The Rise of Asian Americans
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Ohio's Asian Population
Ohio Asian Americans Ohio’s Asian American community is comprised of more than 345,000 people, accounting for 3.0 percent of the state’s total population. According to the 2018 American Community Survey by the U.S. Census Bureau, Ohio’s Asian population more than doubled since 2000 and is six times the 1980 count. For the United States, the Asian population is over 22.1 million, or 6.8 percent of the nation’s total population. Since 2000, the number of Asian Americans in the U.S. has increased by more than 10 million people, or 86 percent. OVERVIEW o 345,724 people – 3.0 percent of Ohio’s total population o The Asian population has more than doubled since 2000 o 196,195 were born outside the U.S. o 33 percent are of Asian Indian ancestry o Median age of 33.9 years compared to 39.5 years for all Ohioans o 39,000 enrolled in elementary and secondary schools o Median household income: $75,822 o 21,000+ businesses with $10.8 billion in receipts Note: Asian refers to a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent. A person reporting their race as Asian alone or in combination with one or more other race is used for total population counts only. A person reporting their race as Asian alone is used for the other population characteristics. The recording of specific, multiple races was not done prior to 2000. Ohio’s The Asian American 400,000 community accounts for 350,000 Asian 3.0 percent of Ohio’s total 300,000 Population: population with 250,000 345,000 significant growth 200,000 occurring over the last 150,000 three decades. -
And “What I Am Not”: Asians and Asian Americans in Contention and Conversation by Heekyong Teresa Pyon, Yan Cao, and Huey-Li Li
College of Education v University of Hawai‘i at Mänoa 1 Between “What I Am” and “What I Am Not”: Asians and Asian Americans in Contention and Conversation by Heekyong Teresa Pyon, Yan Cao, and Huey-li Li In the age of globalization, “Asian” and “Asian American” Just the other day, my mother visited Joshua, and again she told have emerged as popular terms to refer to a diverse populace Joshua that he needs to speak Korean when he grows up. This time, originating in many different parts of the vast continent of Asia. however, Joshua gave my mother an unexpected answer. “Grandma. As recent Asian arrivals in the United States, we have gradually There is an older brother in my church. He speaks little Korean and a come to accept the terms “Asian” and “Asian American,” as our lot of English. I think I am going to be like him later, and I am going group identity in spite of our different national origins and cultural to be an American when I grow up.” Surprised, my mother told him, upbringings. However, we continue to engage in a mutual interroga- “No, Joshua, you are still a Korean even when you grow up.” “No,” tion with the dominant culture that endorses individuality as a key insisted little Joshua, “I am going to be an American!” value, yet imposes group identities on its marginal constituencies. Unlike my nephew, I was certain that I would never become While the multicultural education movement has raised awareness an American when I was new to the country. -
Confronting Sa-I-Gu: Twenty Years After the Los Angeles Riots
【특집】 Confronting Sa-i-gu: Twenty Years after the Los Angeles Riots Edward Taehan Chang (the Young Oak Kim Center for Korean American Studies) Twenty years ago on April 29, Los Angeles erupted and Koreatown cried as it burned. For six-days, the LAPD was missing in action as rioting, looting, burning, and killing devastated the city. The “not guilty” Rodney King verdict ignited anger and frustration felt by South Los Angeles residents who suffered from years of neglect, despair, hopelessness, injustice, and oppression.1) In the Korean American community, the Los Angeles riot is remembered as Sa-i-gu (April 29 in Korean). Korean Americans suffered disproportionately high economic losses as 2,280 Korean American businesses were looted or burned with $400 million in property damages.2) Without any political clout and power in the city, Koreatown was unprotected and left to burn since it was not a priority for city politicians and 1) Rodney King was found dead in his own swimming pool on June 17, 2012, shortly after publishing his autobiography The Riot Within: My Journey from Rebellion to Redemption Learning How We Can All Get Along, in April 2012. 2) Korea Daily Los Angeles, May 11, 1992. 2 Edward Taehan Chang the LAPD. For the Korean American community, Sa-i-gu is known as its most important historical event, a “turning point,” “watershed event,” or “wake-up call.” Sa-i-gu profoundly altered the Korean American discourse, igniting debates and dialogue in search of new directions.3) The riot served as a catalyst to critically examine what it meant to be Korean American in relation to multicultural politics and race, economics and ideology. -
A Community of Contrasts: Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders in Orange County Addresses This Critical Challenge by Doing Two Things
2014 A COMMUNITY Cyrus Chung Ying Tang Foundation OF CONTRASTS Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders in Orange County ORANGE www.calendow.org COUNTY This report was made possible by the following sponsors: The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation, Cyrus Chung Ying Tang Foundation, Wells Fargo, and The California Endowment. The statements and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors. CONTENTS ORGANIZATIONAL DESCRIPTIONS TECHNICAL NOTES Welcome 1 Introduction 2 Executive Summary 3 Map 5 Measuring the characteristics of racial and ethnic groups Demographics 6 Since 2000, the United States Census Bureau has allowed those responding to its questionnaires to report one or more Asian Americans Advancing Justice - Orange County Economic Contributions 9 racial or ethnic backgrounds. While this better reflects America’s diversity and improves data available on multiracial popula- The mission of Asian Americans Advancing Justice (“Advancing Civic Engagement 10 tions, it complicates the use of data on racial and ethnic groups. Justice”) is to promote a fair and equitable society for all by Immigration 12 working for civil and human rights and empowering Asian Language 14 Data on race are generally available from the Census Bureau in two forms, for those of a single racial background (referred Americans and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders (NHPI) Education 16 to as “alone”) with multiracial people captured in an independent category, and for those of either single or multiple racial and other underserved communities. -
Diaspora Philanthropy: the Philippine Experience
Diaspora Philanthropy: The Philippine Experience ______________________________________________________________________ Victoria P. Garchitorena President The Ayala Foundation, Inc. May 2007 _________________________________________ Prepared for The Philanthropic Initiative, Inc. and The Global Equity Initiative, Harvard University Supported by The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation ____________________________________________ Diaspora Philanthropy: The Philippine Experience I . The Philippine Diaspora Major Waves of Migration The Philippines is a country with a long and vibrant history of emigration. In 2006 the country celebrated the centennial of the first surge of Filipinos to the United States in the very early 20th Century. Since then, there have been three somewhat distinct waves of migration. The first wave began when sugar workers from the Ilocos Region in Northern Philippines went to work for the Hawaii Sugar Planters Association in 1906 and continued through 1929. Even today, an overwhelming majority of the Filipinos in Hawaii are from the Ilocos Region. After a union strike in 1924, many Filipinos were banned in Hawaii and migrant labor shifted to the U.S. mainland (Vera Cruz 1994). Thousands of Filipino farm workers sailed to California and other states. Between 1906 and 1930 there were 120,000 Filipinos working in the United States. The Filipinos were at a great advantage because, as residents of an American colony, they were regarded as U.S. nationals. However, with the passage of the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934, which officially proclaimed Philippine independence from U.S. rule, all Filipinos in the United States were reclassified as aliens. The Great Depression of 1929 slowed Filipino migration to the United States, and Filipinos sought jobs in other parts of the world. -
California Cadet Corps Curriculum on Citizenship
California Cadet Corps Curriculum on Citizenship “What We Stand For” C8B: Great Americans Updated 20 NOV 2020 Great Americans • B1. Native American Warriors • B2. Military Nurses • B3. Suffragettes • B4. Buffalo Soldiers • B5. 65th IN Regiment “Borinqueneers” • B6. Lafayette Flying Corps • B7. Doolittle Raiders • B8. Navajo Code Talkers • B9. Tuskegee Airmen • B10. African American Units in World War • B11. World War II Nisei Units NATIVE AMERICAN WARRIORS OBJECTIVES DESIRED OUTCOME (Followership) At the conclusion of this training, Cadets will be able to describe groups who have sacrificed for the benefit of the United States despite challenges and obstacles. Plan of Action: 1. Define the warrior tradition and how that motivates Native Americans to serve their country today. 2. Describe how Native American communities support their soldiers and veterans through culture and ceremonies. Essential Question: How have Native Americans contributed to the United States military, and how does their community support and influence their contribution? The Warrior Tradition What is the warrior tradition? Sitting Bull, of the Hunkpapa Lakota Sioux, said: “The warrior, for us, is one who sacrifices himself for the good of others. His task is to take care of the elderly, the defenseless, those who cannot provide for themselves, and above all, the children – the future of humanity.” Being a warrior is more than about fighting it is about service to the community and protection of your homeland. (WNED-TV & Florentine Films/Hott Productions, 2019) The Warrior Tradition Use this link to play The Warrior Tradition https://www.pbs.org/wned/warrior-tradition/watch/ Check on Learning 1. Name a symbol of Native American tradition that you still see used in Native American culture today. -
In 1983, the Late Fred Cordova
Larry Dulay Itliong was born in the Pangasinan province of the Philippines on October 25th, 1913. As a young teen, he immigrated to the US in search of work. Itliong soon joined laborers In 1983, the late Fred Cordova (of the Filipino American National Historical Society) wrote a working everywhere from Washington to California to Alaska, organizing unions and labor strikes book called Filipinos: Forgotten Asian Americans, a pictorial essay documenting the history of as he went. He was one of the manongs, Filipino bachelors in laborer jobs who followed the Filipinos in America from 1763 to 1963. He used the word “forgotten” to highlight that harvest. Filipino Americans were invisible in American history books during that time. Despite lacking a formal secondary education, Itliong spoke multiple languages and taught himself about law by attending trials. In 1965, he led a thousand Filipino farm workers to strike Though Filipino Americans were the first Asian Americans to arrive in the U.S. in 1587 (33 against unfair labor practices in Delano, CA. His leadership in Filipino farm worker movement years before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock in 1620), little was written about the history paved the way for others to follow. Alongside Cesar Chavez, Larry Itliong founded the United of the Philippines or of Filipino Americans in the U.S. Although the U.S. has a long history with Farm Workers Union. Together, they built an unprecedented coalition between Filipino and the Philippines (including the Philippine-American War, American colonization from 1899-1946, Mexican laborers and connected their strike to the concurrent Civil Rights Movement. -
DEMOGRAPHIC SNAPSHOT of SOUTH ASIANS in the UNITED STATES April 2019
DEMOGRAPHIC SNAPSHOT OF SOUTH ASIANS IN THE UNITED STATES April 2019 This factsheet, based primarily on Census 2010 and the 2017 American Community Survey, provides a national snapshot of the South Asian American community. We encourage community leaders, government entities, policymakers, and the media to use this data to better understand South Asian Americans and help inform their engagement with this community. Who are South Asians? The South Asian community in the United States includes individuals who trace their ancestry to Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The community also includes members of the South Asian diaspora – past generations of South Asians who originally settled in other parts of the world, including the Caribbean, Africa, Europe, Canada and the Middle East, and other parts of Asia and the Pacific Islands. Population Numbers at a Glance Below are some key facts about the national population in the United States from Census 2010 data and the 2017 American Community Survey: ➢ Nearly 5.4 million South Asians live in the United States tracing their roots to Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and the diaspora, including but not limited to Trinidad/Tobago, Guyana, Fiji, Tanzania, and Kenya.1 This is up from 3.5 million counted in Census 2010. ➢ Indians comprise the largest segment of the South Asian community, making up over 80% of the total population, followed by Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Nepali, Sri Lankans, and Bhutanese. ➢ Data is not readily available for diaspora South Asian communities specifically the Indo-Caribbean, and Indo-African communities. Population Growth The South Asian American community grew roughly 40% between 2010 and 2017. -
From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble: a Reflection on Korean Americans in Los Angeles
Asian and Asian American Studies Faculty Works Asian and Asian American Studies 2012 From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble: A Reflection on Korean Americans in Los Angeles Edward J.W. Park Loyola Marymount University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/aaas_fac Part of the East Asian Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Edward J.W. Park (2012) From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble: A Reflection on orK ean Americans in Los Angeles, Amerasia Journal, 38:1, 43-47. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Asian and Asian American Studies at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Asian and Asian American Studies Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble Transnational a to Island an Ethnic From So much more could be said in reflecting on Sa-I-Gu. My main goal in this brief essay has simply been to limn the ways in which the devastating fires of Sa-I-Gu have produced a loamy and fecund soil for personal discovery, community organizing, political mobilization, and, ultimately, a remaking of what it means to be Korean and Asian in the United States. From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble: A Reflection on Korean Americans in Los Angeles Edward J.W. Park EDWARD J.W. PARK is director and professor of Asian Pacific American Studies at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles. -
Asian & Pacific Islander Americans in Sacramento
2000 & beyond Asian & Pacific islander americans in sacramento: A COMMUNITY PROFILE, 2000 AND BEYOND a message from President Alexander Gonzalez ne hallmark of excellence in a public university is a willingness to fully engage in the surrounding community, Odedicating the talents of faculty and student researchers to the task of enhancing the overall quality of life. With this groundbreaking report, the Asian American Studies Program at California State University, Sacramento sets a perfect example of merging applied research capabilities with an acute need for information on a particular population. Sacramento State’s Asian American Studies Program is dedicated to examining the diverse experiences of Asian and Pacific Islander Americans and their contributions to our society. The program’s faculty members are committed to providing a rigorous academic environment, developing future leaders, and creating co-curricular and service learning activities. With Sacramento State’s proximity to the California Legislature, state and federal government agencies, and numerous community-based organizations, we can provide unparalleled opportunities for faculty and students to participate in applied policy research, internships and community service projects. I hope you find this report both useful and compelling. I am certain it will inform public policy discussions in this region for years to come. Alexander Gonzalez President 2 | CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO PHOTO COURTESY SACRAMENTO BEE/BRIAN BAER Introduction n August 2002, the City of Sacramento was Contents hailed as “America’s Most Diverse City” by Time IMagazine for being an integrated melting pot of 2 A Message from President Alexander people, cultures, and languages. According to Census Gonzalez 2000, there are 407,018 residents in Sacramento. -
Profile of New York City's Korean Americans
Profile of New York City’s Korean Americans Introduction Using data from 2006-2010 and 2011-2015 American Community Survey (ACS) Selected Population Tables and the 2010 U.S. census, this profile outlines characteristics and trends among New York City’s Korean American population.1 It presents statistics on population size and changes, immigration, citizenship status, educational attainment, English ability, income, poverty, health insurance and housing. Comparisons with New York City’s general population are provided for context. New York City’s Korean population was the third largest Asian ethnic group, behind Chinese and Indians. Relative to all residents, Koreans in New York City were more likely to be: working-age adults, Figure 1: Korean Population by Borough better educated, Population limited English proficient, From 2010 to 2015, the Korean alone or in combination living in poverty if an adult, and population in New York City decreased slightly by 0.2 renting. percent from 98,402 to 98,158 – compared to the city’s Facts on Korean Population in New York City overall 4 percent increase and the 13 percent growth of Alone or in-Combination Population 98,158 Percent Change from 2010 to 2015 -0.2% the total Asian population. The Korean alone population Immigration and Citizenship decreased by 1.5 percent from 93,131 in 2010 to 91,729 Percent of Population Foreign Born 70% in 2015. Percent of Foreign Born Who are Citizens 48% New York City was home to 67 percent of New York Educational Attainment for Adults Age 25 or Older State’s Korean residents. -
Blackface Behind Barbed Wire
Blackface Behind Barbed Wire Gender and Racial Triangulation in the Japanese American Internment Camps Emily Roxworthy THE CONFUSER: Come on, you can impersonate a Negro better than Al Jolson, just like you can impersonate a Jap better than Marlon Brando. [...] Half-Japanese and half-colored! Rare, extraordinary object! Like a Gauguin! — Velina Hasu Houston, Waiting for Tadashi ([2000] 2011:9) “Fifteen nights a year Cinderella steps into a pumpkin coach and becomes queen of Holiday Inn,” says Marjorie Reynolds as she applies burnt cork to her face [in the 1942 filmHoliday Inn]. The cinders transform her into royalty. — Michael Rogin, Blackface, White Noise (1996:183) During World War II, young Japanese American women performed in blackface behind barbed wire. The oppressive and insular conditions of incarceration and a political climate that was attacking the performers’ own racial status rendered these blackface performances somehow exceptional and even resistant. 2012 marked the 70th anniversary of the US government’s deci- sion to evacuate and intern nearly 120,000 Japanese Americans from the West Coast. The mass incarceration of Issei and Nisei in 1942 was justified by a US mindset that conflated every eth- nic Japanese face, regardless of citizenship status or national allegiance, with the “face of the TDR: The Drama Review 57:2 (T218) Summer 2013. ©2013 New York University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology 123 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00264 by guest on 01 October 2021 enemy.”1 While this racist reading of the Japanese (American) face has been widely condemned in the intervening 70 years, the precarious semiotics of Japanese ethnicity are remarkably pres- ent for contemporary observers attempting to apprehend the relationship between a Japanese (American) face and blackface.