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The Remains of Talat: a Dialectic Between Republic and Empire
THE REMAINS OF TALAT: A DIALECTIC BETWEEN REPUBLIC AND EMPIRE BY ROBERT W. OLSON Universityof Kentucky There is much of interest in the historiography of the Young Turks regarding their rise to power in 1908 as well as the desperate and dramatic flight from Istanbul in 1918 of some of their leaders such as Talat, Enver and Cemal among others, in a German destroyer with sundered lights.l The death of the dashing Enver Pasa occurred while fighting Soviet forces in Central Asia. Cemal and Talat were tracked down and killed by Armenian assassins. But the burial and reburial of the latter two, especially that of Talat Pasa, has received much less attention. The return of the remains of Talat Pasa from Germany and their reburial in Turkey on 25 February, 1943 and the significance of this event is the topic of this article. "Talat: Remains of...." is the interesting title of a dossier numbered 480 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain under the listing FO 195/2479. The dossier discusses the return of the body of Talat Pasa, a leader of the Committee of Union and Pro- gress (Ittihad ve Terrakki Cemyeti) and the Young Turks during 1908-1918. Talat served as Grand Vezir of the Ottoman Empire from 4 February, 1917 to October, 1918. He fled from Turkey aboard a German destroyer, along with other Young Turk leaders, during the night of November 2-3, 1918 (1-2 Tesrinisani, 1334). 1 FO 195 designates the records of the Ottoman and Turkish Embassy records of the Foreign Office. -
Social Engineering’
European Journal of Turkish Studies Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey 7 | 2008 Demographic Engineering - Part I Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ Uğur Ümit Üngör Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/2583 DOI: 10.4000/ejts.2583 ISSN: 1773-0546 Publisher EJTS Electronic reference Uğur Ümit Üngör, « Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ », European Journal of Turkish Studies [Online], 7 | 2008, Online since 05 March 2015, connection on 16 February 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/2583 ; DOI : 10.4000/ejts. 2583 © Some rights reserved / Creative Commons license Üngör, Uğur Ümit (2008) 'Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’', European Journal of Turkish Studies, Thematic Issue N° 7 , No. 7 | Demographic Engineering - part I, URL : http://www.ejts.org/document2583.html To quote a passage, use paragraph (§). Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ Uğur Ümit Üngör Abstract. This article addresses population politics in the broader Young Turk era (1913-1950), which included genocide, deportation, and forced assimilation of various minority populations. The article opens with an account of the genesis of the concept ‘social engineering’ and provides a synopsis of the literature in the field of Young Turk population politics. It then focuses on the implementation of these nationalist population politics in the eastern provinces to exemplify these policies in detail. The article aims to clarify that the Armenian genocide cannot be understood in isolation from broader Young Turk population politics and argues that a generation of traumatized Young Turk politicians launched and perpetuated this violent project of societal transformation in order to secure the existence of a Turkish nation-state. -
The Armenian Genocide
The Armenian Genocide During World War I, the Ottoman Empire carried out what most international experts and historians have concluded was one of the largest genocides in the world's history, slaughtering huge portions of its minority Armenian population. In all, over 1 million Armenians were put to death. To this day, Turkey denies the genocidal intent of these mass murders. My sense is that Armenians are suffering from what I would call incomplete mourning, and they can't complete that mourning process until their tragedy, their wounds are recognized by the descendants of the people who perpetrated it. People want to know what really happened. We are fed up with all these stories-- denial stories, and propaganda, and so on. Really the new generation want to know what happened 1915. How is it possible for a massacre of such epic proportions to take place? Why did it happen? And why has it remained one of the greatest untold stories of the 20th century? This film is made possible by contributions from John and Judy Bedrosian, the Avenessians Family Foundation, the Lincy Foundation, the Manoogian Simone Foundation, and the following. And others. A complete list is available from PBS. The Armenians. There are between six and seven million alive today, and less than half live in the Republic of Armenia, a small country south of Georgia and north of Iran. The rest live around the world in countries such as the US, Russia, France, Lebanon, and Syria. They're an ancient people who originally came from Anatolia some 2,500 years ago. -
Talaat Pasha's Report on the Armenian Genocide.Fm
Gomidas Institute Studies Series TALAAT PASHA’S REPORT ON THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE by Ara Sarafian Gomidas Institute London This work originally appeared as Talaat Pasha’s Report on the Armenian Genocide, 1917. It has been revised with some changes, including a new title. Published by Taderon Press by arrangement with the Gomidas Institute. © 2011 Ara Sarafian. All Rights Reserved. ISBN 978-1-903656-66-2 Gomidas Institute 42 Blythe Rd. London W14 0HA United Kingdom Email: [email protected] CONTENTS Introduction by Ara Sarafian 5 Map 18 TALAAT PASHA’S 1917 REPORT Opening Summary Page: Data and Calculations 20 WESTERN PROVINCES (MAP) 22 Constantinople 23 Edirne vilayet 24 Chatalja mutasarriflik 25 Izmit mutasarriflik 26 Hudavendigar (Bursa) vilayet 27 Karesi mutasarriflik 28 Kala-i Sultaniye (Chanakkale) mutasarriflik 29 Eskishehir vilayet 30 Aydin vilayet 31 Kutahya mutasarriflik 32 Afyon Karahisar mutasarriflik 33 Konia vilayet 34 Menteshe mutasarriflik 35 Teke (Antalya) mutasarriflik 36 CENTRAL PROVINCES (MAP) 37 Ankara (Angora) vilayet 38 Bolu mutasarriflik 39 Kastamonu vilayet 40 Janik (Samsun) mutasarriflik 41 Nigde mutasarriflik 42 Kayseri mutasarriflik 43 Adana vilayet 44 Ichil mutasarriflik 45 EASTERN PROVINCES (MAP) 46 Sivas vilayet 47 Erzerum vilayet 48 Bitlis vilayet 49 4 Talaat Pasha’s Report on the Armenian Genocide Van vilayet 50 Trebizond vilayet 51 Mamuretulaziz (Elazig) vilayet 52 SOUTH EASTERN PROVINCES AND RESETTLEMENT ZONE (MAP) 53 Marash mutasarriflik 54 Aleppo (Halep) vilayet 55 Urfa mutasarriflik 56 Diyarbekir vilayet -
1 the Turks and Europe by Gaston Gaillard London: Thomas Murby & Co
THE TURKS AND EUROPE BY GASTON GAILLARD LONDON: THOMAS MURBY & CO. 1 FLEET LANE, E.C. 1921 1 vi CONTENTS PAGES VI. THE TREATY WITH TURKEY: Mustafa Kemal’s Protest—Protests of Ahmed Riza and Galib Kemaly— Protest of the Indian Caliphate Delegation—Survey of the Treaty—The Turkish Press and the Treaty—Jafar Tayar at Adrianople—Operations of the Government Forces against the Nationalists—French Armistice in Cilicia—Mustafa Kemal’s Operations—Greek Operations in Asia Minor— The Ottoman Delegation’s Observations at the Peace Conference—The Allies’ Answer—Greek Operations in Thrace—The Ottoman Government decides to sign the Treaty—Italo-Greek Incident, and Protests of Armenia, Yugo-Slavia, and King Hussein—Signature of the Treaty – 169—271 VII. THE DISMEMBERMENT OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: 1. The Turco-Armenian Question - 274—304 2. The Pan-Turanian and Pan-Arabian Movements: Origin of Pan-Turanism—The Turks and the Arabs—The Hejaz—The Emir Feisal—The Question of Syria—French Operations in Syria— Restoration of Greater Lebanon—The Arabian World and the Caliphate—The Part played by Islam - 304—356 VIII. THE MOSLEMS OF THE FORMER RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND TURKEY: The Republic of Northern Caucasus—Georgia and Azerbaïjan—The Bolshevists in the Republics of Caucasus and of the Transcaspian Isthmus—Armenians and Moslems - 357—369 IX. TURKEY AND THE SLAVS: Slavs versus Turks—Constantinople and Russia - 370—408 2 THE TURKS AND EUROPE I THE TURKS The peoples who speak the various Turkish dialects and who bear the generic name of Turcomans, or Turco-Tatars, are distributed over huge territories occupying nearly half of Asia and an important part of Eastern Europe. -
A REASSESSMENT: the YOUNG TURKS, THEIR POLITICS and ANTI-COLONIAL STRUGGLE the Jeunes Turcs Or Young Turks Were a Heterogeneous
DOĞU ERGIL A REASSESSMENT: THE YOUNG TURKS, THEIR POLITICS AND ANTI-COLONIAL STRUGGLE INTRODUCTION The Jeunes Turcs or Young Turks were a heterogeneous body of in tellectuals with conflicting interests and ideologies. However, their common goal was opposition to Hamidian absolutism. Although the Young Turks were the heirs of the New Ottoman political tradition of constitutionalism and freedom —which were believed to be the final words in modernization by both factions— they did not come from the elite bureaucratic circles of the New Ottomans1. The Young Turks were the products of the modern secular, military or civilian professional schools. They «belonged to the newly emerging professional classes: lecturers in the recently founded government colleges, lawyers trained in western law, journalists, minor clerks in the bureaucracy, and junior officers trained in western-style war colleges. Most of them were half-educated and products of the state (high) schools. The well-educated ones had no experience of administration and little idea about running a government. There was not a single ex perienced statesman amongst them»12. The historical evidence at hand suggests that the great majority of the Young Turk cadres was recruited primarily from among the children of the petty-bourgeoisie. Most of the prominent Young Turk statesmen came from such marginal middle-class families. For example, Talat Paşa (Prime Minister) was a small postal clerk in Salonica with only a junior high-school education 1. The best socio-historical account of the -
The Adana Massacres of 1909
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Faculty Publications, Department of History History, Department of Summer 2011 From Bloodless Revolution to Bloody Counterrevolution: The Adana Massacres of 1909 Bedross Der Matossian University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/historyfacpub Part of the History Commons Der Matossian, Bedross, "From Bloodless Revolution to Bloody Counterrevolution: The Adana Massacres of 1909" (2011). Faculty Publications, Department of History. 124. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/historyfacpub/124 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications, Department of History by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Published in Genocide Studies and Prevention 6:2 (Summer 2011), pp. 152–173; doi: 10.1353/gsp.2011.0123 Copyright © 2011 Genocide Studies and Prevention; published by University of Toronto Press. Used by permission. From Bloodless Revolution to Bloody Counterrevolution: The Adana Massacres of 1909 1 Bedross Der Matossian University of Nebraska–Lincoln Abstract The historiography of the Adana Massacres of 1909 is represented by two diverging views. While some Turkish scholars deny the involvement of the local government officials in the massacres by putting all of the blame on the Armenians who revolted as part of a conspiracy to establish a kingdom in Cilicia, some Armenian scholars, whose work is overshadowed by the Armenian genocide, accuse the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) of acting behind the scenes to destroy the Armenian economic infrastructure in Adana in order to curb any future political and economic development in the area. -
A Comparative Study of the Assyrian and Guatemalan Genocides
UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones 5-1-2015 A Comparative Study of the Assyrian and Guatemalan Genocides Bernadette Mary Lazar University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/thesesdissertations Part of the Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Repository Citation Lazar, Bernadette Mary, "A Comparative Study of the Assyrian and Guatemalan Genocides" (2015). UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones. 2373. http://dx.doi.org/10.34917/7645938 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE ASSYRIAN AND GUATEMALAN GENOCIDES By Bernadette M. Lazar Bachelor of Arts - Political Science University of Nevada, Las Vegas 2010 A thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts - Political Science Department of Political Science College of Liberal Arts The Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas May 2015 We recommend the thesis prepared under our supervision by Bernadette M. -
Said Halim Pasha: an Ottoman Statesman and an Islamist Thinker (1865-1921)
SAID HALIM PASHA: AN OTTOMAN STATESMAN AND AN ISLAMIST THINKER (1865-1921) by Ahmet ~eyhun A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University Montreal January 2002 ©Ahmet ~eyhun 2002 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1+1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisisitons et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 0-612-88699-9 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 0-612-88699-9 The author has granted a non L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou aturement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ln compliance with the Canadian Conformément à la loi canadienne Privacy Act some supporting sur la protection de la vie privée, forms may have been removed quelques formulaires secondaires from this dissertation. -
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chapter 6 Pickthall, Ottomanism, and Modern Turkey Geoffrey P. Nash If the East became the great love of Pickthall’s life from the moment he set foot on Egyptian soil in 1894, it wasn’t until the outbreak of the Ottoman consti- tutional revolution in 1908 that this love took on an intense political focus. In this essay I intend to distinguish the factors that differentiate Pickthall’s early travels in Egypt-Syria-Palestine, the key experience behind his subsequent fic- tional representation of Arabs, from the impulse that led to a decade or more of political and religious struggle on behalf of Ottoman Turkey. Turning points in Pickthall’s love affair with the East, other than the two just mentioned, in- cluded the success of his first oriental novel, Saïd the Fisherman (1903); his public declaration of Islam in 1917; and the defeat of Turkey and fall of the Young Turks in 1918. If, as Peter Clark argued, writings such as The Valley of the Kings and Oriental Encounters demonstrate Pickthall’s awareness of a nascent Arab nationalism,1 The Early Hours, his retrospective novelistic paean to the cause of the Young Turk revolution which did not appear until 1921, re-creates his belief in the destiny of the Turks to bring about a renovation of Islam. This chapter sets out to demonstrate not so much Pickthall’s passionate engage- ment with and anger and bitterness at the eventual defeat of the Young Turks and their project for Turkey – the entire range of his articles in New Age amply demonstrate that – as the manner in which his early immersion in Arab and Islamic subjects in his fiction gave way to the creation of a discourse almost wholly centred on Ottoman Turkey’s aspiration toward taking its place in mod- ern civilisation underscored by a renewed Islam. -
Reading 9 the Rise of the Young Turks by the 1890S It Was Not Just Minorities Within the Ottoman Empire Who Were Calling for Change and in Some Cases Revolution
the genocide of the armenians • 51 Reading 9 the rise of the young turks By the 1890s it was not just minorities within the Ottoman Empire who were calling for change and in some cases revolution. Christians, Muslims, and Jews were now joined by Turks and even members of the nobility—including the sultan’s nephew, Prince Sabaheddin. At his home in Paris, the prince hosted a wide range of Ottoman dissidents in February of 1902 as the Congress of Ottoman Liberals. At the conference, 47 delegates, representing Turkish, Arab, Greek, Kurdish, Armenian, and Jewish groups, formed an alliance against the sultan. Together the groups called for equal rights for all Ottoman citi- zens, self-administration for minorities, and restoration of the suspended Ottoman constitution. Despite their broad agreements, there were still tensions between the factions. Among the points of con- flict was an intense debate about outside intervention. Many Armenians favored a resolution calling for European protection of all ethnic and national groups within the empire. Ahmed Riza, one of the leaders of the Young Turks—a coalition of Turkish groups that proposed transforming the empire into a represen- tative constitutional government—believed that the Armenians and other minorities deserved equal rights and fair treatment, but he chafed at the suggestion that help from outside was necessary. According to Riza and others, many of the problems they were facing were partially the results of foreign intervention. Yet some Armenians worried that without help from the outside, they would be left with empty promises. In 1907 the prince, with the support of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, organized the second Congress of Ottoman Liberals. -
The Committee of Union and Progress and World War I
The Student Researcher: A Phi Alpha Theta Publication Volume 2 Volume 2, Issue 1 (2016) The Student Article 6 Researcher: A Phi Alpha Theta Publication 2017 The ommittC ee of Union and Progress and World War I Ella Shipp Western Kentucky University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/stu_researcher Part of the European History Commons, and the Islamic World and Near East History Commons Recommended Citation Shipp, Ella (2017) "The ommittC ee of Union and Progress and World War I," The Student Researcher: A Phi Alpha Theta Publication: Vol. 2 , Article 6. Available at: http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/stu_researcher/vol2/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by TopSCHOLAR®. It has been accepted for inclusion in The tudeS nt Researcher: A Phi Alpha Theta Publication by an authorized administrator of TopSCHOLAR®. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Shipp: The CUP and World War I The Committee of Union and Progress and World War I Ella Shipp Published by TopSCHOLAR®, 2017 1 The Student Researcher: A Phi Alpha Theta Publication, Vol. 2 [2017], Art. 6 The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which was born out of the Young Turks (founded in 1889), had the stated goal of restoring the 1876 Constitution and Parliament, and was inspired by Young Ottomans such as Namik Kemal.1 However, the group also had a strong streak of nationalism and Social Darwinism influenced by strands of European thought. It became increasingly dominated by rigid thinking and unexperienced young officers who ultimately formed a triumvirate and brought the Ottoman Empire into WWI on the side of the Germans.