Katherine Tate
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Gether They Form the Backbone of Madison’S Vision for the New Congress
REVISITING AND RESTORING MADISON’S AMERICAN CONGRESS BY SARAH BINDER Looking westward to Virginia’s Blue Ridge Mountains from his Montpelier library, James Madison in 1787 drafted the Virginia Plan—the proposal he would bring to the summer’s Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia. Long after ratification of the Constitution—and after the Du Pont family had suffocated Montpelier in pink stucco— preservationists returned to Montpelier to restore Madison’s home. Tough to say the same for the U.S. Congress, the institutional lynchpin of Madison’s constitutional plan. True, Congress has proved an enduring political institution as Madison surely intended. But Congress today often misses the Madisonian mark. The rise of nationalized and now ideologically polarized parties challenges Madison’s constitutional vision: Lawmakers today are more often partisans first, legislators second. In this paper, I explore Madison’s congressional vision, review key forces that have complicated Madison’s expectations, and consider whether and how Congress’s power might (ever) be restored. MADISON’S CONGRESSIONAL VISION Madison embedded Congress in a broader political system that dispersed constitutional powers to separate branches of government, but also forced the branches to share in the exercise of many of their powers. In that sense, it is difficult to isolate Madison’s expectations for Congress apart from his broader constitutional vision. Still, two elements of Article 1 are particularly important for distilling Madison’s plan for the new Congress. First, Madison believed (or hoped) that his constitutional system would channel lawmakers’ ambitions, creating incentives for legislators to remain responsive to the broad political interests that sent them to Congress in the first place. -
Teaching Portfolio Andrew Dilts, Ph.D
Teaching Portfolio Andrew Dilts, Ph.D. Teaching Portfolio Andrew Dilts, Ph.D. Pedagogical Statement 1 Teaching History 4 Selected Comments from Teaching Evaluations 5 Summary Statistics from Teaching Evaluations 8 Sample Syllabi 9 Pedagogical Statement My approach to teaching is centered on developing my students’ skills of critical engagement of texts, phenomena, and discursive objects of analysis so that they can ultimately employ those skills to understand, interpret, and respond to the world around them, as well as their own selves. In this sense, I see my teaching as part of a larger project of enabling students to develop their entire selves, reflecting their own multiplicity, plurality, and difference. Practically, this mean that the most important thing that I want to impart to my students is that any text, practice, discourse, or object of thoughtful analysis that is worth thinking and writing about calls for a sympathetic critique. By this I mean that texts of all forms require something akin to what Nietzsche calls an “art of interpretation,” and that the essence of this “art” is to provide careful support from one’s reading first and foremost from within the text itself. My pedagogy is driven by a strong preference for teaching original and primary sources by reading them closely while attending to their historical, social, and political contexts. But above all, I want to teach my students that a critical engagement with a thinker begins with taking them seriously on their own terms, sympathetically and internally. I work for my students to appreciate the power and pleasure of such an approach, and to come away from any seminar, lecture, or advising session with the practical reading and writing skills to put this into practice in their own well-supported reading of a text. -
The Politics of Group Representation Quotas for Women and Minorities Worldwide Mona Lena Krook and Diana Z
The Politics of Group Representation Quotas for Women and Minorities Worldwide Mona Lena Krook and Diana Z. O’Brien In recent years a growing number of countries have established quotas to increase the representation of women and minorities in electoral politics. Policies for women exist in more than one hundred countries. Individual political parties have adopted many of these provisions, but more than half involve legal or constitutional reforms requiring that all parties select a certain proportion of female candidates.1 Policies for minorities are present in more than thirty countries.2 These measures typically set aside seats that other groups are ineligible to contest. Despite parallels in their forms and goals, empirical studies on quotas for each group have developed largely in iso- lation from one another. The absence of comparative analysis is striking, given that many normative arguments address women and minorities together. Further, scholars often generalize from the experiences of one group to make claims about the other. The intuition behind these analogies is that women and minorities have been similarly excluded based on ascriptive characteristics like sex and ethnicity. Concerned that these dynamics undermine basic democratic values of inclusion, many argue that the participation of these groups should be actively promoted as a means to reverse these historical trends. This article examines these assumptions to explore their leverage in explaining the quota policies implemented in national parliaments around the world. It begins by out- lining three normative arguments to justify such measures, which are transformed into three hypotheses for empirical investigation: (1) both women and minorities will re- ceive representational guarantees, (2) women or minorities will receive guarantees, and (3) women will receive guarantees in some countries, while minorities will receive them in others. -
Rethinking Representation Author(S): Jane Mansbridge Source: the American Political Science Review, Vol
Rethinking Representation Author(s): Jane Mansbridge Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 97, No. 4 (Nov., 2003), pp. 515-528 Published by: American Political Science Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3593021 . Accessed: 16/08/2013 04:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Political Science Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 88.119.17.198 on Fri, 16 Aug 2013 04:49:00 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions American Political Science Review Vol. 97, No. 4 November 2003 Rethinking Representation JANE MANSBRIDGE Harvard University long withthe traditional"promissory" form of representation,empirical political scientists have recently analyzed several new forms, called here "anticipatory,""gyroscopic," and "surrogate" representation. None of these more recently recognized forms meets the criteria for democratic accountability developed for promissory representation, yet each generates a set of normative criteria by which it can be judged. These criteria are systemic, in contrast to the dyadic criteria appropriate for promissory representation. They are deliberative rather than aggregative. -
Center for the Study of Democracy
Cent er f or t he St udy of Democr acy Organized Research Unit ( ORU) Universit y of Calif ornia, Irvine Fall 2004 CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF DEMOCRACY In 2004, more than 60 nations around the world are holding elections. Nearly 2 billion people-- including Americans--will trek to the polls to select their government and make their views known to their political leaders. This marks a dramatic change in recent history. Until very recently the total number of people living in democracies was far smaller than just the number voting in 2004. In the last two decades, citizens from Afghanistan to Indonesia to the states of the former Soviet Empire have embraced democracy. The recent World Values Survey suggests that democratic aspirations exist on Sen. Edward M. Kennedy Delivers the nearly a global scale as a common human value. Peltason Lecture Yet, the existence of fair and free elections remains a challenge in many nations. Senator Edward M. Kennedy has been described as one And electoral democracy is just the beginning-- of the most influential legislators in American history. real democracy requires much more. Even in the He delivered the annual Peltason Lecture at UC established democracies, substantial democratic Irvine, discussing the challenges of health policy and challenges remain. economic security facing the nation to an overflow The Center for the Study of Democracy audience of more than a thousand people. is one of the largest and oldest academic centers Kennedy spoke about Americans need for health in America that focuses on the development of care, and the special problems this poses for senior democracy. -
Have You S Logged Onto S Apsanet Lately?
versity (contact: David Walsh); Encouraging the Brightest: Howard Community College (con- The 2000 Ralph Bunche tact: Zoe Irvin); Marymount Univer- Summer Institute sity (contact: Chris Synder) Have you Karen Cox, University of Virginia University of Illinois, Chicago s logged onto Twenty gifted undergraduate stu- Departmental Representatives dents of color from colleges across Dick Simpson (Project Contact), S APSANet the country attended the 14th an- Cheryl Brandt, Rasma Karklins, nual Ralph Bunche Summer Insti- Betty O'Shaughnessy, Barry 3 Lately? tute at the University of Virginia Rundquist this summer in order to learn more about graduate study in political sci- 0, The summer months Partnering Institutions ence. Sponsored jointly by the Na- "O may be quiet around Chicago State University (contact: tional Science Foundation, the De- Phillip Beverly); City Colleges of 0) campus, but we have partment of Government and Chicago (contact: Constance A. •* been busy adding new Foreign Affairs at the University of Mixon); University of Illinois, f* material for teachers and Virginia, and the American Political Springfield (contact: Steve Schwark); O students. Jump to any of Science Association, the Bunche In- stitute is designed to introduce stu- Joliet Junior College (contact: Rob- orq these new sites: ert E. Sterling) dents of color to graduate school • and to encourage their application to Indiana University Service Learning Ph.D. programs in political science. This year's class represented schools Departmental Representatives What is service learning? How can you implement SL as diverse as UCLA, St. Mary's Uni- Norm Furniss (Project Contact), versity (TX), the University of Vir- Robert Huckfeldt, Marjorie Her- programs in your depart- ment. -
Coming in the NEXT ISSUE
Association News contributors to the international scientific DBASSE can be accessed at http://sites. community. Nearly 500 members of the nationalacademies.org/DBASSE/index. Coming NAS have won Nobel Prizes” (See http:// htm. Presiding over DBASSE presently nasonline.org/about-nas/mission). is political scientist Kenneth Prewitt. in the For the past century and a half, mem- Scholars who are not NAS members also NEXT bers have investigated and responded to regularly participate as members of NAS questions posed by our national leaders committees, and we urge all political sci- ISSUE as a form of service to the nation without entists to give serious consideration to financial recompense. As Ralph Cicerone, these requests. A preview of some of the articles in the president of the NAS, never fails to relate The discussion at this year’s meeting April 2014 issue: to new members at the annual installation of NAS-member political scientists at ceremony, while our advice is often solic- the APSA convention centered on how to SYMPOSIUM ited—its first report to the Lincoln admin- effectively transmit the best social science US PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION istration addressed whether our country knowledge to the government through FORECASTING should adopt the metric system, and sent the NRC. One issue facing the NRC in Michael Lewis-Beck and back a consensus “yes” answer—this ad- general and the DBASSE in particular Mary Stegmaier, guest editors vice is not always followed. Scientific is that by charter the NAS is not permit- FEATURES objectivity is the goal of the Academy, not ted to solicit contracts from government political advocacy. -
Patterns of Democracy This Page Intentionally Left Blank PATTERNS of DEMOCRACY
Patterns of Democracy This page intentionally left blank PATTERNS OF DEMOCRACY Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries SECOND EDITION AREND LIJPHART First edition 1999. Second edition 2012. Copyright © 1999, 2012 by Arend Lijphart. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the US Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Yale University Press books may be purchased in quantity for educational, business, or promotional use. For information, please e-mail [email protected] (US offi ce) or [email protected] (UK offi ce). Set in Melior type by Integrated Publishing Solutions, Grand Rapids, Michigan. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lijphart, Arend. Patterns of democracy : government forms and performance in thirty-six countries / Arend Lijphart. — 2nd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-300-17202-7 (paperbound : alk. paper) 1. Democracy. 2. Comparative government. I. Title. JC421.L542 2012 320.3—dc23 2012000704 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992 (Permanence of Paper). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 for Gisela and for our grandchildren, Connor, Aidan, Arel, Caio, Senta, and Dorian, in the hope that the twenty-fi rst century—their century—will yet become more -
American Political Science Review
AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW AMERICAN https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055418000060 . POLITICAL SCIENCE https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms REVIEW , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at 08 Oct 2021 at 13:45:36 , on May 2018, Volume 112, Issue 2 112, Volume May 2018, University of Athens . May 2018 Volume 112, Issue 2 Cambridge Core For further information about this journal https://www.cambridge.org/core ISSN: 0003-0554 please go to the journal website at: cambridge.org/apsr Downloaded from 00030554_112-2.indd 1 21/03/18 7:36 AM LEAD EDITOR Jennifer Gandhi Andreas Schedler Thomas König Emory University Centro de Investigación y Docencia University of Mannheim, Germany Claudine Gay Económicas, Mexico Harvard University Frank Schimmelfennig ASSOCIATE EDITORS John Gerring ETH Zürich, Switzerland Kenneth Benoit University of Texas, Austin Carsten Q. Schneider London School of Economics Sona N. Golder Central European University, and Political Science Pennsylvania State University Budapest, Hungary Thomas Bräuninger Ruth W. Grant Sanjay Seth University of Mannheim Duke University Goldsmiths, University of London, UK Sabine Carey Julia Gray Carl K. Y. Shaw University of Mannheim University of Pennsylvania Academia Sinica, Taiwan Leigh Jenco Mary Alice Haddad Betsy Sinclair London School of Economics Wesleyan University Washington University in St. Louis and Political Science Peter A. Hall Beth A. Simmons Benjamin Lauderdale Harvard University University of Pennsylvania London School of Economics Mary Hawkesworth Dan Slater and Political Science Rutgers University University of Chicago Ingo Rohlfi ng Gretchen Helmke Rune Slothuus University of Cologne University of Rochester Aarhus University, Denmark D. -
SOC 585: Racial and Ethnic Politics in the US
Spring 2018 Prof. Andra Gillespie 217E Tarbutton 7-9748 [email protected] Office Hours: Wednesdays 11 a.m. to 1 p.m. (12-2 p.m. the first Wednesdays of the month) or by appointment Emory University Department of Political Science SOC 585/POLS 585 Racial and Ethnic Politics in the US This course is designed to introduce graduate students to some of the canonical readings, both historical and contemporary, in racial and ethnic politics. While African American politics will be a central theme of this course, this course intentionally introduces students to key themes in Latino/a and Asian American politics as well. By the end of the course, students should be conversant in the major themes of racial and ethnic politics in the US. Required Readings The following books have been ordered and are available at the Emory Bookstore: Cathy Cohen. 1999. The Boundaries of Blackness. Michael Dawson. 1994. Behind the Mule. Megan Francis. 2014. Civil Rights and the Making of the Modern American State. Lorrie Frasure-Yokeley. 2015. Racial and Ethnic Politics in American Suburbs. Christian Grose. 2011. Congress in Black and White. Ian Haney-Lopez. 1997, 2007. White By Law. Carol Hardy-Fanta et al. 2016. Contested Transformation: Race, Gender and Political Leadership in 21st Century America. Rawn James. 2013. Root and Branch. Donald Kinder and Lynn Sanders. 1994. Divided by Color. Taeku Lee and Zoltan Hajnal. 2011. Why Americans Don’t Join the Party. Michael Minta. 2011. Oversight. Stella Rouse. 2013. Latinos in the Legislative Process Katherine Tate. 2010. What’s Going On? Katherine Tate. -
Xerox University Microfilms
INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. -
Hasidic Public Schools in Kiryas Joel
The Draw and Drawbacks of Religious Enclaves in a Constitutional Democracy: Hasidic Public Schools in Kiryas Joel JUDITH LYNN FAILER' INTRODUCTION Recent work in political and constitutional studies has celebrated the salutary effects of robust civil societies for democracies.' Robert Putnam, for example, has described how Italian communities with stronger civic traditions have political leaders who are less "elitist" and are "more enthusiastic supporters of political equality" while their citizens' political involvement is characterized by "greater social trust and greater confidence in the law-abidingness of their fellow citizens than... citizens in the least civic regions."' William Galston makes a case for how civic organizations in civil society can foster the development of liberal virtues Jean L. Cohen and Andrew Arato have argued that civil society is "the primary locus for the potential expansion of democracy under 'really existing' liberal-democratic regimes." 4 * Assistant Professor of Political Science and American Studies, Indiana University-Bloomington. Prepared for presentation at a symposium on Civil Society, Indiana University School of Law, March 29, 1996. Thank you to Fred Aman and Steve Conrad for their generous invitation. I am grateful to Jane Mansbridge for helping me think through the ways by which Kiryas Joel poses particular challenges in democratic theory as an enclave group. Thank you also to Mark Brandon, Dana Chabot, David Orentlicher, and Jean Robinson for helpful conversations in preparation of this article, and to Jeffrey Isaac and Sanford Levinson for their suggestions for revisions. 1. For the purposes of this paper, Iam following John Gray's definition of "civil society" as "that sphere of autonomous institutions, protected by a rule of law, within which individuals and communities possessing divergent values and beliefs may coexist in peace." JOHN GRAY, POST LIBERALISM: STUDIES IN POLITICAL THOUGHT 157 (1993).