men.
Despite her devastating loss, Sybrina Fulton has persevered and works tirelessly to support initiatives seeking to inspire hope, educate, and draw awareness to police brutality and racial injustices within the United States.
Sybrina and Tracy Fulton also channeled their heartache to promote positive change within the communities needing it the most. Sybrina and her family worked together to create The Trayvon Martin Foundation out of a need to bring awareness to ending senseless gun violence.
23 Through her creation of the Trayvon Martin Foundation, they have created programming such as; Circle of Mothers and Circle of Fathers to empower women and men that have lost their children or family member due to senseless gun violence. Created partnerships with Miami Dade
College to create a S.T.E.M Education program for grades 9-12 free of charge.
Trayvon’s tragic incident emotionally ignited the Black community causing negative feelings toward the justice system. Zimmerman’s acquittal fueled an already growing national campaign for justice where Trayvon’s parents were at the forefront of spearheading. Through this incident
Trayvon’s mother, Sybrina Fulton had to use her voice, she gained allies, and launched a grassroots movement to shake up the United States. Seven years later Trayvon’s death and deaths of many other back men has become viewed as a rhetorical symbol showing that the judicial system is still not designed for all people. Sybrina and family have turned their grief into a powerful movement surrounding resistance of social injustices that haunt the
Black and Brown communities in America.
Many within the African American community were hurt by this social injustice and Zimmerman’s acquittal so much it resulted in the 100 cities protest which, in some instances, turned into riots. For example, Oakland,
California protests turned into riots after a group of passionate individuals joined the protests. Fulton rose to the platform during this time. She became
24 the compelling voice behind the nationwide “Justice for Trayvon” campaign.
In the midst of the turmoil and emotional hurt throughout the African
American community, she has continuously become the voice of reason. Her rhetoric is infused with a message of resistance, hope, strength, healing, and sadness. As she deals with how to properly address the discourse of social injustice and lack of social reform as it relates to the Brown and Black communities across the nation.
Conceptual Framework
This chapter provides an Afrocentric analysis of Sybrina Fulton’s 2015 speech to the Portland, Oregon community. Woodyard (2003) explains that
Afrocentric discourse may best be understood via a nommodic analysis
Jackson (2003). expounds on this and maintains that while the concept of nommo refers to the power of the spoken word, a critique of nommo may best be understood via seven distinct elements: polycentrisim, polyrhythm, dimensionality, curvilinearity, repetition, epic memory, and wholism. We will utilize polyrhythm and epic memory to understand Fulton’s rhetoric within the present study. Sybrina Fulton deploys all of these rhetorical features to build community and persuade her respective audience that social injustice must come to an end.
Polyrhythm means the speaker relies upon several simultaneous rhythms in the speech to compel the audience. Those rhythms are
25 comprised of Fulton’s verbal cadence within the speech, the affirming responses from the audience, and the audience’s punctuating applause.
Epic Memory is somewhat similar to Kenneth Burke’s consubstantiality, which states that Burke writes, "substance was an act; and a way of life is an acting together; and in acting together, men [and women] have common sensations, concepts, images, ideas, attitudes that make them; consubstantial" (1962, p. 21). Epic memory is a technique used to engage an audience by referring to a profound memory that the speaker knows the audience is likely to relate to. For example, on Monday, April 13,
2015 Fulton delivered a speech for the YWCA of Greater Portland at a day- long “Empowering Our Youth” event at Maranatha Church in Portland,
Oregon. The event drew 1300 people and included the Black National
Anthem as well as a spoken word performance from Chief Joseph
Ockley/Green School where the kids wore “Stand Up for Justice” hoodies in tribute to Trayvon Martin.
The range of events that day led up to a speech that evening from
Trayvon Martin’s mother Sybrina Fulton. It has been a little over three years since her son died on February 26, 2012 and just under two years since
George Zimmerman was acquitted for killing her son. Although the interval of two years had passed, the wounds were still fresh. The audience was still riled up, mostly because in 2015 the Washington Post reported more than
1,000 civilians had been shot by police, but periodicals like The Guardian
26 clarified that while Black males constitute 2% of the US Population between ages 15-34, 15% of black males were killed at the hands of the police in
2015. The Guardian reported that Black males were killed at “twice the rate of White, Hispanic, and Native Americans” in 2015. So, the zeitgeist of this historical moment was ripe with anticipation of social change and primed for a voice like that of Sybrina Fulton.
It was a significant moment in the speech when Fulton indicates that her friends and church members had gone home and “in my darkest hours I needed a word.” The audience offers affirming responses like “alright” and
“amen.” She then goes on to say that the most difficult day in her life was not when she heard that her son had been killed but the day she attended her son’s funeral. The pulp of emotions present in that moment illustrates how epic memory functions.
Through retelling of her story, she compelled us to think about our own memories of our own families. She took us on a journey that helped us to empathize with what it was like to experience loss, sadness, anger, hopelessness, etc. She shows her strength, She, in the context of a speech delivered at a church, reminded those gathered that they must learn to rely on God in their “darkest hours.” The words “in our darkest hours” culls to mind Presidential addresses like that of George Bush when he addressed the nation after attacks on 9/11 and used the same words. Those words evoke tragedy. It is unclear whether Fulton prepared to use those words as her
27 speech appeared to be extemporaneous, but they were powerful and indicative of grand recollections that Jackson categorically identifies as epic memory.
Asante (1990) states that an Afrocentric ontology is communal. This means that individuals find their worth of existence in relationship to a community, to nature, and to a supreme idea or being. According to Asante
(1988), an Afrocentric ontology seeks to use rhythm to harmonize. On the surface rhythm might appear external to the individual, but instead it is reflective of one’s personal rhythm or life force combined with the speaker’s rhythm or life force. Kenneth Burke might refer to this consubstantiality; however the Afrocentric paradigm focuses on the relational communion built through discourse. This only happens through the power of discourse or nommo.
Nommo is an Afrocentric term which identifies the power of the spoken word to generate and create reality and create harmony or union in the face of disharmony (Asante, 1988). Asante also says nommo is the process that is undertaken in the community to foster transformation by recognizing the current reality and re-imagining their ideal future (1988).
For this analysis, the speech transcript data and video recordings will be reviewed to identify discourse and surrounding rhetorical themes. From those evaluations, I will code each speech in regard to the guidelines for
Afrocentric Theory. This will be re-evaluated by my advisor to ensure
28 accuracy and placed in proper categories. These investigative questions will act as guidelines throughout the rhetorical discourse analysis of the two speeches. Nommo is also holistic and a (both-and) approach versus an
(either-or) approach. Due to this holistic approach nommo can use language to override dualities such as the message of resistance and hope that Fulton speaks about.
Methods
This study focus on the concept of Nommo and its manifestation within
Sybrina Fulton’s speech. This study seeks to answer the following question:
• How is the concept of nommo manifested in the rhetoric of Fulton’s
speech?
This speech is delivered by a Mother that has become well known after the murder of her son. Sybrina Fulton, has become so instrumental in seeking change that she is currently running for office in Florida. The speech being evaluated will be her 2015 speech in Portland, Oregon about life after
Trayvon Martin’s murder and the importance of voting and holding elected officials accountable for their actions. This speech was picked due to the diverse audiences and having top views on YouTube. During the study, the characteristics of nommo that will be outlined are rhythm, repetition, and mythication.
29 We have already begun to unpack the way in which polyrhythm and epic memory are deployed as nommodic devices within Fulton’s speech in
Portland. Rhythm according to Merriam-Webster is defined as, “a strong, regular, repeated pattern of movement or sound” (2020, p. 1257).
According to Walker & Kuykendall, “Rhythm is achieved in how well a speaker regulates his or her flow of words with correct pauses and intensifications” (2005). The rate of speech and variation of pitch are included in rhythm. Rhythm is very important in the African American community due to rhythm being what upholds the flow of speeches. Walter
Ong stated, “rhythm aids recall, even physiologically. Jousse (1993) has shown the intimate linkage between rhythmic oral patterns” (p. 63).
Repetition is when the speaker repeats a word or phrase to engage the audience. Dr. King repeated the phrase “I Have A Dream” in his 1963 speech at the March on Washington. Mythication is language suggesting that the message is sanctioned by some well qualified individual to demonstrate the righteousness of the cause (Asante, 1987). The speaker speaks about the solution to critical issues conditions such racial injustices, brutality, senseless killings, poverty, voters’ rights, and empowerment. Speaking based on past historical experience or a high powers guidance.
30 Analysis of Speech
This analysis evaluates the speech of Sybrina Fulton. The research looks at the manifestations of nommo, as well as how principles of magara seek to influence unity and resistance when communicating with her audiences? Purposefully, the goal here is to uncover additional nommodic elements of polyrhythm, Repetition, Mythication, and manifested within her speech. As mentioned before, nommo is a rhetorical element typically found in African American rhetoric. Based on the video, people of various ethnicities make up the audience.
Nommo Manifestation
Rhythm
As I begin this section, perhaps it is best to include an excerpt from
Sybrina Fulton’s 2015 speech in Portland, Oregon being analyzed. Mid- speech she says the following:
I'm just going to tell you one of the things that helped me out and it's a
scripture that I learned. I'm not gonna sing! I think I can, but some
People think I can't sing. But umm there's…there...is a scripture that I
always said to myself and its Proverbs 3:5-6 and it says, “TRUST IN THE
LORD WITH ALL YOUR HEART. Lean not unto you own understanding in
all of your ways acknowledge him and he shall direct your path.”
31 When the cameras went off
my friends went home, when my church members went home.
and it was just me on the floor crying again. During my darkest hours
and I said that scripture, and said that scripture, and said that scripture.
Until I believed in that scripture. That I didn't have to understand what
was going on, it was not for me to understand. That I absolutely needed
to do my part, but a lot of people think that the worst day of my life was
the day that I got the telephone call that Trayvon had been murdered.
Sybrina Fulton delivers a speech where she is repeatedly changing her rhythm to engage her listeners. She begins by talking in what appears to be a calm or normal rate. However, throughout her speech she has a unique change in pattern. As she approaches an emotional climax, such as one of her many religious statements, she increases her pace and then begins to add pauses more frequently. Pausing is one of the most overlooked delivery techniques, but there are many benefits of using pauses effectively. Pauses are used to convey emotions, and help the audience understand the message. The audience can only absorb so much information at a time.
Experts Campione and Véronis (Lindgren & Sullivan, 2019) (2002) tell us that “speech consists of short (0.15 seconds), medium (0.50 seconds), long
(1.50 seconds) pauses” (p. 288). In the speech excerpt above, Fulton alters her rhythm through the use of varying pause lengths.
32 Fulton’s change in rate keeps the audience engaged as she talks about her emotions and personal struggles during her time of despair. She talked about how her religious beliefs strengthened her and got her through such a devastating time. During her speech her pauses also indirectly welcome the audience’s responses. Within the video the audience members can be heard yelling sayings such as “amen” or “alright” or clapping in support of what
Fulton is saying.
The start of this speech is spoken slow and almost hesitant, but it seems she grows in confidence and increases he rate of speech with each word spoken. Once she gets to quoting the actual bible verse and talking about her personal experiences Fulton has increased her rate of speech, tone, and hand gestures to intensify her words. By this time, she has removed the microphone from the podium stand and is moving around the stage. The characteristic of rhythm helps to keep the audience engaged and interested in what she has to say. It also indirectly welcomes audience participation with every rhythmic pause and stir of emotions though her religious references or comments about racial injustices.
Repetition
Fulton uses repetition within her speech on a few occasions. She starts her speech with repetition by saying, “I don't want this position. I didn't sign up for this position. This is not something that I wanna do. I just want my
33 life back. I want my boys back. I want my job back. I just want my simple lifestyle that I was leading.” She is stressing that she did not want to experience what she has gone through. It is an emotional outcry when she constantly used phrases such as “I don’t” and “I didn’t”. Fulton is telling her audience she wants her life to be what it once was before Tryavon was murdered. This section of repetition stirred the audience’s emotions. In the speech video recording, Fulton is seen with her hands raised waving and backing away from the podium as she says she didn’t want it. Her nonverbal communication adds to the repetitive words being spoken.
Another instance of repetition is when Fulton talks about her emotional despair and how the scriptures gave her strength. Fulton states, “When the cameras went off. When my family went home. When my friends went home. When my church members went home. And it was just me! On the floor crying again. During my darkest hours I needed a word, and it was
Proverbs. I said that scripture, and said that scripture, and said that scripture. Until I believed in that scripture.” Repetition is displayed with the use of “when my” and “went home”. She uses “when my” to show that these groups of individuals are of significance to her. That while they were around, she held it together, but when they weren’t that’s when she felt and displayed despair and darkness. These words connected with the audience because there were audible moans and words of encouragement. By the time Fulton got to the repetition of “and said that scripture” she had created
34 an emotional connection with the audience letting them know that she made it through these moments with the help of God and the scriptures provided for her.
During her speech there is a section where she talks about racial injustices. She harps on the fact that Trayvon’s hoodie is not what made him a threat, but that it was due to the color of his skin. Repetition is present as she talks about racial injustice. She states, “So when I take a hoodie out of the equation what do we have left? We have the color of his skin. An although that is an uncomfortable subject. I have to say it because I can stand before you today. And there are a lot of things that I could take off. I can take off my jacket. I can take off my shirt, pants, and shoes, but I cannot remove the color of my skin.”
She gives an example of how one can take off every piece of common clothing worn by millions and the only difference was the color of her son’s skin that could have been the determining factor of why Trayvon’s murderer really felt Trayvon looked suspicious. Her repetition seems to touch the audience as they all begin yelling and clapping as each repetitive word is spoken. She made a contrast showing the hoodie was not what caused
Trayvon to seem threatening nor was it any other piece of clothing or accessory. He was racially profiled and that is why he was followed and murdered.
35 Fulton’s repetition was used to grab the listeners attention. It was also used to enhance the point she was seeking to get across to her audience.
Fulton was ignited by her son’s murder and she uses rhythm and repetition to address racial profiling and hope for unity.
Mythication
Mythication refers to employing language in a speech that implies the sanctioning of supra-rational forces at work. In other words, in the rhetoric of Black revolution, the speaker suggests that the agitation rhetoric is necessary and is a direct result of something bigger than the speaker that has brought this moment into being. Fulton transitions from her hurt to talking about the underlying message of anger, fight, and resistance. This is where she starts to attempt to unify the community by creating a call to fight against racial injustices. She calls on Portland to become educated about non-profit and political entities in order to make sure they go out and
“vote in those little elections” (2015). She uses mythication by speaking to the history of racial and government injustices that have called forth the present actions. This use of mythication offers a rationale for immediate and direct action sanctioned by a horrid past that must be reconciled.
She believes she is well qualified to speak about possible solutions due to her first-hand experience dealing with a corrupt system. Below is small
36 piece of what she believes possible solutions are to prevent another unjust death like Trayvon’s.
I'm never going get my son back. He's never gonna come back.
So, I'm gonna use my time and my energy to help someone else’s son.
To make a difference in somebody else's life. Make sure that you're
lending your voice, make sure that you're lending your talent, because
if you really want to make a difference and if you really want to make a
change that change will start here with you. Connecting with some of
those non-profit organizations I know the commissioner could say amen
to this but making sure that you’re a registered voter.
Not only do we want you to register to vote but we want you to
vote. We want you to vote in those little elections. You know a lot of
people wait for the presidential election and then they come out and
vote in numbers. But even the small elections are important. The small
issues are important because they lead to bigger issues. So, another
thing that you can also do in your community is you know when you get
that voters summon for you to go to jury duty, we need open minded
people… and I'm just glad to stand before you today and tell you that I
represent my son. I am Trayvon Martin.
This part of Fulton’s speech begins and ends by paying homage to her son’s legacy. She is emphasizing her hopes to prevent such hurt from happening to anyone else. She states, “So, I'm gonna use my time and my
37 energy to help someone else’s son. To make a difference in somebody else's life.” Her final words are, “and I'm just glad to stand before you today and tell you that I represent my son. I am Trayvon Martin.” Since Fulton has a first-hand experience of racial profiling and judicial injustices these subtle reminders of who she is at the end of the speech seem to give her credibility for why she can have the possible solution she has on these issues. She is seeking to prevent such tragedy from happening to others by urging the community to become active in government and attend jury duty in hopes of enacting change.
There are many characteristics of nommo present within her speech. I do believe based on the ethnically diverse audiences’ responses to Fulton’s use of nommo elements I believe nommo has the ability to transcend various cultures. Based on Fulton’s audience response I believe one can say the characteristics of nommo are effectively communicating their point and igniting an audience no matter the ethnicity.
Conclusion
Conducting this Afrocentric rhetorical analysis of Fulton’s 2015 speech provides insight into the cultures often overlooked. This Afrocentric approach evaluates the various exchanges amongst culture centered discourse. Even though it focuses on the elements within the African culture, Afrocentricity in very inclusive as we evaluate how humans interact. On the surface of her
38 speech one might think it is simply about the life of Trayvon Martin and how he was murdered due to racial profiling at the hands of the vigilante.
However, the speech is urging the audience to unite and fight the injustices.
Fulton’s Afrocentric qualities, whether intentional or not, were a vital piece to creating unity and encouraging effective grassroots organizing amongst diverse groups of individuals. Afrocentricity within Fulton’s speech encourages interconnectedness where one might not believe there is a connection. Her speech seeks to educate the community about nonviolent ways to unify and resist against vigilante brutality and social injustice. Fulton shines the light on how vigilante brutality affects the family and community after a traumatic experience such as the murder of an innocent child.
Fulton’s use of Nommo is manifested through the use of the
Afrocentric elements. She speaks about her discourses and mixed emotions of sadness, anger, resistance, and the desire to fight for her son’s legacy.
Fulton uses vivid imagery, rhythm, repetition, and mythication to appeal to her audience. All these elements working together give life into her speech creating both physical and spiritual fluidity.
The use of multiple religious references and stories of grief made her transparent and relatable amongst her audience. They were able to feel some of the anguish, grief, and hurt she felt. The scriptures she mentioned seemed to instantly manifest magara and nommo across the audience. The
39 second she spoke the scriptures her audiences verbal cues changed showing support by yelling in agreeance and a roaring applause.
As magara began to work to strengthen her audience nommo came into play. Her use of religious rhetoric also created a sense of harmony and hope that change can come. Her use of inclusionary rhetoric created a strengthen audience that felt unified to fight racial injustices and judicial reform. She implores the audience to become involved in voting, community advocacy, attend jury duty, and becoming involved in nonprofits addressing issues of racial injustices and judicial reform. Fulton was able to generate a speech that touches the souls of various cultures creating harmony, understanding, and unity utilizing Afrocentric elements. Afrocentricity not only unifies audiences through various aspects of delivery, but it also celebrates one’s culture while simultaneously acknowledging other cultures and resisting suppression of their values.
Fulton’s Portland speech is an example of how Afrocentric rhetoric goes beyond multicultural groups to create commonality helping to form unity. All while consciously or subconscious functioning under Afrocentricity
Fulton’s speech proves to influence unity and resistance through inspiring hope that a change can and will happen if we can come if we stand up and fight.
40 Chapter 3
Turning Grief to Governance: An Afrocentric Analysis of the political rhetoric
of resistance from the Mothers of the Movement
The mothers of those killed by police or vigilante violence embody every Black family’s deepest fear, but it is frequently plaguing Black mothers. If Black mothers merely accepted the status quo and failed to challenge the forces that have kept them oppressed, they would participate in self destruction and the destruction of their families. Recently, this has become evident, as dozens of Black families continuously stand before television cameras reminding the world that their recently murdered children were in fact human beings who were loved and not the thug media attempted to portray them as.
Dani McClain stated,
There is a fear that their child is not adequately protected from or
prepared for a world that has to be convinced of their worth. Many
parents speak of feeling more fear and anxiety once they take
responsibility for keeping another human alive and well. But Black
women especially know fear—how to live despite it and how to
metabolize it for our children so that they’re not consumed by it.
(2019).
What McClain speaks about is the exact thing that happened to the mothers who founded Mothers of the Movement. These mothers have had a child
41 killed by police or vigilante violence and now they are stepping up to speak out for change in hopes of protecting other Black and Brown children living in America.
This study focuses on Black mothers' ideologies and rhetoric, after the murder of their children by law enforcement and vigilantes. Often times within media we see mothers of a children slain at the hands of law enforcement go silent. However, a specific group of Black and Brown mothers decided they would not go silent. These mothers of children killed by law enforcement proclaimed themselves The Mothers of the Movement.
These mothers knew it was time to unite and work to elevate their platform and use their voices to preserve the legacies of their children, and to fight for what is good and just. The Mothers of the Movement were able to have their voices heard around the Nation during the 2016 Democratic National
Convention.
Mothers of the Movement formed as a result of the 2013 acquittal of
George Zimmerman after he fatally shot and killed 17-year-old Trayvon
Martin. The Mothers of the Movement members during the 2016 Democratic
National Convention were Sybrina Fulton, the mother of Trayvon Martin;
Lezley McSpadden, mother of 18-year-old Michael Brown, Gwen Carr, the mother of 43-year-old Eric Garner; Geneva Reed-Veal, mother of 28-year- old Sandra Bland; Cleopatra Pendleton-Cowley, mother of 15-year-old
42 Hadiya Pendleton; Maria Hamilton, mother of 31-year-old Dontré Hamilton; and Lucy McBath, mother of 17-year-old Jordan Davis.
Importance of Motherhood and Mothers of the Movement
When looking at the trope of Motherhood many would describe it as nurturing and loving. However, when the Mothers of the Movement created their name there was a deeper meaning associated with their title. Beyond nurturance, motherhood also signifies an unconditional sense of protection of children. According to Tonn,
Feminist scholars and critics have fixed upon the tender dimension of
maternal nurturing; far less attention has been paid to motherhood’s
militant face. Yet as mothers in myth, slave mothers, and even animal
mothers remind us, material love entails the fierce protection of
children, often at any cost. Indeed, the need for maternal
protectiveness is most pronounced in circumstances in which physical
and psychological survival of children is not guaranteed, conditions
outside of those from which many feminists theorize about
motherhood (Tonn, 1996, p. 3).
Working to hold judicial systems accountable for biased and fatal actions that have taken place for far too long, the Mothers of the Movement started campaigning for specific causes, legislative proposals, and political candidates. In 2016, several members took the stage at the Democratic
National Convention to speak out about gun violence, racial injustices, and
43 police killings, and to endorse Democratic presidential candidate Hillary
Clinton. They have also branched out to become politically involved in hopes of enacting structural and systemic changes to make Black lives truly matter. Currently, some members are serving in elected political positions or have run for office.
As a result of racial and judicial injustices these mothers have experienced with the murder of their family member, they have activated the use of Afrocentric rhetoric in a powerful manner. They are using their rhetoric to unify, activate, educate, and inspire communities while also working to resist corrupt systems within America. With every word they speak they are activating an individual in a unique manner.
This powerful group of women are important because society and media often force African American mothers of slain children to defend their child’s character almost instantaneously until the story is no longer a hot topic within society. Typically, the tendency of the media has been to intensify the African American victims’ negative actions and attempt to spin relevant information from their past to make the respective slain victim appear negatively in the eyes of the public. According to the Opportunity
Agenda, Blacks are over-represented as perpetrators of violent crime when news coverage is compared with arrest rates [but are underrepresented in the more sympathetic roles of victim, law enforcer]. (Entman & Gross, 2008;
Dixon & Linz, 2000). The media defends and portrays the anti-black police
44 officers or vigilante that killed the individual as the victim or reassuring everyone that their actions were justifiable. Stories about Blacks were four times more likely to include mug shots than stories about Whites. (Entman &
Rojecki, 2000, p. 82).
Far too often, media makes attempts to tarnish the characteristics of the Black victims murdered at the hands of an officer. As a result, Mothers of the Movement make it their mission to travel around the United States speaking on television shows, award ceremonies, political campaign trails, and a multitude of other speaking engagements sharing their experiences and fighting to clean up the negative images the media has attempted to portray of their child.
These strong and dedicated mothers use their child’s death as a prime example of how a traumatic incident can be used to rally a community and advocate for social reform, drawing attention to the anti-black police violence. They do so in a variety of ways and their rhetorical resistance efforts are powerful.
Conceptual Framework
This chapter provides an Afrocentric analysis of the Mothers of the
Movement when addressing the Nation at the Democratic National
Convention in 2016. This convention was selected not only because it is the largest platform where they are speaking directly to a live audience, but also it is a national campaign stage equipped with the usual mixed political
45 interests. It is political theater at its best and an impactful moment to speak to all Americans about the plight of Black America from the standpoints of women whose perspectives are not ordinarily heard.
When evaluating my research, I will be conducting an Afrocentric rhetorical analysis. Afrocentric discourse attempts to bring ma’at, which is the culmination of balance and harmony along in service to reconciliation and collaboration. Ma’at begins with restoring justice through discourse, and can only be actualized by unmuting voices that have been set aside and dismissed. It also means comprehending unspoken histories and coming to terms with past wrongs. For example, the historical legacy of slaying Blacks dates back to slavery and lynching. Unfortunately, it is a part of the racial historical heritage embedded within American society. It is a tragic history that Americans have come to know regardless of the shame, guilt, and regret it evokes. In the same way, the retelling of the horrific instances of slaying these women’s children elicits an eruption of emotion, but also compels audiences to indulge a different perspective for the sake of reconciling in their own minds their personal and collective sense of what it means to be American, and therefore citizens who imagine their country to be a place of freedom, liberty and justice. These vocal mothers are attempting to bring political awareness and harmony within a corrupt judicial system.
46 They are working for true reform where regardless of your skin tone or job everyone will be treated fairly. They use their voice to demand accountability for government reform. For example, Representative Lucy
McBath, mother of Jordan Davis who was a 17 year-old Black child murdered at a Florida convenience store, won the congressional race. CBS News
(2019) stated,
When the former Delta flight attendant ran for Congress, few expected
her to win. Georgia's sixth district, in suburban Atlanta, is White,
wealthy and Republican. But, driven by her motivation to make a
change, she ousted the incumbent.
McBath goes on to tell CBS News, “Jordan's death had everything to do with me running for office. My mission here is to basically take all of that concern and support and nurturing that I would still be doing for my son. I'm just channeling it toward the people I live among every single day” (2019).
This study will incorporate Molefi Asante’s Afrocentricity Paradigm of location as well as the magara principle to pinpoint how the Mothers of the
Movement speeches that evening were able to ignite, connect, and educate a politically knowledgeable crowd through their perspective as Black mothers of slain children.
Afrocentricity and Location
According to Asante, “the Afrocentric paradigm is a revolutionary shift in thinking proposed as a constructional adjustment to black disorientation,
47 de-centeredness, and lack of agency” (2009). The five major characteristics of Afrocentricity are: location, cultural validity, lexical refinement, historical revision, and subject place (Mazama, The Afrocentric paradigm, 2003). I will investigate the manifestation of use of location and subject-place throughout the speech delivered by the Mothers of the Movement at the Democratic
National Convention. Moreover, this analysis will include an examination of how the magara principle is deployed to strengthen the audience.
The term location refers to groundedness in African cultural and historical consciousness (Asante, 2009). In other words, one ‘s Afrocentric location is in many ways enwrapped in one’s ability to see the world from the lens of
African culture and history. More than simply a remembrance of cultural traditions or recounting of historical facts, the pinpointing of what Asante calls location is the analytic act of seeking to identify one’s sense of cultural consciousness via the content, manner, and means through which words are spoken in public discourse. According to Asante and Karenga,
This translates as a critical, broad, and in-depth understanding of
African history and culture, and it avoids Eurocentric or other
diminished and diminishing conceptions of African life, initiatives, and
achievements. It is this intellectual space that defines the initiative of
Afrocentricity. What matters are not data themselves, but the
interpretation of data from a given standpoint. Therefore, Africana
studies is not to be defined simply by curricular focus and inclusion,
48 but also by an orientation to data, that is, one that reflects a critical
groundedness in African culture and history (2006, p. 73).
The term location essentially implies that one must be conscious of their cultural past in order to affect change in the future. We should recognize that Afrocentricity is much more than a superficial cultural idea. It is not solely about wearing traditional African clothes, eating African cuisine, associating with the African diaspora, or having African art in your house.
For Asante, Afrocentricity is a way of life that will manifest itself in every aspect of life. He asserts that there is one African Cultural System that manifests itself in diversity. This connection to African religious expression that is found within the Black Church makes it a logical institution for the beginning work of instructing the masses concerning African customs, habits, and styles. Afrocentricity will then “rise on the sanctification and deification of our history as a way to save ourselves.”
This characteristic of subject place shows a change in one’s thought process from viewing Africans (i.e. those who are part of the African
Diaspora) only as objects or bystanders in the historical process to now viewing them as subjects or creators of their own future. This might otherwise be thought of as subjectivity or subject positionality. Mazama states, “they must be posited and engaged as the subject and source of their own history. Critical Black studies appreciates and foregrounds the agency of
Africans, their initiatives, voices, and assertion in the world” (2003).
49 Asante's concept of subject-place is a combination of location with agency of history. This means that those of African ancestry are viewed as active participants, rather than witnesses of history. These two concepts of location and subject-place are revealed in the speeches of Mothers of the Movement during the 2016 Democratic Convention.
The magara principle is a concept introduced in Jahn’s (1994) acclaimed book Muntu. It refers to the idea that the spoken word has power to strengthen or weaken another. The word can be powerful, as illustrated in the notion of nommo, but magara suggests that rhetoric goes beyond mere persuasion; it is a life-force in and of itself. Although a bit of an extreme example, every cult has deployed magara to convince others to follow the cult. The magara principle is amoral, so it is not concerned with good or bad, but rather the sheer force of the word to connect with one’s inner core. In
Muntu, Jahn (1994) explains that magara has been utilized as a way to connect the living and the dead through evoking words, themes, and discursive patterns of respected ancestors. In this way magara may also function to provide a life-giving force to audiences. This principle is evident in the speeches of Mothers of the Movement.
Methods
The addresses given on July 26, 2016 in the Wells Fargo Center in
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania during the DNC were powerful. Seven women shared the stage, and what is identified here as a singular “speech” event is
50 actually seven women’s brief remarks delivered consecutively over a 8:50 interval. This collective set of remarks explored the pain and hurt often not talked about and pushed for in judicial and legislative reform. The context is very important here. It is the moment when the country witnessed a gathering of Democratic party delegates, there to nominate a candidate for president and vice president. During this convention Hillary Rodham Clinton became the Democratic nominee with 54% of the vote, besting rival Bernie
Sanders. Both candidates were especially interested in this portion of the four-day convention that lasted July 25-28, 2016. It was a time in our country where racial profiling and anti-Black police brutality was at an all- time high. After rioting in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014 and a country on edge about why so many Black males and females were dying at the hands of the police and vigilantes, both candidates were interested in proving their interest in social justice and police reform, so when the Mothers of the
Movement take the stage there was a certain tension in the room reflective of this zeitgeist. There was a mix of emotion. There was an audience listening intently for words of hope for the future after what felt like a battle- torn country had to fight for equal treatment for Black and Brown children.
This study focuses on these mothers’ speeches by analyzing their use of the Afrocentric rhetorical concepts of location, subject-place, and magara.
The investigative questions below will act as guides throughout the rhetorical analysis of the speech.
51 To conduct the Afrocentric Analysis the speech transcript data and
YouTube video recordings were analyzed to identify key rhetorical concepts.
Subsequently, each speech was coded as per guidelines for Afrocentric
Theory.
Investigative Questions
Here are the principal questions being addressed in this study:
• How is the concept of location and subject-place manifested in the
speech the Mothers of the Movement gave at the DNC?
• How do these principles of magara seek to influence unity and
resistance when communicating with her audiences?
Analysis of Speech
The seven founders of Mothers of the Movement all stood on the stage at the same time. These women were Sybrina Fulton, Lesley McSpadden mother of Michael Brown), Gwen Carr (mother of Eric Garner), Maria
Hamilton (mother of Dontré Hamilton, Lucy McBath (mother of Jordan
Davis), Cleopatra Cowley-Pendleton (mother of Hadiya Pendleton), and
Geneva Reed-Veal (mother of Sandra Bland). As they passed the mic from one person to the next the crowd cheered for each of them. In a society that would rather see their sons as violent, and sentinel authorities that treated them like animals to be put to rest, their mothers’ stories humanized their sons. The mothers spoke talked about who their sons were and how the loss
52 of their lives must not be in vain. The most influential oratorical moments came every time they reflected upon moments surrounding how God helped give them strength or pulling from past stories about their children to emotionally pull upon their audience’s emotions. When evaluating the
Mothers of the Movement speech, they used location, subject-place, and magara in a unique way. They used narrative storytelling to enwrap their appeal to their audience and compel a sense of unity and hope.
Location, Subject-Place, and Magara Manifested
Storytelling is a method relaying messages and illustrating one’s personal experiences through narrative. Narrative storytelling techniques are the method and means behind interesting and persuasive narrative stories.
These and other narrative techniques ground the audience in the current story while creating a framework and means of connection with other incidents leaving a lasting impression long after the speaker is done telling their story. The individual speeches by the Mothers of the Movement were emotionally piercing to the audience due to the story told about their child and how they were killed. Two of them, by Geneva Reed-Veal and Lucia
McBath were especially riveting and reflective of the three concepts used in this study. Their vulnerability firsthand on stage broadcasted across the nation allowed listeners to emotionally connect.
The roots of Black oration go back to the idea of magara, which is influenced by West African tradition (Hamlet, 1998). Through dialect,
53 cadence, rhythm, as well as references to spirituality and hope, the Mothers of the movement were able to inspire and unify audiences regardless of their race.
Geneva Reed-Veal, mother of Sandra Bland, started off the speeches by telling a story. Her story starts with her deployment of location as rhetorical device, then immediately illustrates subject-place, which is the idea that we all must take responsibility and operate with self-efficacy and from a position of subject if we are to truly overcome. As the crowd is cheering uncontrollably, she stands at the center of stage in the middle of all the other Mothers of the Movement and begins her speech saying, “Hello, hello, I need you all to hear me tonight. Give me two moments to tell you how good God is.” This very simple opening establishes her location. She is signifying to the audience that she is grounded through her spiritual connection to God. She not only suggests this through her reference to God but also through her follow-up utterances as she exclaims, “Hallelujah” followed by two guttural noises often heard from preachers delivering a sermon. Then, she follows up by saying, “We are not standing here because
He is good. We are standing here because He is great!” Clearly, she is referring to God and is focusing the audience’s attention on the hope upon which her faith rests. Those who believe in God immediately resonate with her message. Those who attend charismatic churches already feel the sermonic energy she is culling in this moment. She is also establishing the
54 subject-place. She is indicating that our collective subjectivity and our entire sense of hope for what is possible, despite the tragedies that brought these women to the stage, happens because God is great.
Next, Reed-Veal evokes magara. She recalls her story of when she learned her daughter Sandra Bland was found hanging in a jail cell just three days after being arrested for a routine traffic stop. She remarks:
One year ago, yesterday, I lived the worst nightmare anyone
could imagine. I watched as my daughter, Sandra Bland, was
lowered into the ground, in a coffin. Sandy, my fourth of five
daughters, and she was gone. No, no, not on administrative leave,
but on permanent leave from this earth, found hanging from a jail
cell after an unlawful traffic stop and an unlawful arrest umm.
Six other women died in custody that same month: Kindra
Chapman, Alexis McGovern, Sarah Lee Circle Bear, Raynette
Turner, Ralkina Jones, and Joyce Curnell. So many of our children
are gone but not forgotten. I am here with Hillary Clinton tonight,
because she is a leader and a mother who will say our children’s
names.
The ending of that excerpt is significant, because a movement galvanized around Sandra Bland’s death and the name of that movement was #SayHerName. After speaking about her worst nightmare, she continues to speak about the history of women that
55 have also been found dead in custody within the same month as her daughter. The audience becomes ignited and yells “say her name”. The
#SayHerName hashtag has become a national campaign to draw awareness and resist police brutality against Black women within the
United States of America (#SayHerName, 2019). By instructing the audience to “say her name,” Geneva Reed-Veal is demanding that her daughter is treated as a subject by her name, and not an object such as another statistic.
Geneva Reed-Veal’s story attempts to manifest unity amongst mothers and anyone that has experienced the death of a loved one by telling her story about her worst nightmare and giving specific details when she said, “I watched as my daughter, Sandra Bland, was lowered into the ground, in a coffin”. She chose to use those particular words instead of simply saying her daughters’ funeral for a reason. The detail of the specific moment helps the audience pull on a time they experienced a loved one being lowered into the grown and the anguish and grief they felt. The audience’s response shows they were receptive of what she said as many began to yell out in response to her words.
The verbal communication from Geneva enhances the story being told. The moment before she starts to talk about her worst day, she gives a few jumps of emotion and shaking her head side to side. She also has a display of tears showing her overwhelming emotions as she
56 speaks about her grief. She concludes her remarks by indicating that
Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton understands, “When a young Black life is cut short it is not just a loss. It is a personal los. It’s a national loss. It’s a loss that diminishes all of us.” This statement contextualized the occasion, a national stage where the collective interests are not just about partisan politics but also about how we treat human life.
The magara principle was at work as a means of strengthening the audience. She had the opportunity to weaken the audience by calling for further violence or disruption. She did not do that. After the statement about how a prematurely terminated life is a national loss that affects all of us, she called for “restoration and change,” and this invitation was lucidly articulated and clear. The cadence of her speech slowed at the end. Her voice climactically began soft and then ended loudly, the audience energized by her speech gave her a roaring applause.
Another example is Lucia McBath, mother of Jordan Davis talking about her son’s character. She was the second mother to speak.
His life ended the day he was shot and killed for playing loud
music, but my job as his mother didn’t…Here’s what you don’t
know about my son. When Jordan was little, he wouldn’t eat a
popsicle unless he had enough to bring out to his friends. He loved
practical jokes. He liked having deep conversations about our love
57 for God and why He allows suffering and pain. I lived in fear my
son would die like this. I even warned him that because he was a
young Black man, he would meet people who didn’t value his life.
That is a conversation no parent should ever have to have. Hillary
Clinton isn’t afraid to say Black lives matter. She isn’t afraid to sit
at a table with grieving mothers and bear the full force of our
anguish. She doesn’t build walls around her heart.”
This excerpt from Lucia’s remarks begins by saying, “His life ended the day that he was shot and killed for playing loud music, but my job as his mother didn’t”. She signifies that the fight must go on even though her son’s life was eclipsed. She starts her speech by saying, “You don’t stop being a mom when your child dies. You don’t stop being a parent. I am still Jordan Davis’ mom.” She immediately identifies her subject positionality as a mom. Lucia is also stating her being a mom does not change due to Jordan being murdered.
Her use of “you” when she begins suggests that she is not just talking about herself, but she is sending a message to all those who may call themselves mom. Her remembrance of why he was killed followed by her insistence that she protect his legacy reinforces a sense of collective responsibility to care for our youth as Americans. It reminds us of the excessive brutality African Americans face, by saying her son was shot for simply playing his music too loud. Lucia
58 mentioning the reason why he was shot shines light on the senseless gun violence within the United States of America.
During Lucia’s story she states, “I lived in fear my son would die like this
Jordan might be shot simply due to the color of his skin. This fear of her son being shot and killed is something many parents of color fear for their children. This resonated. Again, as she deployed her use of magara, she could have used this moment to express bitterness and to incite violence against state apparatus, but instead she used it to instill hope. This statement was very pivotal in bridging unity and support from the audience. Mid-speech the camera pans into the audience and there are many audience members crying and clapping as her words stir emotion.
Lucia’s voice elevates as she gets closer to the end of the statement. Her gradually raised voice also increases the emotions of audience members. As she increased in volume, the audience started giving claps and shout outs in agreement with what she said until they were all on their feet. This part of her story seems to usher in magara once again. Her personal story gave audience members insight into how
59 it feels to be a mother fighting for the legacy of her child who was murdered because his music was loud.
Right at the climax she transitions to a political statement by saying, “Hillary Clinton isn’t afraid to say Black lives matter. She isn’t afraid to sit at a table with grieving mothers and bear the full force of our anguish. She doesn’t build walls around her heart”. This statement about Hillary Clinton was excellently executed while emotions are high after her personal story, then she gave her support for Hillary to insinuate that with Hillary things will be better.
Both mothers use their stories to help the audience see issues from their lens. Their use of magara was characterized via dramatic pauses, and voice inflection. These personal stories emotionally stirred their audience in a creative Afrocentric manner.
Mothers of the Movements each had a speech that incorporated aspects of political rhetoric. They spoke directly or indirectly about racism, reform, and the importance of having an individual in office who will not be afraid to “say their names” or stand up against racism and vigilant behaviors plaguing our nation. During their speeches, they received the greatest positive audience response when they were speaking about who their child was, making spiritual references, and talking about their grief. They soon followed up by ending with charging the audience to vote for Hillary Clinton.
60 When these mother’s spoke, they intertwined the use of political rhetoric skillfully to maneuver their political ask of voting. I am not sure if their strategy was deliberate or not. What I do know is these mother’s strategic use of political rhetoric pulled on the pathos of their audience members. The sheer rhetorical force of these mothers’ storytelling facilitated the building of ethos for themselves and Hillary Clinton. It was a clarion call for resistance and participation in support of a person they believed would work toward social justice, police reform, and overall racial discourses regarding Black and Brown communities in the United States.
Conclusion
The analysis of these women’s stories gave the audience a quick glance into their lives as mothers, but more importantly offered an invitation to work collaboratively toward systematic social change. This rhetorical situation along with the personal messages found in each speech facilitated a sense of urgency around the building of community and the significance of police reform. Storytelling has been used for ages as a method to relay messages and illustrate one’s personal experiences. For these mothers it was an opportunity to share a first-hand account of how they felt while simultaneously functioning as a true portal of their grief.
This Afrocentric rhetorical analysis of Mothers of the movement shows how one’s cultural orientation may be influential in how one presents a speech. These mothers’ speeches manifested location, subject-place, and
61 magara through their use of storytelling. In the mother’s speeches each story told, and firsthand perspective referenced gave life force.
For example, Sybrina Fulton stated,
Hillary Clinton has the compassion and understanding to comfort a
grieving mother. She has the courage to lead the fight for
common-sense gun legislation. She has a plan to divide that so
often exists between law enforcement and the communities they
serve. This isn’t about being politically correct. It’s about saving
our children. That’s why we’re here tonight with Hillary Clinton
and that’s why, in the memory of our children, we are imploring
you — all of you — to vote in this election. Hillary is the one
mother who can ensure our movement will succeed.
These words seemed to turn this political speech into a heartfelt story inviting everyone that has ever lost a loved one in to communion with one another.
The magara principle influenced unity and resistance the entire time the Mothers of the Movement were on the stage speaking. Their performative rhetoric ignited the audience. One can tell based on the audience’s rapid hand clapping, standing ovation, tears, and chanting that they were genuinely moved. Of course, given the political occasion, each mother’s speech ended by incorporating a personal story and
62 immediately following with a political reference supporting Hillary
Clinton.
The mothers’ use of a language of resistance against the injustices within government by using words such as “seize, restoration, and change” created a culminating effect representing a collective call to action. These mothers were and still are seeking reform, and one way they are seeking it is through encouraging people to vote. They believe so much in the power of voting that many of the mothers in the speech have run for or are running for office, turning their grief into advocacy and now governance to resist corruption. We now see Jordan Davis’ mother serving as a Congresswoman. She ran on a strong gun control platform. Sybrina Fulton is running for a commissioner seat in 2020.
Also, Lesley McSpadden, Michael Brown’s mother ran for office after the killing of her son. Each of them were advocates for social change and now they have a different platform for fighting on behalf of those affected by systemic injustice.
My research of the mothers of the movement speech during the
2016 Democratic National Convention is proof that Afrocentricity is a paradigm that can be used to study multiple communities. The use of the three core concepts in this study transcends ethnicity. Their speeches delivered Tuesday evening; July 26, 2016 pierced the souls of the entire audience. This widely broadcast events perhaps even left an indelible impact
63 on those often desensitized by the frequency of violence prevention and get out the vote speeches. The power of magara was ever-present in their remarks, and we are all better for it!
64 Chapter 4
Conclusion
This chapter will serve as the concluding chapter for this thesis, which has deployed an Afrocentric rhetorical approach to studying the rhetoric of those advocating for social justice and police reform after the deaths of black males and females at the hands of police and vigilantes. After revisiting the conceptual framework, there will be a discussion outlining key findings to the investigative questions and how these Mothers of slain African American children used their rhetoric to create messages of awareness, unity, resistance, and advocacy. The chapter will conclude by acknowledging limitations with the current study and suggestions for future research.
Before delving into a recapitulation of the conceptual framework it is important to recognize why a thesis of this nature is significant. I have already established why the rhetoric of Fulton and the Mothers of the
Movement are both necessary. Perhaps what is not so clear is the heuristic value of the methodological approach undertaken in this thesis. Throughout this thesis I have done the prodigious work of descriptive analysis and to the
“naked eye” it might appear that the analysis has fallen short, perhaps missing a synthesis that brings together the constitutive parts. This was intentional. The afrocentric approach works to establish the power of the discourse and how that discourse in and of itself stands alone. It has its own life-giving vivacity; therefore the synthesis is found in its return to a central
65 focus on cultural communication patterns and their execution within a text.
In other words it is wholly significant that spiritual references are made in the beginning of Fulton’s speech, because she has tailored the speech to an audience who already congeals with the notion that God is at the center of any relief or resolution that be achieved as a result of revolutionary action.
It is also a way to signify to a Black audience that “I am with you” and “We share the same anchor.” It is almost as if it is an “inside” message meant only to be received by those who already understand. This break from a traditional Eurocentric rhetorical analysis might be unorthodox but it speaks to a larger need for non-White rhetorical paradigms to be used in analyzing discourses where the usual methods do not work well. To be clear, this does not mean that Afrocentric methods are only applicable to Black rhetoric or
Black audiences. That is no more true than the converse that “traditional”
Eurocentric approaches like fantasy theme analysis, pentadic analysis, etc are only applicable to white rhetoric and audiences. What is true though is that cultural approaches like the Afrocentric rhetorical method are apropos for examining texts where culture is a focal point. So, the deployment of an
Afrocentric method is intentional and was deemed necessary for this analysis because of a commitment to go beyond the Eurocentric panoply of traditional rhetorical paradigms that pervade the field of communication. By recognizing nommo, magara, and other rhetorical devices discussed in this thesis as Afrocentric it does the service of acknowledging that other cultural
66 standpoints matter and are enveloped in all rhetoric, but visible only when we choose to see them.
Review of Conceptual Framework
This study adopted Molefi Asante’s metatheory of Afrocentricity (1988) and Ron Jackson’s paradigmatic adaptation of Afrocentricity in chapter 2, and used Asante’s constructs of location and subject-place along with
Jahnheinz Jahn’s (1994) magara principle as the conceptual framework in chapter 3. The first study outlines the Afrocentric concepts of nommo, while also using Jackson’s work, which uncovers seven elements of Afrocentric rhetoric. Nommo is the spoken power of the word. It is the interactive component that helps the listener understand important historical messaging being communicated. In the absence of nommo there would be difficulty for those of the African diaspora to gain vivid detail pertaining to views of the history being told. Woodyard (2003) stated that Afrocentric discourse is best understood via a nommodic analysis.
Jackson (2003) expounds on this and maintains that while the concept of nommo refers to the power of the spoken word, a critique of nommo may best be understood via seven distinct elements: polycentrisim, polyrhythm, dimensionality, curvilinearity, repetition, epic memory, and wholism. Only select elements were used within chapter 2 to study Sybrina Fulton’s speech
(polyrhythm, repetition, narrative storytelling, and epic memory).
67 Finally, in chapter 3 Jahn’s (1994) magara principle is used to explore the intended direction and impact of the selected rhetorical artifact. The Magara principle allow us to persuade with the intent of strengthening and/or weakening audiences via the spoken word. This directional impact is evidenced in whether the audience feels empowered or hopeless. Jahn
(1994) explains that it is based off of the idea of Ntu, which is the universal life force that is manifest through the use of patterns and rhythms.
These Mothers of slain black children deployed all of these rhetorical features to build community and persuade their audience that social injustice must come to an end, and they can do that by utilizing their political power and becoming active within their communities.
The overall conceptual frame is Afrocentric. It is important to explain that Afrocentricity is a metatheory, not a theory. It describes what theory should look like. It also offers several key concepts that reveal an African set of sensibilities such as nommo and magara and what Jackson refers to as the seven elements. Asante (1988) believes discourse must maintain certain characteristics to be deemed as Afrocentric. Afrocentric discourse draws acknowledges historical history and the language modes of others. It also seeks to bring balance and harmony along with reconciliation and collaboration. So, this study is about how harmony and balance are facilitated via the rhetoric of Sybrina Fulton as well as Mothers of the
Movement.
68 Overview of Methods
This analysis focused on the concept of Afrocentric concepts and their manifestation. These speeches were delivered by mothers who became well known after the murder of their children. This study seeks to answer the questions in Table 4.1.
Speech Being RQ # Investigative Question Analyzing
1 Sybrina Fulton How is the concept of nommo manifested in the Portland rhetoric of Fulton’s speech? Oregon Speech
2 Mothers of the How is the concept of location and subject-place Movement manifested in the speech the Mothers of the DNC Speech Movement gave at the DNC?
3 Mothers of the How do these principles of magara seek to Movement influence unity and resistance when DNC Speech communicating with their audiences? Table 4.1
Discussion of RQ #1
How is the concept of nommo manifested in the rhetoric of Fulton’s
speech?
The analysis provided insight that highlighted the use of various
Afrocentric rhetorical concepts such as polyrhythm, repetition, mythication, and epic memory. Specifically, Sybrina Fulton used polyrhythm, repetition, and epic memory to appeal to her audience, and these were the elements
69 examined in this study. All these elements working together give life into her speech creating both discursive and spiritual fluidity. The use of multiple religious references and stories of grief compelled the audience to connect to her almost instantaneous. The moment Fulton started to deliver her thunderous cadence scripture references, elevation in her voice, and repetition magara seemed to manifest immediately. One could tell her use of nommodic concepts was implemented very well due to her audience’s roaring applause.
The use of religious rhetoric created a sense of harmony and hope for change in our Nation. The use of invitational rhetoric created a strengthening effect with her audience that left them feeling unified to fight racial injustices and advocate for police reform. Fulton implores the audience to become involved in voting, community advocacy, attend jury duty, and become involved in nonprofits addressing issues of racial injustice and judicial reform.
All while consciously or subconscious deploying an Afrocentric approach Fulton’s speech progressively influences the audience toward greater unity and social resistance toward injustice through inspiring hope that a change can and will happen if we stand up and fight together.
70 Discussion of RQ #2
How is the concept of location and subject-place manifested in the
speech the Mothers of the Movement gave at the DNC?
Perhaps the most fascinating part of chapter 3 was the way in which
Asante’s concepts of location and subject-place, along with Jahn’s (1994) magara principle worked seamlessly to build toward an emotional appeal to work toward social justice.
The analysis in chapter 3 provided findings highlighting the use of magara to create physical and spiritual fluidity amongst the audience and speaker. The Mothers of the Movement used the narrative storytelling technique to ground the audience while creating a framework for greater self-efficacy, hopefulness, and faith as tools for progress.
The Mothers of the Movement DNC address’ most influential oratorical moments came every time they reflected upon location and subject-place.
The location does not refer to physical location but rather the “location” of one’s cultural consciousness and sociopolitical orientation. We see this when the first two mothers to speak begin to ruminate about what brought them here today. The first speaker reflects on her strong spiritual faith. There were moments surrounding how God helped give her strength or pulling from past stories about her child and the loss of her child. The use of location-place emotionally pierced their audience’s emotions when they gave
71 reference to being grounded in a higher power. Their vulnerability firsthand on stage broadcasted across the nation allowed listeners to emotionally connect.
The second speaker draws upon her duty as a mother. Both also spoke about the need for collective movement toward progress. This sense of collectivism is contrary to an individualist impulse that suggesting one can deal with all of what they are confronting by themselves.
The location and subject-place were concepts immediately evident in each of the remarks given by the Mothers of the Movement. The consciousness and sense of subjectivity were important devices to compel the audience to pay attention and to act in the interests of social justice.
Discussion of RQ #3
How do these principles of magara seek to influence unity and
resistance when communicating with their audiences?
The magara principle influenced unity and resistance almost the entire time the Mothers of the Movement were on the stage speaking. The mothers used language of inclusion such as “we”, “all”, and “our” as they spoke about issues they believed all the audience members cared about. The also intertwined a language of resistance against the injustices within government using words such as, “seize, restoration, and change”.
72 Each personal story emotionally stirred their audience in a creative Afrocentric manner. These mothers were and still are seeking reform and doing so by unifying the audience and encouraging people to vote.
Strengths, Implications, Limitations, and Future Research
This study attempted to uncover ways in which a rhetoric of social resistance can be empowering. The strengths of this study can be found in its nuanced use of Afrocentric paradigm and that of Magara, which have been infrequently used in recent rhetorical research. The deployment of location, subject-place, the seven elements of nommo, and the magara principle illustrate the subtleties and cultural tendencies of Afrocentric discourses.
The Implications of this research illustrate that a very diverse audience is very responsive to a rhetor using Afrocentric devices when communicating with their audience. The reach is important because it expands the exposure of the Afrocentric paradigm.
One limitation of this research study was its method. Perhaps it could have been triangulated to better uncover how audience members actually understood and interpreted the message. This might have given greater insight to underlying themes within their messaging and a true insight into how effective the rhetors were at motivating their audience members during their respective speeches.
73 Finally, in the future I would recommend live analyses where the researcher can physically sit in on a speech and subsequently do firsthand interviews with audience members to not only explore the effects in situ and afterwards, but also see if the message given was received and retained by the audience members. It would also be useful to add an in-depth examination of call-n-response during the researcher’s live analysis. The information provided from that process could confirm the lasting impressions of Afrocentric rhetoric.
This study of only women was intentional. Beyond just being women, these ladies were mothers united by the fatal loss of their children. Their testimonies are narratives of hope, faith, love, caring, and justice. They are reflections of our collective desire to be regarded as quintessentially human.
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