Arabs and Young Turks Kayali.Pdf

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Arabs and Young Turks Kayali.Pdf Arabs and Young Turks Preferred Citation: Kayali, Hasan. Arabs and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism, and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1918. Berkeley: University of California Press, c1997 1997. http://ark.cdlib.org/ ark:/13030/ft7n39p1dn/ Arabs and Young Turks Ottomanism, Arabism, and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908– 1918 Hasan Kayalı UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley · Los Angeles · London © 1997 The Regents of the University of California To Ayşe, Murat, and Nihal Preferred Citation: Kayali, Hasan. Arabs and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism, and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1918. Berkeley: University of California Press, c1997 1997. http://ark.cdlib.org/ ark:/13030/ft7n39p1dn/ To Ayşe, Murat, and Nihal Acknowledgments I owe a special debt to Feroz Ahmad, who has shared with me over the years his wealth of knowledge and insights on the Young Turk period. I am fortunate to have received inspiration and guidance from the late Albert Hourani. The doctoral dissertation that anteceded this book was supervised by Zachary Lockman, who has graciously supported my work since. Engin Akarlı, Chuck Allen, Selim Deringil, Stephen Humphreys, William Ochsenwald, Roger Owen, and an anonymous reader kindly read and commented on parts or the whole of drafts. I would like to acknowledge the financial and institutional support of the Harvard Center for Middle Eastern Studies; the History Faculty at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; the American Research Institute in Turkey; the American Council of Learned Societies; the Department of History, the Academic Senate, and the Hellman Family Foundation at the University of California, San Diego. Thanks are also due to the staffs of the Başbakanlık Archives (İstanbul), the Public Records Office (Kew Gardens, London), the Aus wärtiges Amt Archives (Bonn), Haus-, Hof-, und Staatsarchiv (Vienna), Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères (Paris), the archives of the Turkish General Chief of Staff (Ankara), the Widener Library and the Geisel Library (especially Library Express). I am indebted to Philip Khoury, Thomas Philipp, and Leila Fawaz for supporting my academic endeavors over the years. In this regard, I wish also to express my gratitude to L. Carl Brown, Renata Coates, Ali Gheissari, Şükrü Hanioğlu, Kemal Karpat, Rashid Khalidi, Walid Kha lidi, Avigdor Levy, Michael Meeker, Donald Quataert, Bassam Tibi, Judith Tucker, and Mary Wilson. Lynne Withey of the University of California Press took an early interest in the manuscript and sponsored it with grace and efficiency. Tony Hicks directed the production of the book, and Lynn Meinhardt copyread the text. The cheerful company of the RC, Mufundi, and İTÜ fellows and friendships that grew over countless cups of tea at the Başbakanlık made the writing of this book less of a lonely experience. I owe by far the largest debt to my wife, Ayşe Kayalı, and to my parents, Reşid and Mihriver Kayalı, for all the sacrifices they have made. http://www.escholarship.org/editions/view?docId=ft7n39p1dn;chunk.id=0;doc.view=print (1 of 105) [6/4/2008 5:19:35 AM] Arabs and Young Turks La Jolla May 1996 Note on Sources Two considerations governed the choice of primary material for this project. First, the objective being to investigate trends, attitudes, and policies in İstanbul in their “imperial” context, particular attention was given to documents of the central government, parliamentary proceedings, and the capital’s contemporary daily press. Second, as far as non-Ottoman primary material is concerned, the unbeaten track of German and Austrian consular correspondence was explored, in addition to French, American, and the extremely rich (and equally well exploited) British Public Record Office collections. Each of these collections has proved to have different degrees of usefulness for different periods. For instance, for periods of strict censorship, the Ottoman press loses much of its utility. For the years of World War I, the value of German, Austrian, and American sources increases as British and French consular reports cease. The following abbreviations have been used in the text: Archival Sources AA Auswärtiges Amt, Bonn ATASE Askeri Tarih ve Stratejik Etüt Dairesi (Archives of the Turkish General Chief of Staff, Ankara) BBA Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (Ottoman Prime Ministry Archives), İstanbul BEO Bab-ı Âli Evrak Odası DH Dahiliye (Ministry of the Interior) DUIT Dosya Usulüne Göre İrade Tasnifi FO Foreign Office HHS Haus-, Hof-, und Staatsarchiv, Vienna IJMES International Journal of Middle East Studies İ.Um. İdare-i Umumiye KMS Kalem-i Mahsus MAE Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, Paris. Correspondance politique et commercial, 1908–1918 MMZC Meclis-i Mebusan Zabıt Cerideleri (Proceedings of the Ottoman Parliament, 1908–1918) MTV Muhaberat-ı Umumiye İdaresi Mütenevvia Kısmı PA Politisches Archiv PRO Public Record Office, London SYS Muhaberat-ı Umumiye Dairesi Siyasi Evrakı TCTA Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e Türkiye Ansiklopedisi (Encyclopedia of Turkey from the Tanzimat to the Republic) US Records of the U.S. Department of State Relating to Internal Affairs of Turkey, 1910–1929 Note on Transliteration Lest I appear to concur with T. E. Lawrence’s dictum that “I spell my names anyhow, to show what rot the systems are,” a word of explanation is needed about spelling. Arabic and Turkish words that are familiar to the reader in their Anglicized versions are rendered as such and not in transliteration or in italics (e.g., vizier). Only an incomplete system of transliteration is used for Arabic words. Most marks that are not on an English keyboard are omitted. Only the hamza (’) and ‘ayn (‘) are indicated. I have chosen to use Turkish renderings of words that are common to Middle Eastern languages and regions, as most of the non-Western texts I used were Ottoman or modern Turkish. The transliteration of personal names poses a more substantive problem and may prejudge important issues in the present study, which touches on questions of ethnic identification. Personal http://www.escholarship.org/editions/view?docId=ft7n39p1dn;chunk.id=0;doc.view=print (2 of 105) [6/4/2008 5:19:35 AM] Arabs and Young Turks names common to Arabs and Turks (often Arabic in origin) have identical rendering in Ottoman Turkish and Arabic. However, in their modern Turkish rendition some Arabic names become unrecognizable (e.g., Esat and As‘ad). I have had to make a decision between the Turkish and Arabic versions of a transliteration of a personal name on a case-by-case basis. (Thus, for instance, Mahmud Shawkat Pasha has been preferred to Mahmud Şevket Pasha.) If certain transliterations appear unusual, they should be evaluated within the context of the arguments. Map Introduction We know by now something of what the British thought about the Arabs, and of what Arabs thought about the British and Turks, but what the Turks, and in particular the Turks of the Committee of Union and Progress, thought about the Arabs is still largely an unanswered question.[1] Fifteen years after they were written, Albert Hourani’s words remain valid. This study addresses the very void Hourani mentioned. Its purpose is to illuminate not so much what the Turks thought about the Arabs (for the preoccupation with mutual perceptions only produces sterile and polemical analyses),[2] but what the policies of Ottoman governments were in the Arab-populated parts of the empire, as well as how these policies were refashioned at the beginning of the twentieth century, specifically during the last decade of the Ottoman state. An examination of Ottoman government and the Arabs also has to address the genesis and development of Turkish and Arab nationalism, because nationalist discourse is salient in the established scholarship on the period in general and the topic of the Arab policy of the “Young Turk” governments in particular. The reinstatement of the Ottoman constitution (first promulgated in 1876 but suspended within two years by Sultan Abdülhamid II) on 23 July 1908 marks the beginning of the second constitutional period of the empire. Though only a brief episode when viewed against the vast span of Ottoman history, the second constitutional period (1908–18)[3] was marked by extraordinary social and political transformations. The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 introduced parliamentary rule and liberties that recast social, political, and cultural life in the wake of the long autocratic reign of Abdülhamid. The revolution, however, failed to arrest the rapid territorial dissolution of the empire. In Europe, the events of July 1908 prompted Bulgaria’s declaration of independence, Crete’s decision to unite with Greece, and the Austrian annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Within four years the Ottoman government ceded Libya and the Dodecanese Islands in the Aegean Sea to Italy and virtually all remaining European territories except İstanbul’s Rumelian hinterland to the Balkan states. It confronted insurgencies in Syria, Albania, and Arabia (i.e., the Arabian Peninsula). The second constitutional period also encompasses World War I, the major watershed in the history of the modern Middle East. http://www.escholarship.org/editions/view?docId=ft7n39p1dn;chunk.id=0;doc.view=print (3 of 105) [6/4/2008 5:19:35 AM] Arabs and Young Turks One may argue that less is known about the second constitutional period than the earlier periods of Ottoman history. In spite of its significance and the presumable ease of treating a fairly recent period, this era of constitutional monarchy has escaped systematic examination and consequently has suffered from misrepresentation. There are a number of reasons for the historians’ neglect of the period. First, there is the elusiveness of Ottoman official documents for these years. This is partly explained by the disarray of documentary sources due to disruptions caused by revolutionary change, the administrative inexperience of the newly forged governing elite, the succession of unstable governments after the revolution, and the continual state of war in which the Ottomans found themselves from 1911 on.
Recommended publications
  • The Remains of Talat: a Dialectic Between Republic and Empire
    THE REMAINS OF TALAT: A DIALECTIC BETWEEN REPUBLIC AND EMPIRE BY ROBERT W. OLSON Universityof Kentucky There is much of interest in the historiography of the Young Turks regarding their rise to power in 1908 as well as the desperate and dramatic flight from Istanbul in 1918 of some of their leaders such as Talat, Enver and Cemal among others, in a German destroyer with sundered lights.l The death of the dashing Enver Pasa occurred while fighting Soviet forces in Central Asia. Cemal and Talat were tracked down and killed by Armenian assassins. But the burial and reburial of the latter two, especially that of Talat Pasa, has received much less attention. The return of the remains of Talat Pasa from Germany and their reburial in Turkey on 25 February, 1943 and the significance of this event is the topic of this article. "Talat: Remains of...." is the interesting title of a dossier numbered 480 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain under the listing FO 195/2479. The dossier discusses the return of the body of Talat Pasa, a leader of the Committee of Union and Pro- gress (Ittihad ve Terrakki Cemyeti) and the Young Turks during 1908-1918. Talat served as Grand Vezir of the Ottoman Empire from 4 February, 1917 to October, 1918. He fled from Turkey aboard a German destroyer, along with other Young Turk leaders, during the night of November 2-3, 1918 (1-2 Tesrinisani, 1334). 1 FO 195 designates the records of the Ottoman and Turkish Embassy records of the Foreign Office.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Engineering’
    European Journal of Turkish Studies Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey 7 | 2008 Demographic Engineering - Part I Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ Uğur Ümit Üngör Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/2583 DOI: 10.4000/ejts.2583 ISSN: 1773-0546 Publisher EJTS Electronic reference Uğur Ümit Üngör, « Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ », European Journal of Turkish Studies [Online], 7 | 2008, Online since 05 March 2015, connection on 16 February 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/2583 ; DOI : 10.4000/ejts. 2583 © Some rights reserved / Creative Commons license Üngör, Uğur Ümit (2008) 'Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’', European Journal of Turkish Studies, Thematic Issue N° 7 , No. 7 | Demographic Engineering - part I, URL : http://www.ejts.org/document2583.html To quote a passage, use paragraph (§). Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ Uğur Ümit Üngör Abstract. This article addresses population politics in the broader Young Turk era (1913-1950), which included genocide, deportation, and forced assimilation of various minority populations. The article opens with an account of the genesis of the concept ‘social engineering’ and provides a synopsis of the literature in the field of Young Turk population politics. It then focuses on the implementation of these nationalist population politics in the eastern provinces to exemplify these policies in detail. The article aims to clarify that the Armenian genocide cannot be understood in isolation from broader Young Turk population politics and argues that a generation of traumatized Young Turk politicians launched and perpetuated this violent project of societal transformation in order to secure the existence of a Turkish nation-state.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya's Conflict
    LIBYA’S BRIEF / 12 CONFLICT Nov 2019 A very short introduction SERIES by Wolfgang Pusztai Freelance security and policy analyst * INTRODUCTION Eight years after the revolution, Libya is in the mid- dle of a civil war. For more than four years, inter- national conflict resolution efforts have centred on the UN-sponsored Libya Political Agreement (LPA) process,1 unfortunately without achieving any break- through. In fact, the situation has even deteriorated Summary since the onset of Marshal Haftar’s attack on Tripoli on 4 April 2019.2 › Libya is a failed state in the middle of a civil war and increasingly poses a threat to the An unstable Libya has wide-ranging impacts: as a safe whole region. haven for terrorists, it endangers its north African neighbours, as well as the wider Sahara region. But ter- › The UN-facilitated stabilisation process was rorists originating from or trained in Libya are also a unsuccessful because it ignored key political threat to Europe, also through the radicalisation of the actors and conflict aspects on the ground. Libyan expatriate community (such as the Manchester › While partially responsible, international Arena bombing in 2017).3 Furthermore, it is one of the interference cannot be entirely blamed for most important transit countries for migrants on their this failure. way to Europe. Through its vast oil wealth, Libya is also of significant economic relevance for its neigh- › Stabilisation efforts should follow a decen- bours and several European countries. tralised process based on the country’s for- mer constitution. This Conflict Series Brief focuses on the driving factors › Wherever there is a basic level of stability, of conflict dynamics in Libya and on the shortcomings fostering local security (including the crea- of the LPA in addressing them.
    [Show full text]
  • Bosnian Muslim Reformists Between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, 1901-1914 Harun Buljina
    Empire, Nation, and the Islamic World: Bosnian Muslim Reformists between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, 1901-1914 Harun Buljina Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2019 © 2019 Harun Buljina All rights reserved ABSTRACT Empire, Nation, and the Islamic World: Bosnian Muslim Reformists between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, 1901-1914 Harun Buljina This dissertation is a study of the early 20th-century Pan-Islamist reform movement in Bosnia-Herzegovina, tracing its origins and trans-imperial development with a focus on the years 1901-1914. Its central figure is the theologian and print entrepreneur Mehmed Džemaludin Čaušević (1870-1938), who returned to his Austro-Hungarian-occupied home province from extended studies in the Ottoman lands at the start of this period with an ambitious agenda of communal reform. Čaušević’s project centered on tying his native land and its Muslim inhabitants to the wider “Islamic World”—a novel geo-cultural construct he portrayed as a viable model for communal modernization. Over the subsequent decade, he and his followers founded a printing press, standardized the writing of Bosnian in a modified Arabic script, organized the country’s Ulema, and linked these initiatives together in a string of successful Arabic-script, Ulema-led, and theologically modernist print publications. By 1914, Čaušević’s supporters even brought him to a position of institutional power as Bosnia-Herzegovina’s Reis-ul-Ulema (A: raʾīs al-ʿulamāʾ), the country’s highest Islamic religious authority and a figure of regional influence between two empires.
    [Show full text]
  • Ordinary Jerusalem 1840–1940
    Ordinary Jerusalem 1840–1940 Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire - 978-90-04-37574-1 Downloaded from Brill.com03/21/2019 10:36:34AM via free access Open Jerusalem Edited by Vincent Lemire (Paris-Est Marne-la-Vallée University) and Angelos Dalachanis (French School at Athens) VOLUME 1 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/opje Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire - 978-90-04-37574-1 Downloaded from Brill.com03/21/2019 10:36:34AM via free access Ordinary Jerusalem 1840–1940 Opening New Archives, Revisiting a Global City Edited by Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire LEIDEN | BOSTON Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire - 978-90-04-37574-1 Downloaded from Brill.com03/21/2019 10:36:34AM via free access This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the prevailing CC-BY-NC-ND License at the time of publication, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. The Open Jerusalem project has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) (starting grant No 337895) Note for the cover image: Photograph of two women making Palestinian point lace seated outdoors on a balcony, with the Old City of Jerusalem in the background. American Colony School of Handicrafts, Jerusalem, Palestine, ca. 1930. G. Eric and Edith Matson Photograph Collection, Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/item/mamcol.054/ Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Dalachanis, Angelos, editor.
    [Show full text]
  • The Armenian Genocide
    The Armenian Genocide During World War I, the Ottoman Empire carried out what most international experts and historians have concluded was one of the largest genocides in the world's history, slaughtering huge portions of its minority Armenian population. In all, over 1 million Armenians were put to death. To this day, Turkey denies the genocidal intent of these mass murders. My sense is that Armenians are suffering from what I would call incomplete mourning, and they can't complete that mourning process until their tragedy, their wounds are recognized by the descendants of the people who perpetrated it. People want to know what really happened. We are fed up with all these stories-- denial stories, and propaganda, and so on. Really the new generation want to know what happened 1915. How is it possible for a massacre of such epic proportions to take place? Why did it happen? And why has it remained one of the greatest untold stories of the 20th century? This film is made possible by contributions from John and Judy Bedrosian, the Avenessians Family Foundation, the Lincy Foundation, the Manoogian Simone Foundation, and the following. And others. A complete list is available from PBS. The Armenians. There are between six and seven million alive today, and less than half live in the Republic of Armenia, a small country south of Georgia and north of Iran. The rest live around the world in countries such as the US, Russia, France, Lebanon, and Syria. They're an ancient people who originally came from Anatolia some 2,500 years ago.
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of Muslim Economic Thinking in the 11Th A.H
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive A study of Muslim economic thinking in the 11th A.H. / 17th C.E. century Islahi, Abdul Azim Islamic Economics Institute, King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah, KSA 2009 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/75431/ MPRA Paper No. 75431, posted 06 Dec 2016 02:55 UTC Abdul Azim Islahi Islamic Economics Research Center King Abdulaziz University Scientific Publising Centre King Abdulaziz University P.O. Box 80200, Jeddah, 21589 Kingdom of Saudi Arabia FOREWORD There are numerous works on the history of Islamic economic thought. But almost all researches come to an end in 9th AH/15th CE century. We hardly find a reference to the economic ideas of Muslim scholars who lived in the 16th or 17th century, in works dealing with the history of Islamic economic thought. The period after the 9th/15th century remained largely unexplored. Dr. Islahi has ventured to investigate the periods after the 9th/15th century. He has already completed a study on Muslim economic thinking and institutions in the 10th/16th century (2009). In the mean time, he carried out the study on Muslim economic thinking during the 11th/17th century, which is now in your hand. As the author would like to note, it is only a sketch of the economic ideas in the period under study and a research initiative. It covers the sources available in Arabic, with a focus on the heartland of Islam. There is a need to explore Muslim economic ideas in works written in Persian, Turkish and other languages, as the importance of these languages increased in later periods.
    [Show full text]
  • Spring 2017 • May 7, 2017 • 12 P.M
    THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY 415TH COMMENCEMENT SPRING 2017 • MAY 7, 2017 • 12 P.M. • OHIO STADIUM Presiding Officer Commencement Address Conferring of Degrees in Course Michael V. Drake Abigail S. Wexner Colleges presented by President Bruce A. McPheron Student Speaker Executive Vice President and Provost Prelude—11:30 a.m. Gerard C. Basalla to 12 p.m. Class of 2017 Welcome to New Alumni The Ohio State University James E. Smith Wind Symphony Conferring of Senior Vice President of Alumni Relations Russel C. Mikkelson, Conductor Honorary Degrees President and CEO Recipients presented by The Ohio State University Alumni Association, Inc. Welcome Alex Shumate, Chair Javaune Adams-Gaston Board of Trustees Senior Vice President for Student Life Alma Mater—Carmen Ohio Charles F. Bolden Jr. Graduates and guests led by Doctor of Public Administration Processional Daina A. Robinson Abigail S. Wexner Oh! Come let’s sing Ohio’s praise, Doctor of Public Service National Anthem And songs to Alma Mater raise; Graduates and guests led by While our hearts rebounding thrill, Daina A. Robinson Conferring of Distinguished Class of 2017 Service Awards With joy which death alone can still. Recipients presented by Summer’s heat or winter’s cold, Invocation Alex Shumate The seasons pass, the years will roll; Imani Jones Lucy Shelton Caswell Time and change will surely show Manager How firm thy friendship—O-hi-o! Department of Chaplaincy and Clinical Richard S. Stoddard Pastoral Education Awarding of Diplomas Wexner Medical Center Excerpts from the commencement ceremony will be broadcast on WOSU-TV, Channel 34, on Monday, May 8, at 5:30 p.m.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the PDF File
    This study focuses on the role of the Mirage in the Sands: Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa, the Ottoman Special Organization (SO), in the Sinai-Palestine The Ottoman Special front during the First World War. The Organization on the SO was defined by its use of various tactics of unconventional warfare, namely Sinai-Palestine Front intelligence-gathering, espionage, guerilla Polat Safi warfare, and propaganda. Along the Sinai- Palestine front, the operational goal to which these tactics were put to use was to bring about an uprising in British-occupied Egypt.1 The SO hoped to secure the support of the tribal and Bedouin populations of Sinai-Palestine front and the people of Egypt and encourage them to rise up against the British rule.2 The SO’s involvement on the Sinai- Palestine front was part of a broader effort developed between Germany and the Ottoman State for the purposes of encircling Egypt. An examination of the SO’s work in Palestine will illuminate the nature of the peripheral strategy the Germans and Ottomans employed outside of Europe during World War I and how it was applied in practice. As part of this broader strategy, in Palestine the SO engaged in a volunteer recruitment campaign, worked to foment rebellion behind enemy lines, engaged in guerilla warfare, and carried out intelligence duties. By examining the nature and contours of the SO’s operations there, this study aims to provide both new insights into the regional aspects of a crucial organization and also valuable information which will offer a firmer ground for future comparative studies on the different operational bases of the SO.
    [Show full text]
  • Read the Full PDF
    en Books published to date in the continuing series o .:: -m -I J> SOVIET ADVANCES IN THE MIDDLE EAST, George Lenczowski, 1971. 176 C pages, $4.00 ;; Explores and analyzes recent Soviet policies in the Middle East in terms of their historical background, ideological foundations and pragmatic application in the 2 political, economic and military sectors. n PRIVATE ENTERPRISE AND SOCIALISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST, Howard S. Ellis, m 1970. 123 pages, $3.00 en Summarizes recent economic developments in the Middle East. Discusses the 2- significance of Soviet economic relations with countries in the area and suggests new approaches for American economic assistance. -I :::I: TRADE PATTERNS IN THE MIDDLE EAST, Lee E. Preston in association with m Karim A. Nashashibi, 1970. 93 pages, $3.00 3: Analyzes trade flows within the Middle East and between that area and other areas of the world. Describes special trade relationships between individual -C Middle Eastern countries and certain others, such as Lebanon-France, U.S .S.R.­ C Egypt, and U.S.-Israel. r­ m THE DILEMMA OF ISRAEL, Harry B. Ellis, 1970. 107 pages, $3.00 m Traces the history of modern Israel. Analyzes Israel 's internal political, eco­ J> nomic, and social structure and its relationships with the Arabs, the United en Nations, and the United States. -I JERUSALEM: KEYSTONE OF AN ARAB-ISRAELI SETTLEMENT, Richard H. Pfaff, 1969. 54 pages, $2.00 Suggests and analyzes seven policy choices for the United States. Discusses the religious significance of Jerusalem to Christians, Jews, and Moslems, and points out the cultural gulf between the Arabs of the Old City and the Western­ r oriented Israelis of West Jerusalem.
    [Show full text]
  • Steven Isaac “The Ba'th of Syria and Iraq”
    Steven Isaac “The Ba‘th of Syria and Iraq” for The Encyclopedia of Protest and Revolution (forthcoming from Oxford University Press) Three main currents of socialist thought flowed through the Arab world during and after World War II: The Ba‘th party’s version, that of Nasser, and the options promulgated by the region’s various communist parties. None of these can really be considered apart from the others. The history of Arab communists is often a story of their rivalry and occasional cohabitation with other movements, so this article will focus first on the Ba‘th and then on Nasser while telling the story of all three. In addition, the Ba‘th were active in more places than just Syria and Iraq, although those countries saw their most signal successes (and concomitant disappointments). Michel Aflaq, a Sorbonne-educated, Syrian Christian, was one of the two primary founders of the Ba‘th (often transliterated as Baath or Ba‘ath) movement. His exposure to Marx came during his studies in France, and he associated for some time with the communists in Syria after his return there in 1932. He later declared his fascination with communism ended by 1936, but others cite him as still a confirmed party member until 1943. His co-founder, Salah al-Din al-Bitar, likewise went to France for his university education and returned to Syria to be a teacher. Frustrated by France’s inter-war policies, the nationalism of both men came to so influence their attitudes towards the West that even Western socialism became another form of imperialism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Istiqlalis in Transjordan, 1920-1926 by Ghazi
    A Divided Camp: The Istiqlalis in Transjordan, 1920-1926 by Ghazi Jarrar Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia April 2016 © Copyright by Ghazi Jarrar, 2016 Table of Contents Abstract........................................................................................................................................................iv Acknowledgements.................................................................................................................................v Chapter One: Introduction.................................................................................................................1 Background.....................................................................................................................................3 Historiography...........................................................................................................................11 Project Parameters and Outline..........................................................................................26 A Note on Sources.....................................................................................................................29 Chapter Two: The Militant Istiqlalis...........................................................................................31 Background..................................................................................................................................32 The Militant Istiqlalis: Part
    [Show full text]