\Tasir &Din Tusi, a renowned ShCi Muslim cholar of the thirteenth century, produccd a vide range of writings in different fields of carning under Ismaili patronage and later mder the Mongols. His work brought him ;reat acclaim and, as a result of his changing rfiliations in the course oi a brilliant scholastic :areer, he is claimed by both the Twelvcr Shi'i ~ndIsmaili traditions.

Contemplation and Action is Tfisi's spiritual autobiography, in which he recounts details of his carly education, search for knowledge and evcntual conversion to thc Ismaili faith. It is also a clear and vivid elaboration of the Ismaili doctrine of tdlim, the nccd for an authoritative teacher in spiritual knowlrdgc. Translated for thc tirst time into English, it is published here with the full Persian text and an introductory essay on rusi's life, his relations with the Ismailis and ihc significance of his work. CONTEMPLATION AND ACTION The Spiritual Autobiography of a Muslim Scholar

A New Edition and English Translation of Sayr wa Suluk

by S. J. Badakhchani

1.B.Tauris LONDON NEW YORK in association with The Institute of Ismaili Studies LONDON Published in 1998 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd The Institute of Ismaili Studies Victoria House Bloomsbury Square London WClB 4DZ The Institute of Ismaili Studies was established in 1977 with 175 Fifth Avenue the object of promoting scholarship and learning on Islam, in NewYorkNY 10010 the historical as well as contemporary contexts, and a better understanding of its relationship with other societies and faiths. in association with The Institute's programmes encourage a perspective which The Institute of Ismaili Studies is not confined to the theological and religious heritage of Is- 42-44 Grosvenor Gardens lam, but seek to explore the relationship of religious ideas to London SWlW OEB broader dimensions of society and culture. They thus encour- In the United States of America age an interdisciplinary approach to the materials of Islamic and in Canada distributed by history and thought. Particular attention is also given to issues St Martin's Press of modernity that arise as Muslims seek to relate their heritage 175 Fifth Avenue to the contemporary situation. NewYorkNY 10010 Within the Islamic tradition, the Institute's programmes seek to promote research on those areas which have, to date, re- Copright Q 1998 Islamic Publications Ltd ceived relatively little attention from scholars. These include All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book the intellectual and literary expressions of Shi'ism in general, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced in any form without per- and Ismailism in particular. mission in writing from the publisher. In the context of Islamic societies, the Institute's programmes are informed by the full range and diversity of cultures in which A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Libra~y Islam is practised today, from the Middle East, Southern and A full CIP record for this book is available from the Library of Congress Central Asia and Africa to the industrialized societies of the West, thus taking into consideration the variety of contexts ISBN 1 85043 908 7 which shape the ideals, heliefs and practices of the faith. The publications of the Institute fall into several distinct Libra~yof Congress catalog card number: available categories:

Tpeset in ITC New Baske~lleby Hepton Books, Oxford 1. Occasional papers or essays addressing broad themes of the Persian text typeset by HKH Design, London relationship between religion and society in the historical Printed and bound in Great Britain by WBC Ltd, Bridgend vi Contemplation and Action

as well as modern contexts, with special reference to Islam, Contents but encompassing, where appropriate, other faiths and cul- tures. 2. Proceedings of conrerences or symposia. 3. Works exploring a specific theme or aspect of Islamic faith or culture, or the contribution of an individual figure or writer. 4. Translations of poetic or literary texts. 5. Editions or translations of significant texts of a primary or secondary nature. 6. Ismaili studies.

This publication comes under category five.

In facilitating these and other publications, the Institute's sole aim is to encourage original, interesting and mature thought, scholarship and analysis of the relevant issues. There will natu- rally be a diversity of views, ideas and interpretations, and the opinions expressed, will be those of the authors. Acknowledgements

The publication of the present edition and English translation of the Sayr wa suluk has heen made possible by the support and assistance of a number of people, among them Professor Muhsin Mahdi of Harvard University who first urged me to undertake this task, and Professor Herman Landolt of McGill University who contributed to the preparation of the initial draft of the translation. In the course of finalizing the text for publication, I received invaluable help from the lateJohn Cooper when we were both graduate students at the Oriental Institute in Oxford. Subse- quently he was appointed E. G. Browne Lecturer in Persian Studies at the University of Cambridge and also taught in the Graduate Programme in Islamic Studies and the Humanities at The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London.John Copper's schol- arship was exceptional and his willingness to share it exemplary. His death shortly before the publication of this book has re- moved from our midst a most promising scholar of Islamic Studies in general and of Shi'ism in particular. I am also much indebted to Professor Wilferd Madelung who kindly looked at the translation on more than one occasion and to Farhad Daftary for his unfailing encouragement and enthusiasm. I would further like to record my gratitude lo my colleagues at The Institute of Ismaili Studies who have facilitated this pub- lication in various ways, in particular Kutub Kassam for his editorial expertise in the English part of the work, Faquir M. Hunzai who, apart from proofreading the Persian text, made a numbcr of useful suggestions on the translation; and Alnoor Merchant of the Institutc's library. My words of thanks cannot be complete if I do not mention x Contemplation and Action the support and inspiration that I have received from my wife, Note on the Text Pari Badakhchani, without whom this work might not have materialized. Finally, while I am greatly indebted to all those I have men- tioned for making this publication possible, any errors or shortcomings in it are entirely my own responsibility.

The Sayr wa-suluk was not traditionally listed in the inventory ofTnsi's writings; but on the basis of its style, content and auto- biographical evidence, contemporary bibliographers have now come to accept that it does come from the pen of Tnsi. This recognition first emerged after the publication in 1956 of an abridged version of the text, called Gufta6 az Khwilja-yi Tusi bi rawish-i Bitiniyan, by the Iranian scholar Muhammd Taqi Dinish-pazhnh. Simultaneously, to commemorate the 700th anniversary of Tnsi's death, a collection of his Persian treatises was published by Muhammad Taqi Mudarris Radawi under the title of Majmu'ayi rasa'il. This collection included the text of Sayr wa suluk which was, in fact, the complete version of the Gtftar. Mudarris Radawi's edition was based mainly on two relatively modern manuscrip& a copy at Dinishkada-yi Adahiyyit Library (Qazwini collection), with corrections and marginal notes by two eminent Iranian scholars, namely Sayyid Nasr Allih Taqawi (editor of Nisir Khusraw's Diwan), and Muhammad Qazwini (editor of Juwayni's Tirikh-i jahan-gashay); and a copy that Mudarris Radawi had prepared for himself from an earlier printed version of the text based on older manuscripts. In the notes to his edition, Mudarris Radawi also speaks of several other printed versions of the Sayr wa suluk known to him. It is very likely that all these texts, including the ones used by Mudarris Radawi, were based on one or more of the follow- ing manuscripts: (i) Majlis Library, no. 5138/61, dated 1024-io57/i615-1647, and no. 5063/2, dated 13z8/1gio, which was prepared for Nasr Allah Taqawi and collated with other manuscripts; (ii) Dinishgah Tehran, no. 107g/5, dated ... xii Contemplatzon and Actzon Note on the Text Xlll loq?/i637; (iii) Danishkada-yi Huqilq Library, text of the with a significant idea or with a cluster of related ideas are Gtftari az Khwija, no. 62/19, no date; (iv) hghar-i Mahdawi, numbered [§I to facilitate cross-reference between text, trans- no. 364/37, dated 12440/ 1824; (v) Malik Library, no. 6193/8, lation and introduction. dated 1279/1862; (vi) &tan Quds, Mashhad, ms. no. 12243/ It should be noted further that references to the Qur'inic lo, copied by Asad Allih Munajjim Dudinga HizarJaribi, dated verses cited by the author are given only in the English version 1306/1888. and follow the numbering system of Yusuf 'Ali's edition; for The present edition of the Sayr wa suluk is an improved ver- the interpretation of these verses, however, I have consulted a sion of the text, which was arrived at by collating Mudarris number of modern English translations. Radawi's edition with the Guftar, as well as other works of Tosi, in particular the Rawdayi taslim, Aghaz wa anjam, Tawalla wa tabumi and MatlGb al-mu'minin, in which some of the topics discussed in this work occur frequently, sometimes in more or less identical language. In this edition, apart from applying contemporary Persian orthographical conventions, I have corrected the typographi- cal errors and in two instances reconstructed the text as indicated between squal-e brackets. The system of transliteration adopted for Persian and Ara- bic scripts is a modified version of the one used in the new edition of the En~ncyclopaediaofIslam, except for the letters dj, k and i. which have been replaced by j, q and ch; and the liga- tures have been dispensed with. As for the translation, in most cases wherever a technical term has been used in English, its transliterated form is itali- cized in parenthesis, but in the case of some key words like ta'lim which recur frequently, I have preferred to retain them untranslated. Some Arabic and Persian words which have found their way into English dictionaries, such as 'Imam', 'Ismaili', 'Shi'i' and 'Sunni', have not been transliterated. Occasionally, I have added a word or a phrase to the translation within square brackets in order to render a more coherent translation. As a general rule, dates are given according to both the lu- nar Islamic and Christian calendars. In the notes and bibliography, some of the publication dates arc also given ac- cording to the solar Islamic calender used in Iran; these are marked 's' for shamsi (solar). In both the Persian and English texts, passages that deal Introduction

Nwir al-Din Tiisi and the Ismailis Nqir al-Din Aha Ja'far Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Hasan al-Tusi, the renowned Persian astronomer, philosopher and theologian, often referred to in general Shi'i literature as muhaqqiq-i TGi (the'great scholar Tasi) and in the Ismaili cir- cles of his time as sultan al-du'at (king of the da'is),' was born in Tas, which is now a small town in the suburbs of Mashhad, KhurLan, on 1 1Jumadi I 597/ i 7 February 1201, and died in Baghdad on 18 Dhu'l-Hija 672/25 June 1274. Not much is known aboutTGsi's childhood and youth other than what we find in the present autobiographical work, the Say7 wa sulck. In this account Tasi tells us that he was born in a family who followed 'the exoteric aspects of the shan'aP2 and whose profession was 'to promulgate the exoteric sciences,' which means that they were probably associated with the Twelver Shi'i clergy. It has been suggested, though without convincing evidence, that Tasi was born in an Ismaili family and received his early education in Twelver Shi'i surroundings? but it is clear from the Say7 wa sulck that his parents were not of Ismaili persuasion and that his affiliation with the Ismailis was a later development in his life. From an early age, Tasi was an avid listener to his family's opinions on the principles and rulings of the shan'at, assum- ing that apart from strict observance of the religious law there could not he any other path in religion. But his father was not altogether satisfied with a purely prescriptive approach to the faith. He was an open-minded person who had received his 2 Contemplatzon and Actzon Introductzon 3 own education from his maternal uncle, a student of TaJ al- he is said to have met the famous poet and mystic Farid al-Din Din Shahristina (d. g48/1 i53).' Tusi's father wanted himto 'Aftfir (d. 617/1220), and in 614-18/1~17-21 he is known to receive a sound education and encouraged him to study all have studiedjurisprudence with Mu'in al-Din Salim b. Badrin branches of knowledge and to examine the views of various Mizini.' schools and sects. TGsi informs us that although he benefited greatly from his One of TGsi's early teachers, chosen by his father, was Kamil theological studies, he was becoming increasingly disenchanted al-Din Muhammad Hasib who, according to Tusi, had been a with his fruitless search for 'the recognition of the True One, student of the poet and philosopher Afdal &Din ashani (d. the exalted, the most high, and knowledge of the origin and c. Sio/i 2 i3-i4),1and itwas under him that he began to study the return.'He appreciated what he had learnt from theolo- mathematics. But it seems that Kamal al-Din's teaching was not gians about the different positions of the sects, but he could confined to this subject, as he would often find cause to com- not accept their approach to the faith which constituted 'a doc- ment on religious matters which aroused Tusi's curiosity. The trine in which they blindly imitated their ancestors' and one pupil plied his teacher with numerous questions to which, how- that was 'entirely confined to practices of the exoteric side of ever, the latter was either unable or unwilling to give specific the shari'at.' [Sg] answers. For instance, Kamil al-Din would sometimes dispar- As for the discipline of philosophy, Tusi found it more con- age 'those who blindly follow the rules of the shari'at,' but when genial to his temperament because of the primacy it accorded Tusi wanted to discuss the matter further he would say: 'That to reason; but he could not admit the philosopher's claim that, which is the core and essence of the truth cannot yet be men- by using the intellect, itwas somehow possible to arrive at 'some- tioned to you, for you are young and do not have experience thing which is not within its scope,' that is, the knowledge of of the world. If you grow up and are successful,seek for it until God. As Tasi continued to ponder this matter further, it gradu- you attain it.' [§7] It was probably the combined influence of ally dawned on him that since mankind is divided in its great Tusi's father and Kamil al-Din that inspired in him from a very diversity of opinions, the attainment of the truth is not possi- early age an enduring thirst for knowledge. The strength of ble through intellect and reason alone but requires the this vocation became evident shortly after his father's death, additional intervention of a mukammil, an agent of perfection, when the young man left home 'in search of the truth, intend- an authoritative instructor or preceptor who is aware of such ing to acquire the knowledge which guides people to the knowledge in its very essence. [Sizl Thereafter he began to happiness of the next world.'[§8] inquire into the main propagators of this doctrine, the Ismailis, In the Sayr wa suluk, Tusi gives a brief account of his theo- although he dared not talk about it to others out of fear of logical and philosophical education, hut he does not go into arousing their hostility and prejudice. [§i3] details about the scholars with whom he became acquainted, It was around this time that Tusi came to hear about the nor of his studies in mathematics and astronomy which later learning and wisdom of the Ismaili governor of Quhistin, became important areas of investigation for him. But we know Muhtashim Shihib al-Din (d. after 644/1~46),~andsent him from other sources that Tusi was a precocious learner who trav- a letter requesting the latter's views on some philosophical ques- elled far and wide in search of knowledge. By the time he was tion~.~Although Shihab al-Din declined to enter into a seventeen or eighteen, he had studied Ibn Sina's major philo- correspondence with him, Tusi had an opportunity to meet sophical work, al-Ishirat wa al-tanbihat, with Farid al-Din Damid, the Muhtashim briefly when he was in the vicinity of Gird Kuh attended the lectures of Qucb al-Din Sarakhsi in Nishapur where during the course of one of his journeys. [515] 4 Contemplation and Action Introduction 5

The turning-point in Tiisi's search for knowledge came a whose scholarship he had clearly a great deal of trust and con- few days later in Khurisin when he accidentally came across a fidence. The book was not meant to be an independent work compilation of the Fu~ul-imuqaddas (Sacred Chapters), the ser- by Tiisi, but based on the Muhtashim's notes and instructions. mons and sayings of the Niziri Ismaili Imam Hasan 'AlX Hence, when the work was completed, TOsi named it Akhlaq-i Dhikrihi al-Salim (d. 561/ 1166) ,'which had a profound im- Muhtashimi (The Muhtashimid Ethics) ." pact on him: 'I gained endless benefit from those sacred words During the next ten years or so that Tiisi stayed in Quhist5n, which are the light of hearts and the illuminator of inner he composed a number of other works, such as Gushayish-ncima thoughts.' [§15] It was as a result of these encounters and cir- (Unveiling Notes)I2on ethics and Risala-yi Mu'iniyya (The cumstances that Tiisi decided to embrace the Ismaili faith. But Mu'inid Treatise)" on astronomy. In 633/1235, he completed it was only after persistent efforts on his part and the personal the first version of his most famous work on ethics, Akhlaq-i intervention of Nisir al-Din Muhtashim (d. 655/1257),1° who N&iri(The Nasirean Ethics).14Many other treatises, including succeeded Shihih al-Din as governor of Quhist5n sometime Tawallci wa tabumi (Solidarity and Dissociation) and Aghiz wa after 62 1/ 1224, that Tiisi was admitted as a mustajfb (novice) anjicm (The Beginning and the End)l%hould probably be dated into the Ismaili community. [§I 61 At about this time or shortly to this period of his life. thereafter, Tiisi joined the service of N&ir al-Din, thus begin- It was shortly after the completion of 'The Nasirean Ethics' ning his close association with the Ismaili leadership which was that Tusi accompanied Nisir al-Din Muhtashim to the central to continue for more than thirty years of his life. Ismaili strongholds of Alamiit and Maymun Dizh, situated in There has been much speculation among scholars as to the the Riidbir district of Daylamin province in northern Iran. precise nature of Tusi's relationship with the Ismailis and There are several spurious stories about Tiisi's move, includ- whether it was motivated by religious allegiance or purely pro ing one that he was coerced to go on account of the discovery Sessional considerations. The information that TOsi gives in of his secret correspondence with the 'Abbisid authorities in the Sayr wa sulck leaves little doubt of his genuine conversion Baghdad.I6Butthe most likely explanation is that the journey to the Ismaili faith. It is significant to note here that some of to Alamiit was one of the regular visits made by Nisir al-Din to the people responsible for Tiisi's education besides his father the Ismaili headquarters in order to report in person on ad- and maternal uncle, such as TaJ al-Din Shahrastiini, Afdal al- ministrative affairs, and it was natural for the governor to take Din Gshini and Kamil al-Din Muhammad Hisib, were along with him a number of his most trusted confidants. In associated with the Ismailis in one way or another, or they were any case, Tiisi would have regarded the journey as a matter of inclined towards the spiritual and esoteric understanding of great honour and opportunity, especially as Alamiit was the Islam as advocated by the Ismailis. seat of the Ismaili Imams, it housed the most important library In Quhistin, Tiisi appears to have developed a close per- in the Ismaili state, and it offered refuge to many scholars, Sunni sonal and professional relationship with his Ismaili patron, Nisir and Shi'i alike, fleeing from the Mongol invasions of Central al-Din Muhtashim. A highly learned man with a special inter- Asia and Khurisin. est in ethical philosophy, Nisir al-Din had prepared an outline Whatever plans and aspirations TOsi may have had, his of a book on ethics but was unable to complete it because of lengthy stay of some twenty years in Alamiit and Maymiin Dizh the burdens of his administrative duties as the governor of was probably the most productive period of his life. His creativ- Quhistin. He therefore turned to his young protege who had ity seems to have flourished under the patronage of the Imam earlier expressed an interest in completing the work, and in 'AX' al-Din Muhammad (d. 653/1255)17 and the elite of the 6 Contemplation and Action Introduction 7

Ismaili community of the time. It appears that Tiisi enjoyed a member of the Ismaili team negotiating with the Mongols, he great deal of intellectual freedom, enabling him to write on a had advocated peaceful surrender in oppositon to those who variety of subjects, including astronomy, mathematics, philoso- had argued for continued resistance from their fortresses in phy and various branches of the applied sciences. Tilsi the same way as they had held out for so long against the Saljiiqs completed the most important of his philosophical works on and the Khwirazmians. Nonetheless, shortly after the fall of Ismaili thought, Ra7udayi taslim (Paradise of Submission) ,IXin Alamiit, Tusi disassociated himself from the Ismailis, claiming 64o/ 1242 and Ascis al-iqtibcis (Principles of Acquisition) in 642/ that he was held by them against his will, which undoubtedly i 244.I9His famous defence of Ibn Sin5 against the criticism of paved the ground lor his preferment in the Mongol court. Tiisi Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi, Sharh al-isharcit wa al-tanbchat (Commen- has been further accused of encouraging Hulagu to invade tary on the Book of Directives and Remarks) ,20 received its final Baghdad in spite of the latter's superstitious dread of divine touches in 644/1246 These are in addition to numerous works retribution if he were to shed the blood of the 'Ahbasid caliph.23 on astronomy and translations which were produced in his fi- Tusi's apparent renunciation of the Ismailis and his defec- nal years at Alamiit.21It is probably as a result of these literary tion to the Mongols raise a number of questions which are efforts, among other factors, that Tiisi was honoured with the central to any assessment of his life and works. What role did title of sultrin al-du'zt. he play in the fall of Alamilt and the destruction of Ismaili Tiisi's early years at Alamiit must have been fairly secure and power in Iran?Was he all along aTwelver Shi'i who encouraged tranquil in so far as his personal and scholarly life was con- the Ismailis to surrender and the Mongols to overthrow the cerned, but his later writings reflect increasing signs of anxiety proSunni 'Ahhisids in order to ensure the ascendancy of his arising from the approaching threat of the Mongols. Having co-religionists?Was Tusi perhaps still an Ismaili, giving expres- overwhelmed Central Asia and northern Khurisin, the Mon- sion Lo the principle of taqzjya (dissimulation) in the hope of a gols were now making preparations to invade Iran with the resurgence of Ismaili fortunes? Or is Tusi's case simply one of avowed aim of annihilating the Ismaili strongholds as their first personal opportunism and professional ambition? These are priority. Already by 651/1253 several Ismaili fortresses in some of the questions to which it is difficult to find clear and Quhistin had been overrun and captured. In 654/ 1256 the precise answers, as is evident in the diversity of opinions among Mongol warlord Hnlagu himself arrived in Riidbir and laid scholars regarding Tiisi's intentions and actions.24 seige to Alamiit and Maymnn Dizh. After protracted skirmishes The transference of Tusi's loyalty to the Mongols was well- and negotiations, the Ismailis finally capitulated and the Mon- placed for him at least on one count, for he succeeded in gols commenced a general destruction of their castles, followed persuading his new patrons to finance the construction of a by widespread massacres of Ismaili populations in the country great new observatory at Maragha in A~arbayjan.~"Tiisidevoted at large. As for Alamiit, the centre of the Ismaili state founded the last decade of his life to supervising this ambitious project, by Hasan Sabbih 166 years earlier, it was systematically torched preparing astronomical tables and organizing its library, in and dismantled, although the historian 'Ata MalikJuwayni (d. addition to his administrative duties in the Mongol court. How- 68 I / I 282),who had accompanied the conquerors, was allowed ever, such preoccupations did not prevent him from writing to salvage a few books and astronomical instruments from its several treatises on philosophical theology, such as Mujiri al- library.22 mu~ari'(Downfall of the Wre~t1er)~"nd Talkhc al-muhajjal Tusi's role in these fateful events is perhaps the most (Summary of the Muhaj~al),27a~ well as works in in support of confusing and controversial aspect of his life. As a senior Twelver Shi'ism, such as Risalat al-imima (Treatise on 8 Contemplation and Action Introductzon 9

Imamate)28andTajEd al-ictiqad(Abstraction of Belief).'" leading to his or her spiritual transformation, including ajuc Yet Tusi was never able to dispense altogether with the Ismaili tification of the new faith and a refutation of other competing ideas he had imbibed so deeply and for so long. In fact, the creeds. philosophical impetus arising from his acquaintance with Among the best specimens of this genre in Islamic litera- Ismaili thought remained a major influence to the last years of ture are al-Munqidh min al-dalcil (Redemption from Error) by his life. In the second edition of Akhlciq-i Na~iri,although Tusi al-Ghazzili (d.505/ 1 1 1 1) in Arabic and Tasi's Sayr wa suluk in deleted the introductory eulogy of the Imam 'Ali' al-Din Persian. There are also numerous confessional poems, such as Muhammad and Nisir al-Din Muhtashim, he did not revise the Qasidayi i'tiraiyyaof Nisir Khusraw (d. after 465/1072),~~ the work substantially and retained its Ismaili mode of expres- which give expression to the same kind of religious experience. ~ion.~~Inthe Qawci'id ab'aqii'id (Canon of Beliefs)?' he gave a In the case of both al-Ghazzili and Tusi, their conversions took far more elaborate and precise account of Ismaili principles place against the background of one of the great debates that than of Twelver Shi'ism, some of which is a word-for-word trans- engaged the minds of Muslim thinkers for several centuries, lation in Arabic of what he had said earlier in the Sayr wa suluk. namely the relation between reason and revelation, and Similarly, in his Sufi treatise, the Aw~afal-ashrcif (Attributes of whether it is possible for human beings to attain the ultimate the Illu~trious),~'Tusi retains an Ismaili viewpoint, especially truths of religion. For al-Ghazzili, the eminent Sunnijurist and on the subject of spiritual union. In the Talkhis al-muhas~al, theologian who was preoccupied with this issue for much of which was his last work composed in 669/ 127 1, he even ap- his life, the central question was the relative merits of scholas- pears to defend the Ismaili doctrine of ta'limwhile seeming to tic theology (kalam), philosophy (hikmat), authoritative correct Fakhr &Din al-Rizi's misrepresentation of it,"%nd re- teaching (ta'lim) and mysticism (twawwujj for the acquisition jects the possibility of bad2 (detraction) of the nass (formal of this body of truths.37After a long period of deliberation and designation) of an Imam as maintained by the Twelver Shi'is. seclusion, al-Ghazzili came to favour the Sufi path, although In the light of such tendencies, as well as his long journey in the Munqidh he was unable to refute the principle of ta'lim around the year 665/1266 to Quhistin, where among the as such, for he recognized in it the rationale for the necessity Ismaili population the remnants of his own family may have of prophethood. For Tasi, however, who came a century later snrvi~ed,~~itis possible that Tasi did not altogether cut off his and for whom Sufism was not incompatible with Shi'ism, the relations with the Ismailis of Iran after the fall of Alamut. choice was essentially between speculative philosophy and the guidance of an authoritative teacher, and the process of resolv- ing this conflict forms the subject matter of the Sayr wa suluk. Sayr wa suluk In his edition of the text, Mudarris Radawi says that the It is a common phenomenon in all religions for certain indi- manuscript hears no title and was designated as Sayr wa suliik viduals whose beliefs and attitudes have undergone a radical by whoever first published it. However, a glance at the contents transformation to write accounts of their spiritual growth and of the treatise recounting the author's conversion process dem- conversions. There are many examples of such autobiographi- onstrates the appropriateness of the title."In any case, the Sayr cal writings in religious literature. In the Christian tradition, wa suluk ranks among the most important of Tusi's works be- the classic example is that of St Augustine (d. 430 c~).~'Inall cause of the unique information it contains on the author's such narratives, there is common ground in the author's at- early life, education and spiritual conversion, as well as for the tempt to present a rational understanding of the circumstances clear and vivid insights it provides of Ismaili thought towards 10 Contemplation and Action Introductzon 11 the closing decades of the Alamat period in Ismaili history. It lecture^)^^ hy al-Mu'ayyad fi al-Din alShirizi (d. 470/ i 078), is on account of this autobiographical and other internalevi- and the Zad a6musafi~fn(The Travellers' Provi~ions)~%yNi~ir dence that Tasi's authorship of the text has now come to be Khu~raw- to name hut a few Fatimid Ismaili sources -are all clearly recognized by a majority of leading sch0lars.5~ in various degrees devoted to this subject. But the person who The Sayr wa sulek takes the form of an extended letter writ- has come to be most closely associated with the doctrine of ten by Tasi and addressed to the 'chief of the dci'is and ta'lim is the da'iHasan Sabbih (d. 51 8/1124). ministers,' [52] Muzaffar b. Muhammad:' to be delivered to Commonly referred to as Bib2 Sayyidni by the Nizari Ismailis him through the intermediary of Muzaffar h. Mu'ayyad. Not of the Alamut period, Hasan Sabbih was the architect of the much is known about the first Muzaffar other than what TOsi Ismaili state in Iran.'71t was Hasan who reformulated the doc- tells us in his eulogy of the chief da'i, hut the second Muzaffar trine of ta'lim into a powerful intellectual tool to prove the referred to as 'the great governor' [§4] in all probability is none necessity of a supreme guide for mankind, which became the other than his patron in Quhistin, Nisir al-Din Muhtashim. 'central feature of what al-Shahrastani calls 'the new preach- Since the letter is submitted through Ni~iral-Din, and Tiisi ing' (al-da'wa al-jadida).Although the text of Hasan Sabbah's admits that he had not yet had the good fortune of meeting exposition of this doctrine, al-Fusd al-arbah (The Four Chap- the chief da'i, this indicates that Tasi may have composed the ters), has not survived, it is possible to conceptualize the gist of epistle in the Ismaili stronghold of Q2in in Quhistin and sub- it from the summary of Hasan's four propositions given in al- sequently revised it in Alamiit or Maymiin Dizh sometime after Shahrashi's heresiographical work, Kitah al-milal wa alinihal,48 644/ 1246, following the death of his old friend Shihib a1-Di11.~' From the evidence of al8hahrastini's condensed account, The letter is clearly intended to be autobiographical and it seems that Hasan Sabbah's original text must have been a confessional, that is, to convey an account of Tasi's personal highly forceful and sustained piece of work. In fact, the intel- search for knowledge which led him to embrace the Ismaili lectual challenge it posed to the Sunni establishment under faith, together with a declaration of his religious convictions. the Saljiiqs was serious enough to provoke al-Ghazzili to re- But the philosophical and theological content of the work gives fute it in several of his treatise^.^' But al-Shahrastini devotes it special importance in the collection of Tasi's writings that only a few pages to the doctrine in the Milal, which makes it have come down to us because the author has clearly an ex- difficult to follow Hasan's finely balanced dialectical process pository purpose which manifests itself in his highly skilful of reasoning. It is therefore to the works of Na~iral-Din Tasi, elaboration of the doctrine of ta'lim. in particular the Sayr wa suluk and Rawdayi taslim,iOthat we The principle of ta'linz, that is the authoritative religious must turn for a more elaborate and coherent treatment of the guidance of a legitimate Imam, is fundamental to Shi'i Islam. subject. The elucidation of how mankind can recognize the Imam, who Needless to say, Tusi's purpose, approach and treatment of by his very existence substantiates and preserves the truth of the subject are different from those of Hasan. His arguments, faith and religion, is an outstanding feature of Ismaili doctri- though not presented in the syllogistic style of Hasan, are rig- nal writings. The RasriTlIkhwan abSafa'(Epist1es of the Brethren orous in their demonstration of deductive logic and proofs, of Purity)" reflect an early Ismaili attempt. The Kit& al-iftikhir drawing upon a wide array of evidence from theological and (The Book of Pride)49by AbaYa'qiih alSijistini (d. after 361/ philosophical sources. Moreover, the ontological and episte- 97 I),the Rrihat al-'up1(The Quietude of Intelle~t)~~by Hamid mological framework in which he posits the doctrine is al-Din al-Kirmini (d. ca. 41 1/ 1020-I), al-Majalis (The something we do not apparently find in Hasan's exposition. At Introduction '3 12 Contemplation and Action studies, Tasi is mainly concerned with rational inquiry based the same time, there is much incommon between the two ac- on the premise that it is possible to attain the knowledge of counts, and Tusi's presentation must therefore be seen as a God by intellect and sound reasoning alone. The critical turn- development of Hasan's earlier formulations. As such, Tusi's ing-point of this phase appears to have been his recognition of work represents the Ismaili doctrine of ta'lrm in the fullness of the limits of speculative reason and its contradictory results, its maturity as it evolved more than a century after Hasan vis-i-vis his growing awareness that the supra-rational nature of Sabbih articulated it. the knowledge he was seeking cannot be attained without the The Sayr wa suluk is composed in a highly condensed and intervention of an authoritative teacher. The esoteric phase of abstract style typical of medieval scholastic texts. This aspect Tusi's quest develops after his meeting with Shihab al-Din and may be deliberate and intentional for the reason that Tusi was his acquaintance with the Fu~icbimuqaddas, the sermons of the writing a personal and confidential letter to the chief Ismaili Imam Hasan 'Ali Dhikrihi alSalim, which led to his conversion di'i, Muzaffar h. Muhammad who, like Tusi's patron Nisir al- .to the Ismaili faith. Din, was an accomplished man of learning, fully grounded in Tusi depicts this process in terms of a series of progressive the intellectual and religious discourse of his time. Since the stages and the uncoveri.ngof a number of veils leading to what text was addressed to the top leadership of the Ismaili commu- he calls 'ilm-i yaqini (reliable or certain knowledge). He nity, including possibly the Imam of the time, and there is no characterizes this phase as esoteric, partly because it was based evidence that it was intended to serve as a textbook for the upon or derived from the teachings of the Ismaili da'watwhich Ismaili da'wat, it raises the question as to the author's real mo- became accessible to him only after his conversion, but more tives in narrating his 'innermost secrets of thought' in such a importantly because for Tusi it represents a succession of con- confidential and intimate manner. At the beginning of the let- templations upon the inner meanings of the principle of a ter, Tusi admits to writing it in order to seek the chief da'is universal teacher accessible to humankind. 'admonitory guidance about right and wrong, truthfulness and In the course of disclosing these 'unveilings', Tusi embarks deviation,' but the suhtext of the letter may be understood as on a systematic elaboration of the doctrine of ta'lCm. He speaks an expression of Tusi's need to demonstrate in writing to the of the necessity of an authoritative teacher [§ 8-13], the quali- Ismaili leadership his superior intellectual and scholarly tal- ties of such a teacher and how he may be recognized [§ 17-37], ents which he could bring to serve the cause. Although for a the nature of his teachings and how one may attain perfection different reason, this is reminiscent of Nisir Khusraw's letter through his knowledge [§ 39-49]> and the characteristics of to 'Ali b. &mad, a high government official, when he reached the true religion and of its followers among mankind [§ 50- the city of Basra in 443/1051." But there is every reason to 571. The scope of this introduction does not permit a believe that Tusi's permanent transfer from Quhistin to Alamut replication of Tusi's highly complex and nuanced sequence of and his subsequent promotion in the Ismaili da'wat could not arguments, inferences and proofs. It is left to the reader to have been possible without a good opinion of him generated explore the full dimensions of Tusi's thought in his own inimi- by the submission of this letter. table style in the Persian language or its translation which, as Leaving aside his intentions for writing the Sayr wa snltlk, in the readers may find, is a close rendering of the original text. this autobiographical account Tusi makes a clear distinction There are, however, several aspects of Tusi's thought as re- between two major phases in his search for the truth, which he counted in the Sayr wa suluk, Rawda-yi taslim and his other terms the exoteric and the esoteric. In the exoteric phase, cor- Ismaili works which deserve close scrutiny by scholars of Ismaili responding broadly with his early theological and philosophical '4 Contemplation and Action Introduction '5

thought and literature. For example, there is need to establish author sets out to demonstrate rationally, on the basis of a series the relationship of Tusi's thinking with Hasan Sabbih's for- of proofs and arguments, that true or certain knowledge of mulation of the doctrine of ta'lim, in both its historicaland the divine is attainable only through the mediation of a uni- ideological settings. It is also essential to situate this doctrine versal teacher, who cannot be non-existent and must be within the broader context of the preaching of the qiyamat (res- recognizable among mankind. In the presentation of both these urrection), which characterized Ismaili thought of the later facets, Tiisi's workemerges as one of the most important docu- Alamiit period and to which Tusi makes a number of elusive ments of Persian Ismaili literature. In the author's personal references in his works. Acomprehensive study of the principle candour, lucidity of thought, sensitive treatment of the subject of ta'ltm, its place in the Ismaili literature of pre-Fatimid and and epistolary style, it stands out among the finest works of Fatimid eras, and its subsequent development in the intellectual intellectual biography in Islamic literature. At a theological and tradition ofAlamut, would enable us to ascertain the contribu- philosophical level, the Sayr wa suluk provides unique insights tions of Hasan Sahhah and Tusi to the evolution of the doctrine, into the character of Ismaili thought towards the end of the and of the extent to which it was a reformulation and elabora- Alamut period. Tusi's exposition of the ontological, epistemo- tion of an old Shi'i precept. logical and spiritual dimensions of ta'lim, and the harnessing At a more specific level, scholarly investigations can focus of these perspectives into a coherent system of thought, makes upon particular facets of Tusi's ontological system, for instance it by far the most sophisticated treatment of the subject avail- his understanding of the amr (command) or kalzma (word) of able to us today. God. This concept featured prominently in Fatimid Ismaili metaphysical thought, at least since the time of Muhammad al- Tiisi's other Ismaili works Nasal? and AbuYa'quh alSijistini in the fourth/tenth century, although Hamid al-Din al-Kirmini later disputed their notion The three decades during which Tusi was associated with the of the divine command as intermediary between God and the Ismailis, from around 620/1224 to 654/1256, were undoubt- first intellect.52Tusi'sre-emphasis on the amr and its symbolic edly the most productive period of his life.5sThe greater part correspondence with the universal teacher, in terms of the of his works on philosophy and science were produced under maqhar (locus, representation or manifestation) of the com- Ismaili patronage. Since the hulk of what Ismaili scholars pro- mand, is a significant aspect of his writings that has come to be duced in the Alamut period perished following the collapse of associated with Ismaili literature of the Alamut period in Ismaili political power, the few specimens which have survived general. cannot tell us the whole story or enable us to assess the condi- Another dimension of the Sayr wa sulukwhich deserves criti- tions in which Tusi produced these works. What is remarkable, cal study is Tusi's sophisticated and multi-layered theory of and perhaps unique, in Muslim history is the attitude or the divine knowledge in its application to both the seeker and the Is~nailileaders who, while being involved in an epochal life source of the knowledge. This may turn out to he the most and death struggle, nevertheless had time to nurture and main- original contribution of Tusi to the doctrine of ta'lim. tain avery high standard of scholarship within the confines of The Sayrwasuluk has two interconnected facets: one is auto- their castles and fortresses. We know that the leadership con- biographical and confessional, concerned with Tusi's personal sisted of people with a genuine love for learning and search for knowledge from the time of his youth to his conver- scholarship. The fame of the Alamat library and its treasure of sion to the Ismaili faith; the other is doctrinal, in which the scientific instruments had reached far and wide, and the threat 16 Contemplation and Action Introductzon '7 of Mongol invasions was in itself a factor to encourage schol- ars, both Muslim and non-Muslim, to take refuge with the Ismailis. But at the same time, life in the fortresses was not Composed in Quhis&n, the Aghaz wa anjcim (The Beginning without its personal and scholarly privations. Thus, when Tusi and the End),"%r Tadhkira (Exhortations) as Tusi calls it, is was drafting the most important chapter of Rawdayi taslim, he his most important work on eschatology. It is divided into twenty notes: 'One should not write everything, especially in times chapters dealing with life in the physical and spiritual worlds, the origin and return of the human soul, the phenomenon of like these, hastily, secretly, and in a dark place ...'54 Whatever the circumstances, it is fortunate that a good por- death, the nature of the hereafter and the condition of differ- tion of what TGsi produced during his Ismaili period has ent classes of people therein, the resurrection and the survived, whereas nothing has been preserved from, for exam- judgement, reward and punishment, heaven and hell, and a ple, the numerous writings of the Imam Nirr al-Din Muhammad number of other Qur'inic concepts about the afterlife. Tusi's (d. 607/1210) which were very popular at the time."Among main concern is to elucidate the esoteric meanings and ethical other factors, the survival of Tosi's works was undoubtedly due underpinnings of Qur'inic eschatology from a typically Ismaili to the scholarly appeal of his writings, which brought him fame point of view. Based on what Tirsi writes in Rawdayi tmlimand in his own lifetime. Since most of his works in Arabic and Aghaz wa anjim, a comprehensive picture of Ismaili eschatol- Persian were not addressed to a specifically Ismaili audience, ogy can be drawn. Among the Twelver Shi'i scholars, the Aghaz we can assume that they circulated freely among the scholars received special attention from Sadr al-Din Shirizi, better and savants of all communities before, as they did after, the fall known as Mulla Sadra (d. 1050/16qo), who incorporated an of Alamot. It is on the basis of these works, concerned essen- Arabic translation of the entire text in his famous commentary tially with issues and questions of interest to Muslim intellectuals on the Qur'an, Mafatih al-ghayb:7without acknowledging his in general and all those genuinely seeking knowledge, that source. Tusi's considerable reputation as a scholar is founded. None- theless, many of these works rctain a certain Ismaili outlook Tawalla wa tabami and orientation which, in conformity with the author's ecu- menical spirit, is conveyed implicitly within an intellectual The Qur'anic concept of tawalla wa tabumi (solidarity and dis- context acceptable to the various communities of Islam. sociation) which provides the title of this work," occupied an From the point of view of Ismaili studies, Tusi's most impor- important place in the Ismaili theological framework of the tant contribution was the scholarly preservation and rendering Alamut period. Tusi refers to it in several of his worksand com- of the Ismaili tenets and principles of the Alamut period, which posed this treatise around 633/ 1253 to elaborate the doctrine have survived to our time almost exclusively in a number of in some detail. Dedicated to Nisir al-Din Muhtashim, it de- treatises he wrote for the Ismaili da'wat in the Persian language. scribes how one may arrive at spiritual perfection through In addition to the Sayr wa sulilk and his ethical works composed 'solidarity' with 'Ali and the Imams, and 'dissociation' from under Ismaili sponsorship, the Akhlciq-i NGinand the Akhlaq-i one's base instincts such as lust, anger and hatred. Through a Muhtmhimi, there are at least four major treatises by Tusi which combination of these two dispositions, one can transmute the should be considered as Ismaili in character. passions into yearning, love and ma'~fat(gnosis). Tusi stresses the importance of the intellect and rational soul in bringing about this transformation, the outcomes of which are rid6 18 Contemplation and Action Introduction 19

(contentment), taslim (submission) and iqin (certitude). For its comprehensive treatment of Ismaili thought during the the man of certitude, says Tasi, hatred is submerged into love, Alamut period, as well as a number of direct references to the the 'primordial past' into the 'subsequent future', and religious teachings of the Imam Hasan 'Ali Dhikrihi al-Salam and the law into the realm of res~rrection.~" preaching of the resurrection. The Rawdayi taslim also con- tains Tusi's articulation of a distinctively Ismaili system of ethics centred around the recognition of the Imam of the time. Matlub al-mu'minin Tusi wrote the Maclub al-mu'minin (Provisions for the Faithf~l)~~ Minor works in Alamut or Mayman Dizh in response to the request of the 'august presence' (hadrat-i 'ulyi) of a noble lady from the house It is now certain that during his long association with the of the Imam 'Mi' al-Din Muhammad who wanted the author Ismailis, Tusi wrote a number of other Ismaili treatises. These to compile the gist of what he had read from the Fu~ul-i .works either have not survived or their Ismaili orientation may muqaddasof the Imam Hasan 'Ali Dhikrihi al-Salim and other have been altered by later scholars or scribes to adapt them to da'wat literature. The book has four chapters dealing with Twelver Shi'i milieux. An example of such an amended text is eschatology, the characteristics of an Ismaili (recognition of Riralayijabr wa qadar (Treatise on Free Will and Predestina- and love for the Imam, etc.), the doctrine of solidarity and tion) ," a philosophical work in which quotations from the dissociation, and the esoteric exegesis of religious law. In his F~zlsul-imuqaddas of the Imam Hasan 'Alii Dhikrihi alSalim have discussion of the sharht, Tasi insists that the mard-i haqiqat (man been removed. Al-Dustzlsur wa da'wat al-mu'minin lz al-hudur (Note- oC truth) is one who fulfils the requirements of both the qihir book for Summoning the Faithful to the Present Imam)" is and the batin. of the religious law. another treatise which, although attributed by the compiler to the Imam 'Ali' al-Din Muhammad, is almost certainly the work of Tusi himself. It gives a detailed account of the ceremonies Rawdayi taslim conductedfor conversion to the Ismaili faith, which is described The Rawrlayi taslim (The Paradise of Submission)" is Tusi's as 'the religion of the theosophers and those travelling in the most important and extensive Ismaili work. It consists of twenty- path of the scholars of divinity who are followers oi the House eight 'representations' or chapters (ta~awwurit)on a variety of of Prophethood.' themes such as the Creator (afaCfaridagar)and the cosmos, the There are also several other extant Ismaili works by Tasi nature of human existence, ethics and human relations, which, apart from the Mujarat-i Tusi (Tusi's Debates),'j4I have religion, eschatology, Prophethood and Imamate. The arrange- been unable to obtain. These are Jawab bi Kiyi Shah Amir (An- ment of material in the work leads the reader progressively swers to fi-yi Shah Arnir) and Ri~aladar ni'mat-ha, khushFha wa from an understanding of the physical to the spiritual worlds. ladhdhat-hi (Treatise on Comfort, Happiness and Joyfulness) .65 Thc twenty-seventh representation deals with pre-Islamic reli- gions such as Sahaenism and idol-worship in the Indian subcontinent. The final tasawwur stands out on its own as it contains responses, some of them recorded only partially, of the Imam 'Ali' al-Din Muhammad to certain inquries put to him by Tcui or others. The significance of this work arises from Nasir al-Din Tusi

CONTEMPLATION AND ACTION 0 Lord, Thou hast bestowed Thy grace, mayest Thou increase it. Our Lord, give us mercy from Thee, and furnish us with rectitude in our affair (18:io).

[§I] The greatest blessing and the most abundant gen- erosity which [is bestowed] in these times [on] all the servants of the lord of the age (khudawand-izamin),' the legitimate [Imam] of this epoch, the rightful leader, the manifestation of the word of God in the two worlds, the master of the 'two weighty things' (thaqalayn),2 the guard- ian of the east and the west - may God exalt his word (kalima) and spread his summons (da'wat) over all the earth - belongs to the exalted personage to whose reli- able authorityand capable hands has been entrusted the control of administrative affairs; [he who is] the pole of truth and religion, the paragon of knowledge in this world, the most perfect exemplar of the human race, Muzaffar b. MuhammadY- may God extend the shadow of his splendour and protect the lights of his perfection -whose world-adorning opinion maintains the wise or- der of the two worlds, and whose unravelling mind interprets the &vine secrets. 'When God the exalted de- sires good for a people, He entrusts the rule to its men of knowledge, and knowledge to its ruler~.'~MayGod, the glorious, the exalted, preserve this wholesome favour forever, facilitate its acknowledgement, and bestow suc- cess on everyone so that they may be grateful [for it]. He is the most kind, the most responsive."

[§'I For some time, this most humble servant," Muhammad al-Tfisi, has been wishing to submit a description of his religious 24 Contemplation and Action The Translation 25 beliefs and a short account of the story of his life to the truth- them, through [the mediation of] my respected friend," be- revealing opinion of the exalted presence of [Muzaffar b. fore the exalted presence of the great governor, the assister of Muhammad] the chief of di'is and ministers (sultan al-du'at wa the state and the world, the king of [all] the chiefs in both the al-wuzarci') - may he remain lofty - so that this supreme pres- worlds, the pride of the human race, Muzaffar ihn Mu'ayyad" ence, who is the source of instruction for the secrets ofwisdom - may his elevated rank endure forever -whose kindness and (hikmat)and the manifestation of the lights of compassion, may diligence in protecting the secrets of the sincere (mukhli~an) bestow the honour of admonitory guidance about right and was known [to me]; so that when the opportunity presented wrong, truthfulness and deviation, in accordance with the ap- itself he could bring it to the notice of that noble presence titude of this humble servant, indicating that which is required with the addition of whatever he might deem to he advanta- for his welfare in religious and worldly matters. geous in the two worlds to me, in order that I should not have to hear the rebuke (khitab),'Return you hack behind and seek [§31 My intention was to present the situation in person, after for a light' (5713).and should not be deprived of the answer attaining the good fortune of an audience before that blessed of the brilliance and glittering effulgence of that sun of per- presence, so that if, as a result, that glorious court (birgah) fection. He [Allah] is the one who gives reply! were pleased to give instruction, it would be devoid of the de- fects of physical intermediaries and he more effective and [§5] Before entering into the subject in question, there is a appropriate. However, the delay [between intention and per- preliminary matter which ought to be mentioned, however au- formance] which the nature of everyday life renders dacious it may seem. It is the following: in the exoteric aspect unavoidable, necessitated a postponement. Another reason it is the usual practice of those who feel some physical illness was that for intelligent people there is no secret which has to or pain to desire a physician who is an expert in the cure of he kept more hidden than the secret of belief and religious different illnesses and pains, and that they explain to the doc- doctrine.'Indeed, what harmful consequences would follow if tor their apparent condition from the time the disease was first the ordinary, ignorant folkwere to become aware of these things felt right up to the end, so that when he comes to know the requires no explanation. Therefore, I was reluctant to note [my causes and the signs he can suggest the correct remedy and ideas] down and reveal them in writing, thereby endangering avoid what is contra-indicated. Likewise, in the [esoteric] truth, my life. But when this postponement extended far beyond what it is a condition for those who want a spiritual doctor to save was acceptable, I began deliberating about the onslaught of the secrets of their innermost thoughts from corrupt beliefs the 'appointed time' (ajal) - 'When their appointed time is and the distress of incorrect ideas, which lead to total destruc- reached, they can neither delay nor advance a single moment' tion and eternal perdition [of the soul], that they should do (7:34)- and became afraid that, God forbid, precaution in the same thing. In the presence [of such a person], one should these matters could he the cause of grave calamities, and that describe the story of his inner life from the earliest stage of if [a person's life] were suddenly to come to an end with one thought and discrimination to the point where a [set of] he- of the most important religious [duties] left undone, then his liefs is formed, so that he [the spiritual doctor] can make him death would be the death of the ignorant.= aware of where his opinions are sound and where he has slipped. So this most humble servant has followed this tradi- [§4] Thus, with sincere intention and a firm determination, I tion and given some glimpses of the course of his life from the noted down my innermost secrets of thoughts and submitted time when he first felt discrimination appearing within him- 26 Contemplation and Action The Translation 27

self up to the present day. Although the prolixity that I was of the shae'at, and I would find his discourse appealing, but trying to avoid proved inevitable, my expectation is that the whenever I wanted to get to the bottom of what he was saying, source of bounty and mine of liberality may bestow pardon he would refuse, remarking: 'That which is the core and es- and not chastize me for my unwillingly committed faults - God sence of the truth cannot yet be mentioned to you, for you are willing; He is the holder of gcnerosity and the bestower of being. young and do not have experience of the world. If you grow Now we shall begin to penetrate the subject at hand. up and are successful, seek for it until you attain it.' Occasion- ally, as a piece of advice, he would say: 'It is possible that the [$6] As a result of predetermined decree and design (bi hukm- truth [may be found] among people who are, in the eyes of i taqdzr wa ittzfiq), I was born and educated among a group of the group that you know, the most contemptible people,' and people who were believers in, and followers of, the exoteric he would quote this verse [in which the unbelievers say to aspects of the religious law (sharz'at).The only profession and Noah]: 'We see not any following thee but the vilest of us, in ' vocation of my near relatives and kindred was to promulgate their apparent opinion', (1 1:27). Then he would say: 'You the exoteric sciences. From the time that [the faculty] of dis- should not pay any attention to whether or not someone has crimination began to stir within me, I grew and thrived listening an ugly appearance. .If, for example, you find truth with the to their opinions about both fundamental principles and de- idolaters, you should listen to them and accept it from them.' rived rulings (uszil wa fu64 [of Islam]. I assumed that, apart from this way, there could be no other religious teaching or [§8] In short, it became clear to me from being in his com- method. But my father, a man of the world who had heard the pany that whatever I had heard or seen up to that time [on opinions of different kinds of people and had [received] his religious matters] was without foundation. I understood that education from his maternal uncle, who was one of the attend- the truth was in the possession of another group and that I ants and students of the chief da'i (dri'i al-du'at), Tij al-Din would have to strive hard to attain it. Shahrastana,I1wasless enthusiastic about following these regu- Not long after this, worldly affairs required him [Kamal al- lations. He used to encourage me to study [all] the branches Din] to move away from the region. [Also at this time] my father of knowledge, and to listen to the opinions of the followers of departed from this world, and I left my home in search of the [various] sects and doctrines. truth, intending to acquire the knowledge which guides peo- ple to the happiness of the next world. Following the [$7] Then it happened that one of the students ofAfdal al-Din instructions of my father, I studied every subject for which I &hi -may God have mercy on him - came to the region. His could find a teacher. But since I was moved by the inclination name was Kamil al-Din Muhammad Hisib,I2whohad acquired of my thoughts and the yearning of my soul to discriminate a first-rate knowledge in a variety of philosophical subjects, es- between what was false and what was true in the differing pecially in the art of mathematics; he had previously been a schools of thought and contradictory doctrines, I concentrated friend and acquaintance of my father. My father suggested that my attention on learning the speculative sciences such as I should learn from him and frequent his company; so I began theology (kalim) and philosophy (hikmat). to study mathematics with him. Frequently, in the course of speaking- may God have mercy [$g] When I first embarked upon [the study of] theology, I on him - he would deprecate the exotericists, and explain the found a science which was entirely confined to practices of the unavoidable inconsistency of those who blindly follow the rules exoteric side of the sha6'at. Its practitioners seemed to force 28 Contemplation and Action The Translation 29

the intellect to promote a doctrine in which they blindly imi- knowledge of the origin and the return (mabda'wa ma'ad) - I tated their ancestors, cunningly deducing proofs and evidence found that they were on shaky foundations in these matters, for its validity, and devising excuses for the absurdities and con- for the intellect ('aql) is incapable of encompassing the giver tradictions which their doctrine necessarily entailed. of intellect (wahib-i 'aql) and the origins (mabadz).And because In short, I derived some benefit from enquiring into this they rely on their own intellect and opinion, they blunder, they science, to the extent that I came to know something of the speak according to their own conjectures and whims in this divergence between the sects. I came to understand that [with field, using the intellect [to arrive] at knowledge of something regard to] the knowledge of truth and the attainment of per- which is not within its scope. fection on which happiness in the hereafter depends, men of intellect agreed in one way or another, summarily but not in [§I I]To sum up, my heart was not satisfied with what they said detail, on the affirmation of such a truth and a hereafter. How- in these matters, while my desire to attain the truth was not ever, there was a primary disagreement about whether one diminished. In my exposition, I shall mention some more as- could reach the desired objective solely through intellect and pects of this matter. Many benefits, however, were obtained from reason, or whether, in addition to these, a truthful instructor this investigation into philosophy, one of them being that I (mu'allim-i ~adiq)was required. All people are accordingly di- came to know that if in any existing thing perfection is poten- vided in this respect into two branches: those who believe in tial (bi al-quwwa), it cannot change from potentiality into reason (nazar),and those who [in addition to reason] believe actuality by itself without being affected by something outside in instruction (ta'lim). Moreover, those who believe in reason itself, because if its essence were sufficient to bring that perfec- [alone] are divided into different schools -which is in itself a tion from potentiality into actuality, the change would not be lengthy subject - whereas those who believe in [the necessity delayed. Indeed, the attaining of that perfection would have of] instruction are a group known as the Ismailis. This was my been simultaneous with the existence of the essence. We can first acquaintance with the religion of thejama'~t.'~ take bodies as an example of this: motion is [always] potential in them. Without the effect of something else, that motion is .[§lo] As the science of theology proved fruitless, except for an never actualized; otherwise all bodies would be in [perpetual] acquaintance [it allowed] with the positions of the adherents motion. But when another thing exerts an effect on a body, to [various] doctrines, I became averse to it, and my enthusi- that potential motion (harakat) becomes actual. In this case asm to learn [more about] itlost its momentum. Then I started the other is called the 'mover' (muharrik) and the body is called [to study] philosophy. I found this science to be noble and of the 'moved' (mutaharn'k). great benefit. I saw that among the groups [into which] man- kind [is divided], the practitioners of this ,discipline were [§I 21 Once this proposition had been established and my soul distinguished by their allocation of a place for the intellect in was satisfied of its truth, my attention was drawn to the point the recognition of realities, and by their not requiring blind that was made in the science of theology, about the primary imitation (taqlid) of a particular stand. Rather, in most cases disagreement among mankind being whether knowledge of they build the structure of religion in accordance with the in- the truth is attainable solely through the intellect and reason, tellect, 'except what God wills' (7: 188). However, when the without instruction from any teacher, or whether, in addition discussion reached the desired objective - that is, the recogni- to intellect and reason, an instructor is needed. Then I applied tion of the True One (haqq),the exalted, the most high, and the [above] proposition to this situation and found that the 30 Contemplation and Action The Translation 3l

truth lay with those who believe in instruction (ta'limiyan), for those points in the discourse of the philosophers which I had knowledge and understanding in man is in itself [merely] po- found to be contradictory and about which I had some ohser- tential, and its perfection can only be actualized in men of vations ol my own. Then I was granted the honour of a reply sound natures, [in whom] intellect and reason are to be found, from him - may God be pleased with him - in the handwriting when something external has exerted an effect on them. Thus, of the master, the chief scribe, Salih al-Din Hasan'" may his this perfection too can inevitably only be actualized by means glory endure - and in answer to the questions he said: 'For a of the effect of some other thing. [Accordingly], when that reason which can only be explained race to face, I am not [in a other bestows a perfection, the perfection [here] being knowl- position] to convey any scholarly communication [in writing] .' edge ('ilm), the bestower, in accordance with the previous law, is called the 'instructor' (mu'allimn) and the one on whom it is [§i5] Shortly after this, I took the opportunity, while on ajour- bestowed the 'instructed' (muta'allim), by analogy with the ney from Iraq to KhurZsan, to pass through the glorious 'mover' (muharrik) and the 'moved' (mutaham'k).I4 territory of [Gird] KilhI7 - may God, the exalted, protect it - It thus becomes clear thatwithout the instruction (ta'lim) of and for two or three days [was able to] he in Shihab al-Din's a teacher (mu'c!!im), and the bringing to perfection (ikmil) by company and hear something of the da'wat doctrines from his an agent of perfection (muhammil),the attainment of the truth own mouth. I copied down his words and derived much is not possible; that mankind, with its great number and differ- [benefit] from them. Since the requisites for staying with him ences of opinion, is mistaken in its claim that the truth can be and remaining in that place had not been prepared -for sev- reached solely through the intellect and reason; and that the eral reasons which I need not go into - I journeyed on from believers in instruction (ta'lCmiyin) are therefore correct. there to Khurisan. A few days later, I happened to see a copy, in mcdiocre handwriting and antiquated paper, of the FusiLI-i [§I$ Once this proposition had become clear, I began to in- muqaddas (Sacred Chapters) of [the Imam] 'Ali Dhikrihi al- vestigate the religion (madhhab) of this group. But since I did Salim,'8in the possession of an unworthy person who did not not know anyone who could describe the nature of their doc- know what it was. trine objectively, and could only hear about their beliefs from Obtaining [the text] with a ruse, I occupied myself day and people hostile to them, and since I knew that I could not rely night with reading it, and to the extent of my humble under- on a person's prejudices about his enemy, I was unable to get standing and ability, I gained endless benefits from those sacred to know [this group1 as I should, and out of fear I was unahle words which are the light of hearts and the illuminator of inner to disclose my secret. thoughts. It opened a little my eye of exploration (chishm-i twamfi and my inner sight (didayi batin) was unveiled. [Slql In short, I spent [quite] a period of time thinking about this. Then, in the course of my search, I frequently heard from [§i6] Thereafter, my only desire was to introduce myself among travellers to the [surrounding] countries about the scholarly the jami'atwhen the opportunitypresented itself. At that time, virtues of the auspicious master, Shillah al-Din'" may God be in accordance with my inward motivation, I made such strenu- pleased with him - and his deep insight into different fields of ous efforts that finally I succeeded. Through the good offices knowledge. Then I sought asuitable opportunity and, through of the exalted royal presence of NZsir al-Haqq wa al-Din1" the intermediary of a friend who had an association with him, may God exalt him - and his compassionate regard for my im- I sent him a letter containing two or three questions about provement, I was granted the good fortune of joining the 32 Contemplation and Action The Translation 33 jami'atand entry among the ranks of the novices (mustajiban) [§I g] First, it appeared to me that the instructor through whose of the da'wat, and thus my situation reached the point where it mediation the potential perfection of the instructed soul is is now. actualized must [himself] be in a state of actual perfection, Nothing can be gained by the illuminated mind in listening because he who is not actually perfect cannot perfect others; to this story except weariness. However, due to the circum- and if that perfection had been potential in him and become stances already mentioned concerning his [Nasir al-Din's] actualized afterwards, he also would have been in need of an- cordial nature and sympathy for me, its narration seemed to other instructor. As necessity dictates (a,:jihat-i qat'-i ihtiyaj) ," me to be prudent. If God the exalted is willing, it will be cov- this would either result in an infinite regression (tasalsul), or ered with the veil of forgiveness and heard with consideration. end up with a teacher who has always been in a state of actual This [exposition so far] has been a description of the exoteric perfection. The evidence for the existence of such a person situation. among humankind can be deduced both from philosophy (hikmat) and revelation (shan'at ). [§17] From an esoteric perspective, however, when I had reached a position where I could understand - by the proof [§zo] As for philosophy, it has been stated by philosophers that has already been cited - that it was the followers of in- that the possessor of sacred powers (quwiyiqudsiyya) has abso- struction who were correct, I concluded with no additional lutely no need to acquire knowledge (iktisib).Indeed, merely troublesome thinking that the true instructor can only he he by focusing his soul, and without having to go through the proc- who is the instructor of the followers of the truth.'OThis per- ess of acquisition and active seeking, realities and knowledge son, through whose teaching souls move from potentiality to become clear [to him] in their totality. As for revelation, it is actuality, must therefore be the instructor of the Ta'limiyin maintained by the followers of the exoteric (ahl-i zihir) that [i.e., the Ismailis]. the possessor of bestowed knowledge ('ilm-i ladunz) receives it without the mediation of any in~truction.~~ [§i81 Then my mind became preoccupied with considering Consequently, the mind does not reject the necessity of the what particular characteristics would distinguish that instruc- existence among human beings of an instructor who is the first tor from other teachers, and what his instruction would be like. among instructors and is absolutely perfect. The instructor [is With due submissiveness, I beseeched God the exalted - may necessary] in order that some may gain perfection through His greatness be magnified - to clarify and unveil this ques- him, and others through the latter, so that the effusion of the tion, so that my heart might be appeased. Then I referred supreme bliss (sa'adat-i nakhust) might encompass the next level [myself] to the intellectual principles which I had already veri- gradually, according to the order and degree which are or- fied and the premises which had been made clear in the Fujul-i dained by the wisdom of the first origin (hikmat-i mabda'-i muqaddas. I combined them, asked questions from here and awwal) there, and held discussions and debates with [other] novices (mubtadiyrin), until gradually, through the stages which I will [§21] When I passed this stage and another veil had been re- explain, the scheme of beliefs (surat-i i'tiqadz) as will he men- moved from my mind, I realized that the perfection to which tioned later on became clear in my mind. the seeker directs himself is knowledge of the True One, the exalted, the most high, who is the origin of [all] beings. Be- tween Him and the first instructor, whose knowledge of the 34 Contemplation and Action The Translation 35

True One, the exalted, the most high, is always actual, there situation. This is one of the problems I mentioned at the cannot exist any intermediary, because if an intermediary is beginning, which resulted in my dissatisfaction with the posited, he would first have to come to know the intermediary, principles of the philosophers for arriving at the knowledge of and then through him the True One. Knowledge of the True the True One. One would also, therefore, be a [mere] potentiality in him, The aim of setting out these arguments here is not to show [waiting to be actualized] through someone else. If this were the weakness of the philosophers; it is rather to show how my so, this other person would have to be the first instructor, not recollection of these points demonstrates that the level [of him. But since we have already supposed him to he the first knowledge] of the first instructor cannot be the level of the instructor, so the first instructor is the nearest person to God - first effect [the first intellect]. In fact, his rank must be higher may He be praised and exalted. than that of the first effect, in order that his knowledge of the True One, the exalted, the most high, may be the noblest [§2 21 It only remained for me [to understand] what his knowl- , knowledge. edge of God - may He be exalted - would be like. While contemplating this, I remembered that in philosophy, in the [§24] Here it is necessary to consider whether or not there can section on the soul (kitab-i nafs),23it has been proved that the be any intermediary at all between the first effect and the first most self-evidentknowledge, the surest intelligible thing, is the cause. Among most people of discrimination and reason, it is knowledge that non-material beings have of themselves, in commonly held that there can be no intermediary between which reasoning and acquisition of knowledge play no part. the first effect and the first cause. Now the Ta'limiyan believe Moreover, it has been demonstrated in logic, in the apodeictics that all beings issue forth from God, the exalted, who is the (kitabiburhrin),2* that the only certain acquired knowledge ('ilm- first origin (mabda'i awwal), through the mediation of some- i yaqini-yi muktasab) is that in which the effect becomes known thing which, in the terminology of the later scholars of this through [its] cause. Whatever does not become known through jamcl'at, is called His command (amr) or His word (kalima). a proof proceeding from cause to effect is not absolutely cer- [According to them] the first cause of the uuiversal intellect tain. In the case under consideration, where the discussion is ('aql-i hull), which is the first effect, is God's command, be- about the philosopher's knowledge of the first cause ('illat-i cause God is altogether beyond (munazzah) cause or effect. ula), he would have to admit that there can be no certainty It is of [crucial] importance to grasp this point, to verify about that which has no cause. [its] truth and eliminate falsity,because those who do not real- ize that it is true remain veiled from the knowledge of the True [§231 Again, when the philosopher discusses the degrees of One. Indeed, whoever thinks over this discussion in fairness existents, he posits the first intellect ('aql-z awwal),which is the will realize that he must come to exactly this verdict, as ex- first effect, as the closest being to the first cause. Necessarily, plained by the followers of instruction (@hub-i ta'lim) about [the first intellect's] knowledge of thc first cause is possible this matter of which he is ignorant. And this is because the only because it is the first effect. But when [the first intellect] philosopher says that 'from the real one (wihid-i haqiqz) comes cannot be certain [in this knowledge], how could others ex- forth only one en~ity.'~Forexample, if two existents were to pect certainty about it? Here, then, the philosopher has issue from it at the same time, the aspect from which the first completely shut to himself the door on [reaching] the knowl- existent issued would be different from the aspect from which edge of God, which is in truth a disturbing and deplorable the second issued. Thus, if these two different aspects were 36 Contemplation and Action The Translation 37

included in [the absolute unity oflHis essence (mahiyyat),He two methods remain deprived of, and veiled from, the would no longer be the real one. And if the two aspects were knowledge of it. external to [the real one], then the discussion about their ori- There is no doubt that this aspect, the command or the word gin would be concerned with how it is possible for two [of God] is not something additional to His sacred essence, in postulated existents to emerge [from it]. Since both these ar- so far as He is He, the exalted - otherwise another interme&- guments are invalid, it is obvious that two existents cannot ary would he required for the origination of that one [i.e., the possibly come forth from the real one at the same time. It fol- first intellect] - but from the point of view where [the com- lows therefore that the first effect is one, and this is the first mand] is the cause of an effect, it is something additional. This intellect. additional entity, in reality, is the cause of the first effect, be- cause cause and effect are two concatenating ($a&) entities, [§z51 This explains the philosopher's view, but after this he in so far as there can be no cause without a corresponding forgets [the principle] which he knew that when only one ex- ,effect,and no effect without a corresponding cause. Whatever istent comes forth from the real one, it comes forth in every is relative is within the scope (hayyiz) of opposition, because respect from the one aspect [of its unity],.for if the production opposition can only exist between two things, and duality is of two existents necessitates that there be two aspects, the pro- plurality. duction of one existent requires that there be one aspect. Thus, if they do not admit this [one] aspect, through which the first [§27] Thus, where there is [a concatenation ofl cause and effect has come forth from the first origin, it must mean that effect, there is no escape from plurality, but plurality cannot no existent has issued from it, and hence nothing has come be allowed for the first origin of existents, since plurality can- into existence [at all]. It is thus demonstrated on the basis of not exist without unity. Such being the case, the first origin, the philosopher's own arguments, which he must admit, that the True One - may His name be exalted - cannot, in so far as the existence of this [one] aspect is necessarily proven, but He is the first origin, be attributed with cause or effect, exist- because of his negligence of this point, the path to the recog- ence or non-existence, temporality or eternity, necessity or nition of God has been barred to him. contingency, nor any of the other kinds of opposition, contra- diction or concatenation. He is more glorious and exalted than [§261 However, the instructor who had not neglected this as- to be the fount of two opposites, the origin of two contraries, pect named it the 'command' (amr)or the 'word' (kalima),in the source of unity and plurality, the cause of the absolvement accordance with the verse of the Qur'an: 'Verily, His command, (tanzih) and non-absolvement (litanzih) [of attributes]. He is when He desires a thing, is to say to it "Be" and it is' (36:82). beyond any attribute by which something could be qualified, This verse makes it clear that the issuing forth of existents from whether it be non-existent or existent, negative or positive, rela- God depends on the expression 'Be' (kun),and the word 'ver- tive or absolute, verbal or in meaning (lafiiyi ma'nawi). He is ily' (innami)in Arabic serves the purpose of pinpointing [the beyond [all this], and also beyond the beyond and so forth. scope of the expression], thereby making clear that the com- mand is an expression for thatword. The proof for the existence [§28]There is no doubt that no one maintains such pure unity of this aspect, which only the people of ta'lim have established, (tawhid-isirf), such unconditioned absoluteness (tanzih-imahd can also be deduced from philosophy and revelation (shanht). [of God], except the Ta'limiyin; and none of the adherents of However, those who cling to only the exoteric aspects of these [the other] sects, nor any of their leaders, except the instructor 38 Contemplation and Action The Translation 39

of this group, has been able to go to the extent of unveiling Muhammad,' and sometimes [when addressing God] they say this secret. This is because others talk about possibilities (nu and write, '0 Allah, our Lord (Allcihumma mawlanri),' and so shayad buwad wa shayad buwad), whereas he speaks from the on. They seek from 'our lord' what should he sought through position of 'I recognizeYou through You, and You are my Guide prayer from God. to Your~elf.'~" I said that if he were to consider the matter fairly, [he would From this [discussion], it becomes clear that, in the termi- find that] the foundation of their belief (qa'idayi madhhab) is nology of the philosophers, it is an error to speak of the first that, since God cannot be recognized except through the Imam, cause in relation Lo God, but it is correct to apply it to His the relationship of the Imam to God in respect to his guidance command which is the source of all existents. In fact, whatever is like that between a name and what it names."Do not ordi- attribute has been ascribed to the first cause by distinguished nary people (ahl-i 'ufl use the same word both for the name philosophers and people of knowledge (ahl-i ma'efat) among and the named? They call Zayd 'Zayd' and also call his spoken the men of intellect, is a reference to His command, one facet .or written name 'Zayd'. It is because of this that one group" of which is directed to the world of pure, eternal unity, the have imagined the name to he the same as the named. Thus, if other to the world of multiplicity and contingency; but God as the Ismailis use the name of God [i.e., mawlanii] for that per- such is free from, and exalted above, both these facets. As has son who is the guide to God, they are not deviating from the been expressed in the words of [one of] the leader of the truth- rules of the philologist or from customary practice. For this lul people (pishw&yyi muhiqqan) - may the mention [of their reason, they are not guilty of exaggeration, and vilification is names] be greeted - 'Whatever pertains to God, pertains to not appropriate for them. The jurist could give no reply to this u~.'~~However,the man of truth must not succumb here to ei- argument, and because this vindication [of the Ismailis] was ther exaggeration (ghuluw)or underestimation (tagsir),because altogether pertinent, he acted fairly and accepted my the pitfalls are many and the straight path, the true religion of explanation. God, which proceeds between underestimation and exaggera- tion, is narrower than a hair and sharper than a sword-edge." [S~O]In terms of the implication of these principles, it be- came clear that there is a degree higher than that of effects. [SzgI In connection with this [matter], a story from my own This is the degree of the [divine] command, which is the first past experience has come to my mind. Although it may pro- of [all] causes and the origin of [all] degrees. On the one hand, long this discourse, I shall relate it, so that, God willing, in it is an intermediary between the Creator and what is created, accordance with the vindication proffered at the beginning, I while, on the other, it is the final degree, the [point ofl return may receive the necessary guidance. At that time, when I had of [all] beings, and the last of [all] existents. not yetjoined the jama'at, and had not yet acquired much un- The knowledge of the first, the command of the True One - derstanding of the true religion (madhhakihaqq), I was engaged praise be to Him - in so far as He is He, in other words from in a dispute with ajurist (faqih) in Jijarm.PyInthe course of the the aspect of absolute unity, is the knowledge of God by God debate, the jurist denigrated the Ismailis. I asked the reason (ma'nrat-i khuda bi khuda), within the limits of the knowledge for this, and he said that they considered the Imam to be God, [implied in the verse]: 'God bears witness that there is no God because they refer to their Imam with the words 'our lord' except He' (3:18).This is the noblest degree of certainty, the (mawlanu) which, in their opinion, could not be used except most perfect mode of knowledge, unlike the knowledge of cause for God. Sometimes they say 'our lord 'Ali' or 'our lord through effect which does not give certainty. For the truth about 40 Contemplation and Action The Translatzon 4l

knowledge is, as they have said: 'We have not knownYou as You the latter would have never come into existence. Since there is should be known,'s2[and in the words of the Qur'in]: 'They such a connection, which is of the same kind and therefore do not apportion to God what he deserves' (6:gi). has to be perceptible to the senses, the command and the word must inevitably be manifest in this world, and the locus of its [§31] In the sciences of the truth ('ulum-i haqiqg, it has been manifestation (maqha~)must be in the form of an individual perceived that beyond the world of the senses there is another human being who appears to be like other humans, [one who] world, that,of the intellect, which is related to the former in is born, grows old and succeeds to the one before him in a the same way as the soul is to the body. This is why it is called continuous line, so that it [the command] will be preserved in the spiritual world and the other the physical world. Corre- perpetuity [among mankind]: 'And had We made him [the sponding to each sensible thing in this world is an intelligible Prophet] an angel, We would have certainly made him a man, entity in that world, and corresponding to each person here is and disguised [him] before them in garments like their own'33 a spirit there, and corresponding to every manifest thing (zahir) '(6:g). here, is a hidden one (batin) there. Similarly, corresponding In the world of pure spirituality, it [the command] is the to every intelligible entity there is a sensible one here, and cor- possessor of infinite knowledge and power; all forms of knowl- responding to each spirit there is a person here, and edge and perfections pour forth from it upon the intellects corresponding to each hidden entity there is a manifest one and souls: 'We were shadows on the right-hand side of the here. That intelligible entity is the source (m~dar)of this sen- Throne and praised Him, so the angels praised Him.'34This sible one, and this sensible thing is the manifestation (mazhar) being is the command or the word of God; its rank is higher of that intelligible one. than that of possible things and effects, both of which are ohe- For example, if there were a sensible thing here which did dient and subservient to His command: 'None is there in the not have an intelligible entity corresponding to it there, its ap- heavens and the earth but he comes to the All-merciful as a pearance would he a deception, like a mirage or the servant' (lg:g3). AS for God as such, He is above both the hallucinations from which the delirious or the melancholic suf- worlds; He is free and absolved from [the oppositions of] unity fer. Just as a derivation (far? cannot exist without a basic and multiplicity, similarity and differentiation, reality and rela- principle (WI) [from which it is derived], one should suppose tivity (haqiqat wa idafat): 'Glory he to thy Lord, the Lord of that an intelligible entity which did not have a sensible entity majesty. [He is] above what they describe' (37:180). hyper- here corresponding to it would be purely fanciful or imagi- fection that exists potentially in souls and individuals in the nary with no reality at all, for no existent can be left floating two realms is brought from potentiality to actuality by [His com- free (muZat?al).Both the perceptible realm (shahadat) and the mand], by the light of its instruction and the illumination of imperceptible realm (ghaybat), the creation and the command, its guidance: '[Our lord is He] who gave everything its exist- that is to say the two worlds, the physical and the spiritual, have ence, then guided it' (20:50). Since in the beginning the been disclosed in the word of the revelation. existents came forth from the Command and by it attain their perfection, it is their origin (mabda') and to it is their return [§321 As for the word of the exalted Creator -which is the (ma'rid); it is the first (awwal) and the last (ikhir), and in it the sustainer of existents in the world and that by which each of circle of existence (di'irayi wujud) is completed: 'He is the them reaches its perfection, originating from it and returning first and the last, the manifest and the hidden; He has knowl- to it - if it had no connection (ta'alluq) to the sensible world, edge of all things' (57:3). 4" Contemplation and Action The Translation 43

[§331 [The command], therefore, has necessarily three aspects: in this world is because he is its perfection, as long as the world first, it is a person like any other; second, it is the cause, the remains it can never be devoid of him: 'If the earth were de- instructor, the perfect one, and the others are its effects, the void of the Imam even for a short time, it would be convulsed instructed, those who are lacking in perfection; and third, it with all its inhabitant^.'^" [the command] is itself, and nothing other than it is worthy of being the cause of existence. The case is such that the three [§36] It is also necessary that the people should have access to realms, which the people of the da'wat have named the realm the lights of his guidance; otherwise they would be deprived of of similitude (mushabahat), the realm of differentiation attaining perfection, and the usefulness of the manifestation (mubilyanat) and the realm of unity (wahdat), refer to these would he rendered futile. Since it is necessary in the world of three aspect^.^" similitude that human beings should succeed one another through a recognized relationship ('alaqa), once this relation- [§341 The proof that the human species is distinguished from Ship which indicates continuity and succession (ittisal wa other simple and composite species of the sensible world by ta'iqub) is disregarded, the means of knowing him will also be the manifestation of [the command] among them is this: ac- closed to the people. The relationship can only be of two kinds, cording to philosophers, the human being is the noblest in spiritual and physical. The spiritual relationship is the clear the whole of existence, because he is nobler than the other appointment (rims) of one by the other, and the physical rela- three kingdoms be., mineral, plant and animal], and the three tionship is that of the child to father by way of succession. kingdoms are nobler than the elements [i.e., earth, water, air Through these two relationships, the close affinity between and fire], and the elements are nobler than their own corpo- these individuals becomes known, and [the meaning of the real bases, that is to say, matter and form. Thus, the noblest revealed] evidence (athar) 'He made it a word enduring among source has revealed itself in the noblest manifestation. his posterity' (43:28),and of the decree (hukm) 'the offspring, one of the other' (3:34),becomes clear. By testifying to these [§351 On the evidence of the the revealed law (shan'at) and two proofs of birth and clear appointment, all the inhabitants the exoteric side of revelation (tanzro, the trust (imanat) which of the world have access to the individual who is the locus of the heavens, the earth and the mountains were unable to ac- the manifestation of that light. cept, was accepted hy mankind: 'We offered the trust to the heavens and the earth and the mountains, but they refused to [§37] However, for the elite (khawasj) there is another sign, carry it and were afraid of it; and man carried it. Surely he is which is one of the vestiges of the world of unity ( %lam-iwahdat), unjust, ignorant' (3372). Itwas [only] after accepting this trust and this is his uniqueness in the claim of 'I know God through that humankind deserved the prostration of the intimate an- God and I lead people to God.' This claim and call are vouch- gels (mala'ikayi muqa~abin),who are the noblest in creation: safed to no one but him, so that from all the realms of being 'And when we said to the angels, "Bow yourselves to Adam," there may be testimonies to His eternal unity and the proof they bowed themselves, except Iblis' ("34). They testified to (hujjat) of God among the people may be fulfilled: 'Say, to the descent of the manifestation of the person of divine God belongs the conclusive proof'(6:lqg). Thus, with these knowledge (shakhs-i ma'nfat-i ban] among the individuals of premises and propositions, the rank of the first instructor and the human species when he appeared before them, and not the particular characteristics bywhich he is distinguished, such among any other species of existents. And since his appearance that he is absolutely perfect whereas others are imperfect and 44 Contemplation and Action The Translatzon 45

in need of him to perfect them, becomes clear knowledge (ma'nyat), union (ittihad)" and oneness (wahdat) comes completely into existence, and the reality of worship [§+I It remains to see what his teaching is, and how people becomes evident.' The evidence for such a judgement in the can attain perfection through it. At this point, after much de- revealed law and the exoteric aspect of revelation is the text liberation and thought, and going back to an examination of (nun) of the Qur'in: 'Those are they whom God has guided, the sayings of the eminent ones [i.e., the Imams], the follow- so follow their guidance' (&go). And there is also the fact that ing points impressed upon my mind. in the realm of religious law, knowledge of God is notjudged Firstly, as the philosophers have explained, absolute certainty by the mere profession of the formula 'There is no god but cannot be achieved by reasoning from effect to cause; but since God,' unless the confession of 'Muhammad is His Messenger' the highest state [of knowledge] for the speculative rational- is added to it. ists (ahl-i na~ar)is to know cause from effect, no rationalist can come to know God. '[sqo] From the point of view of philosophy and rational Also, since knowledge, according to the rationalists, is a pic- thought, since both the worlds, the manifest (~ahir)and the ture (mithal) or form (~urat),produced from what is known in hidden (batin), are connected with one another, whatever is the mind (dhat) of the knower, and since any picture or form real (bi 'ayn) there has its trace (athar) here, and whatever is which is thus produced is different from that which is known, real here has its trace there. One can therefore make deduc- the subject's knowledge must, in reality, be the estimated form tions about the state of that world from the state of this world. (surat-i mawhum) and not what is actually known. For this rea- Reflection about this world makes it clear that matter is per- son it has been said: 'Everything which you distinguish by your petuated through form, for no matter (mridda) can existwithout estimation, even in its most precise meanings, is turned away form (pirat),and that the multiplicity and differentiation of from Him and returned to you; it is fabricated by you and cre- matter too is caused by the multiplicity and differenhion of ated like form, because matter [whatever form it takes] is, in reality and Since worship depends on knowledge and [human] knowl- essence, always the same. Consequently, whenever differentia- edge is like this, what must worship be like? 'Surely you and tion between these forms is eliminated, they become one with that which you worship apart from God are fuel for hell; you each other. For example, between the form of water and the shall go down to it' (rl:g8).Such is the ultimate stage the ra- form of air there is differentiation and multiplicity. But if wa- tionalist reaches in his quest for perfection. ter is stripped of its watery form and takes an aerial form [as steam], it becomes one with air and there remains no differen- [§391 The followers of ta'lim, however, believe in the principle tiation between them. (qa'ida) that everyone, whatever his degree may be, knows his It is the same in that [hidden] world where souls, despite own instructor, who in turn knows his own instructor, [and so their various ranks, emanate from one origin and share in the on] to the first instructor, who knows God through God. As a same essence (mahiyyat),but they are perpetuated [individu- result, everyone also comes to know God through God. ally] by virtue of the forms they acquire, which is the cause of In the Fu'usul-i muqaddas it is written: 'Everyone must know their coming into this world. So if the form which is repre- [God] through knowing me, since a person becomes a knower sented in the soul of the disciple is identical to that which is ('anJ through my knowledge and becomes a monotheist represented in his instructor's soul, and if his position is such (muwahhid) through my monotheism. Then the reality of that he knows through the knowledge of his instructor, and 46 Contemplation and Action The Translation 47

the instructor is in agreement with his return, there will be no there [in the spiritual world] the believer's descent was cre- differentiation and multiplicity between their souls; and when ated from the hght of the True One: 'The believer has been the veil is removed, he will reach his instructor and be united created from the light of God, and knowledge is a light which with his oneness, and then he [the disciple] will have reached God has cast into the heart.'"'lf in the beginning, the believer [his place of] return. had not been created from the light of God, he would not get However, if there is differentiation in the forms of the two as far as the return (ma'cd) implied in [the words] 'When God souls, such that [in] acquiring the form of his soul the disciple gives the command, He knows it,'" since in the return things follows his own opinion and desire, or blindly imitates some- go back to whence they started. one else who has followed his own opinion and desire, he remains in the darkness of purgatory (banakh),covered by the [Sqz] To sum up, lrom these premises and the testimonies of veil of multiplicity, which is the shadow of existence, [as men- intellect and religious law ('aqliwashar'z), it became evident to tioned in the verse]: 'No indeed; but upon that day they shall .me that the final steps on the path of the seekers after truth is he veiled from their Lord' (83:15). to be blessed with success in knowing their instructor and to become know1edgeabl.e through his knowledge, as it is ex- [§41] In this world, no one who seeks something can reach his pressed in the FqCl-i muqaddas: 'Knowledge of God is [through] goal unless, first of all, he has some capital of the same kind as knowledge of the Imam.'42 that which he seeks, and subsequently makes the necessary ef- fort. For example, unless a farmer sows seed and cultivates the Is431 When I reached this stage, I realized that the result of land, he cannot reap any harvest; if a merchant has no capital my effort and the end of my search is that submission (taslim) and does no business, he makes no profit; unless a hunter pro- which is required by the religion of the followers of ta'lim. 'But vides himself with bait and goes after the prey, he cannot catch no, by thy Lord, they will not believe until they make thee [the anything; and so on and so forth. Similarly in this world, un- Prophet] the judge regarding the disagreement between them; less the seeker after perfection attains a favour from the then they shall find in themselves no impediment touching primordial decree (hukm-i mafcgh), which is equivalent to the thy verdict, but shall surrender in full submission' (4:65). Up merchant's capital - that is, having a pure soul and a sincere to this point, this spiritual traveller had been in the position of heart, as it is said in [the verse] 'Except for him who comes to reliance on his own judgement; he had been using his own God with a pure heart' (26:89) -and [unless he] has acquired thought, reflection and reasoning, so that through intellectual something from the subsequent decree (hukm-i musta'nz8, deduction he may seek the original instructor (mn'allim-i ajlz); which is equivalent to the merchant's profit - that is, an act of he had been looking with the truth (haqq) for the one who submission (taslim) based on the insight (bwirat) 'And whoso- spoke the truth (muhiqq). ever submits his will to God, being a doer of good, has grasped the firmest handhold' (31:~~)-and unless he yokes both of [Sqq] Now that I have come to know that unique person who these together and immerses the subsequent in the primor- is the man of the epoch, the Imam of the age, the teacher of dial, he cannot attain the degree of perfection [indicated in the followers of ta'lim, the locus of the word (mazhar-i kalima), the verse]: 'Theirs is the abode of peace with their Lord, and he who enables one to recognize God - praise be to Him - and He is their protector (wali)' (6:s z7).:ji' now that I have surrendered to the fact that he is the [real] Here [in the physical world] this capital is a kind of premium; instructor, the truthful one, the ruler (hakim), and I have 48 Contemplation and Action The Translation 49

now that I have surrendered to the fact that he is the [real] [§47] However, concerning obedience and physical actions, instructor, the truthful one, the ruler (hakim), and I have the follower of this way will be always on the watch for the sign attained the status of submission, utterly abandoned my own and order of the ruler. For his sake the follower will give up his will, and arrived at the realm of learning and subjection, [I own self, so that he might not desire anything butwhat he [the realize] that my recognition and knowledge are to be thatwhich Imam] has done, and might not do anything except what he my teacher says are [true] recognition and knowledge, and has ordered, for he is the real ruler and disposer. By way of an everything else is pure unknowing and ignorance. Proof and example, in man the soul is the ruler and administrator of the demonstration are to be what he says are [correct] proof and body; if the soul wishes the hand to move, the hand cannot demonstration, and everything else is doubt and error. Reli- follow its own will or hesitate, hut must obey the soul. If there gion and obedience are to be that which he says are [true] is a delay in performing that movement, it will be due to some religion and obedience, and everything else is irreligion (bi- disorder in that person's temper, some disease or illness. Simi- dCn9, unbelief and innovation (bid'at). Whatever comes from larly, every craftsman has tools and appliances by means of him is the straight path, true faith and guidance, and whatever which he is able to dcmonstrate his craftsmanship; if they do comes from myself, my personal opinion, desire, speculation, not work properly, it will be due to some defect or imperfec- intellect, knowledge and insight [and which is contrary to his tion in them. teachings], is deviation (dalalat). Now man, who is a part of the universe, stands in rela- [§451 Since the circumstances of this world are [always] chang- tion to the command of the administrator and ruler as do the ing, if at a certain time or under certain circumstances, the organs and limbs [of the body] in relation to the soul. Indeed, speaker of truth (muhiqq) shows himself to mankind in a he is in the position of tools and appliances which are at the different form, expresses himself differently, manifests the truth disposition of the craftsman, to the extent that if he senses differently, or institutes the divine law differently [from that of even a speck of self-determination, free-will, desire or dislike, his predecessorl, it will not mean that there is any difference any wish to reconsider or interpret the reasons for right and in his truthfulness (muhiqqg, because [in his essence] he is wsong, or to think that things should be like this or that [in free from transformation and alteration (istihala wa taghayyur) . contradiction to the command of the instructor], he should Transformation and alteration are the necessary attributes of realize that it is the result of some imperfection in his essence, this world, and appear as such in the eyes of the people of this some illness in his soul, or some incompleteness in his beliefs. realm. We seek refuge from that in God. When he is cured of such shortcomings and sicknesses, he has reached the degree of the [§q61 If at all [the seeker] were to think that he is independ- intimate angels who disobey not God in what He commands ent unto himself because of these changing external them (66:6). Indeed, he has left the realm of plurality for the circumslances, he has not yet reached the rank implicit in the world of oneness, and to the question 'Whose is the kingdom?' verse: 'Then they shall find in themselves no impediment he has heard there the answer 'That of God, the one, the touching thy verdict, but shall surrender in full submission' omnipotent' (40: 16) (4:65). Nor will his submission be [true] submission, because he has not yet acknowledged the sovereignty [of the Imam] [§49] To be brief, once this form [of belief] had taken up ils which is the sovereignty of the absolute ruler (sultayi hakimg, abode within me, much of the curiosity and pursuit of the 50 Contemplation and Action The Translation 5l irrelevant which I had before, when I would run after schools, [§51 I Since all groups are in the realm of opposition (taqabul), opinions and confessional bigotry, was cast out .. ." [[And thus] true constancy (thubit-i haqiq9 necessarily rests with one group all that resulted from the inconsistency in the attitudes of the which is always with the commander [who is mindful of chang- followers of the shanhtand the dispute between thc exotericists, ing circumstances], while the other groups who, from time to with its consequences, disappeared, because I realized that all time remain behind with a command, undergo real change opinions were branches of one root, that all were false, and (inqilab-z haqzqz). From the point of view of change and degen- that all religious doctrines have come from one source (shakhj) eration (qalb wa intikcis), which are necessary attributes of the and they were all true in their own time and place: 'Falsehood world of similitude (hawn-i mushribahat), relative constancy does not have a beginning, nor will it return' (34:49). (thubit-i id@) i's in the form taken by the latter group, who come to a halt with one command and never leave it. [But] the [§sol Despite the fact that in every age some people have re- first group, who are attentive to the commander at every mained ignorant of the [real] point and have been covered by moment and obey whatever he prescribes, are necessarily in a a veil, the true religion (dzn-i haqq), the straight path (rah-irast), state of relative change (inqilib-i ~drifi).'~ which is free from all change, transformation, multiplicity and contradiction, has always been and always will be the one reli- [§5z] In the eyes of the people of opposition and contradic- gion and the one path: 'There is no changing the words of tion (taqabul wa t~dadd),~~the world is forever in a state of God' (lo:64). And, in every age, according to the dictate of plurality and contradiction (munaqadat), alteration and trans- divine wisdom and the providence of God, a command ema- lormation. Thus, the light of certainty can never shine on nating from God reaches humankind, a command which anyone who stumbles into this desert of bewilderment and consists in the promotion of good deeds and a discourse on confusion, and such a person can never reach the shore of what is charitable and virtuous. In respect to this, humankind deliverance. He will find nothing hut endless wrangling, dis- takes up two religious attitudes: one group accepts it and sub- putation and tribulation. mits to it, whether willingly or unwillingly, and is referred to as, for example, [the followers ofl Islam; but another group [§53] However, in the eyes of the people ofgradation (tarattub), refuses to accept it, following the practice [of Iblis who said] 'I everything which was, which will be and which now exists, is in would never prostrate myself before a man,' (15:33) and show its own [proper] time and place, true and tied to the truth; themselves to be rebellious; they are called [the followers of] and everything which is not in its [proper] time and place is unbelief (kufr). Then the first group [i.e., those who have ac- illusory and severed from the truth. If one sees shortcomings cepted the revelation] divides into two groups: one who attends and imperfections, it is the result of imperfections in one's to the command (farmin), the other who attends to the com- vision; otherwise all the constituent parts of existing things, mander (farmandih, i.e., the Imam). It is in terms of this from the most contemptible to the most noble, are signs and distinction that the hypocrites are separated from the faithful, indications, clear testimonies and proofs, in agreement with the exotericists from the esotericists, the people of legal each other, confirming the truth of each other, and pointing prescriptions (shari'at) from the people of resurrection to one meaning: 'We shall show them our signs in the horizons (qzyamat), the people of plurality from the people of unity. and in themselves, until1 it is clear to them that it is the truth' (41:53). The Translation 53 5 2 Contemplation and Action

'In everything there is a sign of Him, and I have sought refuge in my Lord from the whisperings of proving that He is one.'4" the devils among the jinn and humankind:Oand from evil con- cepts, fantasies and imaginings. From Him, I have sought the [&,41 [Finally], in the eyes of the people of unity (wahdat), felicitation of acceptance among the worthy servants. there is neither this nor that, neither truth nor falsity, neither multiplicity nor oneness, neither resurrection nor religious law, [&7] Since the majestic court of the sublime presence, the neither outward nor inward, neither origin nor return; every- tongue of truth, the perfection of creation - may God exalt his thing is He, and apart from Him there exists nothing-nothing situation - is the point of reference for spiritual guides in nothing! 'Suffice it not that thy Lord is witness over all (murshidan) and a haven for those in quest of knowledge things?' (41:53). (mustafidan),I have delivered a report of my condition, so that I might be favoured with some advice from that source of mu- [§55] For the first group, truth does not exist and falsityexists; nificent bounty and infinite compassion, if he should deem it for the second group truth exists and falsity does not; but for expedient, as to the soundness or error of its formulation, and the third group [only] the truth exists, and that is all. The knowl- that he might not deprive me of the honour of his guidance. I edge of the first group [is based on] inference from effect to wait in hope that this will be granted, so that in the esoteric cause, and their obedience is to religious law and tradition realm I might contemplate what is pointed out and ponder on (sunnut). The knowledge of the second group [is based on what I am instructed; and so that in the exoteric realm I might deduction from cause to effect, and their obedience is to the utter what has been placed on my tongue and do that of which resurrection. The knowledge of the third gro~p]~~comesfrom I have been informed; and so that I might refrain from any the one who is knowing ('arif), and their obedience is to know [contrary] intervention, reasoning or analogy of my own, or God through God.48 with any obedience to opinions and desires attendant on hab- In the revelation (tanzil) these three groups are called the its of blind imitation, of regulation, or on the demands of 'people of the left,' the 'people of the right' and the 'fore- traditions, whether true or false, laudable or despicable. most' (sabiqan).4The ordinary folk call them [respectively] the [I also hope that thereby] I might avoid slipping into unbelief 'people of this world,' the 'people of the hereafter' and the and deviation, by guarding myself from mixing what this hon- 'people of God'. But the elite know them as the 'people of oured presence, this holy excellency, has commanded with the religious law,' the 'people of resurrection' and 'the people of conclusions of my own senses, imagination, fantasy, thought unity'. 'Perfect is the word of thy Lord in truthfulness andjus- and intellect, in so far as this could be possible; and from con- tice; no one can change His words; He is the All-hearing, the taminating what I do, say or think with any taint of hypocrisy All-knowiug'(6:1 15). or my own [ideas ofl what should or should not be done. I only wish, purely for the sake of Him, [the Almighty] most 15561 From the day I set out on this quest until now when my noble, that I might not fall into unbelief and innovation, and mind has attained such a form as described, I have, through that, God willing, I might not be deprived. May I also not re- supplication and prayer, besought from Him, the Lord of maj- main stuck in my present circumstances, because fear of esty, success in adhering to this way and the attainment of the deprivation is also a characteristic of the failure to submit. Apart pleasure of my teacher - may God exalt his situation and keep from whatever [answer] may be given [to this missive], there watch over his shadow - in all my words, deeds and thoughts; neither can be nor will there be any alternative [for me]. 54 Contemplation and Action [§581 The inconvenience [I have caused] to that august Notes to the Introduction presence has exceeded its bounds, and this humble servant dare not start to apologize. 'But speaking drifts from topic to topic [and] one word leads to another.'" Your exalted opinion is more sound in all respects. May the noble shadow prevail, till the extinction of the world, and may the sun of magnificence shine forth from the horizon of perfection. Peace be upon 1. Mentioned in the colophon ofthe oldestknown manuscript of the Rawdayi taslirn, copied from the autographed text in 986/ 1560. It consists of 127 folios, incomplete at the beginning but with additional fragments- at the end. The colophon reads: 'These words are written in the noble handwriting of sultrin al-du'at . . . wa khrucijayl ka'inat (the king of the dab ... and master of creation) ...' For the complete citation, see S.,J. Badakhchani, The Paradise ojSubmirsion: A Cn'tical Edition and Study of Rawda$ taslirn (D. Phil. thesis, Oxford University, 1989), p. 57. 2. The term shaK'at (Ar. shari'a), which usually refers to the Islamic religious law, denotes a number of meanings depending on the context. In the Sayr wa sulck, Tcsi uses the word variably to mean 'individual legal prescriptions' [§ti], 'the science of theology' [§9], 'the religious law' as a whole [§zo], as well as the Qur'inic revelation [§261. 3. See W. Ivanow's introduction to Tusi's Ra~udatal-taslim ya ta~awwurZt(Leiden, 1950). p. XXY. 4. Taj al-Din Shahrastana, more commonly known as Muhammad h. 'Ahd al-Karim al-Shahrastini, the author of Kztab al- milal wa al-nihal (Book of Religions and Doctrinal Schools), Kitrib mu~ara'atalfaliszfa (Book of Wrestling with Philosophers), Nihayat al-aqdrimfi 'ilm al-kalim (Ultimate Footsteps in Theology), a Qur'inic commentary, Majritih al-dr (Keys to the Secrets), and the famous Majlis-i maktcb (Written Sermon). Professor Wilferd F. Madelung, in his article 'Aspects of Isma'ili Theology: The Prophetic Chain and the God Beyond Being.' in Isma'ili Contributions to Islamic Culture, ed. S. H. Nasr (Tehran, 1977),p. 59, says: 'Though widely renowned as an outstanding Ash'ari theologian with an open-minded interest in all religions and philosophies, he was known by some of his conrem- poraries to incline secretly to Niziri Ismailism and to spread its message.'Judging from the following evidence, there is little doubt 56 Contemplation and Action Notes to the Introduction 57 of Shahrastini's close association with the Ismailis: (i) his use in the I 197, was Abir al-Fath Shihih Mansor. According to Minhij, he was Majlis of a vocabulary characteristic of Persian Ismaili texts, such as the governor of the province of Quhistan until 621/1224, and says: hukm-i mafriLgh wa musta'nif(decree of the primordial past and the 'At that time the Mnl>tashim was Shihah al-Din ... I found him a subsequent future), 'ilam-i khalq wa amr (realm of creation and com- person of infinite learning, with wisdom, science and philosophy in mand), and kawn-i tadidd, tarattub wa wahdat (realms of contradiction, such wise that a philosopher and sage like unto him there was not in gradation and unity); (ii) his sympathetic treatment of the doctrine the territory of Khurisdn. He used greatly to cherish poor strangers of la'limin the Kitab al-milal, where his apparent criticism of the doc- and travellers . . .' He further adds that great men of learning, such as trine actually supports it; (iii) his censure of Ibn Sina's reliance on Afdal al-Din Bimyini and Shams al-Din Khusraw Shah, attended his intellect alone for the knowledge of God in the MuSi?.a'a;and (iv) court. It was Shihib al-Din who persuaded Tirsi to write a commen- his comments on Ash'arism and indirect support of Ismaili theologi- tary on Ihn Sina's al-Isharit zua al-tanbChat. See Tusi's Sharh al-isharit cal viewpoints in the Nihiyat. It is worth noting also that Tilsi, in his zua al-tanbChat (Tehran, 1377/1957), pp. 2-3, and note 20 below. Mujiri' al-musari' (Downfall of the Wrestler), clearly indicates 8. Apparently Tosi corresponded untiringly with many of his Shahrastani's association with the Ismaili da'wat, and his rebuttal of learned contemporaries, and the text of a number of questions and Shahrastini's criticism of Ibn Sini does not amount to a refutation answers arising from his correspondence have survived. See Mudarrisi of the latter's views on the knowledge of God. It is on the basis of Zanjini, Sargudhasht uia 'aqa'id-i falrafiyi Khuija Nusir al-Dzlz-i TGsi such evidence that Ismail K. Poonawala, in his Biobibliogr@hy oflsma'ili (Tehran, 1335~/1956),pp. 198-221. Literature (Malihu, Calif., 1977),pp. 254-7, has listed Sbahrastini as 'Ala Dhikrihi al-Salam or Li-Dhikrihi alSalam (lit. 'on his an Ismaili author. 9. mention be peace') is the honorific title used by Nizari Ismaili writ- On Kamal al-Din Hasih there is no reliable report. Afdal al- 5. ers for the Imam Hasan (d. 561/1 166) who enunciated the preaching Din Muhammad b. Husayn Kishi or K%hini, also known as Baha of the qiyimat (resurrection). His sermons known as the Fusul-i Afdal, is the author of Anjarn-nima, Jawdin-mima, and eloquent quat- muqaddas wa mubirak are quoted frequently in the Alamut and post- rains resembling those of 'Umar Khayyim. His works, which are Alamut Niziri Ismaili literature. For a number of long quotations famous as specimens of Persian prose writing, deal mainly with phi- from the FuiLdiCl see Ivanow's edition of Tirsi, Rawdayi laslim, pp. 78, losophy, ethics and logic. The Ismaili orientation of some of his 86, 112-17, i 26. The main non-Ismaili sources on the Imam Hasan writings, especially in relation to the esoteric exegesis of the Qur'an are 'Ati-Malik Juwayni, TarZkh-i Jahiin-gush@, ed. M. Qanvini (Lon- is evident. According to Jan Rypka, 'Baba Afdal,' EI2,vol. 1, pp. 838- don, 1912-1937), vol. 3, pp. 225-39; Eng. tr. J. A. Boyle, TheHistvry 9. 'There is no authentic information about his life, and scientific of the World-Conquww (Manchester, 1958), vol. 2, pp. 686-97; and and systematic research into his works has only recently commenced.' Rashid &Din, Jimi'al-tawririkh: qismat-i Isma'iliyin, ed. M. T Danish- See also relevant entries in Dihkhuda's Lughat-nima (Tehran, 1979); pazhuh and M. Mudarrisi Zanjani (Tehran, 1959). pp. 162-70. See Mus~ib'sDa'iratal-nza'anyiFirsi(Tehran, 1966); and S. Ilossein Nasr, also Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Order ofhsassins (The Hague, 1955). 'Afdal al-Din Kishani and the Philosophical World of Khwijah Nasir pp. 148-59, and Farhad Daftary, The Ismi'ilis: TheirHistvry andDoc- al-Din Tusi,' in Islamic Theoloa andPhilosophy: Studies in Honor ofGeorge trines (Cambridge, ~ggo),pp 385-92. F. Hourani, ed. M. Marmura (Albany, N.Y, 1984). pp. 249-64. 10. It was at the request of Nisir al-Din Muhtashim (Nasir al- 6. For details on these personalities and Tasi's early education, Din 'Abd al-Rahim b. 'Ali) that Tusi composed and translated a see Mudarris Radawi, Ahwil wa athar-i AbG Ja'far Muhammad 6. number of books, including the Tawalla wa tabarni. Tusi's most im- Muhammad 6. Hasan al-TGi (Tehran, 1975). pp. 5-7, 154-77, and F. portant works on ethics, the Akhliq-i Nrisiri and Akhlaq-i Muhturhimi, J. Ragep, Nasir al-Din TGi's Mernoir on Astronomy: a1 Tadhkirafi 'ilm al- are dedicated to Nisir al-Din . hay's (NewYork, 1993). vol. I, pp. 16-20. I I. It is probable that this work was designed as a handbook for 7. Shihab al-Din's full name, as given by Qidi Minhij-i Sir% in preachers and teachers of religion. Quoting a Prophetic Tradition, Tabaqat-i Nisi*, Eng. tr. H. G. Raverty (New Delhi, 1970)~vo1. 2, p. Tusi says: 'If success is companion, then everyday, while investigating 58 Contemplation and Action Notes to the Introductzon 59 one's situation 1i.e. practising what one reads in each chapter of the Dinwadawlatdar~nin-ihhd-iMughul (Tehran, 1367s/1988), pp. 216- hook], one of the virtues mentioned here will actualize in one's spir- 17, 230. Ibn al-Fuwau, a Sunni author who served under Tusi as a itual self, and after rorty days he will achieve countless blessings, librarian at the Maragha Observatory, has also commended 'Ali' al- because "He who purely supplicates to God for forty mornings, the Din on various accounts, in his TalkhG majma' al-idib, ed. M. Jawid springs of wisdom will flow from his heart to his tongue",' Akhliq-i (Damascus, 1962-7),vo1. 4, sec. 2, pp. 1081-2. Muhtashirni, ed. M. T. Danish-pazhuh (Tehran, 133gs/1960), p. 5. 18. On the Rawdayi laslim, see my comments later in the Intro- For more details on this book, see Hamid Dabashi, 'Khwijah Nasir duction. I am in the process of preparing a new edition and English al-Din al-Tusi: The Philosopher/Virier and the Intellectual Climate translation of the text. of his Time,' in Histoly of Islamic Philosophy, ed. S. H. Nasr and 0. 19. The Asisal-iqtibis, ed. M. T. Mudarris Radawi (Tehran, 1976) Leaman (London, 1996). vol. I, pp. 559-61. is Tusi3sm~st'com~rehensive work on logic, written in the same style 12. An elementary work dealing mainly with esoteric aspects of as Ibn Sina's works on the subject. ethical virtues, the Gushayish-nama, ed. M. T. Danish-pazhuh (Tehran, 20. Ibn Sina's allshirit rua a/-tanbihat, ed. S. Dunya (Cairo, 1960) 1341s/ig62), has an Ismaili overtone hut it does not rival the style . is one of his most celebrated philosophical works. There are numer- and mastery of Tasi's later works. ous commentaries on the book by known and lesser known authors. 13. Tusi compiled the Risalayi Mu'iniyya, ed. M. T. Mudarris Fakhr al-Din al-Razi's hostile and defamatory commentary attracted RadaM (Tehran, 1335s/1956), in response to a request from Mu'in the attention of Muhtashim Shihab al-Din who requested Tasi to al-Din, the son of Nasir al-Din Muhtashim. The same Mu'in al-Din comment on the text and provide answers to the criticism. Tusi's also requested Tusi to provide a commentary on the hook which re- work, which he entitled Hall-i mushkilit a/-isharat (Solutions for the sulted in the Dhayl or Sharh-i Mu'iniyya, ed. M. T. Danish-pazhuh Difficulties of the Isharat) and is more commonly known as the Sharh (Tehran, 13355/1956). a/-ishririt, re-introduced Ibn Sina's Ishiritinto scholastic circles, which 14. In a supplementary section of the Akhlaq-i Nisiriwhich he has since then become a textbook for Islamic philosophy in many added in the year 663/ 1264, Tusi remarks: 'In one of the months of universities of the Middle East. For more details see Mudarris Radawi, the year 663, when some thirty years had passed from the compila- Ahwil, pp. 433-6. tion of the book ...,' which confirms that it was compiled in 633/ 2 1. A detailed survey of Tusi's astronomical works appears in 1235. Akhlaq-i Naszri, ed. M. Minuwi and 'A. R. Haydari (Tehran, Ragep, Nasir al-Din Tusi's Memoir, vol. 1, pp. 20-70. 1356s/1977). p. 236; Eng. tr. G. M. Wickens, TheNasireanEthics (Lon- 22. Juwayni, in his Jahan-gushay, Eng. tr., vol., 2, p. 719, reports don, 19641, p. 178 as follows: 'Now when I was at the foot of Lammasar, being desirous 15. On the Tawalla and the Aghiz, see the section on 'Tusi's of inspecting the library, the fame of which had spread throughout other Ismaili works' in the Introduction. the world, I suggested to the ICing that the valuable books in Alamut 16. Tusi's alleged correspondence with Ibn 'Alqami, ~zierto ought not be destroyed ... I went to examine the library, from which the last 'Abbasid caliph al-Musta'sim, appears to be highly improb- I extracted whatever I found in the way of copies of the Koran ... I able in view of the fact that the vizier was appointed to his office in likewise picked out the astronomical instruments ... As for the re- the year 642/1 244, almost a decade after Tfisi's arrival in Ritdbar. maining hooks, which related to their heresy and error and were See Mudarris Radawi, Ahwal, p. lo. neither founded on tradition nor supported by reason, I burnt them 17. 'Ala' al-Din Muhammad succeeded to the lsmaili Imamate all.' at the age of nine in 61 8/ 1221, when Chingiz Khan crossed the Oxus 23. There is no firm evidence to support this accusation made river. To combat the Mongols, he appealed to the 'Abbisid caliph as by Sunni writers, apparently to ascribe the destruction of the 'Abbisid well as some European powers. With reference to his hospitality and caliphate as a Shi'i conspiracy. It seems that the whole episode, as the building of Maymun Dizh, Shirin Bayani says that 'he was a wise Juwayni speaks of it, originatedfrom Hulagl's suspicion of a number ruler who left for posterity what was best and most exalted.' See her of apocalyptic predictions presented to him by the court astronomer, Go Contemplation and Action Notes to the Introduction 6 1

Hush al-Din Munajjim. Hulago solicited Tusi's opinion on the mat- FaylasCf Nusir el-Dfn TCsi (Beirut, 1980), pp. 149-55; Mudarrisi ter and the latter felt compelled to deny his forebodings. See Mudar~is Zanjini, Sargudhasht, pp. 182-3; Mudarris Radawi, Ahwil, pp. 422-3. Radawi, Yidbud-i haftsadurnin sal-i Khwija Nus% al-Din Tusi (Tehran, 30. Afterjoining the Mongol court, Tusi changed the exordium 1335s/1956). PP. 13-14, of the Ahhliq-i Nairi and removed from it references favourable to 24. For an assessment of these views see G. M. Wickens, intro- Ismailism. See Jalil al-Din Huma'i, 'Muqaddima-yi qadim-i Akhlaq-i duction to his translation of Akhliq-i Ni~iri,p. 12; also E. G. Browne, Nwiri,' in Majallayi Dinishkadayi Adabiyyat-i Dinirhgah-z Tehran, 3 A Literaly Histmy ofPersia (Cambridge, 1902-igzq), vol. 2, p. 457, (ig56), pp. 8-9. In fact the changes that Tusi introduced in the text, and Badakhchani, Paradire, pp. 25-6. apart from his omission of the eulogy, hardly amount to ten instances. 25. The Maragha Observatory gradually became an important Words such as imamand muhiqq (truthful leader) have been replaced centre of learning with a library holding over 400,000 hooks. Tusi's by shan'at and 'ulamiyi muhaqqiq (qualified scholars). Other terms astronomical tables (zij) compiled in the observatory contained some such as ahl-i haqq (people of the truth), natiq (messenger-prophet) errors because he was forced to complete his calculations ahead of and asis (legatee-imam) which are particular to Ismaili texts, are al- schedule. For details see Mudarrisi Zanjani, Sargudhasht, pp. I 17- ' together deleted. In spite of these alterations, the Ismaili poet and 20; Mudarris Radawi, Ahwil, pp. 40-56; and Bakhtylir Husain Siddiqi, theologian Fida'i Khurisani, also known as Hiji Akhiind (d. 1342/ 'Nasir al-Din Tusi,' in A History ofMuslim Philosophy, ed. M. M. Sharif 1923). in his Hidiyat al-mu'minin, ed. A. A. Semenov (Moscow, 1959). (Wiesbaden, 1963))vol. 1, pp. 565-6. p. i i 2, recognized the Akhliq as an Ismaili text, and says that when 26. Tusi wrote the Musari' al-mujari', ed. Hasan al-Mu'izzi Tusi uses the word 'king' he means the Imam 'Ala' al-Din Muhammad. (Qumm, 1405/1984) in order to refute Shahrastani's condemna- Professor Wilferd F. Madelung has emphasized the Ismaili orienta- tion of the philosophers in his Musira'ut al-falassifa,both texts edited tion of the Nusirean Ethics in his article 'Nasir ad-Din Tusi's Ethics hy H. al-Mu'izzi (Qumm, 1405/1984). In the same work, Tusi is also Between Philosophy, Shi'ism and Sufism,' in Ethics in Islam, ed. R. G. critical of the Ismaili orientation of the arguments used by Shahrastini Hovannisian (Malibu, Calif., 1985). pp. 85-10'. against Ihn Sini. See note 4 above. 3 1. The Qawa 'id is printed together with the Talkhi$ al-muhu+sal, 27. The Talkhis al-muhwsal! ed. 'A. A. Nurani (Tehran, 135gs/ PP. 435-68. 1980) is Tusi's detailed commentary on Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi's hook The Arusifal-ashriJ ed. N. M=$l Hirawi (Mashhad, 1361s/ on scholastic theology, alinuhwsal, or to quote its full title, Muhassal 32. 1982) is the only work that Tusi wrote specifically on the subject of afkir al-mutaqadimin wa al-mutahkhirin (Cairo, i323/igo5). Tusi's Sufism. Both in the Akhliq-iNairi, Pers. text, pp. 74-5, and the Rawda- work is dedicated to 'Ati-Malik Juwayni. yi taslim, Pers. text, pp. 91-2. Tusi is critical of the excesses and 28. The striking similarities between Tusi's Risalat al-imima malpractices of Sufi disciples. For a discussion of Tusi's views on (Tehran, 135gs/ 1980) and the writings of his contemporary Twelver Sufism, see Madelung, 'Nasir al-Din Tusi's Ethics,' pp. 85 ff. Shi'i theologian, Maytham Bahrani, suggest that either the Risalais a 33. For Tilsi's comments on al-Rizi's note on the doctrine of modified version of Bahrani's chapter on Imamate, or the latter cop- ta'lim, see the Taghi$, p. 43, and for more details, Mudarrisi Zanjani, ied the text from Tusi. See BahrZni, Qawi'id al-maramfi 'ilm al-kalim Sargudhasht, pp. 185-6. (Qumm, 1398/1977). pp. 173-92. 34. Tusi was accompanied on hisjourney of almost two years by 29. Regarded as the most important of Tusi's Twelver Shi'i works, his student, Qucb &Din Shirazi; see Mudarris Radawi, Ahwil, p. 57. the Tajedhas not survived in its original form. Expressions critical of According to a letter of the 48th Ismaili Imam, Shah 'Ali Shah, Aga the Ismailis attributed to Tusi are only found in some of the Khan 11, addressed to Murad Mirzi of Sidih, the descendents of Tusi commentaries, of which Hasan Hilli's Kashfal-murid: sharh-i tajnd al- were venerated by the local Ismailis in Sidih, a village near Bijand, i'tiqad, ed. A. Sha'rini (Tehran, 1398/1977) is the most popular. until the late nineteenth century. Ms. dated Rajah, 1300/1882, in Taftiziui, in the second discourse of his Sharh-i maqisid, denied Tusi's the library of The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London. authorship of this work. For details, see 'Abd al-Amir al-A'sam, al- 35. St Augustine, the master theologian of the Latin Church, 62 Contemplation and Action Notes to the Introduction 63

was horn at Thagaste in North Africa in 354 CE. brought up a Chris- &Din in the prcsent text [§ I], as well as in Ra'is Hasan's QWdayi tian, converted to Manichaenism and, after an agonizing inner Ifasan dar rnadh-ifidazoiyrin, ed. and tr. W. Ivanow, 'An Ismaili Poem conflict, was re-baptised in 387 CE. For details, see his Confessions in the Praise of Fidawis,' in,foumal oftheBombay Branch $Royal Asiatic (Harmondsworth, 1961) Society, New Serics, 14 (1938), pp. 63-7. 36. Nasir Khusraw, Diwan, ed. M. Minuwi and M. Muhaqqiq qi. See Mudarris Radawi's introduction to Tusi's Majmu'ayi (Tehran, 19781, pp. 505-15. rasa'il (Tehran, 1335s/1956), p. vi. 37. In his al-Munqidh min al-dalal, Eng. tr. W. M. Watt, TheFaith 42. Rasa'illkhwin al-Safa'(Beirut, 1957). vol. 4, pp. 195-7. See andPractice of al-Ghairali (London, 1953),pp. 26-7, Ghazzili states: also 'Arif Timir, &qiqat Ikhwan al-Safa' (Beirut, 1982), pp. 23-4, 'When God by His grace and ahundant generosity cured me of this and Poonawala, Biobiblioppl~y,p. 20. disease, I came to regard the various seekers (after truth) as compris- 43. Al- Sijistini, Kitib al-qtikhar, ed. M. Ghilib (Beirut, 1980), ing four groups: (i) The Theolograns (mutakallimun),who claim that PP. 52-84. they are the exponents of thought and intellectual speculations; (ii) 44... Al-Kirmani, Rihat ad'aql, ed. M. Kimil Husayn and M. the Bitiw&ah, who consider that they, as the party of 'authoritative ' Mus~faHilmi (Leiden-Cairo, 1953). pp. 401-38. instruction' (ta'lirn), alone derive truth from an infallible Imam; (iii) 45. Al-Mu'ayyad, al-Majrilir, ed. H. Hamid al-Din (Bombay, 1975- the Philosophers, who regard themselves as the exponents of logic and 1986), ~01.1, pp. 22-4, 44-8, 72, 450; vol. 2, pp. 121-3. demonstration; (iv) the Suf? or Mystics, who claim that they alone 46. Nasir Khusraw, Zid al-musilfinn, ed. M. Badhl al-Rahmin enter into the 'presence' (of God) and possess vision and intuitive (Berlin, 1341/1923), pp. 469-84; see also his chapters on the understanding.' 'Umar Khayyam, the famous astronomer and poet, Imamate in Wajh-i din, ed. G. R. A'wani (Tehran, 1977). pp 19-32. cnumerates the same groups in his Risrilat al-ruujud, as quoted in S. 47. On the life, teachings and writings of Hasan-i Sahhih, see al- Hossein Nasr, An Introduction to Islamic CosmologicalDoctrines (Rev. ed., Shahrastini, Kitab al-milal, pp. 203-7; Hodgson, Order, pp. 43-5, London, 1978), p. 20. 127-30; Badakhchani, Paradise, pp. 92-101; as well as the following 38. In Haydar Amuli's Jrirni' al-asrar ma manha' al-anw&, ed. H. works by Farhad Daftary: The Ismri'ilis, pp. 324-7 1; The Assassin Leg Corbin and 0.Yahya (Tehran-Paris, 1969). p. 493, and some of the ads: Myth of the Isma'ilir (London, 1994)~pp. 31-44; and 'Hasan-i bibliographies, for example Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte derarabirchm Snbbih and the Origins of the Nizari Isma'ili Movement,' in Mediae- Litteratur, supplement 1 (Leiden, 1937). p. 927, Sayr ma sulek ap- ualIsma'iliHisloly and Thought, ed. F Daftary (Cambridge, 1996). pp pears as a subtitle for Arusafal-ashraJ Since this title does not appear 181-204. in Tusi's own introduction to the AwraJ it is possible that at some 48. On al-Shahrastini, see note 4 above. The title al-Fusul ak point the two works appeared in one copy, and subsequently when arba'awas probahly coined by alShahrastini who renders a summary the Sayr rua suluk was detached from the Aw~af- probably because of of Hasan's writings. Al-Shahrastini's view that the arrangement of its suspect Ismaili authorship and the fact that it was not widely read each chapter is designed to refute a specific sect might also be his among the Twelver Shi'is-its title continued to remain with the Aw~ri$ own reading of the text. Both Juwayni and Rashid al-Din have re- 39. Tusi's authorship of Sayr wa sulCk has been confirmed by ferred t6 what al8hahrastini calls 'chapters' as 'compulsions' (iLam). Mudarrisi Zanjani in Sargudhasht, p. 195; al-A'sam in al-FaylasliJ p. 49. Al-Ghazzalifelt obliged to refute Ismaili doctrines on a regu- 88; Mudarris Radawi in Ahwil, pp. 291-2; and Poonawala in lar basis. In his al-Mungidh,Eng. tr. Watt, p. 52, he says: 'My object at Biobibliography, p. 262. On the similarities between Sayr 7ua suluk and the moment is not to show the falsity of their views, for I have already other works of Tasi, compare Aghiz wa anjam, p. 43, Sayr wa sulCk [§ done so (I) in Al-Mustughiri, (2) in TheDernonstralion of hth,a reply 391; Aghiz, pp. 19-21, Sayr [§ 31-31; Agh&, p. 7, Sayr [§ 481; Rawda- to criticisms made against me in Baghdad, (3) in The Fundamental yi taslim, Eng. tr. pp. 143-4, Sayr [§ 171; Raruda, pp. 126-9, Sayr, [a Dqference (between Islarn and Unbelief), in twelve chapters, a reply to 281; Qawri'id al-'aqi'id, pp. 458-60, Sayr [§ 25-31], criticism made against me in Hamadin, (4) in the book of the Duq 40. Muzaffar b. Muhammad [h. Hasan] is referred to as Qucb drawn up in tabular form, which deals with feeble criticisms of me Notes to the Introduction 65 64 Contemplation and Action made in Tos, and (5) in The Just Bahnce which is an independent Mudarris Radawi (Tehran, 13355/1956), pp. 8-27. Eng. tr. P. work ... .' For more details see Henry Corhin, 'The Ismi'ili Response Morewedge, The MetaphyszcsofTusi(Tehran,1992). part 2, pp. 1-46. The DustCr appears incorrectly under the authorship of to the Polemic of Ghazali,' in Ismi'ili Contributions to Islamic Culture, 63. pp. 69-98, and Badakhchani, Paradise, p. 85. Ahmad b. Ya'qah al-Tayyibi in Arba'rasa'il Ismi'iliyya, ed. 'A. Timir (Salarniya, Syria, 1952)~pp. 69-101, 50 Tasi, Rawdayi taslim, Eng. tr., pp. 147-8. Ms. in the Library of The Institute of Ismaili Studies, Lon- 51. Nasir Khusraw says in the Safar-nima, Eng. tr. W. M. 64. Thackston, Jr., NZser-e Khosraw i Book ofTravels (Safarnima),(Albany, don. For more details on these treatises, see Dinish-pazhiih's in- N.Y., 1986), pp. 91-2: 'So Iwrote anote of regret, saying that I would 65. come to him later. I had two reasons for doing this: one was my pov- troduction to Akhliq-i Muhtashim< p. I I. erty, and the other was, as I said to myself, that he now imagines that I have some claim to being learned, hut when he sees my note he will figure outjust what my worth is .. . .' 52. For a general discussion of the concept of amrin early Ismaili thought, see Paul E. Walker, Early Philosophical Shiism: The Ismaili Ne@latonismofAbC Ya'qCb al-Szj'istrini(Camhridge, iggs), pp. 14.25- 63. 53. Two-thirds of approximately 140 works attributed to Tusi, among them a number of short treatises, were composed during this period. For more details on Tusi's literary output, see Mudarris Radawi, Ahwil, pp. 333-628; al-A'sam, al-Faylastilf, pp. 78-95; Mudarrisi Zanjani, Sargudhasht, pp. 161-22 1; and 'A. Nurani's intro- duction to Tusi's Talkhis, pp. xiv-xvii. A tentative chronological list of Tusi's works is given in Badakhchani, Paradire, pp. 243-52. 54. See Tosi, Rawdayi taslim, Eng. tr., p. 134, and the colophon of Sharh-al- isharit, vol. 3, p. qno. 55. Juwayni, Jahrin-gushriy,vol. 3, pp. 240-1; Rashid al-Din,Jimi: p. 170. 56. Tusi, Aghiz wa anjam, ed. I. Afshir (Tehran, 1335s,"grjG), P. 3. 57. Sadr al-Din Shirazi, Mafatih al-ghayb (Tehran, 13g1/ig71), pp. 649-63; Persian tr. M. Khwijawi (Tehran, 1404/1983), pp. 992- 1087. 58. Ti~si,Tawalla ma tabumi (Tehran, 133gs/ lgGo), p. 565. The Qur'anic references are 2: 167; 5: 56; 42: 23. 59. On the notions of 'primordial past' and 'subsequent future,' see note 13 to the Translation. 60. Tusi, MatlCb al-muininin, ed. W. Ivanow, in Two Early Ismaili Treatires (Bombay, 1933). pp 43-55. 61. Tosi, Rawdat al-tarlim, ed. and tr. W. Ivanow (Leiden, 1950). 62. Tusi, Risilayi jabr wa qadar, in Majmi'ayi raa'zl, ed. M. T. Notes to the Translation 67

Notes to the Translation tradition, see Sami Makarem's introduction to Aba al-Fawiris, al-Riscila ji al-Imima (Delmare, N. Y,1977). p. 60. g. The 'respected friend' is most likely Salah al-Din Hasan [$14], also known as Hasan Mahmod Kitib. See note 16 below. lo. The term Mu'ayyad (lit. 'supported') seems to have been apopu- lar title among the Ismailis, especially in the late Alamut period. In the Mu'cniyya, Tusi addressed Nisir al-Din Muhtashim with the rimi- lar title of Mu'ayyad-i muqafar, which led Muhammad Qazwini to I. The reference is to the 26th Ismaili Imam, 'Ali' al-Din conclude that Nisir al-Din and Muzaffar b. Mu'ayyad were one and Muhammad (d. 653/ 1255). See note 17 to the Introduction. the same person; but Mudarris Radawi does not agree with this in his 2. The term thaqalayn probably refers to mankind (insan) and introduction to Tusi's Majmu'ayi rasa'il, p. 120. angels (jinn), as used in the Du'iyi mubarah-i nudba, in Mafcitih al- I I. On al-Shahrastini, see note 4 to the Introduction.. janan, comp. 'Abbas Qummi (Tehran, 1398/1977), pp. 80-1. Tusi 12. On Afdal al-Din &hi and Kamil al-Din Hkih, see note 5 above. may also be alluding to the well-known Prophetic Tradition ofGhadir 13. Jamci'at, literally assembly, congregation or community. In Khumm: 'I leave among you two weighty things, the hook of God Ismaili literature, from the early Alami~tperiod, this word is always and my progeny.' Ibn Hanhal, al-Atu~nad,ed. M. N. Albani (Cairo, used for the Ismaili community in particular. 1986)),vol. 3, pp. 14-17, 14. Hamid &Din al-Kirmani makes a similar comment in the Rahat 3. On Mu~afrarb. Muhammad, see note 40 to the Introduction. al-'aql, p. 61: 'It is impossible for the human soul, which is imperfect 4. In his notes to the Sayrruasulukin thc Majmic'aylrasail, p. I 15, and in potentiality, to be actualized in thc physical world, except Mudarris Radawi attributes this saying to Anoshirwan, the Sasanid through something which is actual in itself, complete in its essence king of Iran. and action. And since, among human beings, no one's soul is actual 5. The lengthy exordium with which Tusi begins the Sayrzua sulick except those of the Prophets, their legatees and the Imams, and those appears to address M~affarh. Muhammad, but in fact it L in praise who have been guided by them ... the actualization [of the soul] is of the Imam 'Ali' al-Din Muhammad who appointed Muzaffar as the impossible except through them.' chief da'i 15. On Shihib al-Din, see notc 7 to the Introduction. 6. Throughout this treatise and elsewhere in his writings, Tusi 16. Salah al-Din Hasan, also known as Hasan-i Salih-i Munshi, or refers to himself as 'this humble servant' (m 6andayi hamtarin), which as he calls himself in the preface to the DFwcin-i Qci'imiyyat, Hasan-i is a common expression in polite conversation and letter writing in Mahmod-i Kitib, was the personal scribe to Shihih al-Din. The Iran. In the translation, wherever possible, I have replaced this ex- Qi'imiyyat is said to be in seven large volumes. I have seen a copy of pression with the more convenient pronoun. the firstvolume, completed in 63 I/ 1233, consisting of approximately 7. Tusi refers here to the Ismaili practice of taqiyya, precautionary 150 folios, incomplete at the beginning and at the end. Afew of his dissimulation of belief in time of persecution, which is sanctioned in poems are found in Abu al-Qasim Kishani's Zubdat al-tawarikh: bakhsh- the Qur'in (3: 28) and constitutes a Shi'i principle. i Fitimiyin rua Nizaeyan, ed. M. T. Danish-pazhuh (2nd ed., Tehran, 8. An allusion to the Prophetic tradition, 'He who dies without 1336s /1gS7), pp. 205-7; and Khayr Khwih-i Hariti, Fad dar bayan- knowing the Imam of his lime, dies the death of ignorance,' which is i shincikht-i imam, ed. W. Ivanow (3rd ed., Tehran, 196o), pp. 9-10. recognized by all schools. See Ibn Hanbal, al-Musnad, vol. 4, p. gG; al- Mudarris Radawi, in his introduction to Tusi's Majmu'a-yi rasa'il, pp. Kulayni, al-Usulmin al-kaJ. ed. M. B. Kamara'i (Tehran, 1392/1972), 118-19, also citcs Mir Khwand's Rawdatalqafa'(Tehran, 1339s/ 1960) vol. 1, p. 342; and al-Qidi al-Nu'min, Da'Z'im allslim, ed. A. A. A. and Amin Ahmad Rizi's Tadhkirayi haft iqlirn (Tehran, 1340s/ 1961) Fyzee (Cairo, 1383/ig63), vol. 1, pp. 25, 27. For variations of this for some of his verses. Tusi acknowledges Hasan Mahmnud's collabo- ration in the compilation of the Rawdayi tmlim, and it is probable 68 Contemplation and Action Notes to the Translation '39 that the series of questions and answers which constitute the 28th 26. This tradition, attributed to the Imam 'Ali b. Abi Tilih, asserts 'representation' of the Rawda was appended to the text by him. For his unmediated knowledge of God, as described by Tusi in [a 20-11. details, see Badakhchani, Paradise, pp. 32-3 and 57-9. For similar expressions, see Majlisi, BihZr al-anwar (Tehran, 1956- 17. The word kCh, meaning mountain, is a suffix that appears in 1972), ~01.3, pp. 270-4. the names of a number of Ismaili fortresses in Iran. It is difficult to 27. Attributed to the Imam Muhammad al-Biqir in Zahid 'Ali, say which of the text editors, Qanvini or Taqawi, added the word HamanIsmZ'ilimadhhabhi haqlqat aur w ka nirim (Hyderabad, 1373/ 'Gird' to specify the place where Tusi met Shihab al-Din. This, how- 1954), p. 37. The meaning of this tradition is suggested by Tusi in ever, was a reasonable assumption on their part because Gird Kah, or the passage that follows [§ 291. Gunhadin Dizh, about 18 kilometers from Dimghin on the main 28. In Shi'i theology, the notion of true faith as a process between route between Khurisin and western Iran, was the site of one of the 'underestimation' and 'exaggeration' is based on a number of Pro- main Isrnaili fortresses. For further information, see Rashid al-Din, phetic Traditions concerning love and hatred for the Imam 'Ali, which JZmi; p. 117, and Hodgson, Order, p. 186. are cited in Majlisi's BihrEr al-anwar, vol. 39, pp. 246-334. In Tasi's 18. 011 the Imam Hasan 'Ala Dhikrihi alSalim, see note g to the works, this topic is discussed under the heading of 'solidarity and Introduction. disassociation,' on which see the Introduction, pp. 17-18. 011Nasir al-Din Muhtashim, see Note lo to the Introduction. 19. 29. Jijarm, now a small town south-east of Bujnurd in Khurisin. 20. Tasi's deduction is akin to Hasan-i Sabbih's fourth proposi- 30. Nisir Khusraw makes a similar comment in the Wajh-i din, p. tion: 'As the truth is with the first group, therefore, their leader 127: 'The Imam of the time is the name of God, so is the legatee [i.e. necessarily is the leader of the truthful people.' For details, see al- Imam 'Ali] and the Prophet, each in their own time ...' because God Shahrastani, al-Milal, pp. 203-7, Hodgson, Order, p. 332, and is recognized through them. See alsoJa'far b. Mansor al-Yaman, Kitab Badakhchani, Paradise, pp. 80-109. al-kashf; ed. R. Strothmann (London, 1952). p. log. 21. The 'necessity' alludes to the Qur'anic assurance of guidance: 31. The group Tasi refers to are the Ash'arites who maintained 'He said, our Lord is He who bestows creation on everything, and that the divine names (asma') or attributes (stfat) are coeternal (qadim) further gives [it] guidance' (20: 50). with God. 22. In contrast to acquired knowledge ('ilm-i iktisabz), bestowed 32. A tradition attributed to the Imam 'Ali in Majlisi, Biharal-anwar, knowledge ('ilm-i laduni) does not entail the hardship of learning. vol. 3, pp. 13-14, and Rajab alBursi, Mashanq anwZralqaqin(Tehran, In the Rawdayi turlim, pp. 39-40. while discussing the types of knowl- n.d.),p. 112. edge, Tasi speaks of bestowed knowledge as divinely-assisted 33. The second part of this Qur'inicverse (6:g) has been variously knowledge ('ilm-i ta)idz). He also states that when someone ap- translated as follows: (i) 'And We should certainly have caused them proaches the universal teacher [i.e., the Imam] with questions confusion in a matter which they have already covered with confu- concerning recognition (ma'rzfat), unity (wahdat), etc., and if the sion' (Yasuf 'Ali); (ii) 'And [thus] obscured from them [the truth] teaching is conveyed in exoteric form in an orderly, graduated and they [now] obscure' (Pickthall); (iii) 'And thus we would only have relative manner, it is called instructive (ta'limi); but if it consists of confused them in the same way as they are now confusing themselves' esoteric knowledge and is learned instantly, it is called bestowed (Muhammad Asad). Although the word labura has various meanings, (laduni). it is hardly acceptable to assume that God would cause them 'confu- 23. See Ibn Sini, alShzfa: ed. I. Madkur and A. 'Affifi (Cairo, 1956), sion' or 'obscure' the truth from them, but rather, as Asad says in his pp. 248-50; and Tusi, Sharh al- ishirat, vol. 3, p. 301. footnote, 'since it is impossible for man to perceive angels as they 24. Ibn Sini, al-Shzfa, pp. 58-92. really are, the hypothetical angelic message-bearer would have to as- 25. For more details, see Tusi, al-Risalafi al-'ilal wa al-ma? ClZt, sume the shape of a human being.' Tasi did not translate this verse printed together with Talkhi8 al-muha~jal(Tehran, 135gs/1980), pp. into Persian, but the form and context of the expression he uses sug- 509-15. gest.! the reading: 'the manifestation of the command is in the disguise 70 Contemplation and Action Notes to the Translation 71 of a man like any other and dresscd before them as they are dressed.' 44. The distinction that Tusi draws hetwen the followers ofthe 'com- 34. Al-Bursi quotes these words as a Prophetic. Tradition in the mand' and those of the 'commander' is based on the contrast between Murhanq, p. 40. See also Tusi, Akhliq-i Muhtashimi, p. 20. the exoteric, incidental and circumstantial aspects of religion which 35. For details on these three realms in Ismaili literature, see Hafl are contingent upon time and place, and the essential, esoteric mes- bab-iBiLba Srcyyidr~ic,ed. W. Ivanow, in TwoEarly Isrnili Treatises (Bom- sage which is valid and unchangeable for all times. Whereas the hay, 1933))pp. 26-7; Khayr Khwih-i Harati, Fad d6r bayan-i shinnkht-i followers of the command conform rigidly to the letter of religious imam, Pers. text, pp. 30-6; Raruda, Pers. text, pp. 42-3, 55 and 98-9; law at all times, the followers of the commander observe the faith in as well as Hodgson, Order, pp. 173-4, accordance with the guidance of their spiritual leader in every age. It 36. This Prophetic tradition, in its different versions, is a recog- is the former who persistently cling to obsolete and time-bound forms nized Shi'i tradition. See al-Kulayni, al-Us21 n~inal-kafi, vol. I, pp. whose faith surfers a real change (inqilrib-ihaqiqz), whereas the latter 332-4, and Khayr Khwah-i Hariiti, KalEm-ipir, ed. and tr. W. Ivanow who adapt to changing circumstances of time remain faithful to the (Bombay, 1935). pp. 26.61 and 74. fundamental tenets of the faith. For more details see Tusi, Rawda, 37. Attributed to the Imam Mul~ammadalBiqir. See Fayd Qshani, 'Pers. text, pp. 64-6. Kitab al-wifi, ed. A. Sha'rani (Tehran, 1375/1955), vol. 1, p. 89. and 45. On the threefold division or mankind into peoples of opposi- Muhammad Rida al-Muznffar, 'Aqi'id al-imamiyya (Cairo, 1391/ 197 I), tion, gradation and unity, see Tusi, Rawda, Pers. text pp. 76-7, and P. '4. Hodgson, Order, pp. 172-4. 38. The term ittithadwas amended in Muddaris Radawi's edition 46. Aha alL'Atihiya, Diwan (Damascus, 1965)~p. 104. to tawhid. 47. The text has been corrected here by comparing it with Ddnish- 39. The terms 'primordial decree' and 'subsequent decree' are re- pazhuh's edition of Guftriri [band;] azKhwajaayi TGsLbirazuish-iBiCiniyrin lated to the notions of 'primordial past' (maf~iqh),i.e., the realm of (Tehran, 1335~/1956). predestination, and 'subsequent future' (musta'nzf),i.e. the realm of 48. Probablyjudgingfrom the manuscript at his disposal, Mudarris free will. According to Shi'i theology, mankind dwells between these Radawi reports a lacuna at the end of this sentence, but it is not nec- two realms. What Tusi mcans in this passage is that a person's spir- essarily demanded by the context. itual perfection depends on divine grace as well as personal effort. 49. Qur'in, 9: loo; 56: 10-11. Al-Shahrastani, in his commentary on the Qur'a~l,MaJitih al-asrir 50. Qur'an, 114: 4-6. (Tehran, 1368s/1989), pp. 21 (b)-zg(h),dedicates afull chapter to 51. An Arabic proverb. See al-Munjid (2 1st ed., Beirut, 1986), p. the explanation or these principles. See also, Tasi, Rawda, Pers. text, 980. p. 9, and Risalayijabr wa qadar, pp. 25-6. 52. In the final passage, Tusi reverts to the formal style of the exor- 40. Attributed to 'Ali alid other Shi'i Imams, in d-Kulayni, al-UsCl dium to address the recipient of his letter directly. See note 5 ahove. min al-k@, vol. 3, pp. 3-10. 41. Attributed to the Imam Ja'far alSidiq. See al-Barqi, Kitab al- mahasin, ed. M. Urmawi (Qumm, 1331s/1952), p. 131; al-Kulayni, al-Usul min al-kafi, vol. 3, pp. 3-9; and Tnsi, &hliz rua anjam, p. 7. 42. These lines from the Fusziki muqaddas are cited as a Prophetic tradition by Khayr Khwah-i Harati in his KalZm-i $ir, Pers. text, pp. 2 1, 24, r6ff. Similar expressions are found in al-Mu'ayyad fi &Din alShirazi, Diman, ed. M. &mil Husayn (Cairo, 1949), pp. 72 and 199-210. See also note 8 ahove. 43. There is a lacuna here in the manuscript, as noted by Mudarris Radaul. Bibliography 73

Bibliography Daftary, Farhad. The Zsma'ilis: Their Histoly andDoctrines. Cambridge, '990. -TheAssassin Legends: Myths of theZsma'ilis. London, 1994. -ed. Mediaeval Isma'iliHistory and Thought. Cambridge, 1996. Dihkhuda, 'Ali Akbar. Lughat-nama. Tehran, 1979. Fayd Eshini, Muhammad. Kitib al-w@, ed. A. Sha'rani. Tehran, '375/'955. Fida'i Khurisini, Muhammad h. Zayn al-'Abidin. Hidiyat abmu'minin Ahu al-'Atahiya, Isma'il. Diwin. Damascus, 1965. al-tilibin, ed. A. A. Semenov. Moscow, 1959. Abu al-Fawaris Ahmad b. Ya'quh. al-Risalafial-imima, ed. and tr. S. N. al-Ghazzili, Muhammad. al-Munqidh min al-daliL Eng. tr. W. M. Watt, Makarem. Delmar, N.Y, 1977. The Faith and Practice of al-Gharali. London, 1953. Amuli, Haydar. Kztabjimi'al-mrar wa manba'al-anwar, ed. H. Corbin Haft bbci-i BZba Sayyidni, ed. W. Ivanow, in Two Early Ismaili Treatises. and 0.Yahya, in La Philosophie ShiCite.Tehran-Paris, 1969. Bombay, 1933. pp 4-44. Eng. tr. Hodgson, in The Order ofAssas- al-A'sam, 'Abd al-hir. al-Faylasuf Nusir al-Din al-Tusi end ed., Bei- sins, pp. 279-324. rut, 1980. Hilli, Hasan b. Yusuf. Kmhf al-murid: sharh-i tafld al-i'tiqad, ed. A. Badakhchani, SayyedJalal. The Paradise of Submission: A Critical Edi- Sha'rani. Tehran, 1398/19~~. tion and Study ofRawdayi taslim, commonly known m Twawwurat, by Hodgson, Marshall G. S. The Order ofAssassins: The Stmggle of theEarly Khwaja Nasir al-Din TCsi D. Phil. thesis, Oxford University, 1989. Niza~Ismi'ilirAgainst theZslamic World. The Hague, 1955. Persian Bahrani, Maytham b. 'Ali. Qawi'id al-marrimfi 'ilm al-kalam. Qumm, tr. F. Badra'i, FirqayiIsma'iliyya. Tahriz, 1343 s/1964. Huma'i, Jalal al-Din. 'Muqaddima-yi qadim-i akhliq-i Nasiri,' in 1398/1977. al-Barqi, Muhammad h. Khilid. Kitab al-mahasin, ed. M. Urmawi. Majallayi Dinishkadayi Adabiyyat-i Dinishgah-i Tehran, 3 (1956). Qumm, 133is/ig52. PP. 8-9. Bayini, Shirin. Din wa dawlat darIran-i hhdi Mughul. Tehran, 1367s/ 'Hikmat-i 'amali az nazar-i Khwija Nasir al-Din Tusi,' in MajmC'ayi 1988. sukhanrinihrji 'umCmiyiDanishkadayi Adabiyyat wa 'Ulum-iInsini- Brockelmann, Carl. Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur. Weimar, yiDanishgih-i Tehran. Tehran, 1969, pp. 37-80. 1898-1902; 2nd ed., Leiden, 1943-1949; Supplementbande. Leiden, Ibn al-Fuwau, Kamil al-Din. Talkhij majma'al-adibfi mujam al-alqab, ed. M.Jawid. Damascus, 1962-1967. '937-1942. Browne, Edward G. A Literary History ofPerria. Cambridge, 1902-1924. Ihn Hanbal, Ahmad b. Muhammad. al-Musnad, ed. M. N. Albani. al-Bursi, Rajab h. Muhammad. Mashiriq aabnwir alyaqimfiasrirarair Cairo, 1986. al-mu'minin. Tehran, n.d. Ibn Sina, Husayn h. 'Ahd Allah. al-Shthzfa: ed. I. Madkur and A. 'Affifi. Corbin, Henry.'The Isma'ili Response to the Polemic of Ghazili,' in Cairo, 1956. Ismi'iliContributions toIslamic Culture, ed. S. H. Nasr. Tehran, 1977. al-lshririt wa al-tanbihit, ed. S. Dnnyi. Cairo, 1960. Ivanow, W.'An Ismaili Poem in Praise of Fidawis,'Joumal of the Bom- PP. 69-98. Dabashi, Hamid.'Khwqah Nasir al-Din al-Tusi: The Philosopher/Vi- bay BranchofRmjalAsiaticSociety, NewSeries, 14 (1938). pp. 63-72. zier and the Intellectual Climate of his Times,' in Histmy ofIslamic Ja'far h. Man~ural-Yaman. Kitab al-kashf;ed. R. Strothmann, London, Philosophy, ed. S. H. Nasr and Oliver Leaman. London, 1996, vol. '952. 1, pp. 527-84. Juwayni, 'Ala' al-Din 'A@-Malik. Tirikh-ijahin-gushay, ed. M. Qazwini. 'The Philosopher/Vizier: KhwaJa Nasir al-Din al-Tosi and the London, 1912-1937. Eng. tr.J. A. Boyle, The History of the World- Isma'ilis,' in Mediaeval Isma'ili Histoly and Thought, ed. F. Daftary. Conqueror, Manchester, 1958. Cambridge, 1996, pp. ~31.45. Gshini, Abil al-Qisim. Zubdat al-tawarikh: bakhsh-i Fitimiyan wa 74 Contemplation and Action Bibliography 75

Niirinyan, ed. M. T. Danish-pazhuh, 2nd. ed., Tehran, 1366s/ag87. Thackston,Jr., Nriser-eKhosraw'sBook of Trauek (Sajarnarna). Albany, Khayr Khwah-i Harati. Kalam-i pir, ed. and tr. W. Ivanow. Bombay, N.Y., 1986. '935. -Wajh-i din, ed. G. R. A'wani. Tehran, 1977, --Fad darbayan-i~hi?~ukht-iimim, ed. W. Ivanow. 3rded., Tehran, 1960. -Zid al-musafinn, ed. M. Badhl al-Rahmin. Berlin, 1341/1gz3. Eng. tr. W. Ivanow, On the Recopition of the Imam. 2nd. ed., Bom- Nasr, S. Hossein. An Introduction to Islamic CosmologicalDoctrines.Rev. bay, '947. ed., London, 1978. al-Kirmani, Hamid al-Din. Rrihat al-'aql, ed. M. =mil Husayn and M. -'ma1 al-Din KXshani and the Philosophical World ofKhwijah Nasir Hilmi. Leiden-Cairo, 1953. al-Din Tusi,' in Islamic Theolo~a~zd Philosophy: Studies in Honm of al-Kulayni, Muhammad b. Ya'qub. abUszil min al-krifi, ed. with Persian Georgel;. Hourani, ed. M. Marmura. Albany, N. Y., 1984, pp. 249- tr., M. B. Kamara'i. Tehran, i3gz/ig7a. 64. Madelung, Wilferd F. 'Aspects of Isma'ili Theology: The Prophetic al-Nu'man b. Muhammad, al-Qidi Abu Hanifd. Da'a'im al-Islam, ed. Chain and the God Beyond Being,' in Ismri'ili Contributions to Is- A. A. A. Fyzee. Cairo, 1951.61. Partial Eng. tr A. A. A. Fyzee, The lamic Culture, pp. 51-65 Book ofFaith. Bombay, 1974. ---'Nasir ad-Din Tusi's Ethics Between Philosophy, Shi'ism and --Sl~arhal-akhbirfi fada'il al-a'imma al-athar. Qumm, lq14/1993. Sufism,' in Ethics in Islam, ed. R. G. Hovannisian. Malibu, Calif., Poonawala, Ismail K. Bioblbliography ofIsmi'iliLiternture. Malibu, Calif., 1985. pp. 85-101. '977. Mafitih aljanan, cornp. 'Abbis Qummi. Tehran, 1398/1977. Ragep, F. J. Nwir al-Dzlz TCsi's Memoir on Astronoray: aLTadhkirafi 'ilm Majlisi, Muhammad Baqir, Bihar al-anwar. Tehran, 1956-1972. al-hay 'a. New York, 1993. MinhaJ-i Sirij, 'Uthman h. Sirs al-Din. Tabaqrit-i Nkzri, ed. 'Abd al- Rasa'il Ikhwan al@afi: Beirut, i376/ 1957. HapHabihi. and ed., Kabul, 1342-1343/1963-1964. Eng. tr. H. Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah Hamadhi. Jrimi' al-tawarikh: qisrnat-i G. Raverty. Tabaqat-i NGiC A General History of the Muha~nmadan Zsmi'iliyan wa FritimiyZn wa Nizririyzin wa da'iyin 7ua rafiqrin, ed. M. Dynmties of A~ia.New Delhi, 1970. T.Danish-pazhuh andM. Mudarrisi Zanjani. Tehran, 1338s/ 1959. al-Mu'ayyad fi'l-Din al-Shirizi, Abu Nasr Hibat Allah. Diwrln, ed. M. Rypka, Jan.'Bibi Afdal,' in Encyclopaedia ofislam. New ed., London, &mil Husayn. Cairo, 1949. 1960, vol. 1, pp. 838-9. -al-Majilis al-Mu'ayyadiyya, vols 1 and 2, ed. H. Hamid al-Din. Bom- Sadr al-Din Shirizi, Muhammad h. Ibrihim. Mafitih al-ghayb. Litho- bay, 1975-1986; vols 1 and 3, ed. Musyafi Ghalib. Beirut, graph ed., Tehran, 1391/1971. Persian tr. M. Khwajawi. Tehran, 1974-1984. lqoq/lg83. Mudarris Radawi, Muhammad Taqi. Ahwlil wa athar-i Abu Ja'jur alShahrastini, Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Karim. Kitab al-nilal wa al-nihal, Muhammad b. Muhammad 6. &san a6Tusi. Tehran, 1354s/ig75. ed. M. 8. Kaylani. Beirut, 1965. Partial Eng. tr. A. R Kazi and J. G. Yridbubi haftsadurnin sriliKhw5ja Nasir al-Din TCsi. Tehran, 1335s/ Flynn, Muslim Sects and Divisions. London, 1984. '956. --Kitrib musiira4atal-faliszfa, together with Tusi's Musari' al-musiri; Mudarrisi Zanjini, Muhammad. Sargudhasht ma 'aqa'id-i falsafi-yi ed. H al-Mu'izzi. Qumm, 1405/1984, pp. 13-127. Khwaja Nu?% al-Dzll TGsi. Tehran, 1335s/lg56. MafZtih al-as%r wa masribih al-abrir. Tehran, 1368s/lg89. Musahib, Ghulim Husayn. Da'zrat al-ma'ZnyiFrirsi Tehran, 1966. ---Majlis-i maktub mun'aqid dar Khwrirazm, ed. M. R. Jalali Ni'ini. Muraffar, Muhammad Ridi. Xqi'id al-imrimiyya. Cairo, 1391/ 197 1. Tehran, 135os/ig71. Nasir Khusraw. Diwcin, ed. Nasr Allah Taqawi, et al. Tehran, 1304- Nihayat al-aqdarnfi 'ilm al-kalim. ed. A. Guillaume. Oxford, 1934. 1go7~/1925-igz8; ed. M. Minuwi and M. Muhaqqiq. Tehran, Sharif, M. M., ed. A Histoly ofMuslim Philosophy, Wiesbaden, 1963. 1353s/1978. Siddiqi, Bakhtyar Husain.'Nasir al-Din Tasi,' in A Histoly ofMuslim Safar-nrima, ed. M. Ghani Zida. Berlin, 1341/1922. Eng. tr. W M. Philosophy, vol. 1, pp. 564-80. al-Sijistani, AbuYa'qub Ishiq b. Ahmad. Kitab ab@zkhkhar, ed. M. Ghalib, Bibliography 77 76 Contemplation and Action -al-Tadhkirafi 'ilm a1 hay 'a, ed. and tr. F. G. Ragep, in his Nwir al-Din Beirut, 1980. Tusi's Memoir on Astronomy, pp. 89-341. Tamir, '&if. Ilaqiqat ahwan al-jafa rua khullcin al-zuafci: Beirut, 1982. -Talkhe al-muhassal, ed. 'A. A. Nurani. Tehran, 135gs/lg80. al-Tayyibi, Ahmad b. Ya'quh. al-Dustur wa da'wat al-mu'mininin li al- Tawalla wa taba~a,together with Akhlaq-i Muhtashimi, pp. 562-70. hudur, ed. 'A. Tamir, in Arba' rasi'il Ismi'iliyya. Salamina, Syria, Walker, Paul E. E4Philosophical Shiism: The Ismaili Neoplatonism of 1952, pp. 69-101. AbG Ya'qub al-Sqistani. Cambridge, 1993. Titsi, Nasir al-Din Muhammad b. Muhammad. Aghbr wa anjim Yidnamayi Khwija Nasir al-Din Tusi Tehran 1336s/lg57. (Tadhkzra),ed. I. Afshar Tehran, 1335s/ig56. Zihid 'Ali. Harniri Ismi'ili madhhab hi haqiqat aur us ka nirjam. -AkhlEq-iMuhturhimi, ed. M. T. Dinish-pazhith. Tehran, I 33gs/ 1960. Hyderabad, 1373/1954. -Akhliq-i Nasin, ed. M. Minuwi and 'A. R. Haydari. Tehran, 1356s/ 1977. Eng. tr. G. M. Wickens, The Naslrean Ethics. London, 1964. -Asis al-iqtibas, ed. M. Mudarris Radawi. Tehran, 1976, Arusaf al-ashrid ed. N. Mi91 Harawi. Mashhad, 1361~/1982. --G~Jarilbandi]azKhrvcija-yl TCsibirawish-iBi$inzj,ed. M. T. Dinish- pazhuh. Tehran, 1335~/1g56, Gushayish-nama, ed. M. T. Danish-pazhith. Tehran, 1341s/ig62. MajmiL'ayi rusi'il, ed. M. T. Mudarris Radawi. Tehran, I 335s/ 1956. -Matlub nl-mu'minin, ed. W. Ivanow, in Tzuo Early Ismaili Treatises. Bombay, 1933, PP. 43-55. Musrlri'al-musiirLC,together with alShahrastini's KitZb musira'at al- falasifa, ed. H al-Mu'izzi. Qumm, 1qog/198q, pp. 3-eon. Muqaddima-i qadim-i Akhliq-i Nairi, ed.J. Huma'i. Tehran, 1335s/ 1956. Mujarat-i Tusi, Ms. in the Library of The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London. Qau~a'idal-'aqa'zd, together with TalkhG al-rnu&qsal, pp. 437-68. -Rawdat al-taslimyi tasaruiuurit, ed. and tr. W. Ivanow. Leiden, 1950. -alRisalafi al-'ilal wa al-ma'lilit, together with Talkh- al-muhassal, PP. 509-15. -Rlsalat al-imama, together with TalkhG al-muhwal, pp. 424-33. -R' zsah- andar qismat-2 mmujudat, in MajmiLrayirasa'il, pp.57-82. Eng. tr. in P. Morewedge, The Metaphysics of Tusi (Tehran-New York, 199~)~part 1, pp. 1-53. -Rzsalayi ithbit-i wajib, in Majmu'a-yi rasi'il, pp. 1-14, Eng. tr. in P. Morewedge, part 3, TheMetaphysics of Tusi, pp. 1-14.

-R. zsalayi- jabr zua qadr, in MajmG'ayi rasi'zl, pp. 8-27. Eng. tr. in P. Morewedge, The Metaphysics of Tusi, part 2, pp. 1-46. Riralayi Mu'iniyya, ed. M. T. Mudarris RdaK. Tehran, 1335s/ 1956. Sayrwa suluk, in Majmu'ayi rasa'il, pp. 36-56, -Sharh a6 ishirat :ua al-tanbihat.Tehran, 1377/1g57. Sharh-i Mu'iniyya, ed. M. T. Danish-pazhith. Tehran, 1335s/ig56. rdex 79

Index appointment, formal esotericism) 17, 18, 25, 32, designation see nus$ 40.45, 50. 53,58"12. bqida (belief) 24 68n22 'aql (intellect) 3, 6, 8, 9. lo, bi al-quwa (potentiality) 29 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, bi-dini (irreligiosity) 48 ~8~47.56~4 bidht (innovation) 48 'aql-i awwal @st intellect) 14 Bih& al-anruar (Majlisi) 'aql-i kull (universal intellect) 69nz6,6gnz8 35 Birjand, in Quhistin 611134 Abbasids, 5, 7,581116, 58x117, differentiation) 42, 45. 46 Arba' rasa'il Isma'iliyya (al- 59n23 mushabahat (realm of Tayyihi) 651163 Central Asia 5, 6 Aha al-Fawiris 56118 similitude) 42,43, 51 'Zrif (gnostic knower) 44, 52 Chingiz Khan 581117 absolution (tanzih) 37 shahadat (perceptible asks (legatee of the Prophet) Christianily 5 actuality (fa'l) 29, 34 realm) 40 611130 Confessions (St Augustine) Adam 42 taqibul (realm of Asis al-iqtibas (Tusi) 6, 59n19 62n35 iizarhayjan, opposition) 51 Ash'ari (Ash'arite) 56ri4, cosmology 18 afarida (created) 39 Creator see afaridngir wahdat (realm of unity) 69n3 1 ifaridagar (Creator) 18, 39, 42.43 asl, qa'ida (principle) 32, 40, 40 'Ala' al-Din Muhammad, 44 Da'i'irn al-Islrim (al-Qadi al- Afcjal al-Din Bamyani, Ismaili imam 6, 8, 18, astronomy 2, 5, 6, 7, 59n21, Nu'min) 66n8 Aghiz wa anjam (Tilsi) 5, 17, 581117,61n30,66n1,65n5 59n22,60n25 da'i (missionary) 11, 12, 26 62n39,64n36 A'la Muhammad see Nur al- astronomical tables (zg) da'i al-du'it (chief da'i) 23, 26 ahl-i ikharat (hereafter) 5 I Din (Muhammad 11) 6on25 di'ira-i 7uujiLd (circle of dunyi (world) 50 Alamut, fortress in northern Augustine, St 8,61n35 existence) 41, 42 kathrat (plurality) 5 1 Iran 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 16, 17; Arusif al-urhrif(Tfisi) 8, dalalat (deviation) 48, 53 khudi (God) 52 library 15-16; period lo, 61n32,6zn38 Dimid, Farid al-Din 2 shumal (left) 52 11, 14. 15, 16, 18. 57119, Damghin 68n17 yamin (right) 52 5gn22, 67n10,67ni4 Bibi Afdal see K%shani,Afdal daraja, martaba (rank) 34,45. Akhlaq-i MuhtashimC (Tusi) 5, 'Ali ihn Abi Tilib, Shi'i Imam al-Din 48 16,57n10,58n11,65n65, 17,38,69n26,69n28, Babi Sayyidna see Hasan-i abda'wa aljadida (the new 7on34 69n32 Sabbah preaching) I 1 Akhliq-i N@zn (Tusi) 5, 8, 16, amr (diivine command) 14, bada' (detraction) 8 da'roat (summons, mission) 12, 57nlo,58 1114, Gonzq, 35.36, 37,38, 39.40.41, Raghdid I, 5,7 13. 16, 18, 23, 31,56n4; 611130, Gin32 42,473 49, 50 Bahrdni, Maytham 601128 ahl-i da'wat (people of) 42 'alam-ijismani (physical world) Amuli, Haydar 621138 Bimyini, Afdal al-Din 57117 Daylaman 5 18, 40, 47 Anjrim-nama (Baha Afcjal) al-Barqi, Muhammad b. differentiation see mubayartat khalq wa amr (realm of 56% Khilid 701141 d%-i haqq, madhdhab-i haqq creation and command) Anushirwin, Sasanid king banakh (purgatory) 46w (true religion) 38,48, 50 56n5 66114 Basra 12 divine unity see taruhid mubayanat (realm of apodeictics (kitabi burhrin) 34 bi(in, batini (esoteric, hidden; Diruan (al-Mu'ayyad fi al-Din 80 Contemplation and Action dex 8 1

alShirazi) ?on42 GuJ?avi [band;] az Khwqayi Iblis (Satan) 42, 50 faith 4, 10, 13, 15, 19; Dzwan-i Qi'imiyyat (Salih al- TCsi bi rawish-i Bitiniyan Ibn 'Alqami, Abbasid vizier Imams; state 6; thought Din Hasan) 671116 (Tilsi) 711147 581116 14, 17, 18, 19, 29, 30,32, al-DustCr ma da'wat al-mu'minin GushayGh-nama (Tusi) 5, Ibn al-Fuwao 591117 35~37~44~47SB also li a1 hudur (Tusi) 19, 581112 Ibn Hanhal 66n2,66n8 Imams, Fatimids,Jama 'at, 64"63 Ihn Sina, Abu 'Ali Husayn ta 'limzyan. HaJ? bribi Baba Sayyidna (Avicenna), philosopher 2, ittcil (continuity) 4g epistemology 15 (Hasan-i Sabhih) 701135 6,56n4,57n7,59n19. Ithna 'ashariya see Twelve, eschatology 17, 18 Hall-i mushkilat al-ishirat 59n20,60n26,68n23, Shi'ism esoteric see bitin (Tusi) see Sharh al-isharat wa. 681124 ethics 5, 18, 19, 56n5,57n10 al-tanbihat 'illat (cause) 34, 35,37, 42, Ja'far al-Sadiq, Shi'i Imam existence see hasti, wujud haqq, (True One) 3, 27, 28, 43>44 7On41 existent, existents see mawjudit 29. 32.33. 34. 35. 37>39. , 'illat-i Cla (first cause) 34, 38 Jijarm (Khurasan) 38, 6gnzg exoteric see zahir 41,47,51,52; ahl-ihaqq 'dm, ma'nfat (knowledge) 10, Jama'at 31, 35, 38, 67n13 See (people of truth) ~2 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 33, also Isrnailis Farid al-Din 'Altar 3 Hasan, Shi' i imam 571191 34. 35,36.41,45.46; 47. &mi' al-asmr (Haydar Amuli) faqa (jurist) 9, 38, 39 Hasan-i Sabbih, Ismaili di 'i 49, 52, 53, 681122; -i haqiqi 621138 farmandih (commander) 50, and author i 1, 12, 14, (of esoteric truth) 40; -i Jimi' al-tawavikh (Rashid al- 51 68nzo,7on35 iktisabi (acquired),33, 34, Din) 57n9,68n17 Fa~1dar bayin-i shinakht-i imam Hasan Salih Munshi see Salih 681122; -ikhuda (of God) JawEb bi KiyC Shih An~ir(Tusi) (Khayr Khwah-i Harati) al-Din Hasan 33, 34; -i laduni (bestowed) '9 67n16,67n35 Hasan 'Ali Dhikrihi alSalam 33, 681122; ta)idi (divinely JZwdan-nima (Baba Afdal) Fatimids, Fatimid dynasty 14 (Hasan II), Ismaili imam 4, assisted) 681122; -i yaqini 56n5 see also Ismailis 13, 18, 19 (certain) 13 see also ma'nfat Juwayni, 'Ata Malik, historian figh (jurisprudence) 3 Hisib, Kamal al-Din (posGJ 6,57n9,59n21,59"22, first effect 34, 35, 36, 37 Muhammad 2,4,26,27 Imamate 18 59n23,6onz7,64n55 first intellect see 'aql-i awwal hasti, wujud (existence) 18,46 Imam[sl 17, 19, 23, 39, 43, free-will 49 hidayat (guidance) 43,48, 44.47 Kalim-i pir (Khayr Khwih-i al-Fuszil al-arba'a (Hasan-i 681121 imanat (trust) 42 HaritiJ 70n36, 701142 Sabbih) 11 Hidayat al-rnu'minin (Fida'i imitation see taqlid kalirna (divine word) 23, 35, FusCl-i muqaddas (Hasan 'Ala KhurLini) 6 I n3o imkin (contingency) 37,38 36, 41, 47 see also amr Dhikrihi alSalZm) 4, 13, Hilli, Hasan 601129 India 18 Kisbani, Ahu al-Qasim 671116 18, 19.31.32.44.47,57nq hujjat (proof) 36,43,48 instructor, teacher see rnu'allim Eshini, Afdal al-Din (Baba hukm (decree) 26,43 intellect see 'aql Afdal) 2, 4, 26,56n5 al-Ghazzili, Abu Himid hukm-i mafigh (primordial Iran, Iranians 5, 6, 7, 8, 1 I Kashf al-murad: sharh-i tajrid al- Muhammad 9, I 1,621137, decree) 46, 7on39 al-lshzrit wa al-tanbihat (Ihn i'tiqad (Hilli) 601129 '33n49 hukm-i rnusta'n~(suhsequent Sina) 2, 57n7, 5gn20 kawn-i tadidd, tarattub rua Gird Kith (Gunhadan Dizh) decree) 46, 70n39 Ismailis 1, 3,4,6, 7, 8, lo, 11, wahdat (realms of 3.681117 Hitlagu, Mongol ruler 6, 7, 12, 15, 16, 18, 19, 28, 38, contradiction, gradation gnosis see rna'nfat 5P23 39, 61; community 12, 28; and unity) 56n4 8 2 Contemplation and Action Index 83 khazuhs (elite) 43, 52 madhihib (religious schools) mu'allirn (teacher, instructor) Murid Mirza (of Sidih) Khayr Khwih-i Hariti 671114, 27,5o 28, 30, 32. 33%35.36, 37. 61n34 7on36,7on42 madhhab, din (religion) 18, 42, 442 452 46,472 48 murshid (spiritual guide) 53 Rhayyim, 'Umar, poet and 24, 30~48 mu'allim-i azuwal (first Mujara ht al-falisifa (al- philosopher 56n5,62n37 Mafitih al-asrrir (al- instructor) 33-4, 35.43. Shahristani) 55-6n4, khudiwand-i zamrin (lord of Shahristani) 55n4 44 (ion26 the age) 23 Mafitih al-ghayb (Mulli Sadra) mu'allim-i kull (universal Mujae al-mujin' (Tasi) 7, Khurasan i,4, 5,6, 31, 61n5, 172 64n45 instructor) 13, 14, 15 56n4,6on26 681117 mahipat, dhit (essence) 35, al-Mu'ayyad fi al-Din al- al-Musnad (Ihn Hanhal) Khusraw Shih, Shams al-Din 45.49 Shirizi, ~smailidi'i and 65n2.25n8 57n7 al-Majalis (Mu'ayyad fi al-Din author 6gn42 mustajfb, (novice) 4, 31, 32 Khwirazm, Khwirazmians 7 alShirazi) 1 1, 63n45 mubayanat (differentiation) al-Musta'sim, Abbasid caliph al-Kirmini, Hamid al-Din, Majlis-i maktGb (Shahristini) 452 46 58n16 Ismaili di'i and author 14 55n4 Mudarris Radawi, M. T. g muta'allim (disciple, Kitib al-Vtikhar (alS'$stini) Majlisi, Muhammad al-Biqir, Muhammad I1 see 'Ala al-Din instructed) 30,42,45 10 Twelve Shi'i scholar Muhammad muwahhid (monotheist) 45 Kitab al-mahisin (al-Barqi) 69n26,69n28,69n32 Muhammad, the Prophet 41, Muzaffar b. Muhammad lo, 70n41 Manichaeism 61n35 47 lr,23,6zn40,66n5 Kitab al-milal wa al-nihal (al- manifestation (maxhar) 14, Muhammad al-Biqir, Shi'i Muzaffar b. Mu'ayyad lo, 24 Shahrastini) 11, 55-6n4, 402 41,42,43 imam 7on37 mysticism (ta+awwuJ) g 68n2o ma'qul (intelligible entity) qo muhamik (mover) 2g,30 KitLib muscira'at al-falrirfa (al- Marigha, Observatory of 7, Muhassal afiir al-mutaqadimin nafs (soul) 25, 27, 29, 32,33, Shahrastini) 55n4 5gn17.6on25 7ua al-muta'akhirin (Razi) 34.40>41>45.462 492 Kitib al-wCfi (Fayd-i Kishini) mai.$at (gnosis) 39, 42, 44, 601127 621114 70n37 48; people of (ahl-i ma'rzfat) muhiqq (truthful or legitimate al-Nasafi, Muhammad, Ismaili knowledge see'ilm, maenfat 38 see also 'ilm teacher) 48 da'i and author 14 kuft (unbelief) 48, 50, 53 martaba (rank) see duraja Muhtashim Shihib al-Din, nitiq (enunciating prophet) al-Kulayni, Muhammad b. Mashhad 1 Ismaili leader in Quhistan 611130 Ya'qub, Twelve Shi'i scholar mathematics 2, 6, 26 3,59"20 Nasir al-Din Muhtashim, 66n8,7on36 Matlcb al-mu'minin (Tiisi) 18 Mu'in al-Din Salim b. Badran Ismaili leader in Quhistan matter (madda, haycla) 24, Mizini 3 4, 5, 8, 10, 12, 17, 31 logic 34,56n5,62n37,59nl9 25, 27, 29, 35, 382 392 42, Mujririt-i TGsi (Tilsi) 1g 57nio,58nii, 671110 45 rnukarnmil (agent of Nasir Khusraw, Ismaili di'iand rna'ad (return) 28,41,44, Mapiin Dizh 5,6, lo, 18 perfection) 3, 30 author 12,64n51,6gn30 46,47.52 mazujiidit (existent, existents) Mulla Sadra see Sadr al-Din nass, (formal designation) 5, mabda'(origin) 28,33, 41, 52 29, 34. 35,36. 37. 38.39. Shirizi 43 mabda'-i awrual (first origin) 40. 41. 42 Munajjim, Husam al-Din nazar(reason) 3, g, 11, 12, 33. 353 36. 37 Mongols 5, 6, 7, 16, 58n17, 59n23 13. 28, 29; ahl-i nazar madhhabi haqq (true religion) 61n30 al-Munqidh rnin al-dalal (al- (people of reason, 38 mover (muhamik) 29, 30 Ghazzali) 9, 62n37 rationalists) 44, 45 84 Contemplation and Action Index 85

Nihayat al-aqdamfi 'ilm alkalim Quhistin, in south-east Risilayijabr wa qadar (Tilsi) 56n7,67n16,68n17 (al-Shahrastani) 55-6114 Khurisan 3,4, 5, 6, 8, lo, 19,64n6-2,7on39 Sir%, Qadi Minhi,, historian Nizaris see also Ismailis 12, 17,57"7 Risilayi Mu'iniyya (Tusi) 5, 56,57"7 Noah 27 Qu'rin 17, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 58n13 Shirizi, Quth al-Din 61n3~ Nur al-Din Muhammad 36,40,41,42,43,44,46. Risilat al-imima (Tilsi) 8, Shi'is, Shi'ism 5, 9, lo, 14, 17, (Muhammad 11) , Ismaili 48,49,50, 51. 52. 53, 601128 lg,59nq3.66n7,6gnz8 see imam 16 55n5.6Sn21.69n33, Riralat al-wujCd ('Umar also Ismailis, Twelver 71"49,71"50 Khayyim) 621129 Shi'ism oneness, see tawhid quwnyi qudszjya (sacred Rudhar, in northern Iran 5, 6, Sidih (in Khurasan) 61n34 ontology 14, 15 power) 33 581116 al-Sijistini, Abu Ya'qub, Ismaili opposition see taqibul da'iand author 14 Oxus River 58n 17 Rcihal al-'aql (al-Kirmani) lo, Sahaenism 18 soul see nafs 67n14 , Sadr &Din Shirizi (Mulls spiritual guide (aurshid) 53 Persia see Iran rih-i rast (straight path) 38, Sadri), philosopher 17, straight path see rah-i r&t philosophers 35,36,38,44 39.48,50 64n57 submission see tmlim philosophy 3,4, 6, 7, 9, 15, Ra'is Hasan 621140 Safar-nima (Nisir Khusraw) subsequent decree see hukm-i 28,29.33,34,36.45 Rasa'il lkhwcin ~1%' lo 64n5 1 musta'nzy potentiality 29, 33, etc. see also Rawdayi tmlim (TOsi) 6, 11, Salih al-Din Hasan 3 1,137~19, Sufis, Sufism 8, 9, 61n32, bi al-quwwa 16, 17, 18-19, 55, 57n9. 671116 62n37 prayer (du'i) 39, 52 59nl8,61n32,62n39, Saljuqs 7, 11 sultnn aldu Et 1, 6 primordial decree see hukm-i 64n50,64n61,67n16, Sarakhsi, Quth al-Din 2 Sunnis 5, 9, 11 mapugh) 46 6Sn22,70n39,71n44, seeker see talib sunnat (tradition) 52 Shah 'Ali Shah, Aga Khan 11, purgatory see bannkh 71n45 scrat (form) 42,44,45,46 al-Razi, Fakhr al-Din, Ismaili imam al-Qidi al-Nu'min, Ismaili philosopher 6, 8, 591120, Sharh el-khanit wa al-tanbihit ta'aqub (succession) jurist 66118 60n27,61n33 (Tusi) 6, 57n7, 59n20. Tabakat-i NasiC (Minhij-i qadim (coeternal) 25 realm of differentiation see 64n54.68n23 Sirij) 56-7n7 Qa'in, in Quhistin lo 'alum-i mubiyanat Sharh-i maqi~id(al-Taftazani) al-Taftazani, Sa'd al-Din Qasidayi Hasan dar madh-i realm of similitude see 'alum-i 6onzg 60n29 fidiwzjan (Ra'is Hasan) mushibahat alahahrastini, Tij al-Din (al- talib (seeker) 14,46,47 621140 reason see na?ar Shahrastina), theologian ta'lim (authoritative teaching) Qasidayi i'tirilfiyya (Nasir religion see madhhab, din 1,4, 11, 26, 55114, 6on26, doctrine of 8, 9-15, 28, Khnsraw) 9 religious schools see madhahib 70n39 56n4,61n33,62n37 Qawci'id al-'aqa'id (Tusi) 8, resurrection see qiyancat shan'at 1, 2,3, 18, 26, 27,33, ta'limiyan 29,30,32,35,36, 6in31,6zn39 return see ma'ad 36,42,45.47,48.50,51, 44.47; ahl-i ta'lim (people Qawi'id al-marimfi 'zlm aC revelation see tanzil 52,55n2 61n30.70n39; of) 36; see aLro Ismailis kalim (al-Bahrini) 601128 Riskla dar ni'mat-hi, khushi-ha ahl-i shan'at (people of Talkhis majma' al-adab (Ihn al- qiyimat (resurrection) 14, 17, wa ladhdhat-ha (Tusi) 19 legal prescriptions) 50, 5 1 Fuwa*) 591117 52.57n9; people of (ahl-i al-Riralafi aaimima (al- Shihab al-Din, Ismaili leader TalkhG al-muhassal (TOsi) 7, 8, qzyamUt) 50 Fawiris) 66118 in Quhistin 4,30, 3 1. 61n31,61n33 86 Contemplation and Action tnnzil (revelation) 33,36,40, universal intellect see 'aql-i kull 42,452 50. 52 al-Upil rnin al-kafi (al-Kulayni) taqabul (opposition) ahl-i 66n8,70n36 Nasir al-Din Tusi taqabul (people OF) 7 11145 see aka 'ilam-i taqibul wahdat see tawhid taqijya (dissimulation) 7 wahid-i haqiq (real one) 35, 36 SAYR wa SULUK taglid (imitation) 28,46, 53 Wojh-i din (Neir Khusraw) g tarattub (gradation) 51; ahl-i wordsee kalima 23, 35, 36.41, tarattub (people of 47 see also arnr gradation) 51, 7 in45 world of unity see'ilarn-i wahdat Tririkh-iJahan-gushay (Juwayni) worship see ibadat 44,45 59n2 1 wujud (existence) see hasti taslim (submission) 17, 46, 47.48 Zid aCmwafirin (Nasir Tawallri wa tabarri (Tusi) 17- Khusraw) 11 18,57n10j64n58 sahir (exoteric) 18, 33,40, tawl~id,wahdat (divine unity) 45, 52, 53; ahLirahir 37.38.392 43.45.49. 51, (people of the exoteric) 52; ahl-i tawhid (people of 26, 33, 50 divine unity) 52 Zubdat al-tauicirikh (Abu al- taioil (esoteric exegesis) 56115 Qasirn Kishini) 67n16 al-Tayyibi, Ahmad b. Ya'qiib 651163 Thagaste, in North Africa 61n35 theology (kalam) 10,17, 27, 28, 29 True One see haqq Tus, in Khurisin 1 al-Tusi, Muhammad 23 Tasi, Nasir al-Din early life and education 1-3; relations with the Ismailis 3-8; and the Mongols 6-7; Sayr wa suluk 8-15; other Ismaili works 15-19 Twelver Shi'ism I,?, 8,621138 unbelief see kuj? unity see wahdat, tawhid

6fl"P'~~9~?~*.6W6Fl!r65)~flp

S?~~."irbf~~~~!!T!l.m~r"r9~fl~+P+6~q 9 TIT!167? +h (1 ~!djir i;ln 66r9 6jo rl ~fiir-1.r9.6 616 rqIp'W6, rr IT^ 4 ;r6'1yJ9 fr9 6q& fr6iycorfY16~

?IF+I? rifinr. kf"rrc jqcc7I! 16 6frr ifTm 16 lmf, On ?+fro "r 6 i kr k.9 pr'? ~$9r6-n 6 dfl

l!?l!?'l@ [A] 9 l!?l!?'l@ l!q$rl"+ ~~i'!~efq p 16

fi9

09,F'? '1 +? ?" 9-3 4 lri* 41- 6 9~c ir~e9~ir?@~~(iv)xr~rf.+1?~l~pii*py-f+r9~[6~

ITF drd?-fro 6fk 56~,p I! ;-O*p qfiI? 6+I(! 1% $0 4fl6+*.$IT xr lq if+o 9 ddrq +y+o ;br 64 1~~~f~~p91?~~~6~~~~~~6~~~~~~~6~~~

'.ibd !nTi"C4?64 +r' i6pp rf +c 59 fro iT? i;"l;"ini6~9~~~~r~~6~~~~6~f~6+l~rl;il~~ I41 g? 'spi ~76IF$ 6~rn 6 fk iyccgr fl?rf &j;ji! ii;cr 66~+ iPr.6~1I%I~ I+."? I+?. f"16

&6+y A

,JLy-h; JU6 & cji 6 JF &k jjl 1\91

&AJjul &a4 &Is 696 '~54 O~g! jrelk &Is 6 ~ik+i&& 2 >I ,&hi&+ "i;~J+ ~56 n~y >I ,J JtJ ,jiJlj JJ &I+ +6Jy~~l~d1J1~~'k~aJyc~~_\~ ~p,Jl,*&'y9j-~L;jl&~jl-k~.Jg!@L:&& ,d&[,jl+l JAl+Lu+;l pbj &;I pb "&I

-!6-~i cm17 XC 1;~'I&' - ~/C~IT$7. $17!?$qr T- $7 r 6 if!? !I- %phi. jir *I? rlF -1~l-p+-16riji-ojT.6~dq~rl 1~?6~~6~~~rp 3-?9rr~m~!?JFl~ ++++XrprrDii2!Y[il de6 F~~mfl~fL?dF;iqlmfl&l+r9~f~~9fiT61f r~drdflp-q+6~FFir~~~~~~fl+~$"rpir~d~ 416-,;iIp16j;Cro- .. - jT+l~j~6?1p16f~ro~~~' - Iq'~6fq?TP\ j~~~+r9+rr~~rr~~~~$~?~$"r~~?-qipl~,-~

[),A] 6 lq C' jA qln6 -Xlr2.q- I? 'lo 3~ Td

S.J. Badakhchani has a doctoratc in Islamic Philosophy from the University of Oxford and is a Rescarch Associate at The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London.

Jacket photograph: brass astrolabe, Baghdad, 1130-1; A-84, The Adler Planetarium, Chicago. Jacket design by Judy Linard