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lO ^7.? ) 57 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY FOCNDKD BY JAMKS I.OKB, LL.D.

EDITED BY

fT. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D. E. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. W. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d. L. A. POST, M.A. E. H. WARMIKGTON, m.a.

LIVY VI

BOOKS XX I II—XXV

LIVY WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION

IN THIRTEEN VOLUMES

BOOKS XXIII—XXV

TRANSLATED BY B.C-.^ FRANK GARDNER MOORE PB0FES30R EMERITUS IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS MCMXL J'rinttd in Great Britain CONTENTS PAGE trasslator's preface vii THE manuscripts ix

BOOK XXIII 1

SUMMARY OF BOOK XXIII 1"1 BOOK XXIV 173 SUMMARY OF BOOK XXIV 337 BOOK XXV 339 summary of book xxv 503 appendix: the topography of Syracuse .... 505

INDEX OF names 511 maps and PLANS—

1. CENTRAL ITALY At end

2. SOUTH ITALY AND SICILY „

3. SYRACUSE „

4. TARENTUM »

5. SPAIN M

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

This volume furnishes one span of a bridge ulti- mately to connect the Vth (1929) with the IXth last of those (1935), that is, to link book XXII, the translated by Professor Foster, with book XXXI, where the late Professor Sage began his work upon the Fourth Decade. In these three books (XXIII-XXV) are covered the years 216-212 B.C., including the consequences of disaster at Cannae, also Capua taken, Syracuse besieged for two years and finally captured, and the successes of Publius and Gnaeus Scipio in Spain, until they were separately overwhelmed by numbers. For works dealing Avith this period of the Second Punic War the reader is referred to the Cambridge for Ancient History, Vol. VIII, and the bibliographies its chapters ii-iv, pp. 721 ff. Lists so recent and so generally accessible make it unnecessary to insert here a bibliography, to supplement those already xiii and xv contained in Vols. V (pp. ff.) IX (p. fi.). A recent work of Professor Fabricius, of Copenhagen, correcting current errors in the topography of Syra- cuse, is discussed in the Appendix. The text here offered represents careful and oft- repeated consideration of its many problems. Obli- gations to a long hne of previous editors, including Madvig, Weissenborn, H. J. Mviller, Riemann, are gratefully acknowledged. In particular evei-y student of Livy is now constantly aware of his great indebted- ness to the labours of the late Professors Walters and

vii TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

Conway, whose Oxford text edition reached a third volume in 1928 (books XXI-XXV). Every citation of the Puteanus made by them has been verified for the present volume by collation of the facsimile published by the IJibliotheque Nationalc, Avith corrections in a very few instances. Limited space for critical notes on so small a page obviously forbade the inclusion of the mass of inter- esting conjectui'cs, often of recent date, especially many of the plausible supplemeiita suggested by Conway or Walters, where a short line (14-22 letters) have been omitted in P or its also may archetype ; such emendations as Professor G. H. Hirst's aries for acies in xvi. Classical XXIII. 12 (p. 54 ; Review XXV, 109), or Professor E. H. Warmington's suggestion in xxxvii. that XX\'. 11 (p. 480) ad anna may origin- ally have been directly followed by ad portas, which in the MSS. and in our text follows the second dis- ciirnmt, suspiciously repeated and hence, he thinks, to be omitted (as also ac, which may have been inserted later before velut). The translator is indebted to the publishers of the Camhridge Ancient History for permission to use three maps from Vol. \ 111, with such alterations as were deemed necessary. The map of Syracuse is based upon a large Italian sheet (Catania, 1931), with important additions and radical changes due chiefly to the map of the Danish historian Fabricius mentioned above. It may be added that this translation was begun, as it happened, at Syracuse, with the passages in XXIV and XXV dealing with the siege and capture of the city, and that such an opportunity was due to a second visit after an interval of forty years. viii

^1 THE MANUSCRIPTS!

P = codex Puteanus, Paris, Bibliotheque Natioiiale 5730, 5th century, C = Colbertinus, Paris, do. 5731, 10th century (or 9th). R — Romanus, Vatican Library, 9th centur}\ M— Mediceus, Florence, Laurentian Library, 10th century\ B = Bambergensis, Bamberg, 10th century (or Uth). D = Cantabrigiensis, Trinity College, Cambridge, 12th century. A = Agennensis, British Museum, 13th century. N — Laurentianus Notatus, Florence, 13th century (rarely cited). F = Fragmenta Monacensia (two), Munich, 11th centur}'.^ r — inferior MS. or MSS., 14th or 15th century (for P^, A^, etc., see below). — late correction in a MS. 1/ (e.g., Ay), z = early editor or commentator.

From P all the rest of the MSS. of XXI-XXV are directly or indirectly descended. In the critical notes corrections presumed to be by the original scribe are

^ For details consult the Oxford text of Walters and Conway, vol. Ill, 1928. The best MS. of the Epitomes is the Naza- rianus, Heidelberg, 9th century. - A few chapters of XXIII only, beginning at xxxii. 11 and xlvii. 1. ix THE MANUSCRIPTS marked P^, by later hands, P^, P^, etc., corrections which cannot be so listed (mainly erasures), P^; and so for the other MSS. Arabic numbers in parenthesis indicate three or more MSS., as follows:

(1) CRMDA (with B from XXIV. vii. 8, and so for each of the numbers below ^). (2) CRMD (3) CRMA (4) CRM (5) CRDA (6) CRD (l) CMDA (8) CMD (9) CMA (10) RMDA (li) RMD (12) RMA (13) RDA (14) MDA

^ Unless B is separately mentioned. c?

LIVY

FROM THE FOUNDING OF THE CITY

BOOK XXIII

VOL. VI. T. LIVI AB URBE CONDITA

LIBER XXIII

2 A.u.c. I. Hannibal^ post Cannensem pugnamcastraque '*'* capta ac direpta confestim ex Apulia in Sannuum ^ moverat, accitus in Hirpinos a Static Trebio polli- 2 cente se Compsam traditurum. Compsanus erat Trebius nobilis inter suos sed eum ; premebat Mopsiorum factio, familiae per gratiam Romanorum 3 potentis. Post famam Cannensis pugnae volga- tumque Trebi sermonibus adventum Hannibalis cum ^ Mopsiani urbe excessissent, sine certamine tradita 4 urbs Poeno praesidiumque acceptum est. Ibi praeda omni atque impedimentis relictis, exercitu partito Magonem regionis eius urbes aut deficientis ab Romanis accipere aut detractantis cogere ad defec- 5 tioneni iubet, ipse per agrum Campanum mare inferum petit, oppugnaturus Neapolim, ut urbem 6 maritimam haberet. Ubi fines Neapolitanorum

1 Hannibal Valla : haec Hannibal P(l). * castraque Valla : castra A'z : binaque castra Lucks : om.P(l). ' Trebio Gronovius : om. P(l). * Mopsiani Qronovius : compsam P(l). LIVY FROM THE FOUNDING OF THE CITY

BOOK XXIII

I. After the battle of Cannae and the capture and b.c. 2k plunder of the camps, Hannibal had moved at once out of Apulia into Samnium, being invited into the land of the Hirpini by Statius Trebius, who promised that he would turn over Compsa to him. Trebius was a Compsan of high rank among his people, but opposed by the party of the Mopsii, a family made powerful by the favour of the Romans. After the news of the battle of Cannae, and Avhen the coming; of Hannibal had been made known by utterances of Trebius, since the Mopsii had left the city, it was handed over to the Carthaginians without resistance and a garrison admitted. There Hannibal left all his booty and the baggage, divided his army, and ordered Mago either to take over such cities of that region as were deserting the Romans or to compel them to desert in case they refused. He himself made his way through the Campanian region to the Lower Sea,i intending to attack Neapolis, that he might have a seaport. On entering the territory of the

^ I.e. the Tuscan Sea; of. xxxviii. 1. 3 b2 LIVY

A.u.c. intravit, Numidas partim in insidiis—et pleraeque cavae sunt viae sinusque occulti—quacumque apte poterat disposuit, alios prae se actam praedam ex 7 agris ostentantis obequitai-e portis iussit. In quos, quia nee multi et incompositi videbantur, cum turma in equitum erupisset, ab cedentibus consulto tracta 8 insidias circumventa est; nee evasisset quisquam, ni mare propinquum et baud procul litore naves, piscatoriae pleraeque, conspectae peritis nandi 9 dedisscnt efFugium. Aliquot tamen eo proelio nobiles iuvenes capti caesique, inter quos et Hegeas, praefectus equitum, intemperantius cedentes secutus 10 cecidit. Ab urbe oppugnanda Poenum absterruere conspecta moenia haudcpiac^uam prompta oppug- nanti. II. Inde Capuam flectit iter luxuriantem longa felicitate atque indulgentia fortunae, maxime tamen inter corrupta omnia licentia_^lebis sine modo liber- 2 tatem exercentis. Senatum et sibi et plebi obnoxium Pacuvius Calavius fecerat, nobilis idem ac popularjs 3 homo, ccterum malis artibus nanctus opes. Is cum eo forte anno quo res male gesta ad Trasumennum est in summo magistratu esset, iam diu infestam senatui plebem ratus per occasionem novandi res magnmn ausuram facinus ut, si in ea loca Hannibal cum victore exercitu venisset, trucidato senatu traderet

1 He was caYlodmcjlix tuticus; of. xxxv. 13. For the defeat of Flamiiiius at the Trasumcnnus cf. XXII. iv ff. BOOK XXllI. I. 6-II. 3

in b.o. 216 Neapolitans, he stationed some of the Nuniidians ambush, wherever he conveniently could (and most of the roads are deep-cut and the turnings concealed). Other Numidians he ordered to ride up to the gates, making a display of the booty they were driving along before them from the farms. Against these men, because they seemed to be few in number and a but disorganized, a troop of cavalry made sally, being drawn into the ambush by the enemy's pur- not a posely retreating, it was overpowered. And man would have escaped if the proximity of the sea not far and the sight of vessels, chiefly of fishermen, from the shore had not given those who could swim a nobles way of escape. However a number of young were captured or slain in that battle, among them Hegeas, a cavalry commander, who fell as he rashly pursued the retreating. From besieging the city the Carthaginian was deterred by the sight of walls such as by no means invited an attacker. II. Hannibal then directed his march to Capua, which was vegetating from long-continued prosperity and the favour of fortune, but, along with the general of the common corruption, especially from the licence As for people, who enjoyed an unlimited freedom. the senate, Pacuvius Calavius, a noble who was at the same time of the people's party, but had gained his influence by base arts, had made it subservient both to himself and to the common people. He, in the being in their highest oflice,^ as it happened, that year of the defeat at the Trasumennus, thought the commons, long hostile to the senate, Avould use the opportunity of a revolution and dare to commit a come into great crime, namely, if Hannibal should would the region with his victorious army, they slay 5 A.u.c. 4 Capiiani Poenis, inprobus homo sed non ad extremum perditiis, cum mallet incolumi quam eversa re publica dominari, nullam autem incolumem esse orbatam publico consilio crederet, rationem iniit

qua et senatum servaret et obnoxium sibi ac ^ilebi 5 faceret. Vocato senatu cum sibi defectionis ab llomanis consilimii placiturum nullo mode, nisi G necessarium fuisset, pracfatus esset, quippe qui liberos ex Appii Claudii filia haberet filiamque 7 Romam M. Livio dedisset ceterum maiorem nuptum ; multo rem timendam instare non enim magisque ; per defectionem ad tollendum ex civitate senatum plebem spectare, sed per caedem senatus vacuam ac velle rem publicam tradere Hannibali Poenis ; 8 eo se periculo posse liberare eos, si permittant— sibi et certaminum in re publica obliti credant, cum " " 9 omnes victi metu permitterent, Claudam inquit " in curia vos et, tamquam et ipse cogitati facinoris particeps, adprobando consilia quibus nequiquam adversarer, viam saluti vestrae inveniam. In hoc Fide data 10 fidem, quam voltis ipsi, accipite." in egressus claudi curiam iubet, pracsidiumque iniussu suo vestibulo relinquit, ne quis adire curiam neve inde egredi possit. " III. Turn vocato ad contionem--PQpiulo Quod " " ut saepe inquit optastis, Campani, supplicii sumendi vobis ex improbo ac detestabili senatu 6 BOOK XXIU. II. 3-III. I

the senators and hand over Capua to the Cartha- B.r. 216 ginians. A bad man, but not utterly abandoned, he preferred to dominate a state still intact rather than one that had been Avrecked, yet believed that none was intact if deprived of i1s deliberative body, _He accordingly entered upon a scheme to save the senate and at the same time to make it submissive to himself and to the commons. Summoning the senate he began by saying that, unless it should prove necessary, a plan to revolt from the Romans "would by no means have his approval, since he had children by a daughter of Appius Claudius and had given a daughter in marriage to Marcus Livius at Rome. But, he went on to say, something much more serious and more to be dreaded was for the impending ; common people were not aiming to rid the state of the senate by a revolt, but by the massacre of the senate wished to hand over the republic, left helpless, to Hannibal and the Carthaginians. From that danger he could free them if they should leave it to him, and, forgetting civil conflicts, trust him. When, overctJtftC- " byfear, left matters to him, I theyunanimously" wilTshut you up," he said, in the Senate House and, just as if I were myself a sharer in the crimelntended, by approving plans which it would be vain for me to oppose, I will find a way to save you. For this accept a pledge, as you yourselves desire." Having given the pledge he went out, ordered the Senate House to be closed and left a guard before the entrance, that no one might be able to enter the Senate House or leave it without his order. HI. Then calling the people to an assembly he said: "You have often desired, Campanians, to have the power to exact punishment from a base and LIVY

A.u.o. 2 potestas esset,"eam non per tumultum expugnantes domos singulorum, quas praesidiis clientium servo- runique tueiitnr, cum summo vestro periculo, scd ^ 3 tutani habetis ac liberam ; clauses omnis in curia accipite, solos, inermis. Nee quicquam raptim aut forte temei-e de vobis egei'itis ; singulorum capite ius sententiae dicendae faciam, ut quas quisque 4 meritus est sed ante ita poenas pendat ; omnia vos irae indulgere oportet, ut potiorem ira salutcm atque utilitatem vestram habeatis. Etenim hos, ut opinor, odistis senatores, non senatum omnino habere non 5 voltis aut ; quippe rex, quod abominandum, aut, quod unum liberae civitatis consilium est, senatus habendus est. Itaque duae res simul agendae vobis sunt, ut et veterem senatum tollatis et novum G cooptetis. Citari singulos senatores iubebo de vos consulam de quorum capite ; quod quoque fiet sed in eius locum virum censueritis ; prius fortem ac strenuum novum senatorem cooptabitis 7 quam de noxio supplicium sumatur." Inde consedit et nominibus in urnam coniectis citari quod primum sorte nomen excidit ipsumque e curia produci iussit. 8 Ubi auditum est nomen, malum et inprobum pro se 9 quisque clamare et supplicio dignum. Tum Pacuvius " de hoc sententia sit date Video quae ; igitur pro malo atque inprobo bonum senatorem et iustum." erat subiciundi 10 Primo silentium inopia potioris ; deinde cum aliquis omissa verecundia quempiam

^ curia D? Aladvig : curiam P(3)D^? 8 BOOK XXIII. in. i-io odious senate. That power you have, not by b.c. 216 riotously storming, with great danger to yourselves, the houses of individuals who defend them with garrisons of clients and slaves, but you have the power secure and unrestricted. As they are shut up there, every man of them, in the Senate House, seize them, left alone, unarmed ! And do nothing in haste or at haphazard. I will give you the right to decide their fate in each separate case, so that each shall pay the penalty he has deserved. But above all things you should vent your.wntli ^vitlwtn? ve(yard'T?rfTrec?nT^ victToiT^tTiat >xuirL-safety"-aTtd---adviintaa:e are worth more than wraths—-For it is these senators T;hat you it is not wish to have no senate hateTTThlnk ; your at all. In fact you must either have a king—save the mark ! —or else a senate, the only deliberative body in a free state. And so you have two things to do at the same time—to do away with the old senate, and to choose a new one. I Avill order the senators to be called one by one and will consult you as to their fate. Whatever is your opinion in each case shall be done, but before punishment is inflicted on the a guilty one you Avill choose in his place brave and active man as a new senator." He then sat down, and after the names had been placed in the urn, he ordered the first name drawn by lot to be called and the man himself to be led out of the Senate House. On hearing the name evei-y man shouted his loudest, that he was a bad man and base and deserved " punishment. Upon that Pacuvius said: I see what your is in this man's case therefore in of a verdict ; place bad man and base nominate a good and just senator." At first there was silence from their inability to suggest a better man. Then when someone, over- 9 LIVY

noniinassct, niulto nxaior extcmplo clamor oricbatur, 11 cum alii ncgarent nosse, alii nunc probra nunc humilitatem sordidamque inopiam et pudendae artis 12 aut quaestus genus obicerent. Hoc multo magis in secundo ac tertio citato senatore est factum, ut ipsius paenitere homines appareret, quern autem in 13 eius substituerent locum deesse, quia nee eosdem nominai'i attinebat, nihil aliud quam ad audienda probra nominates, et multi> humiliores obscurioresque ceteri erant eis qui primi memoriae occurrerant. 14 Ita dilabi homines, notissimum quodque malum maxime tolerabile dicentes esse iubentesque senatum ex custodia dimitti. IV. Hoc modo Pacuvius cum obnoxium vitae beneficio senatum multo sibi magis quam plebi fecisset, sine armis iam omnibus concedentibus dominabatur. 2 Hinc senatores omissa dignitatis libertatisque memoria adulari ^ plebem ; salutare, benigne invitare, 3 apparatis accipere epulis, eas causas suscipere, ei semper parti adesse, secundum cam litem iudices dare quae magis popularis aptiorque in volgus

4 favori conciliando esset ; iam vero nihil in senatu 2 agi aliter quam si plebis ibi esset concilium. Prona semper civitas in hixuriam non ingeniorum modo vitio sed afluenti copia voluptatium et inlecebris 5 omnis amoenitatis maritimae terrestrisque, tum vero

1 a.du\Ari Salmasius : advari P : adfari P2(l). " agi Madvig : act P{4) : actum CDA.

1 Capua, prospering by its varied industries established by the Etruscans, was already noted for its wealth and a luxury greater than that of Croton and Sybaris; I'olybius VII. i. 1 xci. II. 95 of. Strabo V. iv. 3. and III. 6 ; Cicero Leg. Agr. ; ID BOOK XXIII. III. lo-iv. 5 coming his timidity, named a man, at once there was b.c 21 a much louder outcry, some saying they did not know liini, others taunting him, now Avith shameful conduct, now with low rank and sordid poverty and the disreputable nature of his trade or business. All the more was this done in the case of the sf^cond and third senator called. So it was clear that people were dissatisfied with the man himself, but had no one to put in his place. For nothing was gained by once more naming the same men, who had been named only to be reviled. And the rest were much lower in rank and less known than those who first came to mind. Accordingly men slipped away, en- saying that the most familiar evil is the most durable, and bidding Pacuvius release the senate from confinement. IV. Iiv4iiis-wa^V-^axui:duSiJiayin^ made the senate much more subservientL.ti3 himself than to the common people by saving their li ves, ruled without arms, tTi s as all now gave wayjp hlrrT. TliereaSex esenator , flattered the forgetting"Their rank ajid freedom, them comrnon ^eoplcj^ greeted them, __ invited graciously, entei-tained them at mcII appointed undertook as feasTs ; "Trivariably cases, appeared that counsel, or as jurors gave a verdict, only for side which was the more popular and better suited to win favour with the populace. Moreover, nothing was done in the senate otherwise than if a meeting of the common people was being held there. The not state had always been inclined to luxury ,1 only from defects in character, but also from the abundant of opportunity for indulgences and the beguilement all the charms of sea and land. But at that time, the thanks to the servility of the leading men and II LIVY

ita obse(|iii() ]iriiicipuni et licentia jilebei lascivire G ut nee libidiiii nee sumptibus modus esset. Ad conteniptum legum, magistratuum, senatus accessit tum, post Cannensem cladem, ut, cuius aliqua vere- eundia erat, Komanum quoque spernerent imperium. 7 Id modo erat in mora ne extemplo defieerent, quod eonubium vetustum multas familias claras ac potentis ^ - 8 Romanis miseuerat, et cum militarcnt aliquot apud Romanos, maximum vinculum erant trecenti equites, nobilissimus quisque Campanorum, in praesidia Sicu- larum urbium delecti ab Romanis ac missi. V. Horum parentes cognatique aegre pervicerunt ut legati ad eonsulem Romanum mitterentur. li nondum Canusium profectum sed Venusiae cum paucis ac semiermibus eonsulem invenerunt, quam ^ poterant maxime miserabilem bonis soeiis, superbis atque infidelibus, ut erant Campani, spernendum. 2 Et auxit rerum suarum suique conteniptum consul 3 nimis detegendo cladem nudandoque. Nam cum legati aegre ferre senatum popuUmique Campanum adversi quicquam evenisse Romanis nuntiassent omnia ad bellum assent, pollicerenturque" " quae" opus 4 Morem magis inquit loquendi cum soeiis ser- vastis, Campani, iubentes quae opus essent ad bellum imperare, quam convenienter ad praesentem for- 5 tunae nostrae statum loeuti estis. Quid enim nobis

1 et Crevier : et quod P(2)A Conwaj-*. 2 aliquot (aliquod) P{2)A- : aliquando Conway, placing cum-daiise after Campanorum. ' poterant P(l) : poterat z.

1 As belonging to the most prominent families and dispersed among the cities of Sicily, they were in effect hostages. 12 BOOK XXIII. IV. 5-v. 5 licence of the common people, they were so un-B.c. 216 restrained that no limit was set to passion or to expense. To their contempt for laws, the magistrates, the senate, there was now added, after the defeat at Cannae, their disparagement of the Roman power also, for Avhich there used to be some respect. All that held them back from at once revolting was that the long-established i-ight of intermarriage had united many distinguished and powerful families with the Romans, and that, although a considerable number were serving on the Roman side, the sti'ongest bond was the three hundred horsemen, noblest of the Campanians, who had been chosen to garrison Sicilian cities by the Romans and sent thither.^ V. Their parents and relatives with difficulty carried their point, that representatives should be sent to the Roman consul. These men found the consul not yet departed for Canusium, but with a few half- armed men at Venusia,^ exciting the utmost pity in good allies, but contempt in the haughty and faithless, such as were the Campanians. And the consul increased the contempt for his situation and for himself by needlessly uncovering and laying bare the disaster. For when the delegation had I'eported that the senate and the Campanian people were distressed that any reverse had befallen the Romans, and were promising every-

that be needed for the he said : thing" might war, You, Campanians, have observed the customary manner of speaking to allies, in bidding me requisition whatever is needed for the war, rather than spoken conformably to the present state of our fortunes.

* Immediately after the battle of Cannae; XXII. xlix. 14; liv. 1 and 6. 13 ^ ad Cannas rclictum est, ut, quasi aliquid habeamus, id quod deest expleii ab sociis velinuis ? Pedites vobis imperenius, tamquam equites habeamus ? Pecuniam deesse dicamus, tamquam ea tantum desit ? 6 Nihil, ne quod suppleremus quidem, nobis re]i(|uit fortuna. Legiones, equitatus, arma, signa, equi virique, pecunia, commeatus aut in acie aut binis postero die 7 amissis castris perierunt. Itaque non iuvetis nos in bello oportet, Campani, sed paene belUuu pro nobis 8 suscipiatis. \eniat in mentem, ut trepidos quondam maiores vestros intra moenia compulsos, nee Samni- tem modo hostem sed etiani Sidicinum parentis, receptos in fidem ad Satieulam defenderimus, coep- tmnque propter vos cum Samnitibus beHum per centum prope annos variante fortuna eventum 9 tukrimus. Adicite ad liaec, quod foedus aequvmn deditis, quod leges vestras, quod ad extremum, id quod ante Cannensem certe cladcm maximum fuit, civitatem nostram magnae pai'ti vestrum dedimus 10 communicavimusque vobiscum. Itaque comniunem vos hanc cladem quae accepta est credere, Campani, oportet, communem patriam tuendam arbitrari esse. 11 Non cum Samnite aut Etrusco res est, ut quod a nobis ablatum sit in Italia maneat tamen imperiimi ; Poenus hostis, ne Africae quidem indigena,^ ab ultimis terrarum oris, freto Oceani Herculisque

1 quasi ^>' : quiaP(l). ^ indigena P(l) : indigenam x Madvig.

1 On the contrary, it was by aiding the Sidicinians against the Samnites that the Canipanians became involved in the Ist Samnite War, 343 B.C.; VII. xxix.

14 BOOK XXIII. V. 5-1 1

For what has been left to us at Cannae, so that, as if b.c. 21c Ave had something, we may wish what is lacking to be made up by the allies ? Are we to requisition infantry from you, as though we had cavalry ? Are we to say that money is lacking, as if that alone were lacking ? Nothing has fortune left us, even to supplement. Legions, cavalry, arms, standards, horses and men, money and supplies have vanished either in the battle or in the loss of two camps the next day. And so you, Campanians, have not to help us in war, but almost to undertake the war in our stead. Recall how, when your ancestors were once confined in alarm within their walls, dreading not only the Samnite enemy but also the Sidicinian,! we took them under our protection and defended them at Saticula. Also how with varying fortunes - we endured for almost a hundred years the war begun with the Samnites on your account. Add to this that upon your submission we gave— you a fair treaty and your own laws, and finally and before the disaster at Cannae this was certainly the greatest privilege—our citizenship to a large niunber of you and shared it with you. A share, then, Campanians, you should believe you have in this disaster which has befallen us, and should think that you must defend the country in which you have a share. Not with the Samnite or Ktruscan is the struggle to have the power which has been wrested from us nevertheless remain in Italy. A Carthaginian enemy, not even of African origin, is dragging after him from the farthest limits of the world, from the strait of Ocean and the Pillars of Hercules, soldiers who

* Really seventy-one years. More rhetorical exaggeration in propter vos, and especially in the following sentence. IS LIVY

columnis, cxpevtem omnis iuris ot condicionis et lin- 12 guae propc huinanac luilitein traliit. Hunc natura et rnoribus inmitem ferumque insuper dux ipse efferavit pontibus ae molibus ex humanorum corporum strue faciendis et, quod proloqui etiam pijjet, vesci cor- 13 poribus liunianis docendo. His infandis pastes epulis, quos contingere etiam nefas sit, videre atque habere dominos et ex Africa et a Carthagine iura petere et Italiam Numidarum ac Maurorum pati provinciam esse, cui non, genito modo in Italia, 14 detestabile sit? Pulchnim erit, Canipani,i prolapsum clade llomanum imperium vcstra fide, vestris viribus 15 retentum ac rccupcratum esse. Triginta milia peditum, quattuor milia equitum arbitror ex Cam- scribi iam adfatim est fru- pania posse ; pecuniae mentique. Si parem fortunae vestrae fidcm habetis, nee Hannibal se vicisse sentiet nee Romani victos esse." VI. Ab 2 hac oratione consulis dimissis redounti- busque domum legatis imus ex iis, Vibius \ irrius, tempus venisse ait quo Campani non agrum solum ab Romanis quondam per iniuriam ademptum recupe- 2 Italiae rare, sed imperio etiam potiri possint ; foedus velint facturos enim cum Hannibale quibus Icgibus ; neque controversiam fore quin, cum ipse confeeto bello Hannibal victor in Africam decedat exercitumque deportct, Italiae imperium Campanis relin- 3 quatur. Haec Virrio loquenti adsensi omnes ita 1 Campani,:;: campanis P(l). 2 ab Oronovins : om. P(l) Conway.

1 So PolyI)ius liad said of Hannibal's polyglot troops, ols XI. xix. 4. ov vo/J-os, ovK edo9, ov Xoyos, ktX., 2 Livy makes Varro repeat exaggerated statements about cf. Haim. 28. Hannibal ; Appian l6 BOOK XXIII. V. ii-vi. 3 are unacquainted with any civilized laws and or- b.c. 216 ganization and, one may almost add, language too.^ Ruthless and barbarous by nature and custom, these men have been further barbarized by the general in himself, making bridges and embankments of piled up human bodies, and by teaching them—horrible even to relate—to feed upon the bodies of men.^ To see and have as our masters men who fatten upon these unspeakable feasts, men whom it is a crime even to touch, and to get our law from Africa and Carthage, and to allow Italy to be a province of the Numidians and the Mauri—who, if merely born in Italy, would not find that abominable ? It will be a glorious thing, Campanians, if the Roman power, brought low by disaster, shall have been maintained and restored by your loyalty and your resources. Thirty thousand foot-soldiers and four thousand horsemen can be enrolled from Campania, I beUeve. Moreover you have sufficient money and grain. If you have a loyalty to match your prosperity Hannibal will not be aware of his victory, nor the Romans of their defeat." VL After this speech of the consul the legates were dismissed, and on their way home \'ibius \'irrius, one of them, said the time had come when the Campanians could not only recover the territory formerly taken from them unjustly by the Romans, but could also gain authority over Italy. For they would make a treaty with Hannibal on their own terms. And there would be no doubt that, when Hannibal, upon the completion of the war, retired as victor to Africa and removed his army, authority over Italy would be left to the Campanians. Having agreed unanimously with these words of \'irrius, they

VOL. VI. C LIVY

renuntiant legationem uti deletum omnibus videretur nomen Romanum. Extemplo plebes ad defectionem ac maior senatus extracta tamen pars spectare ; 5 auctoritatibus seiiioium per paucos dies est res. Posti-emo vincit seiitentia plurium, ut iidem legati qui ad consulem Romanum ierant ad Hannibalem 6 mitterentur. Quo priusquam iretur certumque defectionis consilium esset, Romam legatos missos a Campanis in qmbusdam annalibus invenio, postu- lantes ut alter consul Campanus fieret, si rem Ro- 7 manam adiuvari vellent orta summo- ; indignatione veri a curia iussos esse, missumque lictorem qui ex urbe educeret eos atque eo die manere extra finis 8 Romanos iuberet. Quia nimis compar Latinorum ^ quondam postulatio erat, Coeliusque et alii id haud ^ sine causa praetermiserant scriptores, ponere pro certo sum veritus. VII. Legati ad Hannibalem venerunt pacemque ^ cum eo his condicionibus fecerunt, ne quis imperator niagistratusve Pocnorum ius ullum in civem Cam- panum haberet, neve civis Campanus invitus militaret 2 faceret ut suae sui munusve ; leges, magistratus essent ut trecentos ex Romanis Capuae ; captivis Poenus daret Campanis, quos ipsi elegissent, cum (juibus cquitum Campanorum, qui in Sicilia stipendia

1 id haud Aldus : haud A^ : sit aut P(4) : ita ut C'^DA. * praetermiserant P(l) : -miserint C*; -missuri erant Madvig. 3 his 2: o?H. P{1).

1 Not so to Calavius' son ; viii. 3 and 11. 2 of II. 95. Cicero mentions this demand Capua ; Leg. Agr. l8 BOOK XXIII. VI. 3-vii. 2

made such a report of their embassy that the Roman b.c. 216 name seemed to all to have been blotted out.^ At once the populace and most of the senate were aiming to revolt. But action was postponed for a few days by the weighty advice of the older men. Finally the view of the majority prevailed, that the same legates who had gone to the Roman consul should be sent to Hannibal. Before they went to him and before the plan to revolt was settled upon, I find in some of the annals that legates were sent to Rome by the Campanians with the demand that, if they wished them to aid the Roman state, one of the consuls should be a 2 that Campanian ; resentment was aroused and the legates were ordered to be removed from the Senate House, and that a lictor was sent to lead them out of the city and bid them lodge that night outside of Roman territory. Because there was once a suspiciously similar demand made by the Latins,^ and Caelius and other historians had not without reason omitted the matter, I have been afraid to set this down as established. \'II. The legates came to Hannibal and made an alliance with him on these terms : that no general or magisti-ate of the Carthaginians should have any authority over a Campanian citizen, and that no Campanian citizen should be a soldier or perform any service against his will; that Capua should have its own laws, its own magistrates; that the Car- thaginian should give the Campanians three hundred of the Roman captives of their own choosing, with whom there should be an exchange of the Campanian ' That one of the consuls should be from Latium, 340 B.C., VIII. V. 5 and 7 (the thi-eat of Manlius mentioned below, xxii. 7).

c2 LIVY

A.u.c. 3 fieret. Haec ilia in- facerent, pcrmutatio pacta ; super qiiam quae pacta erant facinora Campani ediderunt : nam praefectos socium civisque Romanes alios, partim aliquo militiac munere occupatos, partim privatis negotiis inplicitos, plcbs rcpcnte omnis eonpvehensos velut custodiae causa balneis includi iussit, ubi fervore atque aestu anima interclusa foedum in modum exspirarent.^ 4 Ea ne fierent neu legatio mitteretur ad Poenum, summa ope Dccius Magius, vir cui ad summam auctoritatem nihil praeter sanam civium mcntcm 5 defuit, restiterat. Ut vero pi*aesidium niitti ab Hannibale audivit, Pyrrhi superbam dominationem miserabilemque Tarentinorum servitutem excmpla refevens, primo ne reciperetur praesidium palam 6 vociferatus est, deinde ut I'cccptum aut eiceretur aut, si malum facinus quod a vetustissimis sociis consan- guineisque defecissent forti ac memorabili facinora purgare vellent, ut interfecto Punico praesidio 7 restituerent Romanis se. Haec—nee enim occulta agebantur—cum relata Hannibali essent, primo ad sese in castra misit qui vocarent Magium ; deinde, cum is ferociter negasset se iturum, nee enim Hanni- bali ius esse in civem Campanum, concitatus ira Poenus conprchcndi hominem vinctumque adtrahi 8 ad sese iussit. Veritus deinde ne quid inter vim tumultus atque ex concitatione animorum inconsulti certaminis oreretur, ipse praemisso nuntio ad Marium Blossium, praetorem Campanum, postero

^ ex{s)pirarent P(l) : exspirarunt Heusinger. BOOK XXIII. VII. 2-8 horsemen who were serving in Sicily. Such were the b.c. 216 terms. In addition to what was agreed upon the Campanians perpetrated these misdeeds : the populace suddenly seized prefects of the allies and other Roman citizens, some of them employed in a military duty, some engaged in private business, and with the pretence of guarding them ordered them all to be confined in the baths, that there they might die a terrible death, being suiFocated by the extreme heat. Such conduct and the sending of an embassv to the Carthaginian had been opposed to the utmost by Decius Magius, a man who lacked nothing for the attainment of the highest authority except sanity on the part of the citizens. But when he heard that a garrison was being sent by Hannibal, recalling the haughty rule of Pyrrhus and the wretched servitude of the Tarentines as warning examples, he at first openly protested that the garrison should not be it admitted ; then, after had been admitted, either that it should be driven out, or, if they wished to atone for their evil action in having revolted from their oldest allies and men of the same blood by a brave and notable act, that they should slay the Punic garrison and return to their Roman allegiance. \\'hen this was reported to Hannibal (for it was not done in secret), he first sent men to summon Magius to him at the camp. Then when the latter replied with spirit that he Avould not go, for Hannibal had no authority over a Campanian citizen, the Carthaginian was enraged and ordered the man to be seized and brought before him in chains. Later, fearing that in the use of force some commotion, and in view of the excitement some unpremeditated conflict, might occur, he first sent word to Marius Blossius, the 21 LIVY

A.u.o. die se Capuae futurum, proficiscilur e castris cum 9 niodico praesidio. Marius contione advocata cdicit lit frequeiites cum coniugibus ac liberis obviam irent Hanniba'li. Ab univcrsis id non obocdicnter niodo

sed enixe, favore etiam volgi et studio visendi tot iam victoriis clarum imperatoi'em, factum est. 10 Dccius Magius nee obviam egressus est nee, quo timorem aliquem ex conscicntia significare posset, ^ se tenuit in foro filio privatim ; cum clicnlibusque paucis otiose inambulavit trepidante tota civitate ad 11 excipiendum Poenum visendumquc. Hannibal ingressus urbem senatum extemplo postulat, precanti- busque inde primoribus Campanorum ne quid eo die - seriae rei gereret diemque ut ipse adventu suo 12 festum laetus ac libens celebraret, quamquam praeceps ingenio in iram erat, tamen, ne quid in principio negaret, visenda urbe magnam partem diei consumpsit. VIII. Deversatus est apud Ninnios Celeres, Sthe- nium Pacuviumque, inclitos nobilitate ac divitiis. 2 Eo Pacuvius Calavius, de quo ante dictum est, princeps factionis eius quae traxerat rem ad Poenos, filium iuvenem adduxit abstractum a Deci Magi 3 latere, cum quo ferocissime pro Romana societate adversus Punicum foedus steterat, nee eum aut inclinata in partem alteram civitas aut patria maiestas 4 sententia depulerat. Huic tum pater iuveni Hanni-

^ privatim P(l) : private Gronovius. 2 utP(l) : et Grtiter.

1 Chapters ii-iv. 22 BOOK XXIII. VII. 8-viii. 4

216 Campanian magistrate, that he would be in Capua the b.c. next day, and then he set out from the camp with a small escort. Marius, calling an assembly, ordered them to so out to meet Hannibal e;i masse with wives and children. This was done by all not only obedi- ently but also eagerly, owing to the enthusiasm of the crowd as well and the desire to go and see a general already famous for so many victories. Decius Magius neither went out to meet him nor remained in seclu- sion, by doing which he might show some fear due to conscience. He strolled idly in the market-place with his son and a few clients, although the whole city was astir to welcome and to see the Carthaginian. a Hannibal entered the city and at once demanded session of the senate, and then when the leading Campanians begged him not to do any serious business that day, and that he should himself cheer- his fully and willingly honour the day gladdened by coming, though he was naturally hot-tempered, still in order not to deny them anything at the start, he spent a large part of the day in seeing the city. VIII. He lodged at the house of the Ninnii Celeres, the brothers Sthenius and Pacuvius, men dis- house tinguished for their rank and wealth. To that Pacuvius Calavius, of whom mention has been made above,^ leader of the party which had drawn the state to the side of the Carthaginians, came bringing his young son. He had got him away from the company of Decius Magius, with whom the son in the most for the alliance confident spirit had stood up Roman the against a treaty with Carthage. And neither decision of the state for the other side nor his father's high position had dislodged him from his opinion. Such was the young man to whom his father, rather 23 LIVY

balem deprecando magis quam purgando placavit, victusque patris precibus lacrimisque etiam ad 5 cenam eum cum patre vocari iussit, cui convivio neminem Campanum praeterquam hospites \'ibel- liumque Tauream, insigncm bcllo virum, adhibiturus 6 erat. Epulari cocperunt dc die, et convivium non ex more Punico aut militari disciplina esse sed, ut in civitate atque etiam domo diti ac ^ luxuriosa,^ 7 omnibus voluptatium inlecebris instructum. Unus nee dominorum invitatione nee ipsius interdum ^ Hannibalis Calavius filius perlici ad vinum potuit, ipse valetudinem excusans, patre animi quoque eius 8 hand mirabilem pevturbationem causante. Solis ferme occasu patrem Calavium ex convivio egressum secutus filius, ubi in secretum—hortus erat " "posticis 9 aedium partibus—pervenerunt, Consilium inquit " adfero, pater, quo non veniam solum peccati, quod defecimus ad Hannibalem, impetraturi^ ab Romanis, sed in multo maiore dignitate et gratia simus Cam- ^ 10 pani quam umquam fuimus futuri." Cum mira- bundus pater quidnam id esset consilii quaereret, reiecta ab umero latus succinctum nudat. "toga " " gladio 11 lam ego inquit sanguine Hannibalis sanciam Romanum foedus. Te id prius scire volui, si forte abesse, dum facinus patratur, malles." IX. Quae ubi vidit audivitque senex, velut si iam 2 agendis quae audiebat interesset, aniens metu "Per

1 diti ac Kreifssig : divad P( 1 ). * luxuriosa Grcmovius : variosa P{4). ' perlici ad Heencagen : perhola P : perholla P-(4). * impetratiiri A« : impetravi P : impetrari P2?(l) : impe- trcnius A" : impetrare possimus x. * : 1 futuri Madvig om, P( ).

24 BOOK XXIII. viTi. 4-ix. 2

by pleading than by excusing, reconciled Hannibal, b.c. 216 and he, prevailed upon by the father's pi*ayers and tears, even ordered that the son should be invited with the father to a dinner at which he was to have the company of no Campanian except his hosts and ^'ibcllius Taurea, a distinguished soldier. They began feasting by daylight, and the banquet was not according to Carthaginian custom or military regimen, but provided with all that tempts indulgence, as it was to be expected in a city, and a house as well, of wealth and luxury. Calavius the son was the only one who could not be prevailed upon to drink either by the invitation of the owners or even, now and then, of Hannibal. He himself pleaded ill health as an excuse, while his father alleged disti*ess of mind also, at which one could not wonder. About sunset the son followed the elder Calavius coming out from the feast, and when they had reached a secluded —it was a in the spot" garden i-ear of the house—he said : I propose a plan, father, by which we may not only gain pardon from the Romans for our offence in having revolted to Hanni- bal, but as Campanians may be in a position of much greater respect and favour than we should ever have been otherwise." When the astonished father asked what that plan was, the son throwing his toga off his shoulder bared his side with a sw^ord. " " girt Presently," he said, I will ratify a treaty with the Romans by the blood of Hannibal. I wished you to know that in advance, in case you should prefer not to be there when the deed is being done." IX. When the old man saw and heard that, he was beside himself with fear, as if he were already present at the execution of the plan of which he was 25 LIVY

" " ^^ filij iura liberos *53'8* ^^^ ^'^1"''^' quaecumquc iungunt parentibus, precor quacsoque ne ante oculos patris 3 facere et pati omnia infanda velis. Paucae horae sunt intra quas iurantes per quidquid deorum est, dextrae dextras iungentes, fidem obstrinximus,—ut sacratas fide manus digressi a conloquio extemplo in 4 eum armaremus ? Ab hospitali mensa surgis, ad quam—tertius Campanorum adhibitus es ab Hanni- bale, ut earn ipsam mensam cruentares hospitis sanguine ? Hannibalcni pater filio meo potui pla- 5 care, filium Hannibali non possum ? Sed sit nihil non non non audeantur saneti, fides, religio, pietas ; infanda, si non perniciem nobis cum scelere ferunt. 6 Unus adgressurus es Hannibalem ? Quid ilia turba tot liberorum servorumque ? Quid in unum intenti omnium oculi ? Quid tot dextrae ? Torpescent in 7 amentia ilia ? Voltum ipsius Hannibalis, quem armati exercitus sustinere nequivere,^ quem horret ^ populus Romanus, tu sustinebis ? Ut ab aliis 8 auxilia desint, me ipsum ferire corpus meum oppo- nentem pro coq^ore Hannibalis sustinebis ? Atqui per meum pectus petendus ille tibi transfigendusque est. Sed hie te deterreri sine potius quam illic vinci; valeant preces apud te meae, sicut pro te 9 hodie valuerunt." Lacrimantem inde iuv^nem cernens medium conplectitur atque osculo haerens non

1 sustinere nequivcrc Wolfflhi (nequeunt Gronovius) :

sustineren P : -em R-M : -rent (6) : -re J\P.

2 : : ut alia ut ab aliis Mayerhojer : italis P talis Pi? (1) Draketihorch. 26 BOOK XXIII. IX. 2-9 " being told, and said: I pray and implore you, my b.c. 216 to son, by all the rights Avhich link children their, all that is unutterable parents, not to do and suffer before the eyes of your father. It is but a few hours since, with an oath by all the gods that exist and join- our honour. ing our right hands to his, we pledged Was it with the intention, as soon as we left the conference, to arm against him the hands hallowed by to our plighted faith ? From the hospitable board, which you were invited by Hannibal with but two other Campanians, do you rise with the intention of of a ? staining that very board with the blood guest Was I able as a father to reconcile Hannibal with my son, and can not reconcile my son with Hannibal? no But assuming that there is nothing hallowed, to do un- honour, no scruple, no filial devotion, dare destruction speakable things, if they do not bring will attack to us as well as guilt. Single-handed you Hannibal ? What of that crowd, so many free men and slaves ? What of all men's eyes fixed upon one man? What of so many sword-hands ? W' ill they be deed ? Will paralysed in the moment of that mad which you withstand Hannibal's own countenance, armed forces have been unable to withstand, which the Homan people dreads? Supposing that help to from others is lacking, Avill you bring yourself strike me, when I interpose my body in place of Hannibal's ? And yet it is through my breast that you will have to attack him and run him through. rather than But allow yourself to be dissuaded here, overpowered there. Let my prayers prove effectual with you, as they have proved this day for you." his arms Seeing the young man in tears he threw about his waist, and repeatedly kissing him he did 27 LIVY

ante pi-ccibus abstitit quam pervicit ut gladium 10»poneret fidemque daret nihil facturum tale. Turn " " " iuvenis Kgo qxiidcm inquit quam patriae debeo pietatem exsolvam patri. Tuam doleo vicem, ciii 11 ter proditae patriae sustinendiun est crimen, semel cum defectioncm ^ inisti ^ ab Romanis, iterum cum pacis cum Hannibale fuisti auctor, tertio hodie, cimi restituendae Romanis Capuae mora atque impedi- 12 nientum es. Tu, patria, ferrum, quo pro te armatus banc arccm hostium inii, quoniam parens extorquet, 13 recipe." Haec cum dixisset, gladium in publicum trans maceriam horti abiecit et, quo minus res suspecta esset, se ipse convivio reddidit. X. Postero die senatus frequens datus Hannibali. Ubi prima eius oratio perblanda ac benigna fuit, qua gratias egit Campanis quod amicitiam suam Romanae 2 societati praeposuissent, et inter cetera magnifica ^ promissa pollicitus est brevi caput Italiae omni Capuam fore iuraque inde cum ceteris populis 3 Romanum etiam petiturum. Unum esse exsortem Punicae aniicitiae foederisque secimi facti, quem rieque esse Campanum neque dici debere, Magium ut sibi dedatur ac se Decium ; eum postulare praesente de eo referatur senatusque consultum fiat. 4 Omnes in earn sententiam ierunt, quamquam magnae et parti et vir indignus ea calamitate baud parvo initio

1 defectioncm D^Az: defectione P(2)A': defectionis x Gronovius. * inisti r : inissa P : missaP"?: imissaiJiJ/: in(or im)missa ^ CM^fDA. est Weissevborn : oin. P(\), 28 BOOK XXIII. IX. 9-x. 4 not desist from entreaties until he had prevailed upon b.c. 216 that he him to put down his sword and give his pledge would do no such crime. Then the young man said : " As for me, I will pay my father the debt of devotion which I owe to my country. For you I am sorry, for you will have to meet the charge of thrice betraying in the revolt your country, once when you took part from the Romans, a second time when you advised peace with Hannibal, a third time today when you are an obstacle and a hindrance to restoring Capua the to the Romans. Do you, my country, take back sword with which I had armed myself in your defence for and entered this stronghold of the enemy ; my father wrests it from me." Having thus spoken, he threw the sword over the garden wall into a street, and, that his conduct might not be open to suspicion, himself returned to the banquet. X. On the following day a full session of the senate was at the was given to Hannibal. There his speech the Cam- outset very genial and kindly, thanking to a panians for having preferred his friendship Roman alliance. And among his other magnificent assurances he promised them that Capua should that from it soon be the capital of all Italy, and nations the Roman people along with the rest of the should derive its laAV. He said that one man had no and the made part in friendship with Carthage treaty with himself, namely Magius Decius, a man who to so called ought neither to be a Campanian nor be ; he demanded that the man be surrendered to him, and that in his own presence his case be brought up and a decree of the senate framed. All voted for to of them that proposal, although it seemed many that the man did not deserve that misfortune; also 29 LIVY

5 minui videbatuv ius libertatis. Egressus curia in templo magistratuum consedit conprehendique De- cium Magium atque ante pedes destitutum causam 6 dicere iussit. Qui cum manente ferocia animi negaret lege foederis id cogi posse, turn iniectae catenae, ducique ante lictorem in castra est iussus. 7 Quoad capite apcrto est ductus, contionabundus incessit ad circunifusam imdique multitudinem " vociferans : Habetis libertateni, Canipani, quam foro vobis nulli petistis ; medio, luce clara, videntibus Campanorum secundus vinctus ad mortem rapior. 8 Quid violentius capta Capua fieret ? Ite obviam Hannibali, exornate urbcm diemque adventus eius consecrate, ut hunc triunqjhum de cive vestro spec- tetis." 9 Haec vociferanti,^ cum moveri volgus videretur, obvolutum caput est, ociusque rapi extra portam iussus. Ita in castra perducitur extemploque in- 10 positus in navem et Carthaginem missus, ne motu aliquo Capuae ex indignitate rei orto senatum quoque paeniteret dediti principis et, legatione missa adrepetendum eum.aut negando rem quam primam peterent ofFendendi sibi novi socii, aut tribucndo habendus Capuae esset seditionis ac turbarum auctor. 11 Navem Cyrenas detulit tempestas, quae turn in dicione regimi erant. Ibi cum Magius ad statuam

^ vociferanti x : -te P{\).

1 then I.e. of Egypt. Ptolemy IV Philopator was reigning ; XXIV. xxvi. 1.

3° BOOK XXIII. X. 4- 1 1

a first d.c. 216 that the right of Uberty was being infringed by the Senate act that was not insignificant. Leaving House Hannibal took his seat on the tribune of the magistrates and ordered the arrest of Uecius Magius, his and that he be placed at his feet and make was defence. While with undaunted spirit Magius he could not saying that by the terms of the treaty him be compelled to do that, chains were put upon and he was ordered to be led to the camp with a lictor with bare following. So long as they led him head, he as he went, shouting to the kept haranguing " crowd all about him: You have the freedom you wanted, Campanians. Through the middle of the market-place, in broad daylight, before your eyes, I, who am second to no one of the Campanians, am being hurried away in chains to my death. What deed of had been greater violence could be done if Capua taken? Go to meet Hannibal, decorate—your city and make the day of his coming a holiday, that you may witness this triumph over your fellow-citizen.". As he was thus shouting and the populace seemed to be aroused, his head was covered and they were the ordered to drag' him more swiftly outside gate. Thus he was led into the camp, at once put on shipboard and consigned to Carthage, for fear, if there should be some outbreak at Capua in consequence of the shameful act, the senate also might regret an having surrendered a leading man, and, when embassy was sent to demand his return, Hannibal either must offend his new allies by refusing their at first request, or by granting it be obliged to keep Capua a fomenter of insui*rection and riots. A storm carried the ship to Cyrenae, which was then subject to the statue of to kings.i On fleeing for refuge 31 LIVY

A.xj.o. Ptolomaei regis confugisset, deportatus a custodibus 12 Alexandream ad Ptolomacum, cum eum docuisset contra ius foederis vinctum se ab Hannibale esse, vinclis liberatur,permissumque ut rediret,seu Romam 13 sen Capuam mallet. Nee Magius Capuam sibi tutam dicere et Ilomam eo tempore quo inter Romanos Campanos(}ue belluni sit transfugae magis quam fore domicilium malle in hospitis ; nusquam quam regno eius vivere quern vindicena atque auctorem habeat libertatis. XI. Dum haec geruntur, Q. Fabius Pietor legatus a Delphis Romam rcdiit responsumque ex scripto reeitavit. Divi divaeque in eo erant quibus 2 modo ita quoque supplicaretur ; tum "Si faxitis, Romani, vestrae res meliores facilioresque erunt, magisque ex sententia res publica vestra vobis procedet, victoriaque duelli populi Romani erit. 3 Pythio Apollini re publica vestra bene gesta servata- ^ que e lueris meritis donum mittitote deque praeda, manubiis habetote lasciviam a spoliisque honorem ; 4 vobis pi'ohibetote." Haec ubi exGraeco carmine interpretata reeitavit, tum dixit sc oraculo cgressum extemplo iis omnibus divis rem divinam ture ac vino 5 fecisse a sicut coronatus ; iussumque templi antistite, laurea corona et oraculum adisset et rem divinam

fecisset, ita coronatum navem ascendere nee ante

^ e Crevier, Ma/lvlg: de Weissenhorn : om. P(\) Walters.

1 He had been sent to Delphi after the battle of Cannae ; XXII. Ivii. 5. His history, written in Greek, was one of Livy's sources. 32 BOOK XXIII. X. ii-xi. 5

King Ptolemy there, Magius was carried under guard b.c 216 to Ptolemy at Alexandria. And having informed him that he had been bound by Hannibal contrary to his treaty rights, he was freed from his chains and allowed to return to Rome or to Capua, as he might prefer. Magius said that Capua was unsafe for him, and on the other hand, at a time when there was a war between the Romans and the Campanians, Rome would be the abode of a deserter rather than of a guest ; that he had no wish to live elsewhere than in the land of a king in whom he found the giver and defender of his freedom. XI. While these things were going on, Quintus ^ Fabius Pictor returned to Rome from his embassy to Delphi and read from a manuscript the response of the oracle. In it were indicated the gods and goddesses to whom offerings should be made, and in " what manner. It continued: If you do thus, Romans, your situation will be better and easier, and your state will go on more in accordance Avith your the desire, and Roman people will have the victory in the war. When you have successfully administered and preserved your state, from the gains made you shall send a gift to Pythian Apollo and do honour to him out of the booty, the profits and the spoils. You shall keep yourselves from exulting." After reading these words translated from the Greek verses, he went on to say that, on coming out of the oracle, he had at once made offerings to all those divinities with incense and wine ; also that he had been bidden by the high-priest of the temple, just as he had come to the oracle and also conducted the rite while wearing a garland of laurel, so also to M'ear the garland when he boarded the ship, and not to lay 33 VOL. VI. D A.u.c. 6 earn deponere quam Romam pervenisset ; se, quae- "^ cum(}ue imperata sint, cum summa i-eligione ac dili- gentia exsecutum coronam Romae in aram Apollinis deposuisse. Senatus decrevit ut eae res divinae supplicationesque primo quoque tempore cum cura fierent. 7 Dum haec Romae atque in Italia geruntur, nuntius victoriae ad Cannas Carthaginem venerat Mago Hamilcaris filiius, non ex ipsa acie a fratre missus sed retentus aliquot dies in recipiendis civitatibus ^ 8 Bruttiorum, quae deficiebant. Is, cum ei senatus datus esset, res gestas in Italia a fratre exponit : cum sex imperatoribus eum, quorum quattuor consules, duo dictator ac magister equitum fuerint, cum

9 sex consularibus exercitibus acie conflixisse ; occidisse supra ducenta milia hostium, supra quinquaginta milia cepisse. Ex quattuor consulibus duos occi-

disse ; ex duobus saucium alterum, alteriun toto amisso exercitu vix cum quinquaginta hominibus 10 efFugisse. Magistrum equitum, quae consularis fusimi se in potestas sit, fugatum ; dictatorem, quia aciem numquam commiserit, unicum haberi impera- 11 torem. Bruttios Apulosque, partem Samnitium ac Lucanorum defecisse ad Poenos. Capuam, quod

1 quae A-: quacq. P{1) : Apulorum Lucanorumque quae Conway {one line).

1 Livy possibly mentioned others besides the Bruttii. In i. 4 Mago is in Sanmiiini for the same purpose. 2 Five consuls had been defeated by Hannibal : Scipio (Ticinus), Semjironius (Trebia), Flaminius (Trasumennus) Paulus and Varro (Cannae). As Scipio was the wou;ided consul of § 9, it must be Sempronius who is here omitted. Yet elsewhere much is made of the battle of the Trebia (xviii. 7; xlv. 6). A copyist may have written viimperatoribus instead 34 BOOK XXIII. XI. 5-II it aside until he should reach Rome. Further, that b.c. 216 he had carried out with the utmost scrupulosity and care all the instructions given him, and had then laid the wreath upon the altar of Apollo at Rome. The senate decreed that at the first opportunity those rites should be duly observed with prayers. While these things were happening at Rome and to in Italy, Mago, the son of Hamilcar, had come Carthage to report the victory at Cannae. He had not been sent by his brother directly from the battle, but had been detained for some time in taking over the Bruttian states which were revolting.^ Accorded a hearing in the senate, he set forth the achievements of his brother in Italy : that he had fought pitched battles with six high commanders, of whom four were consuls,^ and two a dictator and a master of the that he had horse,^ in all with six consular armies ; slain over 200,000 of the enemy and captured over ^ ^ he had slain two ; 50.000 ; that of the four consuls of the other two one had fled wounded,^ the other after his entire "^ with barely fifty men, losing army ; that the master of the horse, Avhose power is that of a routed and to that the consul, had been put flight ; dictator was accounted an extraordinary general because he never ventured into battle-line ; that the Bruttians and Apulians and some of the Samnites and to the that Lucanians had revolted Carthaginians ;

of viiim'peratoribus. That done, the change of v to iv (same hne and § 9) would be an effort to make the figures tally. * Fabius Maximus, the Cunctator, and Minueius Rufus. Both are included among the defeated generals in spite of what is said in regard to the dictator in § 10. * Exaggerated figures in both cases. B Flaminius and Aemihus Paulus. ' 6 Scipio at the Ticinus. Terentius Varro. 35 d2 LIVY

A.u.o. caput non Campaniae modo sed post adflictam rem ^ Romanam Cannensi pugna Italiae sit, Hannibali se 12 tradidisse. Pro his tantis totque victoriis verum esse grates deis inimortalibus agi haberique. XII. Ad fidem deinde tam laetarum rerum effundi

in vestibulo curiae iiissit anulos aurcos, qui tantus ^ acervus fuit ut metientibus dimidium supra tris 2 niodios sint auctores fama explesse quidain ; tenuit, quae propior vero est, baud plus fuisse modio. Adiecit deinde verbis, quo maioris cladis indicium esset, neminem nisi equitem, atque eormn ipsorum 3 primores, id gei'ere insigne. Summa fuit orationis, quo propius speni belli perficiendi sit, eo magis omni iuvandum Hannibalem esse enim ope ; procul ab domo militiani esse, in media hostium terra; 4 magnam vim fi'umenti pecuniae absumi, et tot acies, ut hostium exercitus delesse, ita victoris etiam copias 5 minuisse mittendum parte aliqua ; igitur supplementum esse, mittendam in stipendium pecuniam frumentumque tam bene meritis de nomine Punico militibus. 6 Secundum haec dicta Magonis laetis omnibus Himiico, vir factionis Barcinae, locum Hannonis incre- " " pandi esse ratus, Quid est, Hanno ? inquit," etiam nunc paenitet belli suscepti adversus Romanos ? 7 veta in lube dedi Hannibalem ; tam prosperis rebus

1 se il/* [after sit in A~) : am. P(\). 2 supra Madvig [rejecting dimidium P[\)) : super Pil/^(5).

3(> BOOK XXIII. XT. ii-xn. 7

Capua, which was the capital not only of Campania, b.c. 216 but. since the blow inflicted upon the Roman state by the battle of Cannae, of Italy also, had surrendered to Hannibal. For these victories, so many and so great, it was proper, he said, that gratitude be expressed and felt toward the immortal gods. XII. Then in evidence of such successes he ordered the golden rings to be poured out at the entrance of the Senate House. And so great was the heap of them that, when measured, they filled, as some historians assert, three pecks and a half. The pre- vailing report, and nearer the truth, is that there was not more than one peck. Then, that it might be proof of a greater calamity, he added in explanation that no one but a knight, and even of the knights only those of the higher class, wore that token. The main point of his speech was that the nearer Hannibal came to realizing his hope of ending the war, the more necessary it was to help him by every means. For his campaigning was far from home, in the midst of the enemy's country. A large amount of grain and money was being consumed, he said, and though so many battles had destroyed the enemy's armies, still they had considerably diminished the forces of the victor as well. Therefore they must send reinforcements, they must send money to pay them and grain to soldiers who had deserved so well of the Car- thaginian nation. After these words of Mago, while all were rejoicing, Himilco, a man of the Barca it an party," thought to rebuke Hanno. Tell me, Hanno," opportunity" he said, is it still to be regretted that we undertook a war against the Romans ? Order the surrender of

Hannibal ! In the midst of such successes forbid the

37 LIVY

deis grates immortalibus agi ; audiamus Romanum

8 senatorem in curia." Turn Hanno : " Cartliaginionsium Tacuissem hodie, patres eonscripti, ne quid in conimuni omnium gaudio minus lactum quod esset 9 vobis loquerer; nunc interroganti senatori, paeni- ^ teatne adhuc susccpti advcrsus Romanos belli, si reticeam, aut superbus aut obnoxius videar, quorum alterum est hominis alienae libertatis obliti, alterum ^ " " 10 suae. Respondeam inquit Himilconi, non dcsisse paenitere me belli ncque desiturum ante invictum vestrum imperatorem incusare quam finitum ali- tolerabili condicione bellum videro nee mihi qua ; pacis antiquae desiderium ulla alia res (|uam pax 11 nova finiet. Itaque ista quae modo Mago iactavit Himilconi ceterisque Hannibalis satellitibus iam laeta sunt : mihi possunt laeta esse, quia res bello bene gestae, si volumus fortuna iiti, pacem nobis 12 dabunt si hoc aeqviiorem ; nam praetermittimus tempus quo magis dare quam accipere possumus vidcri pacem, vereor ne haec qucxpie laetitia luxuriet 13 nobis ac vana evadat. Quae tamen nunc quoque ' est ? exei'citus qualis Occidi hostium ; mittite milites mihi.' Quid aliud rogares, si esses victus ? ' 1-1 Hostium cepi bina castra,' praedae videlicet plena et ' frumentimi et date.' commeatuum ; pecuniam Quid aliud, si spoliatus, si exutus castris esses, 15 peteres ? Et ne omnia ipse mirer—mihi quoque

^ Y)a,enitea,tne Alschefski : paeniteat mc P(I). ^ respondeam P-{5)M^? : -ead P : -ebo x : -co Madvig {or -ebo).

^ As in the last years of the 1st Punic War.

38 BOOK XXII I. MI. 7-15

b.c. 216 rendering of tlianks to the immortal gods ! Let us listen to a Roman senator in the Carthaginian" Senate House." Thereupon Hanno said: I should have remained silent to-day, members of the senate, for fear of saying something which in the universal rejoicing would bring less joy to you. As it is, when a senator asks me whether it is still a matter of regret that we entered upon a war against the Romans, if I were to remain silent I should be thought either haughty or subservient, of which the one marks a other a man forgetful of another's independence, the man who his own. I should like to in forgets " say reply to Himilco," he said, that I have not ceased to to accuse regret the war, and will not cease your invincible commander until I shall see the war ended nor will else than on some sufferable terms ; anything a new peace end my longing for the old peace. And so those facts which Mago has just boastfully re- the other ported already give joy to Himilco and to since minions of Hannibal, and 7?ifl?/ give joy me, successes in war, if we are willing to make use of our good fortune, will give us a more favourable peace. I mean that if we let slip this moment, when we may be considered as giving, rather than receiving, a run to peace, I fear that this joy also of ours may excess and come to nothing.^ But even now what is ' it worth ? I have slain armies of the enemy. Send ' ask for if me soldiers ! What else would you you ' had been defeated ? I have captured two camps of the enemy,' full of booty and supplies, of course. ' ' Give me grain and money ! What else would you beg if you had been despoiled, if you had lost your camp ? And, not to have all the amazement to myself—for it is right and proper for me too, having 39 LI\T

enim, quoniam rcspondi Himilconi, interrogare ius fasque est—velim seu Himilco seu Mago respondeat, cum ad internecionem Romani imperii pugnatum ad Cannas sit constetque in dcfectione totam Italiam 16 esse, primum, ecquis Latini nominis populus defecerit ad nos, deinde, homo ex et ecquis quinque "triginta 17 tribubus ad Hannibalcm transfu^erit ? Cum " Hostium " utrumque" Mago negasset, quidem ergo inquit adhuc nimis multum superest. Sed multitudo ea quid animorum habeat scire quidve spei " \elim." XIII. Cum id nescire diceret, Nihil " "Mago facilius scitu est inquit. Ecquos legates ad Hannibalem Romani miserunt de pace ? Kcquam dcnique mentionem pacis Romae factam esse adla- " " 2 tum ad vos est? Cum id Bel- " " quoque negasset, lum igitur inquit tam integrum habemus quam habuimus qua die Hannibal in Italiam est transgressus. ^ 3 Quam varia victoria priore Punico bello fuerit plerique qui meminerimus supersumus. Numquam terra marique magis prosperae res nostrae visae sunt quam

ante consules C. Lutatium et A. Postumium fuerunt : 4 Lutatio et Postumio consulibus devicti ad Ac^atis insulas sumus. Quod si, id quod di omen avertant, nunc quoque fortuna aliquid variavei-it, tum pacem speratis cum vinccmur, quam nunc cum vincimus 5 dat nemo ? Ego, si quis de pace consulct seu de- ferenda hostibus seu accipienda, habeo quid sententiae dicam si de lis ; quae Mago postulat refertis,

^ Punico P(l) : bracketed Gronovius.

^ " " Roman War would seem to us better suited to a speaker addressing Cart-ljiiginians. Livy here prefers the Roman standpoint. ^ It was this defeat which brought the previous war to an end, 241 B.C. 40 BOOK XXIII. xii. i5-.\iii. 5 answered Hiniilco, to turn questioner,— I should like b.c. 216 cither Hiinilco or Mago to answer, in the first place, M'hether any state among the Latins has revolted to us, although the battle of Cannae meant the utter destruction of the Roman power, and it is known that all Italy is in revolt; in the second place, whether any man out of the thirty-five tribes has deserted to Hannibal." On answer to both " Mago's negative Hanno said : Accordingly there remains, to be sure, a very great number of the enemy. But what spirit, what hope that multitude has, I should like to know." XIII. As said he did not know, " Mago " Nothing is easier to know," said Hanno. Have the Romans sent any emissaries to Hannibal suing for ? Has it been to that even peace reported you " mention of has been made at Rome? any peace " The answer to this also being negative, There- fore," he said, "we have the war intact, as truly as we had on the day on which Hannibal crossed into Italy. How often victory shifted in the previous ^ Punic W ar very many of us are alive to remember. Never have our fortunes seemed more favourable on land and sea than they were before the consulship of Gaius Lutatius and Aulus Postumius. But in the consulship of Lutatius and Postumius we were utterly defeated off the Aegates Islands.^ And if now also—may the gods avert the omen ! —fortune shall shift to any extent, do you hope that at the time of our defeat we shall have a peace which no one gives us now when we are victorious ? For myself, if some one is about to bring up the question either of offering peace to the enemy or of accepting it, I know what opinion to express. But if you are raising the question of Mago's demands, I do not think it to the 41 LIVY

A.u.c. nec victoribus mitti attinere puto et frustrantibus ^ nos falsa atque inani spe multo minus censeo niittenda esse."

6 Haud multos niovit Hannonis oratio ; nam et simultas cum familia Barcina leviorem auctorem faciebat et occupati animi pracsenti laetitia nihil quo vanius fieret gaudium suum auribus admittebant, debellatumque mox fore, si adniti paulum voluissent, 7 rebantur. Itaque ingenti consensu fit senatus consultum ut Hannibali quattuor milia Numidarum in supplementinn mitterentur et quadraginta elephanti ^ 8 et argenti talenta . . . que cum Magone in Hispaniam praemissus est ad conducenda Aiginti milia peditum, quattuor milia equitum, quibus exercitus qui in Italia quique in Hispania erant supplerentur. XI\". Ceterum hacc, ut in secundis rebus, segniter Romanos insitam industriam otioseque gesta ; praeter 2 animis fortuna etiam cunctari prohibebat. Nam nec consul ulli rei quae per eum agenda esset deerat, et dictator M. Junius Pera rebus divinis perfectis latoque, ut solet, ad populum ut equum escendere liceret, praeter duas lu-banas legiones, quae principio anni a consulibus conscriptae fuerant, et servorum dilectum cohortesque ex agro Piceno et Gallico

^ spe Gronovius : que P(8) : quae C*R : om. A. 2 A lost numeral (D?) and a general's name (Carthalo Madvig) have been corrupted into dictator(que) P(l).

1 Infantry are not mentioned as to be sent from Carthage. Mercenaries were to be engaged in Spain and sent thence to Hannibal. 2 In fact Mago is still at Carthage in xxxii. 5.

42 BOOK XXIII. XIII. 5-Mv. 2 point to send those things to victors, and I think it b.o. 216 much less necessary to send them to men who are deluding us with a hope unfounded and emj^ty." Not many were moved by Hanno's speech. For the feud with the Barca family made his advice less weighty, and then minds filled with the joy of the moment would not listen to anything which made their rejoicing less well-founded. And they thought that, if they were willing to add a little to their eiforts, the war would soon be finished. Accordingly the senate with great unanimity decreed that four thousand Numidians should be sent to Hannibal as a ^ reinforcement also and . . . silver ; forty elephants talents. And . . . was sent in advance to Spain with Mago,2 for the purpose of hiring twenty thousand infantry and four thousand horse, to reinforce the armies that were in Italy and those in Spain. XIV. But, as usual in prosperous times, these measures were carried out Avithout spirit and in leisurely fashion, while the Romans, in addition to their inborn activity, were prevented by misfortune also from delaying. That is, the consul was not found wanting in anything which it was his to do, and the dictator, Marcus Junius Pera, after performing the religious rites, proposed to the people according to custom abill allowing him to be mounted.^ And then, in addition to the two city legions which had been enrolled by the consuls at the beginning of the year, and the levy of slaves, also the cohorts raised from the Picene and Gallic districts, he stooped

* The dictator, as commander of the infantry, was by tradition unmounted. Special permission could be obtained from the people, as here, or from the senate, as Plutarch has it in Fab ins iv. 43 LIVY

A.u.c. collectas, ad ultimum prope desperatae rei publicae 3 auxilium, ciini hoiiesta utilibus cediint, descendit cdixitque qui capitalem fraudem ausi quique pe- 1 cuniae iudicati in vineulis essent, qui eorum apud se milites fierent, eos noxa pecuniaque sese exsolvi 4 iussurum. E,a sex milia hominuni Gallicis spoliis, quae triumpho C. Flamini ti*alata erant, armavit, itaque cum viginti quinque milibus armatorum ab iirbe proficiscit ur. 5 Hannibal Capua rccepta cum iterum Neapolitano- rum animos partim spe, partim metu nequiquam temptasset, in agriun Nolanum exercitum traducit, 6 ut non hostiliter statim, quia non desperabat voluntariam deditionem, ita, si morarentur spem, nihil eorum quae pati aut timere possent praetermissurus. 7 Senatus ac maxime primores eius in societate Ro- fide mana cum perstare ; plebs novarum, ut solet, reruni atque Hannibalis tota esse metumque agro- rum populationis et patienda in obsidione midta animo auctores gravia indignaque proponere ; neque 8 defectionis deerant. Itaque ubi senatum metus cepit, si propalam tenderent, resisti multitudini ^ concitatae non posse, secunda simulando dilationem 9 mali inveniunt. Placere enim sibi defectionem ad simulant Hannibalem ; quibus autem condicionibus in foedus amicitiamque novam transeant, parum 10 constare. Ita spatio simipto legatos properc ad praetorem Romanum Marccllum Claudium, qui

^ pecuniae z : pecunia P(l). ^ secunda simulando C'Ji' : secunda simulanda simulando P(12); obsecundando G?"onot»i«5.

1 He triumphed over the Gauls in the Po valley in 223 B.C. 44 BOOK XXIII. XIV. 2-IO to that last defence of a state almost despaired of, d.c. 216 when honour yields to necessity : namely, he issued an edict that, if any men who had committed a capital offence, or were in chains as judgment debtors, should become soldiers under him, he would order their release from punishment or debt. Six thousand such men he armed with Gallic spoils which had been carried in the triumph of Gaius Flaminius,^ and thus set out from the city with twenty-five thousand armed men. Hannibal, after gaining possession of Capua and to work vainly trying, partly by hope, partly by fear, for the second time upon the feelings of the Nea- of Nola. politans, led his army over into the territory Though this was not at first with hostile intent, since he did not despair of a voluntary surrender, still he was ready, if they baulked his hope, to omit none of the things which they might suffer or fear to suffer. The senate and especially its leading mem- But bers stood loyally by the alliance with Rome. the common people, as usual, were all for a change for Hannibal and called of government and ; they to mind the fear of devastation of their lands and the many hardships and indignities they must suffer in to case of a siege. And men were not lacking propose revolt. Accordingly the senators, now obsessed by the fear that, if they should move openly, there could be no resisting the excited crowd, found a way to postpone the evil by pretending agreement. For they pretend that they favour revolt to Hannibal, but that there is no agreement as to the terms on which they may go over to a new alliance and friend- emissaries in ship. Thus gaining time, they send haste to the Roman praetor, Marcellus Claudius, who 45 LIVY

A.u.o. Casilini cum exercitu erat, mittunt docentque ** quanto in discrimiiie sit Nolana res: as;rum Hanni- balis esse et Poenoi'uni, urbein extemplo futurani ni 11 ubi velint subveniatur ; cor.cedendo plebei senatum defect uros se, ne deficere praefestinarent effecisse. 12 Marccllus conlaudatis Nolanis eadem simulatione

extralii rem in suuni adventum iussit ; interim celari quae secum acta cssent spemque omnem auxilii 13 lloniani. Ipse a Casilino Caiatiam petit atcjue inde ^ \'^olturno amni traiecto per agrum Saticulanum Trebianumque super Suessulam per montis Nolam pervcnit. X.y. Sub adventum praetoris Komani Poenus agro Nolano excessit et ad mare proxime Neapolim descendit, cupidus maritimi oppidi potiundi, quo 2 cursus navibus tutus ex Africa esset. Ceterum postquam Neapolim a praefecto Komano teneri accepit—M. Junius Silanus erat, ab ipsis Neapoli- tanis accitus— sicut omissa , Neapoli quoque, Nola, 3 petit Nucei'iam. Eam cum aliquamdiu circumsc- disset, saepe vi saepe sollicitandis nequiquam nunc plebe, nunc principibus, fame demimi in deditionem accepit, pactus ut inermes cum singulis abirent 4 vestimentis. Deinde ut qui a principio mitis omnibus Italicis praeter Romanos videri vellet, praemia atque ^ lionores qui remanserint ac militare secum voluis-

^ per Otto: perque P{1). ^ remanserint x : remanscrant PC^(IO).

1 Marcellus had been sent to Camisiura directly after the battle of Cannae to take command (XXII. Ivii. 1), and is now near Capua. 2 This wide detour into mountain country was in order to avoid meeting Hannibal. 46 BOOK XXIII. XIV. lo-xv. 4

^ was at Casilinum with his army, and inform liim in b.c. 216 state is that its what danger the Nolan placed ; territory is in the hands of Hannibal and the Car- thaginians, and that the city will be so at once, if not that the to help be given ; senate, by conceding the common people that they would revolt whenever the people wished, had prevented their making haste to revolt. Marcellus, after warmly praising the men of Nola, bade them jjostpone matters by the until his arrival in the meantime to same pretence ; conceal the dealings they had had with him and all hope of Roman aid. He himself went from Casilinum to Caiatia, and thence, after crossing tlte river ^'olturnus, made his way to Nola through the territory of Saticula and that of Trebia, above Sues- ^ sula and through the mountains. X\\ Upon tlie arrival of the Roman praetor the Carthaginian left the territory of Nola and came down to the sea near Neapolis, desiring to gain possession of a coast town to which ships might have a safe passage from Africa. But on learning that Neapolis was held by a Roman prefect—it was Marcus Junius Silanus, who had been called in by the Neapolitans themselves—he turned aside from Neapolis also, as he had from Nola, and made for Nuceria. He had besieged that city for some time, often attacking, often attempting in vain to win over the populace, and at another time the leading citizens, when at last by starving them he gained their surrender, stipulating that they leave unarmed and Avith one garment only. And then, as from the beginning he had wished to be thought merciful to all Italians except the Romans, he promised rewards and honours to any who remained and would serve under 47 LIVT

A.r.c. 5 sent proposuit. Nee ea spe quemquam tenuit; dilapsi omnes, quocumque hospitia aut foi-tuitus animi impetus tulit, per Campaniae urbes, maxime

Nolam Neapolimque. Cum ferme triginta senatores, ac forte primus quisquc, Capuam petissent, exclusi inde, quod portas Hamiibali elausissent, Cumas se contulerunt. Nuceriae praeda militi data est, urbs direpta atque incensa.

7 Nolam Marcellus non sui magis fiducia praesidii voluutate quam principum habebat ; plebs timebatur et ante omnis L. Bahtius, quem conscientia temptatae defectionis ac metus a praetore Romano nunc ad proditionem patriae, nunc, si ad id fortuna defuisset, ad 8 transfugiendum stimulabat. Erat iuvenis acer et sociorum ea tempestate prope nobilissimus eques. Seminecem eum ad Cannas in accrvo caesorum corporum inventum curatumque benigne etiam cum 9 donis Hannibal domum remiserat. Ob eius gratiam meriti rem Nolanam in ius dicionemque dare voluerat Poeno, anxiumque eum et sollicitum cura novandi 10 res praetor cernebat. Ceterum cum aut poena cohi- bendus esset aut beneficio conciliandus, sibi adsump- sisse quam hosti ademisse fortem ac strenuum maluit 11 socium, accitumque ad se benigne appellat: multos eum invidos inter popularis habere inde existimatu facile esse quod nemo civis Nolanus sibi indicavei'it 48 BOOK XXIII. XV. 4-1 1

him. And yet he did not hold anyone by that hope. b.c. 216 They all dispersed, wherever hospitality or impulse happened to carry them, among the cities of Cam- pania, especially Nola and Neapolis. About three hundred senators, and as it chanced all the most prominent, came to Capua, and being refused ad- mission because they had closed their gates to Hanni- bal, went to Cumae. At Nuceria the booty was given to the soldiers, the citv sacked and burned. As for Nola, Marcellus held it not more by confidence in his force than by the good-will of the leading citizens. He was apprehensive of the common people and above all of Lucius Bantius, who was impelled by the consciousness of an attempted revolt and by fear of the Roman praetor, now to betray his native city, now, if fortune should not favour him in to that, desert. He was a young man of spirit and at that time almost the best-known horseman among the allies. He had been found half-dead at in a of slain Canpae pile the ; and Hannibal, after nursing him kindly, had sent him home, even adding gifts. Out of gratitude for that service Bantius had wished to put the state of Nola under the authority and rule of the Carthaginian. And the praetor saw that he was troubled and tormented by his desire for a revolution. But since he had either to be restrained by punishment or else won over by kindness, Marcellus preferred rather to gain for himself a brave and energetic ally than merely to take such a man away from the enemy, and summoning him addressed him kindly. It was easy, he said, to judge that he had among his countrymen many who envied him, and this from the fact that no citizen of Nola had told the speaker how many were his 49 VOL. VI. E LIVY

A.u.c. niulta eius facinora militaria quam egregia essent ; 12 sed qui in Romanis militaverit castris, non posse obscuram eius virtutem esse. Multos sibi, qui cum eo stipendia feeerint, referre qui vir esset ille, quaeque et quoticns pei'icula pro salute ac dignitate populi 13 Romani adisset, utique Cannensi proelio non prius pugna abstiterit quam prope exsanguis ruina supcr- incidentium virorum, ecjuorum armorumque sit " " 14 macte virtute esto oppressus. Itaque inquit ; " apud me tibi onmis honos atque omne praemium erit, et quo frequentior mecum fueris, senties eam 15 rem tibi dignitati atque emolumento esse." Laeto- que iuveni promissis equura eximium dono dat, numerare iubet bigatosque quingentos quaestorem ; lictoribus imperat ut eum sc adire quotiens velit patiantur. Wl. Hae comitate Marcelli ferocis iuvenis animus adeo est mollitus ut nemo inde

sociorum rem Romanam fortius ac fidelius iuveri^. 2 Cum Hannibal ad portas esset—Nolam enim rursus a Nuceria movit castra^plebesque Nolana 3 de integro ad defectionem spectaret, Marcellus sub adventum hostium intra muros se recepit, non castris metuens sed ne prodendae urbis oceasionem nimis 4 multis in eam inminentibus daret. Instrui deinde utrimque acies coeptae, Romanorum pro moenibus Nolae, Pocnorum ante castra sua. Proelia hinc jiarva inter urbem castraque et vario eventu fiebant,

1 These silver coins at that titiie bore the image of Diana (of Victory not long after) driving a two-horse chariot (biga).

50 BOOK XXIII. XV. ii-x\'i. 4 brilliant feats of arms. But to a man who had served u.o. 216 in the Roman camp his bravery could not be unknown. Many who had been in the service with Bantius were telling the speaker what a man he was, and what dangei*s he had incurred for the safety and honour of the Roman people, and how often; also how at the battle of Cannae he had not ceased fighting until, almost lifeless, he had been overwhelmed by the mass of men, horses and arms that fell him. " " upon And so," he said, all honour to your courage! Under me you will have every advancement and every reward, and the more constantly you are with me, the more you will feel that it is a distinction and an advantage to you." The youth was delighted with the promises, and Marcellus gave hiin a fine horse and ordered the q

^ quia duces nee prohibere paucos temere provocantis 5 nee dare signum universae pugnae volebant. In hac cotidiana duorum exercituum statione principes Nola- 6 norum nuntiant Marccllo nocturna conloquia inter plebem ac Poenos fieri statutumque esse ut, cum Romana acies egressa portis foret,^ inpedimenta eoruni ac sarcinas diriperent, clauderent deinde port as murosque occuparent, ut potentes rerum suarum atque urbis Puenum inde pro Romano acciperent., 7 Haec ubi nuntiata Marcello sunt, conlaudatis senatoribus Nolanis, priusquam aliqui motus in urbe 8 oreretm-, fortunam pugnae experiri statuit. Ad.tris in exercitum instruxit portas hostes versas tripertito ; inpedimenta subsequi iussit, calones lixasque et invalidos milites vallum ferre. Media porta robora legionum et Romanos equites, duabus circa portis novos milites levemque armaturam ac sociorum 9 equites statuit. Nolani muros portasque adire vetiti, subsidiaque destinata inpedimentis data, ne occupatis proelio legionibus in ea impetus fieret. Ita instruct! intra portas stabant. 10 Hannibali sub signis, id quod per aliquot dies fecerat, ad multum diei in acie stanti primo miraculo esse quod nee exercitus Romanus porta egrederetur 11 nee armatus quisquam in mm-is esset. Ratus deinde

1 provocantis M^/A": prooantis PCRi'M : procursantis Luch^. * foret Gronovius : iret P(l) : staret Weissenhorn. BOOK XXIII. xvi. 4-1 1 wished neither to forbid small numbers wlio rashly b.c. 216 challenged the enemy, nor to give the signal for a general engagement. During this daily guard- duty of the two armies leading citizens of Nola reported to Marcellus that conferences between the common people and the Carthaginians were taking place bv night; and that it had been settled that, when the Roman force should be outside the gates and in line, they would plunder their baggage-train and their packs, then close the gates and take possession of the walls, so that, having the control of their affairs and the city in their own hands, they would then admit the Carthaginian instead of the Roman,, This being reported to Marcellus, he warmly praised the senators of Nola and resolved to try the fortune of battle before there should be any movement in the city. At the three gates facing the enemy he drew up his army in three sections. He ordered the baggage to bring up the rear, the camp- servants and sutlers and incapacitated soldiers to carry stakes. At the middle gate he posted the pick of the legionaries with the Roman cavalry, at the two gates to right and left the recruits, light-armed and cavalry of the allies. The men of Nola were forbidden to approach the walls and gates, and the forces to be used as reserves were assigned to the baggage, in order to prevent an attack upon it while the legions were fighting. In this formation they were standing inside the gates. Hannibal, who remained in battle-line under the standards until late in the day, as he had done for several days, at first wondered that the Roman army did not come out of the gate and that there was not one armed man on the walls. Then, supposing 53 prodita conloquia esse metuque resides factos, partem militiim in castra remittit iussos propere adparatum omnem oppugnandae iirbis in primam aciem adferre, satis. fidens, si cunctantibus instaret, tumultum ali- 12 quern in urbe plebem motnram. Dum in sua quisque ministeria discursu trepidat ad prima signa succedit- que ad muros acics, patefacta rcpente porta Marcellus signa canere clamoremque tolli ac pedites primvmi, deinde equites, quanto maximo possent impetu in 13 hostem erumpere iubet. Satis terroris tumultusque in aciem niediam intulerant, cum duabus circa portis P. Valerius Flaccus et C. Aurelius legati in cornua 14 hostium erupere. Addidere clamorem lixae calo- nesque et alia turba custodiae inpedimentorum adposita, ut paucitatem maxima spernentibus Poenis 15 ingentis repente exercitus speciem fecerit. Vix equidem ausim adfirmare, quod quidam auctores sunt, duo milia et octingentos hostium caesos non IC amissis sed ^ sive tanta plus quingentis Romanorum ; sive minor victoria fuit, ingens eo die res ac nescio ^ an maxima illo bello gesta est : non vinci enim ab Hannibale ^ difficilius fuit quam postea vincere. XVII. Hannibal spe potiundac Nolae adempta cum Acerras recessisset, Marcellus extemplo clausis portis custodibusque dispositis, ne quis egrederetur,

1 amissis; sed AUcheJslci: amisisset PMDfR'^ : amisisse CM": amisisse sed J. ^ est Freinsheim: sit P(l). 3 After Hannibale P(l) have vinccntibus [with turn or tunc x) : vinci timcntibus Weissenborn, Conway. 54 BOOK XXIII. XVI. ii-xvii. I the conferences to have been betrayed, and that r..c. 216 inaction was the result of fear, he sent part of his soldiers back to the camp, with orders to briiiff up in haste to the front line all the equipment for confident if besieging the city. He was quite that, he should press the hesitating, the common people While would stir up some outbreak in the city. they were scattering to their several duties and hastening to the first standards, and the line was advancing to Marcellus the walls, the gate suddenly opened and ordered the trumpets to be sounded and a shout that at first, and then should raised ; infantry cavalry with all the dash sally out against the enemy possible. They had carried sufficient panic and confusion into (iaius the "centre, when Publius N'alerius Flaccus and Aurelius,hisheutenants, salhed out of the two gates on this side and that, to attack the enemy's wings. as Sutlers and camp-servants raised another shout, did the rest of the crowd stationed to guard the sudden baggage so that the shouting gave the the impression of a very large army to Carthaginians, small numbers. I who particularly despised their what some have should hardly venture to assert, while affirmed, that 2800 of the enemy were slain, not more than 500 of the Romans were lost. But a scale or whether the victory was on such less, I rather think the in a very great thing," greatest For not that war, was accomplished that day. to be defeated by Hannibal was a more difficult him. thing than it was later to defeat XVII. Now that Hannibal had lost hope of gaining Nola and had retired to Acerrae, Marcellus at once to closed the gates, stationed guards prevent anyone on in the forum an from leaving, and carried 55 quaestioncni in foro de iis qui clam in conloquiis 2 hostium fuerant habuit. Supra septuaginta damna- tos proditionis securi percussit bonaque eorum iussit 3 publica populi Roniani esse, et summa rerum senatui tradita cum exercitu omni pi-ofectus supra Suessulam 4 castris positis consedit. Poenus Acerras primum ad ^ voluntariam deditionem conatus perlicere, inde postquam obstinates videt, obsidere atque oppugnare 5 parat. Cetevum Acerranis plus animi quam virium erat tutela ut circumvallari ; itaque dcsperata urbis, moenia viderunt, priusquam continuai-entur hostium opera, per intermissa munimenta neglectasque 6 custodias silentio noctis dilapsi, per vias inviaque qua quemque aut consilium aut error tulit, in urbes Campaniae, quas satis certum erat non mutasse fidem, perfugerunt. 7 Hannibal Acerris direptis atque incensis, cum ^ a Casilino dictatorem Romanum legionesque novas ^ * acciri nuntiassent, ne quid tam propinquis hostium castris Capuae quoque moveretur,^ exercitum ad 8 Casilinum ducit. Casilinum eo tempore quingenti Praenestini habebant cum paucis Romanis Latinique nominis, quos eodem audita Cannensis clades contu- 9 lerat. Hi, non confecto Praeneste ad diem dilectu, serius profecti domo cum Casilinum ante famam adversae pugnae venissent, et, aliis adgregantibus sese Romanis sociisque, profecti a Casilino cum satis

^ inde P( 1), 6m/ a//er obstinates; 6e/ore postquam Walters. 2 Casilino ^2 yaUa: Casino P(l). ^ novas acciri Av Valla : nimis accipi P{5)M' : acciri Walters. * ne quid Lipsius : ne quis P{1) : ne quid novi Walters. * moveretur Gronovius : orerccurrunt P : recurrunt

i'^.?(4) : occurreret Lipsius. 56 BOOK XXIII. x\ii. 1-9 investigation of those who had been in secret confer- b.c. 216 ences with the enemy. Over seventy having been condemned as traitors, he beheaded them and ordered that their possessions should be piibhc property of the Roman people. And setting out with his whole army, after turning over the government to the senate, he pitched camp and established himself above Suessula. The Carthaginian first tried to entice Acerrae into a voluntary surrender ; then, seeing them steadfast, prepared to blockade and attack them. But the men of Acerrae had more courage than resources. Accordingly they gave up hope of defending the city, and when they saw that their walls were being encircled, before the enemy's works should be made continuous, they slipped away in the dead of night through the gaps in the earthworks and through neglected guard-posts. Making their way along the roads and where there were none, just as prudence or chance guided the wanderer, they fled for refuge to those cities of Campania of which it was known that they had not changed sides. After plundering and burning Acerrae, when word had come from Casilinum that the Roman dictator and fresh legions were being summoned, HAnnibal led his army to Casilinum, in order to prevent any uprising at Capua also, while the enemy's camp was so near. Casilinum was at that time held by five hundred Praenestines, Avith a few Romans and Latins, whom the news of the disaster at Cannae had brought thither. As the levy at Praeneste was not completed at the proper date, they had been late in setting out from home, and had reached Casilinum before the news of the defeat. And joined by others, Romans and allies, they set out from Casilinum and, as 57 magno agmine irent, avertit eos retro Casilinum 10 nuntius Cannensis pugnae. Ibi cum dies aliquot, suspecti Campanis timentesque, cavendis ac struendis in vicem insidiis traduxissent, ut de Capuae defectione agi accipique Hannibalem satis pro certo habuere, intcrfcctis nocte oppidanis partem urbis, quae cis Volturnuni est —eo enim dividitur amni— occupavere, idtjue praesidii Casilini habebant Ro- ll niani. Additur et Perusina cohors, homines quadringenti sexaginta, eodem nuntio quo Praenestini 12 paucos ante dies, Casilinum conpulsi. Et satis ferme armatorum ad tarn exigua moenia et flimiine

altera parte cincta tuenda erat : penuria frumenti nimium etiam ut videretur hominum efficiebat.

XVIII. Hannibal cum iam inde baud procul esset, Gaetulos cum pi'aefecto nomine Isalca praemittit ac primo, si fiat conloquii copia, verbis benignis ad portas aperiundas praesidiimique accipiendum perli-

cere iubet : si in pertinacia perstent, vi rem gerere ac temptare si qua parte invadere urbem possit. 2 Ubi ad moenia adcessere, quia silentiiun erat, solitudo visa concessum barbarus ratus moliri ; metuque 3 portas et claustra refringere parat, cum patefactis repente portis cohortes duae, ad id ipsum instructae intus, ingenti cum tumultu erumpunt stragemque 4 hostium faciunt. Ita primis repulsis Maharbal cum

1 The right (north) bank of the river,

58 BOOK XXIII. xA'ii. Q-xvni. 4

they were proceeding in a fairly large column, the b.c. 216 report of the battle of Cannae turned them back again to Casiliiumi. There, being suspected by the Campanians and apprehensive, they spent some days in alternately guarding against plots and hatching of them. When credibly informed that the revolt Capua and Hannibal's entry were being negotiated, they slew townspeople in the night and seized that ^ of the Vol- part of the city which is on this side turnus—for it is divided by that river: and this was the garrison the Romans had at Casilinum. It was joined by a cohort from Perusia, fovn- hundred and the sixty men, who had been driven to Casilinum by same news as the Praenestines a few days before. And there were quite enough men to defend so small the river. a walled city, bounded on one side by But the lack of grain made it seem that there were even too many men. XMII. Hannibal, being now not far away, sent his Gaetulians ahead under a prefect named Isalca. And he ordered him, if there should be an opportunity for a conference, at first by kind words to entice them a but if to open the gates and admit garrison ; they force and see persisted in their obstinacy, to use if at some point he c(nild make his way into the city. When they approached the walls, because of the stillness they thought them deserted. And the barbarian, supposing the garrison had withdrawn in alarm, was preparing to force the gates and break open the bars, when suddenly the gates were opened and the two cohorts, drawn up inside for that very and purpose, sallied out with a mighty uproar, wrought havoc among the enemy. The first troops being thus beaten back, Maharbal, who had been 59 LIVY

maiore robore viroriim missus nee ipse eniptionem 5 coliortiuni siistinuit. Postremo Hannibal castris ^ ante ipsa moenia oppositis parvam urbem par- vumque praesidiuin suinma vi atque omnibus copiis oppufjnarc parat, ae clum instat lacessitque, corona undi(|uc eircumdatis moenibus, aliquot milites et proinptissimum quemque e muro turribusque ictos 6 amisit. Semcl ultro erumpentis agmine elephan- torum opposito prope interclusit trepidosque conpulit in uvbem satis multis ut ex tanta paucitate interfectis. Plures cecidissent ni nox pi'oelio intervenisset. 7 Postero die omnium animi ad oppugnandum accen- duntur, utique postquam corona aurea muralis proposita est, atque ipse dux castelli piano loco positi segnem oppugnationem Sagunti expugnatori- bus exprobrabat, Cannarum Trasumennique et 8 Trebiae singulos admonens universosque. Inde vineae nee ad quoque coeptae agi cuniculique ; varios conatus hostium aut vis ulla aut ars deerat 9 sociis Romanorum. Propugnacula adversus vineas statuere, transversis cuniculis hostium cuniculos excipere, et palam et clam coeptis obviam ire, donee pudor etiam Hannibalem ab incepto avertit, castrisque communitis ac praesidio modico inposito, ne omissa res videretur, in hiberna Capuam concessit. 10 Ibi partem maiorem hiemis exercitum in tectis

^ oppositis P(l) : positis a; Madvig.

1 The elephants sent by order of the Carthaginian senate (xiii. 7) must have arrived. Of those he had brought from Spain only one reached Central Italy (XXII. ii. 10). 2 Awarded to the first man to scale the wall of a city; Polybius VI. xxxix. 5; Livy XXVI. xlviii. 5; Gelliua V. vi. 16 and 19. ^ cf. XXI. xv. 6o BOOK XXIII. xviii. 4-IO sent with a larger number of picked men, was like- b.c. 216 wise unable to withstand the sally of the cohorts. Finally Hannibal pitched his camp directly before the walls and prepared to assault the small city and small garrison with the greatest violence and with all his forces. And while he was pressing the attack, the walls being completely encircled by his men, he lost a considerable number, the most active at that, being hit by missiles from the wall and the towers. When they actually sallied out once, he almost cut ^ off their retreat by sending a column of elephants against them, and drove them in alarm into the city, after a good number, for so small a force, had been slain. NIore would have fallen if night had not interrupted the battle. On the next day all were lired to make the assault, especially after a miu-al crown of gold^ was displayed to them, and the general himself kept making their spiritless attack upon a fort on level ground a reproach to the captors of Saguntum,^ reminding them singly and collectively of Cannae and Trasumennus and Trebia. Then they began to push forward their sheds also and mines. And to meet the different attempts made by the enemy no kind of activity, no ingenuity, proved lacking to the allies of the Romans. They set up defences to the sheds transverse mines meet ; by the mines forestalled they intercepted enemy's ; they his attempts both visible and invisible, until shame helped to divert Hannibal from his undertaking. And after fortifying his camp and posting a small garrison, that the attempt might not appear to have been abandoned, he retired into winter-quarters at Capua. There he kept under roofs for the greater part of 61 LIVY

habuit, adversus omnia humana mala saepe ac diu 1 1 duratum, bonis inexpertum atque insu'etum. Itaque, quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidei*e nimia bona ac voluptates inmodicae, et eo inpensius quo avidius ex 12 insolentia in eas se merserant. Somnus enim et vinum et epulae et scorta balineaque et otium con- suetudinc in dies blandius ita enervaverunt corpora animosque ut magis deinde praeteritae victoriae eos 13 quam praesentes tutarentur vires, maiusque id peccatum ducis apud peritos artiurn militarium haberetur quam quod non ex Cannensi acie protinus

ad urbem Romanam duxisset ; ilia enim cunctatio

distulisse modo victoriam videri potuit, hie error 14 vires ademisse ad vinccndum. Itaque hercule. velut si cum alio exercitu a Capua exiret, nihil usquam 15 pristinae disciplinae tenuit. Nam et redierunt

plerique scortis inpliciti, et, ubi primum sub pellibus haberi coepti sunt, viaque et alius militaris labor excepit, tironum modo corporibus animisque deficie- 16 bant, et deinde per omne aestivorum tempus magna pars sine commeatibus ab signis dilabebantur, neqxie aliae latcbrae quam Capua desertoribus erant. XIX. Ceterum mitescente iam hieme educto ex 2 hibernis milite Casilinum redit, ubi, quamquam ab oppugnatione cessatum crat, obsidio tamen continua

1 For the effect of wintering at Capua of. xlv. 4 (the famous (7). 6 epigram, as if from the lips of ^larfcllus), and (Hannibal's words, as Livy imagined them). Strabo eonfiims, Polybius denies (V. iv. 13; XI. xix. 3 respectively). 62 BOOK XXIII. xviii. io-.\ix. 2 the winter troops that had been hardened long and b.c. 2K-- repeatedly against all human hardships, but had no •'« experience or familiarity with comforts. And so those whom no severe hardship had conquered were ruined by excess of comfort and immoderate pleasures and the more completely ruined the more eagerly they in their inexperience had plunged into them. For sleep and wine, and feasts and harlots, and baths and idleness, which habit made daily more seductive, so weakened their bodies and spirits that it was their past victories rather than their present strength which thereafter them and this was protected ; regarded among the military experts as a more serious failure in their commander than that he had not led his men from the field of Cannae forthwith to the city of Rome. For that delay could be regarded as having merely retai'ded the victory, this mistake as having robbed him of the power to win. And so in fact, just as if he were setting out from Capua with a diflPerent army, not a trace of the old-time morale survived. For they came back most of them ensnared by harlots, and also as soon as they began to be quartered in tents, and the march and other tasks of the soldier followed, they would give out both in body and in spirit after the manner of recruits. And afterwards through the whole season of sununer camps a great many kept slipping away from their standards without deserters had no other furloughs ; and hiding-places ^ than Capua. XIX. But when winter was now growing mild, Hannibal led his troops out of winter quarters and returned to Casilinum. There, although they had been making no more attacks, an uninterrupted 63 oppidanos praesidiunique ad ultimum inopiae 3 adduxerat. Castris Ilomanis Ti. Sempronius praeerat dictatore auspiciorum repetendorum causa 4 profecto Roniam. Marcelluni et ipsum cupientem ferre auxilium obsessis et Volturnus amnis inflatus aquis et preces Nolanorum Acerranorumque tenebant, Campanos timentiuni si praesidium Romanum 5 abscessisset. Gracchus adsidens tantum Casilino, quia praedictum erat dictatoris ne quid abscnte eo rei gereret, nihil movebat, quaniquam quae facile omnem patientiam vincerent nuntiabantur a Casi- 6 lino : nam et praecipitasse se quosdam non tolerantes famem constabat, et stare inermes in muris, nuda 7 corpora ad missilium telorum ictus praebentes. Ea aegre patiens Gracchus, cum neque pugnam conserere dictatoris iniussu auderet—pugnandum autem esse, si palam frumentum inportaret, videbat—neque clam 8 inportandi spes esset, farre ex agris circa undique convecto cum conplura dolia conplesset, nuntium ad magistratum Casilinum misit ut exciperent dolia 9 quae amnis deferret. Insequenti nocte intentis omnibus in flumen ac spem ab nuntio Romano factam dolia medio missa amni defluxerunt ; aequaliterque 10 inter omnes frumentmn divisum. Id postero quoque

die ac tertio factum est ; nocte et mittebantur et 11 hostium fallebant. Im- perveniebant ; eo custodias bribus deinde continuis citatior solito amnis transverso

^ If the auspices were alleged to be defective, the commander VIII. xxx. 2. returned to Rome to take them again ; 2 The city had not been entirely destroyed (xvii. 7), and part of the population must have returned. 64 BOOK XXIII. XIX. 2-Ti blockade had nevertheless brought townspeople b.c. 21g and garrison to extreme want. The Roman camp was commanded by Tiberius Sempronius, since the dictator had gone to Rome to take new auspices.^ Marcellus, who was likewise eager to bring aid to the besieged, was held back both bv a flood of the river \'olturnus and by entreaties of the men of Nola and Acerrae,^ who feared the Campanians if the Roman garrison should withdraw. Gracchus, merely remaiaino- near Casilinum, because it was the die- tator's order that he take no action in his absence, made no move, although facts which would easily pass all endurance were being reported from Casi- linum. For it was established that some, unable to endure hunger, had thrown themselves from the wall, and that men stood unarmed on the Avails exposing unprotected bodies to wounds from missile weapons. Gracchus, though indignant at this, did not dare to engage the enemy without the dictator's order, and saw that, if he should try openly to carry in grain, he must fight. As there was also no hope of carrying- it in secretly, he filled many huge jars Avith spelt brought from the farms all around, and sent word to the magistrate at Casilinum that they should catch up the jars which the river was bringing down. In the following night, while all were intent upon the river and the hope aroused by the Roman messenger, the jars set adrift in midstream floated down, and the grain was evenly divided among them all. This was done the next day also and the third day. It was night when they were set adrift and when they arrived. In that way they escaped the notice of the enemy's guards. After that the stream, now- swifter than usual because of incessant rains, forced 65 vol.. VT. F LIVY

vertice dolia impulit ad ripam quam hostes servabant. Ibi haerentia inter obnata ripis salicta conspiciuntur, nuntiatumque Hannibali est, et deinde intentiore custodia cautum ne quid falleret Volturno ad urbem 12 missum. Nuces tanien fusae ab Ronianis castris, cum medio amni ad Casilinum defluerent, cratibus exeipiebantur. 13 Postremo ad id ventum inopiae est ut lora detrac- tasque scutis pelles, ubi fervida mollissent aqua, mandere conarentur nee muribus aliove animali abstinerent et omne herbarum radicumque genus 14 aggeribus infimis muri eruerent. Et cum hostes obarassent herbidi terreni extra murum quidquid " erat, semen iniecerunt, ut Hannibal Eone raporum " usque dum ea nascuntur ad Casilinum sessurus sum ? 15 exclamaret et nullum antea auribus ; qui pactionem admiserat, tum demum agi secum est passus de 16 redemptione liberorum capitum. Septunces auri in singulos pretium convenit. Fide accepta tradiderunt sese. Donee omne aurum persolutum est, in vinculis

17 habiti ; tum remissi summa cum fide. Id verius est quam ab equite in abeuntis inmisso interfectos. Praenestini maxima pars fuere. Ex quingentis ^ septuaginta qui in praesidio fuerunt minus dimidium ferrum famesque absumpsit : ceteri incolumes Prae- neste cum praetore suo M. Anicio—scriba is antea

^ minus P{1) : haud minus x Madvig.

^ Hannibal had a chain across the river according to Frontinus Slrat. III. xiv. 2. " This was to impress Hannibal with their confidence that their supplies would hold out for months, and that they did not need the grass and herl;S of which he had deprived them; Frontinus III. xv. 3; Strabo V. iv. 10. 66 BOOK XXIII. MX. 11-17 the a jai's by cross current to the bank guarded by b c. 216 the enemy. There, caught among the willows growing on the banks, they were seen and it was reported to Hannibal. And thereafter by a closer watch they saw to it that nothing sent down the Volturnus to the city should escape notice.^ How- ever nuts which were poured out from the Roman camp, as they floated down the middle of the river to Casilinum, were caught by crates. Finally they i-eached such a pitch of distress that they tried, after softening them by hot water, to chew and the hides off of shields thongs stripped ; and they did not abstain from rats and other animals, and dug out every kind of plant and root from the bank beneath the wall. And when the enemy had ploughed up all the grassy ground outside the wall, the sowed so that Hannibal ex- garrison" turnips,^ claimed Am I to sit before Casilinum until those " seeds come up ? And the man who had never before listened to any terms now at last allowed them to treat with him in regai'd to ransoming the free men. Seven-twelfths of a pound of gold was agreed upon as the price per man.^ On receiving his promise they sui-rendered. They were kept in chains until all the gold was paid, then with strict regard for his promise they were released. Thfe is the more correct version than that they were slain by a charge of cavalry as they departed. The majority were Praenestines. Of the five hundred and seventy who were in the garrison sword and starvation earned off less than half. The rest returned safe to Praeneste with their commander Marcus Anicius, who had

' Nearly four times the ransom demanded for an ally (200 denarii) after the battle of Cannae; XXII. lii. 2. 67 f2 LIVY

18 fucrat—redierunt. Statua eius indicio fuit Praeneste in foro statuta, loricata, amieta toga, velato capite, cum tilulo lamnae acneae inscripto, M. Aniciuni pro niilitibus qui Casilini in praesidio fuerint votum solvisse. Idem titulus tribus signis in aede Fortunae positis fuit suhicctus. XX. Casilinum nppidum redditum C'anipaiiis est, firmatum septingentorum militum de exercitu Hannibalis praesidio, ne, ubi Poenus inde abscessisset, Romani opjnignarent. 2 Praenestinis militibus senatus Komanus duplex stipendium et quinquennii militiae vacationem de-

crevit ; civitate cum donarentur ob virlutem, non 3 niutaverunt. Perusinorum casus obscTu-ior fama est, quia nee ipsorum monumento ullo est inlustratus nee decreto Romanorum. 4 Eodem tempore Petelinos, qui uni ex Bruttiis manserant in amicitia Romana, non Carthaginienses modo qui regionem obtinebant, sed Bruttii quoque ceteri ob separata ab se consilia oppugnabant. 5 Quibus cum obsistere malis nequirent Petelini, legatos Romam ad praesidium petendum miserunt. Quorum preces lacrimaeque—in questus enim flebiles, cum sibimet ipsi consulere iussi sunt, sese in vestibulo curiae profuderunt—ingentem misericordiam patri- G bus ac iterum a populo moverunt ; consultique M. Aemilio }#aetore patres circiunspectis omnibus

1 I.e. they did not accept. 2 Petelia, not far north of Croton, was an exception to the statement that all the Bruttians had gone over to the Carthaginians; XXII. Ixi. 12. 3 Probably elected in place of Postumius, who fell in Gaul (xxiv. 11). 68 BOOK XXIII. XIX. 17-XX. 6 formerly been a clerk. As evidence there formerly b.c. 216 stood in the forum of Praeneste a statue of the man, wearing a cuirass and draped in a toga, with his head covered. It had an inscription on a bronze plate, stating that Marcus Anicius had paid his vow on behalf of the soldiers Avho were in the garrison at Casilinum. The same inscription was placed beneath three images of gods set up in tlie Temple of Fortune. XX. The town of Casilinum was restored to the Campanians and defended by a garrison of seven hundred men from the army of Hannibal, that the Romans might not attack it when the Cartha- ffinian should withdraw. To the Praenestine soldiers the Roman senate voted double pay and exemption from service for five years. Though rewarded for their courage with the gift of Roman citizenship, they made no change.^ As to the fate of the Perus- ians the report is less clear, since no light has been thrown upon it either by any record of their own or by a decree of the Romans. At the same time the Petelini,^ who alone among the Bruttians had remained in the friendship of Rome, were being attacked not only by the Cartha- ginians, who were holding the region, but also by the rest of the Bruttians for not making common cause mth them. Unable to withstand these dangers, the Petelini sent legates to Rome to ask their for a garrison. The prayers of the legates and tears—for when ordered to shift for themselves they gave way to tearful complaints before the entrance of the Senate House—stirred great compassion among senators and people. And when consulted a second time by Marcus Aemilius, a praetor,^ the senators, after sm-veying all the resources of the empire, were 69 LIVY

imperii viribus fateri coacti nihil iam longinquis sociis in se praesidii esse, redire domum fideque ad ultimiim expleta consulcre sibimet ipsos in reliquum ^ 7 pro praescnti fortuna iusserunt. Haec postquam renuntiata legatio Petelinis est, tantus repente maeror pavorque senatum eorum cepit ut pars pro- fugiendi qua quisque posset ac deserendae urbis 8 auctores essent, pars, qiiando descrti a veteribus sociis essent, adiungendi se ceteris Bruttiis ac per eos 9 dedendi Hannibali. Vicit tamen ea pars quae nihil raptim nee temere agendum consulendumque de 10 integro censuit. Relata postero die per minorem trepidationem re tenuerunt optimates ut convectis omnibus ex agris urbem ac muros firmarent. XXI. Per idem fere tempus litterae ex Sicilia 2 Sardiniaque Romam allatae. Priores ex Sicilia T. Otacilii propraetoris in senatu recitatae sunt ; P. Furium praetorem cum classe ex Africa Lily- baeum venisse in discrimine ; ipsum graviter saucium ultimo vitae esse militi ac navalibus sociis ; neque stipendium neque frumentum ad diem dari neque 3 unde detur esse suadere ut ; magnopere quam primum ea mittantur, sibique, si ita videatur, ex 4 novis praetoribus successorem mittant. Eademque fei'me de stipendio frumentoque ab A. Cornelio Mam- mula propraetore ex Sardinia scripta. Responsum

1 pro Madvig : in z : om. r{\).

1 were The siege lasted eleven months, and at the last they etc. xxx. 1 ff. subsisting on hides, bark, twigs, ; ; Polybius VII. i. 3. 70 BOOK XXIII. .\.\. 6-.XXI. 4

^^- ^^'^ compelled to admit that they themselves no longer had any means to protect distant allies. They ordered them to return home, and having fulfilled their obligation to the last, to shift for themselves for the future as best the situation permitted. When this outcome of the embassy was reported at Petelia, such dejection and fear unexpectedly seized their senate that some proposed to flee, each taking any possible road, and to abandon the city, while others, since they had been deserted by their old allies, proposed to join the rest of the Bruttians and through them to surrender to Hannibal. But those who thought nothing should be done hastily or rashly, and that they should deliberate again, prevailed. When the matter was brought up in less excitement the following day, the optimates carried their point, that they should bring in everything from the farms ^ and strengthen the city and the walls. XXI. About the same time letters from Sicily and Sardinia were brought to Rome. First to be read in the senate were those from Sicily and Titus Otacilius, the propraetor, reporting that Publius Furius, the praetor, had come with his fleet from that Furius himself had been Africa to Lilybaeimi ; seriously wounded and his life was in the utmost danger; that neither pay nor grain was being furnished to the soldiers and the crews at the proper no of so that he date, and they had means doing ; strongly urged that both be sent as soon as possible, and that they send a successor chosen, if they saw fit, from the number of the new praetors. Much the same facts in regard to pay and grain were reported from Sardinia by Aulus Cornelius Mammula, the propraetor. To each the reply was that there 71 TJVY

utrique non esse unde mitteretur, iussique ipsi 5 classibus atque cxei'citibus suis consulere. T. Ota- ciliiis ad unicum subsidium populi Romani, Hieronem, legates cum misisset, in stipendium quanti argenti 6 fuit et sex opus mensum frumentum accepit ; Cornelio in Sardinia civitates sociae benigne contulerunt. Et Romae quoque propter penuriam argenti triumviri mensarii rogatione M. Minuci tribuni plebis facti, L. Aemilius Papus, qui consul censorque fuerat, et M. Atilius Regulus, qui bis consul fuerat, et L. 7 Scribonius Libo, qui tum tribunus plebis erat. Et duumviri creati M. et C. Atilii aedem Concordiae, L. dedicaverunt et quam Manlius praetor voverat, ; tres pontifices ci*eati, Q. Caecilius Metellus et Q. Fabius Maximus et Q. Fulvius Flaccus, in locum P. Scantini demortui et L. Aemili Pauli consulis et

Q. Aeli Paeti, qui ceciderant pugna Cannensi. XXII. Cum cetera quae continuis cladibus fortuna minuerat, quantum consiliis humanis adsequi po- 2 terant. patres explessent, tandem se quoque et solitudinem curiae paucitatemque convenientium ad 3 publicum consilium respexerunt. Neque enim post L. Aemilium et C. Flaminium censores senatus lectus fuerat, cum tantum senatormii adversae pugnae, ad

1 B.C. a faithful Hiero II had ruled SjTacuse 270-215 ; ally of the Romans from 263 to his death. For his sympathy and aid, including the gift of a golden Victory, after the battle of the Trasumennus, cf. XXII. xxxvii. 2 In the citadel, begun in 217 B.C.; XXII. xxxiii. 7 f. BOOK XXIII. xxi. 4-x.\ii. 3

was nothing on hand to send, and they were ordered u.o. 216 to provide for their own fleets and armies. Titus Otacilius sent legates to Hiero, the mainstay of tlie Roman people/ and received what money was needed for pay, and grain for six months. In Sardinia the allied states made generous contributions to Cornehus. And at Rome besides, on account of the lack of money, three bank-commissioners were named in accordance with a bill of Marcus Minucius, a tribune of the plebs, namely, Lucius Aemilius Papus, who had been consul and censor, and Marcus Atilius Regulus, who had been consul twice, and Lucius Scribonius Libo, who was at that time a tribune of the plebs. And Mai-cus Atilius and Gains Atilius, elected duumvirs, dedicated a temple of Concord,^ which Lucius Manlius had vowed in his praetorship. And three pontiffs, Quintus Caecihus Metellus and Quintus Fabius Maximus and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus,were elected^ in place of Publius Scantinius, deceased, and of Lucius Aemilius Paulus, the consul, and Quintus Aehus Paetus, both of whom had fallen in the battle of Cannae. XXII. After making good, in so far as they could accomplish it by human wisdom, the other losses fortune had caused by a series of disasters, the fathers at last had regard for themselves as well and for the desolate Senate House and the small number that came to the council of state. For since the censorship of Lucius Aemilius and Gains Flaminius the list of the senate had not been revised, although the defeats and in addition the fate of individuals

* I.e. by the college of pontiffs. Fabius is the Delayer, dictator in 217 B.C. Fulvius was consul twice before this war, and twice again during the war, 212 and 209. 73 LIVY

hoc sui quemque casus per quinquennium absump- 4 sissent. Cum de ea i*e M. Aemilius praetor, dictatore ^ post Casilinum amissum profecto iam ad exercitum, exposcentihus cunctis rettulisset, turn Sp. Carvilius, ^ cum longa oratione non patrum solum inopiam sed paucitatem etiam civium ex quibus in patres legeren- 6 tur conquestus esset, explendi senatus causa et iungendi artius Latini nominis cum populo Romano mag-nopere se suadci'C dixit ut ex singulis populis ^ Latinorum binis senatoribus, quibus patres Romani * censuissent, civitas daretur atque inde in demor- 6 tuorum locum in senatum legerentur. Eam sententiam haud aequioribus animis quam ipsorum quon- 7 Latinorum audierunt et dam postulatum patres ; cum fremitus indignantium tota curia esset, et praecipue T. Manlius esse etiam nunc eius stirpis virum diceret ex qua quondam in Capitolio consul minatus esset quem Latinum in curia vidisset eum sua manu 8 se interfecturum, Q. Fabius Maximus numquam rei ullius alieniore tempore mentionem factam in senatu dicit quam inter tam suspensos sociorum animos incertamque fidem id iactum quod insupcr sollici- 9 taret eos. Eam unius hominis temerariam vocem silentio omnium exstinguendam esse et, si quid umquam arcani sanctive ad silendum in cui-ia fuerit,

^ iam A!' Valla : tam P(l) : tandem Liichs : orn. xC'^. ^ patrum H. J. Mailer (this order) : senatus x : senatorum Weissenborn : eam Harant : orn. P(\). ' quibus J. H. Yoss : quos A« : si x : of)n. P{\). * inde in x Frigell : in P(l) : ei in Madvig.

^ Cf. above, vi. 8 and note. 74 BOOK XXIII. x.xii. 3-9

had in the five years carried off so large a number b.c. 216 of senators. Marcus Aemilius, the praetor, raised that question, as all demanded that he should, since the dictator had already gone to the army after the loss of Casilinum. Thereupon Spurius Carvilius, after complaining in a long speech, not of the lack of senators only, but also of the small number of citizens from whom men might be chosen into the senate, said that for the sake of recruiting the senate and of linking the Latins more closely with the Roman people, he strongly urged that citizenship be bestowed upon two senators from each of the Latin states, to be selected the fathers that from this by Roman ; and number men be chosen into the senate in place of the deceased members. The fathers gave no more favourable hearing to this proposal than they had given to a former demand of the Latins themselves.^ There was a murmur of indiijnation everywhere in the hall, and in particular Titus Manlius said that there still lived a man of the family to which belonged the consul who on the Capitol had once threatened that he would slay with his own hand any Latin he should see in the Senate House. ^ Upon that Quintus Fabius Maximus said that never had anything been mentioned in the senate at a more unfavourable moment than this had been broached, in the midst of such unsettled feehng and wavering loyalty among the allies, only to stir them up the more ; that that rash utterance of a single man should be drowned by silence on the of all and if there part them ; that, was ever any hallowed secret to be left unmentioned

2 The threat was recorded in VIII. v. 7. The present Manlius had opposed ransoming the captives at Cannae; XXII. Ix. 5 S. 75 LIVY

id omnium maxime tegendimi, occulendum, oblivis- ^ cendum, pro non dicto habendum esse. Ita eius rei opprcssa nientio est. 10 Dictatoreni, qui censor ante fuisset vetustissi- musque ex iis qui viverent censoriis esset, creari placuit qui senatum lctj;eret, accirique C. Terentium 11 consulem ad dictatoreni dicendum iusserunt. Qui ex Apulia relicto ibi praesidio cum magnis itineribus Romam redisset, nocte proxiraa, ut mos erat, M. Fabium Biiteonem ex senatus consulto sine magistro equitum dictatoreni in sex menses dixit. XXII I. Is ubi cum lictoribus in rostra escendit, neque duos dictatores tempore uno, quod numquam antea factum 2 esset, probare se dixit, neque dictatorem sine magistro equitum, nee censoriam vim uiii permissam et eidem iterum, nee dictatori, nisi rei gerendae causa 3 creato, in sex menses datum imperium. Quae in- ^ moderata forsan tempus ac necessitas fecerit, iis ^ se modum impositurum : nam neque senatu quemquam moturum ex iis quos C. Flaminius L. Aemilius 4 censores in transcribi taiitum senatum legissent ; recitarique eos iussurum, ne penes uiium hominem indicium arbitriumque de fama ac moribus senatoris

fuerit ; et ita in demortuorum locum sublecturuni ut ordo ordini, non homo homini praelatus videretur. 5 Recitato vetere senatu, iiide primos in demortuorum locum legit qui post L. Aemilium C. Flaminium cen-

1 non dicto JiPA : dicto P(ll) : indicto Alschefski. 2 {orsun 31ad vig : fors P(l).

1 I.e. Varro, defeated at Cannae. * Minucius, master of the horse, liad finally been given by the people equal authority with Fabius, but that did not make dictator xxvi. 7 xxvii. 3. him legally a ; XXII. ;

.r BOOK XXIII. XXII. 9-xxiii. 5

in the senate, this above all others must be covered, b.c. 216 concealed, forgotten, considered unsaid. So mention of the matter was suppressed. It was decided that as dictator, to draw up the list of the senate, a man should be appointed who had previously been censor and was senior to all the other Uving ex-censors. And they ordered that Gains Terentius,^ the consul, be summoned that he might name a dictator. He returned to Rome by long stages from a there and that Apulia, leaving garrison ; night, as was the custom, in accordance with the decree of the senate he named Marcus Fabius Buteo dictator for six months without master of the horse. XXIII. -Fabius mounted the Rostra Avith his lictnrs and said that he did not approve of two dictators at the same time, an unprecedented thing,^ nor of a dictator without master of the horse, nor of conferring a censor's power upon one man, and in fact to the same man a second time, nor of giving the full military authority for six months to a dictator not appointed for the conduct of affairs. He said that he would set a limit to such possible irregularities as the crisis and necessity had occasioned. For he would not eject from the senate any of those whom Gains Flaminius and Lucius AeiniUus as censors had chosen into the senate, but would order their names mei'ely to be copied and read out, that judgment and decision in regard to the reputation and character of a senator might not rest with one man. And in place of the deceased he would make his choice in such a way that rank' should obviously have been preferred to rank, not man to man. After reading the list of the old senate, he chose in place of the deceased first those who since the censorship of Lucius Aemilius 77 LIVY

sores curulem magistratum cepissent nectlum in senatum lecti essent, ut quisque eorum primus creatus 6 erat turn tribuni ; legit, qui aediles, plebis, quaes- toresve fuerant turn ex iis non ^ ; qui magistratus cepissent, qui spolia ex hoste fixa domi haberent aut 7 civicam coronam accepissent. Ita centum septuaginta septem cum ingenti adprobatione hominum in senatuin lectis, extemplo se magistratu abdicavit pi-ivatusque de rostris descendit lictoribus abire 8 iussis, turbaeque se inmiscuit privatas agentium res, tempus hoc sedulo tcrens, ne deducendi sui causa populum de foi-o abduceret. Neque tamen elanguit cura hominum ea mora, frequentesque eum domum 9 deduxerunt. Consul nocte insequenti ad exercitum redit non facto certiore senatu, ne comitiorum causa in urbe retineretur. XXIV. Postero die consultus a M. Pomponio praetore senatus decrevit dictatori scribendum uti, si e re publica censeret esse, ad consules subrogandos veniret 2 cum magistro equitum et praetore M. Marcello, ut ex iis praesentibus noscere patres possent quo statu res publica esset, consiliaque ex rebus caperent. Qui acciti erant, omnes venerunt relictis legatis qui 3 legionibus praeessent. Dictator de se pauca ac

1 non Sigonius: om. P(l) : non (magistratus) Conway: minorcs (magistratus) Strolh.

1 In 220 B.C. ; Periocha 20. ^ Pending the revision of the list by the censors, once in five years in the normal course of things. 78 BOOK XXIII. XXIII. 5-xxiv. 3

^ and Gaius Flaniinius had held a curule office and had b.o. 216 ^ not yet been chosen into the senate, in each case in the order of his election. Then he chose those who had been tribunes of the or aediles,^ people quaestors ; then, from the number of those who had not held the men offices, who had spoils of the enemy affixed to their houses or had received the civic wreath.^ Having thus chosen a hundred and seventy-seven into the senate with great approval, he at once abdicated his office and came down from the Rostra a priviite citizen, after ordering his lictors to leave him. And he mingled with the crowd of those en- in gaged private business, dehberately killing time, in order not to draw the people away from the forum for the purpose of escorting him. Yet men's attention was not relaxed by that delay, and so in large numbers they escorted him home. The consul returned that night to the army without informing the for fear of senate, being detained in the city to conduct the elections. XXIV\ On the next day the senate, presided over by Marcus Pomponius, the praetor, decreed that the dictator should be informed by letter that, if he thought it to the public interest, he should come with the master of the horse and the praetor, Marcus Marcellus, for the election of consuls, in order that from them in person the fathers could learn what was the condition of the state and make their plans in accordance with the facts. All of those summoned came, leaving their lieutenants to command the legions. The dictator spoke briefly and * I .e. plebeian aediles. * Ttie reward of a soldier who had saved the life of a fellow- citizen.

79 LIVY

modice locutus in magistrum equitum Ti. Semproni- uni Gracchum magnam partem gloriae vertit, comiti- aque edixit, quibus L. Postiimius tertium absens, qui turn Galliam provinciam obtinebat, etTi. Sempronius GracQhus, qui turn magister equitum et aedilis curulis 4 crat, consules creantur. Praetores inde creati M. Valerius Laevinus iterum, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, r> Q. Fulvius Flaccus, Q. Mucius Scaevola. Dictator creatis magistratibus Teanum in hiberna ad exercitum redit relieto magistro equitum Romae, qui, cum post paucos dies magistratum initurus esset, de exercitibus scribendis conparandisque in anmmi patres consuleret. 6 Cum eae res maxime agerentur, nova clades nuntiata, aliam super aliam cumulante in eum annum fortuna, L. Postimiium consulem designatum in 7 Gallia ipsum atque exercitum deletos. Silva erat vasta—Litanam Galli vocabant—qua exercitum tra- ducturus erat. Eius silvae dextra laevaque circa viam Galli arbores ita inciderunt ut inmotae starent, 8 momento levi inpulsae occiderent. Legiones duas Romanas habebat Postumius, sociumque ab supero mari tantum conscripserat ut viginti quinque milia 9 armatorum in agros hostium induxerit. Galli cram extremae silvae cum circumsedissent, ubi intravit

1 What were the achievements of M. Junius Pera special " " we are not told. Probably glory is only conventional for " credit." The consul is absent with the army. '^ The northernmost town in Campania was Teanum Sidicijium, an important road centre in a strong position. 8o BOOK XXIII. XXIV. 3-9 modestly of himself, and then diverted a large share d.o. 216 ^ of the glory to the master of the horse, Tiberius the Sempronius Gracchus ; and he ordered elections at which these consuls were named : Lucius Postu- mius for the third time, then absent with Gaul as his sphere of action, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, who was at that time master of the horse and curule aedile. Then the following men were elected as praetors : Marcus Valerius Laevinus for the second time, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, Quintus Mucins Scaevola. The dictator, after the election of magistrates, returned to the army and the winter quai-ters at Teanum,^ leaving the master of the horse at Rome, in order that he, inasmuch as he was to enter upon office a few days later, might advise with the fathers in regard to enrolling and providing armies for the year. Just as these measures were being taken, a fresh disaster was reported—for fortune was piling one upon another for that year—namely, that the consul designate, Lucius Postimiius, had perished, himself and his army, in Gaul. There was a huge forest,^ called Litana by the Gauls, by way of which he was about to lead his army. In that forest the Gauls hacked the trees to right and left of the road in such a way that, if not disturbed, they stood, but fell if pushed slightly. Postumius had two Roman legions, and had enlisted from the coast of the Upper Sea * such numbers of allies that he led tMenty-five thousand armed men into the enemy's territory. The Gauls had surrounded the very edge of the forest,

* Near Mutina (Modena), and northwest of Bononia (Bologna). * Cf. xxxviii. 1 ; contrast i. 5. 81 VOL. VI. G LIVY

A.u.c. agmcn saltum, turn extremas arborum succisarum ** impellunt. Quae alia in aliam, instabilem per se ac male haerentem. incidentes ancipiti strage arma, viros, equos obruerunt, ut vix decern homines efFu- 10 gerent. Nam cum exanimati plerique essent arborum truncis fragmentisque ramoriun, ceteram multitudineni inopinato malo trepidam Galli saltum omnem armati circumsedentes interfecerunt, paucis e tanto numero captis, qui pontem fluminis petentes, 11 obsesso ante ab hostibus ponte, interclusi sunt. Ibi Postumius ornni vi ne caperetur dimicans occubuit. Spolia corporis caputque praecisum ducis Boii ovantes templo quod sanctissimum est apud eos 12 intulere. Purgato inde capite, ut mos iis est, calvam auro caelavere, idque sacrum vas iis erat quo sol- ^ lemnibus libarent poculumque idem sacerdotibus 13 esset ac templi antistitibus. Praeda quoque baud minor Gallis victoria fuit nam etsi quam ; magna pars animalium strage silvae oppressa erat, tamen ceterae res, quia nihil dissipatum fuga est, stratae per omnem iacentis agminis ordinem inventae sunt. XXV. Hac niuitiata clade cum per dies multos in tanto pavore fuisset civitas ut tabernis clausis velut

^ sacerdotibus Ahchefski : sacerdotis P(l) : sacerdoti X Sigo7iius.

1 The particular spot chosen for the trap. Although saltu.s often = silva, the hacking of trees must have been confined to some stretch of the road offering special advan- tages to the enem}% and near the point where the road emerged into open country. Of. xxxiii. 8. ^ Here also it is difficult to believe that saltus is used as an- " other word for forest," since the whole silva vasia (§ 7) could hardly be surrounded by the Gauls. Cf. Frontinus I. vi. 4. 82 BOOK XXIII. XXIV. 9-.XX-V. i

^ and when the column entered a defile they pushed b.o. 216 against the outermost of the trees that had been hacked near the ground. As these fell, each upon the next tree, which was in itself unsteady and had only a slight hold, piling up from both sides they overwhelmed arms, men and horses, so that hardly ten men escaped. For after very many had been killed by tree-trunks and broken branches, and the rest of the troops were alarmed by the unforeseen calamity, the Gauls under arms, surrounding the whole defile ^ slew them, while but few out of so many were captured,—the men who were making their way to a bridge over a river, but were cut oif, since the bridge had by that time been occupied by the enemy. There Postumius fell fighting with all his might to avoid capture. Spoils taken from his body and the severed head of the general were carried in triumph by the Boians to the temple which is most revered in their land. Then after cleaning the head they adorned the skull Avith gold according to their custom. And it served them as a sacred vessel from which to pour libations at festivals and at the same time as a drinking cup for the priests and keepers of the temple. The booty also meant no less to the Gauls than the victory. For although a large part of the cattle had been crushed by fallen trees, still everything else was found strewn the whole length of the column of the slain, since nothing was scattered by flight. XXV. When this disaster was reported, the city was for many days in such alarm that, in view of the stillness, like that of night, produced

Even in 43 B.C. there were still remnants of forest along the Aemilian ib. v. Waj- ; II. 39. g2 LIVY

A.u.c. nocturna solitudine per urbem acta senatus acdilibiis 2 negotium dai-et ut urbem circumirent aperirique tabernas et maestitiae publicae specioni urbi denii iubercnt, turn Ti. Senipronius senatuni habuit 3 consolatusque patres est, et adhortatus ne qui Cannensi ruinae non succubuissent ad minores calami- 4 tates animos summitterent. Quod ad Carthagi- nienses hostes Hannibalcmque attineret, prospera niodo essent, sicut speraret, futura, Gallioum bellum et omitti tuto et differri posse, ultionemque earn fraudis in deorum ac populi llomani potestate fore. De hoste Poeno exereitibusque, per quos id bellum 5 gereretur. consultandum atque agitandum. Ipse primum quid peditum equitumque, quid civium, quid

sociorum in exercitu esset dictatoris, disseruit ; tum Marcellus suarum copiarum summam exposuit. 6 Quid in Apulia cum C. Terentio consule esset a est nee ^ consulares exercitus peritis quaesitum ; unde satis firmi ad tantum bellum efficerentur inibatur ratio. Itaque Galliam, quamquam stimulabat iusta ira, omitti eo anno placuit. Exercitus dictatoris con- 7 suli decretus est. De exercitu M. Marcelli, qui eorum ex fuga Cannensi essent, in Sicilian! cos traduci atque ibi militare donee in Italia bellum esset 8 ex dictatoris reici militem placuit ; eodem legionibus minimi qucmque roboris, nullo praestituto militiae tempore nisi quod stipendiorum legitimorum esset.

^ nee unde Gronovius : necundo P : ne secundo P^R'(14) :

nee secundo C : nee unde duo Madvig.

^ This he did as niagister equitum. His consulship would at the Ides of March xxx. 17. begin ; 84 BOOK XXIII. XXV. 1-8

throughout the city by the closing of the shops, the b.c. 216 senate charged the aediles with the duty of going about the city and ordering that shops be opened and the appearance of pubUc mourning removed from the city. And then Tiberius Sempronius held ^ a session of the senate ; and he comfoi-ted the fathers, and urged that men who had not given way to the catastrophe at Cannae should not lose heart in the face of lesser disasters. So far as concerned the Carthaginian enemy and Hannibal, he said that, if only coming events should prove favourable, as he hoped, a Gallic war could be both safely neglected and postponed, and punishment for that treacheiy would be in the power of the gods and of the Roman people. It was in regard to the Carthaginian enemy and the armies with which to carry on that war that they must deliberate and debate. He himself first stated what number of infantry and cavalry, of citizens and allies, were in the dictator's army. Then Marcellus set forth the total of his forces. What troops were in Apulia with the consul Gains Terentius was a asked of those who and no question knew ; method of making up consular armies strong enough for so great a war was found. And so, although righteous indignation goaded them, it was decided that Gaul should be left out of account that year. The dictator's army was assigned to the consul. As for the army of Marcus Marcellus, it was voted that those of them who were survivors of the rout at Cannae should be transported to Sicily and serve there so as there should be war in also that from long Italy ; the dictator's legions all the least efficient soldiers should be sent away to the same province, with no definite term of service except that of the campaigns 85 LIVY

A.u.c. 9 Duae legiones urbanae alteri consuli, qui in locum L. ° Postumi suffectus esset, decretae sunt, eunique, cum salvis creari primum auspiciis posset, placuit ; 10 legiones px*aeterea duas primo quoque tempore ex Sicilia acciri, atque inde consulem, cui legiones urbanae evenissent, militum sumere quantum opus esset C. Terentio consuli ^ in annum ; propagari imperium, neque de eo exercitu quem ad praesidimn Apuliae haberet quicquam minui. XX\"I. Dum haec in Italia geruntur apparanturque, nihilo segnius in Hispania bellimi erat, sed ad earn 2 diem magis prosperum Romanis. P. et Cn. Scipio- nibus inter se partitis copias. ut Gnaeus terra, Publius naAibus rem gereret, Hasdrubal Poenorum imperator, neutri parti virium satis fidens, procul ab hoste intervallo ac locis tutus tenebat se, quoad multum ac diu ^ obtestanti quattuor milia peditum et quingenti 3 equites in supplementum missi ex Africa sunt. Tum refecta tandem spe castra propius hostem movit, classemque et ipse instrui pararique iubet ad insulas 4 maritimamque oram tutandam. In ipso impetu mo- vendarum de integro rerum perculit eum praefec- torum navium transitio, qui post classem ad Hiberum per pavorem desertam graviter increpiti numquam

^ propagari P(l) : prorogari A^Madvig. 2 et quingenti {i.e. d) A-z : et P(4) : mille Alschefski (the numeral co is often omitted in P).

^ The usual word would be prorogari. But Cicero has Att. VIII. ill. and uses the verb in the provinciae" propagator," 3, in iii. so sense of prolong Cat. 26 ; Suetonius Aug. 23. - I.e. than in Italy. ' As voted by the Carthaginian senate, xiii. 7. * Cf. XXII. xix. 11 f. Their desertion now consisted in going over to native tribes which sided with the Romans, 86 BOOK XXIII. xw. 9-xxvi. 4

216 fixed by law. The two city legions were assigned to b.c. the other consul, to be elected in place of Lucius be elected Postumius ; and it was voted that he to the as soon as possible with due regard auspices ; further, that two legions be summoned as soon as the consul might be from Sicily, and that from them as to whom the city legions fell should take many that the command of soldiers as he needed ; also ^ Gaius Terentius, the consul, should be extended for one year and no reduction made in the army which he had for the defence of Apulia. XXVI. During these operations and these prepara- no less tions in Italy the war in Spain was active, ^ but up to that time more successful for the Romans. Publius and Gnaeus Scipio had divided the forces between them, so that Gnaeus should carry on the fleet and war on land, Publius with the ; Hasdrubal, commander-in-chief of the Carthaginians, since he either of his could not fully depend upon arm forces, remained far from the enemy, being protected by to distance and position, until, in answer pleas urgent and five and long-continued, four thousand infantry reinforce hundred cavalry were sent from Africa to him.3 Then, with hopes at last renewed, he moved his camp nearer to the enemy, and he too ordered that a fleet should be built and equipped, in order In the to protect the islands and the sea-coast. very the flush of renewed operations he met a blow in desertion of the commanders of his ships, who, abandonment being severely reprimanded after their of the fleet at the Hiberus in their fright ,4 had never

the lower Baetis especially to the Tartesii (Turdetani), on (Guadalquivir). 87 LIVY

deinde satis fidi aut duci aut Carthaginiensium rebus 5 fuerant. Fecerant hi transfugae motum in Tarte- siorum gente, desciverantcjue iis auctoribus urbes una etiam ab vi fuerat. aliquot ; ipsis capta 6 In earn gentem versum ab llomanis bellum est, infestoque exercitu Hasdrubal ingressus agrum hostium pro captae ante dies paucos urbis moenibus Chalbum, nobilem Tartesiorum ducem, cum valido exercitu castris se tenentem, adgredi statuit. 7 Pi'aemissa igitur levi armatura quae eliceret hostis ad certamen, equitum partem ad populandum per agros ^ 8 passim dimisit et ut palantis exciperent. Simul et ad castra tumultus erat et per agros fugaque et caedes deinde diversis itineribus in ; undique cum castra se recepissent, adeo repente decessit animis paver ut non ad munimenta modo defendenda satis animorum esset sed etiam ad lacessendum proelio 9 hostem. Erumpunt igitur agmine e castris tripu- diantes more suo, repentinaque eorum audacia terrorem hosti paulo ante ultro lacessenti incussit. 10 Itaque et ipse Hasdrubal in collem satis arduum, flumine etiam obiecto tutum,^ copias subducit et praemissam levem armaturam equitelque palates eodem recipit, nee aut colli aut flumini satis fidens, 11 castra vallo permunit. In hoc alterno pavore cei'ta- nee mina aliquot sunt contracta ; Numida Hispane

1 et Heii.singer : om. P(l). 2 tutum Ileenvagen : turn P(l), rvith tutura before flumine. 88 BOOK XXIII. xxvi. 4-1 1 since been entirely loyal either to the general or to d.c. 216 the cause of Carthage. These deserters had made trouble in the tribe of the Tartesii, and at their instigation a number of cities had rebelled. One city had even been stormed by them. It was against this tribe that the war was now diverted from the Romans, and Hasdrubal, having entered the territory of the enemy with a hostile army, resolved to attack a noble in command of the Tartesii, Chalbus, who with a strong army was keeping to his camp before the walls of a city captured a few days before. Therefore Hasdrubal, sending the light-armed in advance, to draw out the enemy to battle, scattered part of his cavalry over the farms to ravage them and to capture stragglers. There was confusion at the camp and at the same time flight and slaughter in the country around. Then, after they had made their way from all sides back to the camp by different roads, fear was so suddenly banished from their hearts that they had sufficient spirit not only to defend the fortifications but also to attack the enemy. Accordingly they sallied out of the in a as is their custom camp column, dancing, ; and their sudden boldness inspired alarm in the enemy, who a little before had been the aggressor. And so Hasdrubal likewise led his forces up a very steep hill, further defended by a river in front. Also he got back the light-armed who had been sent ahead and the scattered cavalry to the same position. Unable to put sufficient confidence in either the hill or the river, he strongly fortified his camp with an earthwork. While fear was shifting thus from one side to the other, a number of engagements took place, and the Numidian horseman was no match for the

89 LIVY

eques par fuit nee iaculator Maurus eaetrato, veloei- tate pari, robore animi viriumque aliquantum praestanti. XXVII. Postquam neque elieere Poenum ad certamen obversati castris poterant neque castrorum 2 oppugnatio facilis erat, urbem Ascuam, quo finis hostium ingrediens Hasdrubal frumentum commea- tusque alios convexerat, vi capiunt omnique circa nee iam aut in aut in agro potiuntur ; agmine castris 3 ullo imperio contineri. Quam ubi neglegentiam ex re, ut fit, bene gesta oriri senserat Hasdrubal, cohorta- tus milites ut palates sine signis hostes adgrederentur, degressus colle pergit ire acie instructa ad castra. ^ 4 Quern ut adesse turnultuose nuntii refugientes ex speculis stationibusque attulere, ad arma conclama- 5 turn est. Ut quisque arma ceperat, sine imperio, sine signo, incompositi, inordinati in proelium ruunt. Iam primi conseruerant manus, cum alii catervatim 6 currerent, alii nondum e castris exissent. Tamen audacia terruere hostem deinde rari in prime ipsa ; confertos inlati, cum paucitas parum tuta esset, respicere alii alios et undique pulsi coire in erbem, ^ 7 et dum corpora corperibus applicant armaque armis iungunt, in artum conpulsi, cum vix movendis armis satis spatii esset, corona hostium cincti ad

1 nuntii refugientes A'z : nuntiares fugientes PCP(ll) (with nuntiare M^?A). 2 corpora x : om. P(l).

90 BOOK XXIII. xxvi. 11-x.v^ii. 7

Spaniard, noi* the Moorish dart-thi-ower for the man b.o. 216 with the wicker shield, the Spaniard in both cases being an equal in speed and quite superior in spirit and strength. XXVII. After the Tartesii had repeatedly failed to draw the Carthaginian out to battle by fticing his camp, and it was also not easy to assault the camp, they took by storm the city of Ascua, to which Hasdrubal, on entering the land of the enemy, had other and brought grain and supplies ; they gained possession of all the country around. And they could no longer be restrained by any authority either on the mai'ch or in camp. Hasdrubal, per- ceiving that this carelessnesscame, as usually happens, from success, exhorted his soldiers to attack the enemy while dispersed and in no formation, and coming down from the hill he proceeded to their camp in battle order. When his approach was reported by from the watch-towers and messengers fleeing wildly " " guard-posts, they shouted To arms! Snatching up arms, each man for himself, without commanders, without orders, in no units or formations, they dashed into battle. Already the first men had engaged, while some charged in separate masses and others had not yet left the camp. Nevertheless they at first frightened the enemy by sheer audacity. Then, as stragglers advancing against dense ranks, finding no safety in small numbers, they looked to one another for beaten back from help ; and, every side, they formed a circle. And as they crowded bodies against bodies and touched arms to arms, they were forced into close quarters. Having hardly room enough to move their weapons, they were encircled by the enemy, and the slaughter continued until late in the 91 LIVY

8 niultum diei caeduntur facta ; exi^ua pars eruptione silvas ac rnoiitis petit. Parique tcrrore et castra sunt deserta et universa gens postero die in deditionem venit. 9 diu in ^ ab Cartlia- Nee pacto mansit ; nam subinde gine allatinn est ut Hasdrubal primo quoque tempore in Italian! exei'citum dueeret, quae volgata res per Hispaniam omnium ferme animos ad Romanes avertit. 10 Itaque Hasdrubal extemplo litteras Carthaginem mittit, indicans quanto fama profcctionis suae damno fuisset si vero inde ; pergeret, priusquam Hiberum 11 transiret Romanorum Hispaniam fore; nam praeterquam quod nee praesidium nee ducem haberet quem relinqueret pro se, eos imperatores esse Romanos quibus vix aequis viribus resisti possit.^ 12 Itaque si ulla Hispaniae cura esset, suecessorem sibi ^ cum valido exercitu mitterent ; cui ut omnia prospere evenirent, non tamen otiosam provinciam fore. XXVni. Eae litterae quamquam primo admodum moverunt senatum, tamen, quia Italiae cura prior potiorque erat, nihil de Hasdrubale neque de copiis

2 eius mutatum est ; Himilco cum exercitu iusto et aucta classe ad retinendam terra marique ac tuen- 3 dam Hispaniam est missus. Qui ut pedestris navalisque copias traiecit, castris eommunitis navibus- que subductis et vallo circumdatis, cum equitibus delectis ipse, quantum maxime adcelerare poterat,

1 pacto Stroth : pacato P(l). ^ possit P(l) Walters : posset Forchhammer, Madvig. ' ut Gronovius : si A^ : om. P(l).

^ Evidently exaggerated, as in xxix. 16 and xxxii. 6. A prosperous city near the Hiberus is mentioned in xxviii. 10 as still loyal to the Carthaginians. 92 BOOK XXIII. xxvii. 7-.\xviii. 3 day. A very small part of them sallied out and made b.c. 216 for the woods and the mountains. » In no less alai-m the camp was abandoned, and on the next day the whole tribe surrendered. Yet not for long did the tribe abide by the agreement. For soon eame the order from Carthage that Hasdrubal should at the first opportunity lead his army into Italy. And the spreading of this news throughout Spain made neai-ly all incline to the side 1 of the Romans. Accordingly Hasdrubal at once sent a letter to Carthage, showing what a loss the of his that if mere report departure had caused ; he were actually to leave the country, Spain would belong to the Romans before he should cross the IIiberu.s.2 For besides the lack of both an ai-my and a general to leave in his place, so able were the Roman generals that they could scarcely be resisted if the forces were evenly matched. And so, if they had any regard for Spain, they should send him a successor with a strong army. Even if all should go well, that man would still find it no peaceful province. XXVIII. Though this letter at first greatly stirred the senate, nevertheless, since concern for Italy was older and stronger, no change was made either in regard to Hasdrubal or to his forces. But Himilco was sent with a complete army and an enlarged fleet to hold and defend Spain by land and sea. After transporting his land and naval forces, Himilco fortified a camp, beached his ships and surrounded them with an earthwork. Then he himself with picked horsemen, making his Avay with all possible speed, and with equal alertness through the

* the ii. 7. The Ebro was treaty boundary ; XXI. 93 LIVY

per dubios infestosquc populos iuxta intentus ad 4 Hasdrubalem pervenit. Cum decreta senatus man- ^ dataque cxposuisset atque cdoctus esset ipse in viccm quern ad modum tractandum helium in ^ Hispania foret, retro in sua castra redit nulla re quam celeritate tutior, quod undique abierat ante- 5 quam eonsentirent. Hasdrubal priusquam moveret castra pecunias imperat populis omnibus suae dicionis, satis gnarus Hannibalem transitus quosdam 6 pretio naercatum nee auxilia Gallica aliter quam conducta habuisse tantum iter ; inopem ingressum vix penetraturum ad Alpis fuisse. Pecuniis igitur raptim exactis ad Hiberum descendit. 7 Decreta Carthaginiensium et Hasdrubalis iter ubi ad Romanos sunt perlata, omnibus omissis rebus ambo duces iunctis copiis ire obviam coeptis atque 8 obsistere parant, rati, si Hannibali, vix per se ipsi tolerando Italiae hosti, Hasdrubal dux atque His- paniensis exercitus esset iunctus, ilium finem Ro- 9 mani imperii fore. His anxii curis ad Hiberum contrahunt copias, et transito amne cum diu con- sultassent utrum castra castris confex'rent an satis ^ haberent sociis Carthaginiensium oppugnandis mo- 10 rai-i ah itinere proposito hostem, urbem a propinquo flumine Hiberam appellatam, opulentissimam ea 11 tempestate regionis eius, oppugnare parant. Quod ubi sensit Hasdrubal, pro ope ferenda sociis pergit ire ipse ad urbem deditam nuper in fidem Romanorum

1 edoctus cssct A^ Valla : edocuisset P^?(l) : -uisse P. 2 redit P: rediit P3(i). •^ 3 an satis A« Valla : antis PR : an iis C : tantis (14). 94 BOOK XXIII. xxviii. 3-1 1 wavering and the hostile tribes, reached Hasdrubal. b.c. 216 After setting forth the decrees and instructions of the senate, and being himself informed in turn how the war in Spain must be conducted, he went back to his own camp, being protected by his quickness more than anything else, since he had left each place before the enemy could agree upon action. Has- drubal, before breaking camp, exacted money from all the tribes under his rule, knowing well that Hannibal had repeatedly bought the right of passage, them and that he had Gallic auxiliaries only by hiring ; but that if he had set out on so long a march without funds, he would scarcely have made his way to the Alps. Therefore he exacted money in haste and came down to the Hiberus. When news of the decrees of the Carthaginians and Hasdrubal's expedition reached the Roman commanders, both dropped everything, and uniting their forces prepared to meet and resist his efforts, thinking that if Hannibal, who was himself an enemy Italy could scarcely endure, should be joined by Hasdrubal as a general and by an army frouT Spain, that would be the end of the Roman power. Troubled by these apprehensions, they concentrated their troops at the Hiberus, crossed the river, and after protracted deliberation, whether to pitch camp near that of the enemy or to be satisfied with keeping him from his projected mai'ch by attacking allies of the Carthaginians, they prepared to attack a city which had its name Hibera from the river near by, the richest city of the region at that time. On learning this Hasdrubal, instead of bringing aid to his allies, proceeded likewise to attack a city Avhich had recently surrendered to the Romans. Thus the siege 95 LIVY

A.u.c. 12 oppugnandam. Ita iam coepta obsidio omissa ab Homanis est et in ipsuni Hasdrubnlem versum belhim. XXIX. QuiiKiue niiliuni iiitcrvallo castra distantia habuere paucos dies, nee sine levibus proeliis nee ut 2 in aciem exirent tandem uno die velut ; eodemque ex composito utrimque signum pugnae propositum est atque omnibus eopiis in canipum descensum. 3 Triplex stetit Romana acies : velitum pars inter

antesignanos locata, pars post signa aceepta ; equites 4 cornua cinxere. Hasdrubal mediam aciem Hispanis

firmat ; in cornibus, dextro Poenos locat, laevo Afros auxilia mercennariorumque ; equitum Numidas Poe- norum peditibus, ceteros Afris pro cornibus apponit. 5 Nee omnes Numidae in dextro locati cornu, sed quibus desultorum in modum binos trahentibus equos inter acerrimam saepe pugnam in recentem ex fesso armatis transultare mos erat tanta equum ; velocitas ipsis tamque docile equorum genus est. 6 Cum lioc modo instructi starent, imperatorum ferme erant utriusque partis baud dispares spes ; nam ne multum ^ quidem aut numero aut genere ^ hi aut illi militibus militum praestabant ; longe 7 dispar animus erat. Romanis enim, quamquam procul a patria pugnarcnt, facile persuaserant duces Italia urbe Romana eos pro atque pugnare ; itaque, ^ velut quibus reditus in patriam in eo discrimine pugnae verteretur, obstinaverant animis vincere aut

1 multum P(l) : militum Harant, Conway: minimum Koch. 2 militum P(3) : multum D Contvay, * in Madvig : om. P(l).

1 Cf. XXXV. xxviii. 8. 96 BOOK XXIII. XXVIII. ii-.xxix. 7 already begun was abandoned by the Romans and b.c. 216 the war directed against Hasdrubal himself. XXIX. They had their camps five miles apart for a few days, not without skirmishes, but without drawing up lines of battle. Finally on one and the same day, as though by agreement, the signal for battle was raised on both sides and with all their forces they went down into the plain. The Roman line stood in triple ranks. Some of the light-armed were posted in the intervals between the maniples in advance of the standards, some placed behind the standards. Cavalry covered the Avings. Hasdrubal a centre of on the made strong Spanish troops ; right wing he placed Carthaginians, on the left Africans and mercenary auxiliaries. Of the cavalry he stationed the Numidians on the wing of the Cartha- ginian infantr}% the rest on that of the Africans. And not all of his Numidians were placed on the right wing, but only those who, taking two horses apiece^ after the manner of performers, had the custom of leaping armed from the tired horse to the fresh, often in the heat of battle such was the of the very ; agility men, and so well-trained their breed of horses. While they were standing in this array, the hopes of the generals on the two sides were fairly balanced ; for there was also not much superiority for the one army or the other either in the number or the type of its soldiei-s. But the spirit of the soldiers was far from being matched. For the Romans, although fighting far from their country, had been easily persuaded by their generals that they were fighting in defence of Italy and the city of Rome. And so, as men whose return to their native land would depend upon the issue of that battle, they had made up their 97 VOL. VI. H LR-Y j.u.o. 8 mori. viros altera Minus pertinaces habebat acies ; Doe nam maxima pars Hispani erant, qui vinci in Hispania 9 quam victores in Italiam trahi malebant. Primo igitur conoin'su, cum vix pila coniecta essent, vettulit pedem media acies, inferentibusquc se magno impetu ^ 10 Romanis vertit terg-a. Nihilo segnius in cornibus proelium fuit. Hinc Poenus, hinc Afer urguet, et 11 velut in circumventos sed proelio ancipiti pugnant ; cum in medium tota iam coisset Romana acies, satis 12 vivium ad dimovenda hostium cornua habuit. Ita

duo diversa proelia erant. Utroque Romani, ut qui pulsis iam ante mediis et numero et robore viroriun 13 praestarent, baud dubie superant. Magna vis hominum ibi occisa, et nisi Hispani vixdum conserto proelio tam effuse fugissent, perpauci ex tota super- 14 fuissent acie. Equestris pugna nulla admodimi fuit, quia, simul inclinatam mediam aciem Mauri Numi- daeque videre,^ extemplo fuga effusa nuda cornua 15 elephantis quoque prae se actis deseruere. Hasdru- bal usque ad ultimum eventum pugnae moratus e media caede cum paucis effugit. Castra Romani 16 cepere atque diripuere. Ea pugna si qua dubia in Hispania erant Romanis adiunxit, Hasdrubalique non modo in Italiam traducendi exercitus sed ne ^ manendi quidem satis tuto in Hispania spes reliqua

1 in^i; ow. P(l) Frigell. " videre Rkmann, Luchs : vidercnt P : viderunt P*(l). * spes C^ Gronovius : spe P(4) : spcm J/-X>.

1 As many as 25,000 according to Eutropius III. 11. 98 BOOK XXIII. XXIX. 7-16 minds to win or die. The other battle-line had men b.c. 2i6 less firmly resolved. For the majority were Spaniards, who preferred to be vanquished in Spain, rather than as victors to be dragged to Italy. Therefore at the first clash, when they had barely hurled their javelins, the centre fell back, and, as the Romans advanced with a great charge, retreated. On the wings, however, there was more spirited fighting. On the one hand the Carthaginians pressed them hard, on the other hand the Africans and it was a ; double conflict against men presumed to have been surrounded. But, although the whole Roman line had by this time crowded into the centre, it had sufficient strength to force apart the wings of the enemy. Thus there were two battles in opposite directions. In both the Romans were unquestionably victorious, since, once the centre had been routed, they were superior both in the numbers and in the strength of their men. A ^ great number of men were slain there, and if the Spaniards had not fled in such confusion when the battle had scarcely begun, very few out of that entire line would have survived. The cavalry were not engaged at all, since, as soon as the Mauri and the Numidians saw the centre giving way, they at once the abandoned wings, exposed by their wild flight as they drove the elephants also before them. Has- drubal, after waiting for the final outcome of the battle, escaped with a few men out of the midst of the slaughter. His camp the Romans captured and plundered. That battle brought to the Roman side all that still wavered in Spain, and Hasdi'ubal had left to him no hope, not only of leading his army over into Italy, but not even of remaining with any safety in Spain. When these facts were generally known 99 II 2 LIVY

A.u.c. 17 erat.^ Quae posteaquam litteris Scipionum Romae volgata sunt, non tani victoria quani prohibito Hasdrubalis in Italiam transitu laetabantur. XXX. Dum haec in Hispania geruntur, Petelia in Bruttiis aliquot post mensibiis quam coepta oppu- gnai'i erat ab Himilcone praefecto Hannibalis expu- 2 gnata est. Multo sanguine ac volneribus ea Poenis victoria stetit, ncc ulla magis vis obsessos quam 3 fames expugnavit. Absumptis enim frugum ali- mentis carnisque omnis generis quadrupeduni suetae insuetaeque,^ postremo coriis herbisque et radicibus 4 et corticibus teneris strictisque foliis vixere, nee ante quam vires ad standum in muris ferendaque arma 5 deerant expugnati sunt. Recepta Petelia Poenus ad Consentiam copias traducit, quam minus pertina- citer defensam intra paucos dies in deditionem 6 accepit. Isdem ferme diebus et Bruttiorum exercitus Crotonem, Graecam urbem, circumsedit, opulentana quondam armis virisque, turn iam adeo multis magnisque cladibus adflictam ut omnis aetatis minus 7 duo milia civium superessent. Itaque urbe a ^ focile hostes sunt arx defensoribus vasta potiti ; tantum retenta, in quam inter tumultum captae 8 urbis e media caede quidam effugere. Et Locrenses descivere ad Bruttios Poenosque prodita multitudine 9 a principibus. Regini tantummodo regionis eius et in fide erga Romanos et potestatis suae ad ultimum

^ reliqua erat Gronovius : relinquerat P{\\): reliquerat

2 insuetae Fabri : om. P(l). ^ vasta P : vastata P^(l).

1 Hasdrubal's invasion of Italy was carried out nine years later to a fatal conclusion at the Metaurus, XXVII. xlix. 4. 2 For the long siege of Petelia cf. the note on xx. 10. lOO BOOK XXIII. xxix. 16-XXX. 9 at Rome through the letter of the Scipios, people b.o. 2I6 rejoiced, not so much over the victory, as that ^ Hasdrubal's crossing into Italy had been prevented. XXX. While these things were going on in Spain, Petelia,2 in the land of the Bruttii, was taken by Himilco, Hannibal's prefect, some months after the siege began. That victory cost the Carthaginians much blood and many wounds, and starvation ^ more than any assault overpowered the besieged. For after they had consumed their food-supply in cereals and flesh, the familiar and the unfamiliar, of four-footed beasts of every kind, they finally lived on hides and grasses and roots and tender bark and leaves stripped off. And they were not overpowered until they had no strength left to stand on the walls and bear arms. Having taken Petelia, the Cartha- ginian led his troops across to Consentia, and as it was less obstinately defended, he received its surrender within a few days. About the same time an army of the Bruttians also besieged Croton,* a Greek city formerly rich in arms and men, but even then so crushed by many great disasters that, including all ages, less than two thousand citizens remained. And so the enemy easily gained possession of the city bereft of its defenders. Only the citadel was still held, and to it some, in the uproar of a captured city, made their escape out of the midst of slaughter. And Locri went over to the Bruttians and Cartha- ginians, the populace having been betrayed by the leading men. Regimn alone in that region remained loyal to the Romans and to the very last independent.

' Polybius also (VII. i. 3) gave such details as foUow. * The story of the siege and capture of Croton, on the Gulf of Tarentum, is told in some detail in XXIV. ii f. lOI LIVY

A.u.c. 10 manscrunt. In Siciliani quoque eadem inclinatio '^ animorum pervcnit, et ne domus quidem Hieronis 11 tota ab defectione abstinuit. Namque Gelo, niaximus stirpis, contempta simul senectute patris simul post Cannensem cladem Ilomana societate ad Poenos 12 defecit, movissetque in Sicilia res, nisi mors adeo opportuna ut patreni quoque suspicione aspergeret, armantem cum multitudinem soUicitantemque socios 13 absumpsisset. Haec eo anno in Italia, in Africa, in Sicilia, in Hispania vario eventu acta. Exitu anni Q. Fabius Maximus a senatu postulavit ut aLedem Veneris Erycinae, quam dictator vovisset, 14 dedicare liceret. Senatus decrevit ut Ti. Sempro- ^ ^ nius consul designatus, cum primum magistratum inisset, ad populum ferret ut Q. Fabium duumvirum 15 esse iuberent aedis dedicandae causa. Et M. ^ Aemilio Lepido, qui bis consul augurque fuerat, filii tres, Lucius, Marcus, Quintus, ludos funebres per triduum et gladiatorum paria duo et viginti in 16 foro dederunt. Aediles cm'ules C. Laetorius et Ti. Sempi-onius Gracchus, consul designatus, qui in aedilitate magister equitum fuerat, ludos Romanos 17 fecerunt, qui per triduum instaurati sunt. Plebei ludi aedilium M. Aurelii Cottae et M. Claudii Marcelli ter instaurati.

1 z : om. 1 primum P{ ) Madvig. ^ magistratum xz : honorem C^x Madvig : ibo P : ibono

Pi?(3) ; bono D. 3 qui bis C'^M'^?DAy Valla : quib. (quibus) P{3).

1 Polybius makes him a model of filial devotion {VII. viii. his father. 9). Coins prov^e that he was king with ^ This brief resume covers the events narrated from XXII. xxxviii up to this point. An eventful year. i02 BOOK XXIII. XXX. 9-17

The same trend of feeling reached Sicily also, and b.c. 216 even the house of Hiero did not hold aloof entirely from the revolt. For Gelo, the eldest son, scorning both the old age of his father and the Roman alliance since the disaster at Cannae, went over to the Car- 1 thaginians. And he would have caused an uprising in Sicily, had not death, so timely as to besmirch even his father with suspicion, carried him off as he was arming the populace and trying to gain allies. Such were the checkered events of that year in Italy, in ^ Africa, in Sicily, in Spain. At the end of the year Quintus Fabius Maximus x-equested of the senate that he be permitted to dedicate the Temple of Venus of Eryx ^ which he had vowed in his dictatorship. The senate decreed that Tiberius Sempronius, consul designate, as soon as he entered upon his office should propose to the people that they order that Quintus Fabius should be a duumvir for the purpose of dedicating the temple. And in honour of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who had been consul twice and augur, his three sons, Lucius, Marcus, Quintus, gave funeral games for three days and showed twenty-two pairs of gladiators in the Forum.* The curule aediles, Gaius_Jjaetorius and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, consul designate, who in his aedileship had been master of the horse, celebrated the Roman Games, and on three of the days they were repeated. The Plebeian Games of the aediles, Marcus Aurelius Cotta and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, were repeated three times. * Where the temple was we learn presently, xxxi. 9. Her chief temple was on the western headland of Sicily, Mt. Eryx. * The earliest known example of a gladiatorial combat at Rome was in 264 B.C. That also was on the occasion of a funeral, and the gift of sons. 103 LIVY

Circumacto tertio anno Puiiici belli Ti. Sempro- nius consul idibus Martiis magistratum init. 18 Praetores Q. Fulvius Flaccus, qui antea consul censorque fuerat, urbanam, M. Valerius Laevinus sortem in iuris dictione habuit peregrinam ; Ap. Claudius Pulcher Siciliam, Q. Mucius Scaevola 19 Sardinian! sortiti sunt. M. Mai'cello pro consule imperium esse populus iussit, quod post Cannensem cladem unus Romanorum imperatorum in Italia prospere rem gessisset. XXXI. Senatus quo die primum est in Capitolio ^ consultus decrevit ut eo anno duplex tributum 2 imperaretur, simplex confestim exigeretur, ex quo stipendium praesens omnibus militibus daretur 3 praeterquam qui milites ad Cannas fuissent. De exercitibus ita decreverunt ut duabus legionibus urbanis Ti. Sempronius consul Cales ad conveniendum diem ediceret inde eae in castra ; legiones 4 Claudiana supra Suessulam deducerentur. Quae ibi legiones essent—erant autem Cannensis maxime exercitus—eas Appius Claudius Pulcher praetor in Siciliam traiceret, quaeque in Sicilia essent Romam 5 deportarentm*. Ad exercitum cui ad conveniendum Cales edicta dies erat, M. Claudius Marcellus missus, isque iussus in castra Claudiana deducere urbanas 6 legiones. Ad veterem exercitum accipiendum de- ducendumque inde in Siciliam Ti. Maecilius Croto legatus ab Ap. Claudio est missus. 7 Taciti primo expectaverant homines uti consul

^ eo (7^ : quo eo P(5) : quod eo A" : quo die eo 31.

1 In fact twice, 237 and 224 B.C. * Named after Marcellus; cf. xvii. 3. 104 BOOK XXIII. XXX. 17-XXX1. 7

The third year of the Punic War being at an end, b.c. 215 Tiberius Sempronius entered upon office as consul on the Ides of March. Of the praetors Quintus Fulvius ^ Flaccus,Avho had previously been consul and censor, had by lot his assignment as judge between citizens, Marcus Valerius Laevinus had his as judge in the cases of strangers, while to Appius Claudius Pulcher Sicily was allotted, and Sardinia to Quintus Mucins Scaevola. That Marcus Marcellus should have full military authority as proconsul was ordered by the people, because he alone of the Roman commanders since the disaster at Cannae had met with success in Italy. XXXI. The senate on the first day on which it was in session on the Capitol, decreed that a double tax should be imposed that year and the normal tax collected at once that from it ; pay should be given in cash to all the soldiers except those who had been soldiers at Cannae. As for the armies, they decreed that Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, should set for the two city legions a date for mobilization at Cales that ; these legions should be led thence to the Claudian ^ above Suessula that the Camp— ; legions already there it was chiefly the army of Cannae— should be taken over into Sicily by Appius Claudius Pulcher, the praetor, and that those which were in Sicily should be brought to Rome. Marcus Claudius Marcellus was sent to the army for which a date of mobilization at Cales had been set; and he was ordered to conduct the city legions to the Claudian Camp. To take over the old army and conduct it thence to Sicily, Appius Claudius sent his lieutenant, Tiberius Maecilius Croto. At first men had been waiting in silence for the 105 LIVY

A.v.c. comitia collesae crcantlo haberct ; dcinde ubi ablc- 531) gatum velut de industria M. Marcellum viderunt, queni niaxime consuleni in euni annum ob egregie in res creari volebant, fremitus in praetura gestas " " 8 curia ortus. ubi sensit consul, " Quod Utrumque inquit e re publica fuit, patres conscripti, et M. Claudium ad pernmtandos exercitus in Campaniam proficisci et comitia non prius edici quam is inde confecto quod mandatum est negotio revertisset, ut vos consulem, quern tempus rei publicae postularet, 9 quern maxime voltis, haberetis." Ita de comitiis donee rediit Marcellus silentium fuit. Interea duumviri creati sunt Q. Fabius Maximus et T. Otacilius Crassus aedibus dedicandis, Menti Otaci- Fabius Veneri in lius, Erucinae ; utraque Capitolio 10 est, canali uno discretae. Et de trecentis equitibus Campanis qui in Sicilia cum fide stipendiis emeritis Romam venerant latum ad populum ut cives Romani essent item uti Cumani essent ; municipes pridie quam populus Campanus a populo Romano defecisset. 11 Maxime ut hoc ferretur moverat quod quorum hominum essent scire se ipsi negabant, vetere patria relicta, in earn in quam redierant nondum adsciti. 12 Postquam Marcellus ab exercitu rediit, comitia consuli uni ^ rogando in locum L. Postumii edicuntur.

^ uni P(l) : sub- Mwlvig.

^ situation of is cf. xxxii. Exact the temples unknown ; 20 ; XXII. ix. 10; X, 10. 2 Mentioned in iv. 8 and vii. 2, ^ The Roman citizenship which they had lost with the revolt of Capua was restored, whUe their municipal rights and privileges were transferred to loyal Cumae and made to ante- date the CamjDanian secession. io6 BOOK XXIII. xxM. 7-12

of b.c. 215 consul to preside over an election for the naming that Marcus his colleague. Then, when they saw Marcellas^ whom they particularly desired to have elected consul for that year, on account of remarkable successes in his praetorship, had been sent away, to be heard apparently on purpose, murmurs began in the Senate House. Noting this the consul said : " Both acts were to the advantage of the state, fellow-senators, that Marcus Claudius should be sent to Campania to make the change of armies, and that the coming election should not be proclaimed until he, after accomplishing the task which v/as assigned him, should return thence, so that you might have the consul whom the critical situation In the desire." state requires and whom you particularly So until Marcellus returned, nothing was said about an election. Meanwhile Quintus Fabius Maximus and Titus Otacilius Crassus were made duumvirs for the dedication of temples, Otacihus for that of Mens, Fabius for that of \>nus of Eryx. Both are on the And Capitol,^ separated by a single water-channel. ^ in regard to the three hundred Campanian knights in had who, after loyally serving their terms Sicily, come to Rome, a bill was brought before the people citizens that that they should be Roman ; fm-ther, they should be townsmen of Cumae from the day before that on which the Campanian people had ^ revolted from the Roman people. What had chiefly prompted the making of this proposal was that they said they did not themselves know with whom they and belonged, having given up their old home-city, had not being enrolled as yet in the city to which they returned. After Marcellus returned from the army, an election to name one consul in place of Lucius 107 LI\"Y

13 Creatiir ingenti consensu Marccllus, qui extemplo magistratum occiperet. Cui ineimti consulatum cum tonuisset, vocati augures vitio creatum videri pro- nuntiaverunt ita fama ferebant, ; volgoque patres quod turn primum duo plcbeii consules facti assent, 14 id deis cordi non esse. In locum Marcelli, ubi is se magistratu abdicavit, suffectus Q. Fabius Maximus tortium. 15 Mare arsit eo anno; ad Sinuessam bos eculeum Lanuvii ad lunonis cruore peperit ; signa Sospitae manavere, lapidibusque circa id templum pluit. Ob quern imbrem novemdiale, ut adsolet, sacrum fuit, ceteraque prodigia cum cura expiata. XXXII. Consules exercitus inter sese diviserunt. Fabio exercitus Teani, cui M. lunius dictator prae- 2 volones ibi erant ^ et fuerat, evenit ; Sempronio qui sociorimi viginti quinque milia. M. Valerio praetori Sicilia redissent decretae M. Clau- legiones quae ex ; dius pro consule ad eum exercitum qui supra Suessu- missus in Siciliam 1am Nolae praesideret ; praetores 3 ac Sardinian! profecti. Consules edixerunt, quotiens in senatum vocassent, uti senatores quibusque in senatu dicere sententiam liceret ad portam

1 : fierent qui ibi erant 3Iadvig : que fierent P(l) qui (forent) x.

1 A very short list of portents and expiations, compared with those in XX [. Ixii., XXII. i. and elsewhere. 2 I.e. the slaves who, after the battle of Cannae, volunteered and were purchased by the state. By good service as soldiers their freedom xxxv. XXIV. they earned ; 6; XXII.lvii.il; etc. X. 3 ; xiv. 4 f., I08 BOOK XXIII. XXXI. 13-XXX11. 3

Postumius was ordered by edict. With great b.c. 215 unanimity Marcellus was elected, to assume office at once. Just as he was entering upon his consulship it thundered, and thereupon the augurs, being summoned, declared that there seemed to be a defect in his election. And the fathers widely circulated the statement that it did not meet the approval of the gods that two plebeians had then for the first time been elected consuls. In place of Marcellus, after he had abdicated, Quintus Fabius Maximus was substituted as consul for the third time. The sea was aflame in the course of that year. At Sinuessa a cow gave birth to a colt. At the Temple of Jimo Sospita at Lanuvium images of the gods dripped blood, and it rained stones around the temple—a shower on account of which there were ceremonies, as usual, for nine days. And the rest of the portents were duly expiated.^ XXXII. The consuls divided the armies between them. To Fabius fell the army at Teanum, formerly Marcus the dictator to commanded by Junius, ; ^ Sempronius the slave volunteers Avho were at that place and twenty-five thousand of the allies. To Marcus V^alerius, the praetor, were assigned the legions which had returned from Sicily. Marcus Claudius was sent as proconsul to the army which was above Suessula, in order to guard Nola. The praetors set out for Sicily and Sardinia. The consuls issued an edict that, whenever they might call a meeting of the senate, the senators and any who had the right to ^ give an opinion in the senate should assemble at the

' lu the present ease the persons meant can only be the newly-elected magistrates, since the list has just been revised, and none can be waiting for a new lectio senatus. Cf. xxiii. 5. 109 4 Capenam convenirent. Praetores quorum iui'is dictio erat tribunalia ad Piscinam publicam posuerunt ; eo vadimonia fieri iusserunt, ibicjue eo anno ius dictum est. 5 Interim Cai-thaginem, undc Mago, frater Hanni- ^ balis, duodccim niilia peditum et niille quingentos equites, viginti elephantos, mille argenti talenta in Italiam transmissurus erat cum praesidio sexaginta 6 navium longarum, nuntius adfertur in Hispania rem male gestam omnesque ferme eius pi'ovinciae populos 7 ad Romanos defecisse. Erant, qui Magonem cum classe ea copiisque omissa Italia in Hispaniam averterent, cum Sardiniae recipiendae repentina

8 adfulsit : ibi exercitum esse spes parvum Romanum ; veterem praetorem inde A. Cornelium provinciae 9 novum ad fessos peritum decedere, exspectari ; hoc iani animos Sardorum esse diuturnitate imperii Romani,2 et proximo iis anno acerbe atque avare tributo et conlatione imperatum ; gravi iniqua frumenti nihil deesse aliud aucto- pressos ; quam 10 rem ad quem deficerent. Haec clandestina legatio per principes missa erat, maxime earn rem moliente Hampsicora, qui tum auctoritate atque opibus longe 11 primus erat. His nuntiis prope uno tempore turbati

1 mille Av Aldus : om. P(l). 2 : v Romani Luchs P ; om. P^(l).

" " 1 By this gate in the Servian Wall the Via Appia left the city, near the east end of the Circus Jlaximns. Meeting probably in the nearby Temple of Hones, the senate could confer with returning generals outside the city. 2 This swimming-pool of uncertain location was also outside the gate. no BOOK XXIII. XXXII, 3-1 1

Porta Capena.^ The praetors who had judicial duties b.c. 216 set up their tribunals at the Piscina Publica.^— That place should be named—so they ordered in re- cognizances,^ and there justice was rendered that year. Meanwhile Carthage, from which Mago,"* Hanni- bal's brotlier, was on the point of transporting into Italy twelve thousand infantry and fifteen hundred of cavalry, twenty elephants and a thousand talents silver, with a convoy of sixty warships, received the news that in Spain operations had failed and nearly all the tribes in that province had revolted to the Romans. There Avere some who, neglecting Italy, were ready to divert Mago to Spain with that fleet and those forces, when there suddenly appeared a ray of hope of recovering Sardinia. It was reported that was small that the old the Roman army there ; praetor, Aulus Cornelius, who Mas well acquainted with the province, was retiring, and a new praetor expected; further, that the Sardinians were now- weary of the long continuance of Roman rule, and in the previous year had been ruled with harshness and that were burdened a tribute greed ; they by heavy of that Avas and an unfair requisition grain ; nothing lacking but a leader to whom they might go over. Such was the report of a secret embassy sent by the leading men at the special instigation of Hampsicora, who at that time was far above the rest in prestige and wealth. By such news they were almost at the

' The defendant was bound to give assurances (in one of the various forms prescribed by the praetor's edict) that he would appear on the day and at the place named—here at the Piscina instead of in the Forum. * He had not yet gone to Spain, as was intended in xiii. 8. Ill LIVY

A.u.o. erectique Ma

^ exercitum Tarentum Madvig : om. P{\)F.

^ Either ripe or ripening, to be threshed in towns of such regions as were named in the order. 2 In normal limes short aljsenccs only from the city were permissible for the urhanus and the peregrinus. 112 BOOK XXIII. xxxn. 11-20 same moment dejected and encouraged, and sent b.c. 215 Mago with his fleet and his forces to Spain. For Sardinia they chose Hasdrubal as general, and voted him about the same number of troops as to Mago. And at Rome the consuls did what had to be done in the city, and were now bestirring themselves for the war. Tiberius Sempronius set his soldiers a date for mobilization at Sinuessa, and Quintus Fabius, after first consulting the senate, gave orders that all ^ should bring their grain crops from the farms into fortified cities before the next Kalends of June ; that if any man should fail to do so, he would lay waste his farm, sell his slaves at auction and burn the farm buildings. Not even those praetors who had been ^ appointed to administer justice were gi-anted exemption from the conduct of the war. It was decided that Valerius, the praetor, should go to to take over the from Terentius that Apulia, army ; when the legions should arrive from Sicily, he should chiefly use these troops for the defence of that that Terentius' should be sent to region ; army Tarentum under some one of the lieutenants. And twenty-five ships were given him, that with them he might be able to defend the coast between Brundi- sium and Tarentum. An equal number of ships was assigned by decree to Quintus Fulvius, the city praetor, for the defence of the shore near the city. Gaius Terentius as proconsul was given the task of conducting a levy of troops in the Picene territory and defending that region. And Titus Otacilius Crassus, after dedicating the Temple of Mens on the Capitol, was sent with full authority to Sicily, where he was to command the fleet.

VOL. VI. I A.u.o. XXXIII. In hanc dimicationem duorum opulen- 539 tissimorum in terris populorum omnes reges gentes- 2 que animos intendcrant, inter quos Philippus Mace- ^ donum rex eo magis quod propior Italiae ac mari 3 tantum lonio discrctus rrat. Is ubi primum fama accepit Hannibalem Alpis transgressiun, ut bello inter Romanum Poenumque orto laetatus erat, ita utrius populi mallet victoriam esse incertis adhuc 4 viribus fluctuatus animo fuerat. Postquam tertia - iam pugna, tertia victoria cum Poenis erat, ad fortunam inclinavit ad Hannibalem misit legatosque ; qui vitantes portus Brundisinum Tarentinunique quia custodiis navium Romanarum tenebantur, ad Laciniae lunonis templum in terram egressi sunt. 5 Inde per Apuliam pctentes Capuam media in pracsidia Romana inlati sunt deductique ad \'alei'iuni Laevinum praetorem, circa Luceriam castra haben- 6 tem. Ibi intrepide Xenophanes legationis princeps a Philippo rege se missum ait ad amicitiam societa- mandata temque iungendam cum populo Romano ; habere ad consules ac senatum populumque Ro- 7 manum. Praetor ^ inter defectiones veterum socio-

runi nova societate tarn clari regis laetus admodum 8 hostes comiter dat pro hospitibus accepit ; qui prosequantur, itinera cum cura demonstrent,^ quae loca quosque saltus aut Romanus aut hostes teneant. 9 Xenophanes per praesidia Romana in Campaniam,

1 quodP(l)f : quo Aldus, 3Iadvig. ~ tertia M^DAF : tertiam P(4) : tertium Conway. 2 TpraetOT A- JIurclns : 07n. P(l)i' {/.e. pr. a//er r.). * demonstrcnt P{l)F : demonstrat Gronovius {with ct Luchs). 114 BOOK XXIir. xxxni. 1-9

XXXIII. To this conflict of the two richest peoples b.o. 215 in the world all kings and nations had turned their attention, among them Philip, king of the Mace- donians, all the more since he was nearer to Italy and separated from it only by the Ionian Sea. On first learning by report that Hannibal had crossed the Alps, although he had rejoiced at the outbreak of war between the Romans and the Carthaginians, still, as their resources were not yet known, he had wavered, uncertain which of the two peoples he wished to have the victory. Now that a third battle, a third victory, favoured the Carthaginians, he inclined to the side of success and sent ambassadors to Hannibal. These avoided the ports of Brundisium and Tarentum, because they were kept guarded by Roman ships, and landed at the Temple of Lacinian Juno.^ Making their way thence toward Capua by way of Apulia, they encountered the centre of the Roman forces and were brought before Valerius Laevinus, the praetor, whose camp was near Luceria. There Xenophanes, the leader of the embassy, boldly said that he had been sent by King Philip to negotiate a alliance with the Roman that he friendly people ; had communications for the consuls and for the senate and the Roman people. The praetor, who in the midst of the revolts of old allies was greatly delighted by a new alliance with so famous a king, hospitably received enemies as guests. He furnished men to escort them, to indicate the roads carefully, and what positions and what passes were held either by the Romans or by the enemy. Xeno- phanes made his way through the Roman forces into ^ A famous temple on a promontory near Croton; cf. XXIV. iii. 3 S.; XLII. iii. 2 £f.; Strabo VI. i. 11.

i2 LIVY

inde qua proximum fuit in castra Hannibalis pervenit foedusque cum eo atque amicitiam iungit legibus 10 his : ut Philippus rex quam maxima classe—ducentas autem naves videl)atur effectuvus—in Italiam tra-

iceret et vastaret, maritimam oram, bellum pi-o parte 11 sua terra marique gereret; ubi debellatum esset, Italia omnis cum ipsa urbe Roma Carthaginiensium atque Hannibalis esset praedaque omnis Hannibali 12 oederet Italia in Graeciam ; perdomita navigarent ^ - bellumque cum quibus regi placeret gererent ; quae civitates continentis quaeque insulae ad Macedoniam vergunt, eae Philippi regnique eius essent. XXXIV. In has ferme leges inter Poenum ducem 2 ictum foedus cum legatosque Macedonum ; missique iis ad regis ipsius firmandam fidem legati, Gisgo et Bostar et Mago, eodem, ad lunonis Laciniae, ubi 3 navis occulta in statione erat, perveniunt. Inde ^ profecti cum altum tenerent, conspecti a classe erat Calabriae litoribus Romana sunt quae praesidio ; 4 Valeriusque Flaccus cercuros ad persequendam retra- hendamque navem cum misisset, primo fugere regii celeritate vinci conati ; deinde, ubi senserunt, tradunt se Romanis et ad praefectum classis adducti, 5 cum quaereret qui et unde et quo tenderent cursum, Xenophanes primo satis iam semel felix mendacium struere, a Philippo se ad Romanos missum ad M.

1 regi Gronovius : regibus P{l)F. 2 placeret gererent A" : placcrent PC^RM : placeret CM^?DAF. 3 a il/M^: om. P(l). Il6 BOOK XXIII. XXXIII. 9-xxxiv. 5

Campania and thence by the shortest road to the n.c. 215 camp of Hannibal, and arranged a treaty of friendship with him on the following terms— : that King PhiHp with tlie hirgest possible fleet and it was thought that he would make it two hundred ships—should cross to Italy and ravage the coast, and should carry on the on land and sea with all his that war might ; after the war was over all Italy with the city of Rome itself should belong to the Cai'thaginians and Hanni- all the fall to Hannibal that after the bal, and booty ; complete subjugation of Italy they should sail to Greece and wage war vith such enemies as the king choose and that such states on the mainland might ; and such islands as face Macedonia should belong to Philip and be a part of his kingdom. XXXI\\ On terms such as these a treaty was made between the Carthaginian general and the ambassadors of the Macedonians. And Gisgo and Bostar and Mago, who were sent ^vith them as ambassadors, to reassure the king himself, reached the same place, the Temple of Juno Lacinia, where a ship lay in a hidden anchorage. Setting out thence and making for the open sea, they were sighted by the Roman fleet which was defending the coasts of Calabria. And Valerius Flaccus sent light craft to pursue the her back the ship and bring ; whereupon king's ambassadors at first attempted to flee. Then, when they saw that they were being outstripped in speed, they surrendered to the Romans and were brought before the admiral of the fleet. When he asked who they were and whence, and whither they were bound, Xenophanes at first set up the false pretence which had been quite successful once before : that, being sent by Philip to the Romans, he had made his way 117 LIVY

Valerium, ad uniim iter tutum 539 qiicm fuerit, perve- nisse, Cami)aniam superare nequisse, saeptam 6 hostium praesidiis. Deinde, ut Punicus cultus habi- tusque suspectos legates fecit Hannibalis inter- 7 rogatosque sermo prodidit, turn coniitibus eoruin seductis ac metu territis, litterae quoque ab Hanni- bale ad Philippum inventae et pacta inter regem 8 Macedonum Poenumquc ducem. Quibus satis cognitis optimum visum est captives comitesque eorum Romam ad senatum aut ad consules, ubicumque 9 assent, quam primum deportare. Ad id celerrimae quinque naves delectae ac L. \'alerius Antias, qui praeesset, missus, eique mandatum ut in omnis navis legates separatim custodiendos divideret daretque operam ne quod iis conloquium inter se neve quae communicatio consilii esset. 10 Per idem tempus Romae cum A, Cornelius Mam- mula, ex Sardinia provincia decedens, rettulisset qui

status rerum in insula esset : bellum ac defectionem 11 successisset omnis spectare ; Q. Mucium, qui sibi, gra\'itate caeli aquarumque advenientem exceptum, non tam in periculosum quam longum morbum 12 inplicitum, diu ad belli muuia sustinenda inutilem fore, exercitumque ibi ut satis firmum pacatae ^ provinciae praesidem esse, ita parum bello quod 13 motum iri videretur, decreverunt patres ut Q. ^ Fulvius Flaccus quinque milia peditum, quad-

1 parum P(l)F : parvum 3P?A!>x: imparem Mcuhig : parum aptum //. J. Midler. 2 xxxvii. xlvi. quinque milia (= v) c : vel PRMF {d. 13; 4) : vi C* : raille DA'^. ii8 BOOK XXIII. XXXIV. 5-13

to Marcus Valerius, the one man to whom there was b.c 215 a safe road that he had been unable to ; get across Campania, which was blocked by the enemy's forces. Then, when Carthaginian dress and appearance cast suspicion on Hannibal's ambassadors, and, being questioned, they were betrayed by their speech. Thereupon their attendants were led aside and threats a letter also frightened by ; and from Hannibal to Philip was found, along with agreements between the king of the Macedonians and the Car- thaginian general. So much being established, it seemed best to send the captured men and their attendants as soon as possible to the senate at Rome, or else to the consuls, wherever they might be. For that purpose five very swift ships were selected and Lucius Valerius Antias was sent to command them. And instructions were given him to distribute the ambassadors iamong all his ships, to be separately and was to see it guarded ; he to that there should be no conversation among them or any interchange of plans. About the same time at Rome Aulus Cornelius Mammula, on retiring from his province of Sardinia, reported what was the condition of affairs in the island : that all were at war and rebellion aiming ; that Quintus Mucins, his successor, upon arriving was affected by the unwholesome chmate and bad Avater, and having contracted an illness not so dangerous as protracted, would for a long time be useless for the of war duties also that the performance ; army there, while strong enough to garrison a peaceful province, was not so for the war which seemed on the point of breaking out. The senate thereupon decreed that Quintus Fulvius Flaccus should enlist five thousand

119 LIVY

vingentos equites scriberet eamque legionem primo quoque tempore in Sardiniam traiciendam curaret, 14 mitteretque cum imperio qucm ipsi videretur, qui earn 15 rem gereret quoad Mucius convaluisset. Ad rem missus est T. Manlius Torquatus, qui bis consul et censor fuerat subegeratque in consulatu Sardos. 16 Sub idem fere tempus et a Carthagine in Sardiniam classis missa duce Hasdrubale, cui Calvo cognomen erat, foeda tempestate vexata ad Balearis insulas 17 deicitur, ibique—adeo non armamenta modo sed etiam alvei navium quassati erant—subductae naves dum reficiuntur aliquantum temporis triverunt. XXXV. In Italia cum post Cannensem pugnam, mollitis fractis partis alterius viribus, alterius animis, adorti sunt 2 segnius bellum esset, Campani per se rem Cumanam suae dicionis facere, primo sollici- ubi id tantes ut ab Romanis deficerent ; parum *eos processit, dolum ad capiendos comparant. 3 Campanis omnibus statum sacrificium ad Hamas erat.^ Eo senatum Campanum venturum certiores Cimnanos fecerunt petieruntque ut et Cumanus eo senatus veniret ad consultandum communiter, ut haberet eosdem uterque populus socios hostesque ; ab 4 praesidium ibi armatum se habituros, ne quid Romano Poenove periculi esset. Cumani, quamquam suspecta fraus erat, nihil abnuere, ita tegi fallax consilium posse rati.

1 : om. erat Madvig (before Campanis Weissenhorn) P(l).

1 B.C. cf. xxii. 7. In his first consulship, 235 ; 2 To the north-east of Cumae. An inscription gives some chie to its location. 3 Their plan to aid the consul against the Campanians. I20 BOOK XXIII. XXXIV. 13-XXXV. 4 infantry and four hundred cavalry, and should see b.o. 215 to it that that legion should be transported to Sai-- at first also that he should dinia the opportunity ; send whomever he thought best with full authority, to carry on the war until Mucius should recover. For that duty Titus Manlius Torquatus was sent, a man who had been consul twice and censor, and in his consulship had ct)nquered the Sardinians.^ About the same time a fleet which had been sent from Carthage also to Sardinia, under command of the Hasdrubal who was surnamed Calvus, was damaged by a terrible storm and driven to the Balearic Islands. And there the ships were beached, to such an extent had not only the rigging but also the hulls been injured; and while undergoing repairs they caused a considerable loss of time. XXXV. In Italy, while the war was less active after the battle of Cannae, since the resources of one side had been broken and the spirit of the other sapped, the Campanians attempted without assistance to reduce the state of Cumae to subjection, at first tempting them to revolt from the Romans. When that failed, they contrived a ruse to entrap them. All the Campanians had a regular sacrifice at Hamae.^ To it they informed the men of Cumae that the Campanian senate would come, and requested that the senate of Cumae should come thither to deliberate together, so that both peoples might have the same alhes and eneinies. They said they would have an armed guard there, lest there be any danger from the Roman or the Carthaginian. The Cumaeans, though they had suspected guile, made no objections, thinking that a ruse of their own^ to outwit them could thus be concealed. 121 LIVY

A.u.c. 5 Interim Ti. Sempronius consul Romanus Sinuessae, quo ad conveniendum diem edixerat, exercitu lustrato transgressus Volturnum flumen circa Liter- 6 num posuit castra. Ibi quia otiosa stativa erant, crebro decurrere milites cogebat, ut tirones—ea m.axima pars volonum erant—adsuescerent signa 7 sequi et in acie agnoscere ordines suos. Inter quae

maxima erat cura duci, itaque legatis tribunisque praeceperat, ne qua exprobratio cuiquam veteris

fortunae discordiam inter ordines sereret ; vetus

miles tironi. liber voloni sese sineret exaequari ; 8 omnis satis honestos generososque ducerent quibus arma sua commisisset signaque populus Romanus ; quae fortuna coegisset ita fieri, eandem cogere 9 tueri factum. Ea non maiore cura praecepta ab ducibus sunt quam a militibus observata, brevique tanta concordia coaluerant omnium animi ut prope in oblivionem veniret qua ex condicione quisque esset miles factus.

10 Haec agenti Graccho legati Cumani nuntiarunt quae a Campanis legatio paucos ante dies venisset

11 et quid iis ipsi respondissent : triduo post eum diem

festum esse ; non senatum solum omnem ibi futurum 12 sed castra etiam et exercitum Campanum. Gracchus

iussis Cumanis omnia ex agris in urbem convehere 122 BOOK XXIII. XXXV. 5-12

Meanwhile Tiberius Sempronius, the Roman consul, b.o. 215 after reviewing his army at Sinuessa, at which place he had announced a date for mobilization, crossed the river \'olturnus and pitched camp near Liternum, There, since the permanent camp lacked occupation, he required the soldiers to manoeuvre frequently, that the recruits—they were most of the slave- volunteers—miffht learn to follow the standards and to recoffnize their own ranks in the battle-line. In this it was the commander's greatest care, and he had instructed the lieutenants and tribunes to the same effect, that no reproach of any man's previous lot should sow strife between the different classes of soldiers ; that the old soldier should allow himself to be rated with the recruit, the freeman with the that should consider all to slave-volunteer ; they whom the Roman people had entrusted its arms and standards as sufficiently honoured and well-born. He said that the same fortune which had compelled them to do so now compelled them to defend what had been done. These injunctions were not given with greater care by the commanders than that Avith which they were followed by the soldiers. And soon they were all united in a harmony so great that it was almost forffotten from what status each man had been made a soldier. While Gracchus was thus employed, legates from Cumae reported to him on Avhat mission an embassy had come a few days before from the Campanians, and what answer they had themselves given them; that the festival was to be three days later, and not only would the whole senate be there, but a camp also and a Campanian army. Gracchus, having ordered the Cumaeans to bring everything from the 123 LIVY

A.u.o. et manere intra muros, ipse pridie quam statum sacrificium Carnpanis esset Cumas movet castra. 13 Hamae inde tria milia passuum absunt. lam Campani to frequentcs ex composito convenerant, nee procul inde in occulto Marius Alfius medix tuti- ^ cus—is summus magistratus erat Campanis—cum 14 quattuoi'decim milibus armatorum habebat castra, sacrificio adparando et inter id instruendae fraudi aliquanto intentior quam muniendis castris aut ulli 15 militari operi.^ Nocturnum erat sacrum, ita ut ante 16 mediam noctem conpleretur. Huic Gracchus insidi- andum tempori ratus, custodibus ad portas positis, ne quis enuntiare posset coepta, et ab decuma diei liora coactis militibus corpora curare somnoque 17 operam dare, ut primis tenebris convenire ad signum 18 possent, vigilia ferme prima tolli iussit signa, silenti- que profectus agmine cum ad Hamas media nocte pervenisset, castra Campana ut in pervigilio neglecta simul omnibus invadit alios portis ; somno stratos, alios perpetrato sacro inermis redeuntis obtruncat. 19 Hominum eo tumultu nocturno caesa plus duo milia ^ cum ipso duce Mario Alfio, capta . . . et signa militaria quattuor et triginta.

^ is Fabri : om. P{1). ^ operi, here P(l) add triduum sacrificatum ad Hamas (gloss oni 11?) ^ capta . . . et Weissenborn : capta est PCR : capta sunt R\14); capti* et Madvig.

1 For this Oscan term cf. XXIV. xix. 2. 124 BOOK XXIII. XXXV. 12-19

215 farms into the city and to remain inside the walls, b.c. moved his own camp to Cumae the day before the Campanians had their regular sacrifice. Hamae is three miles distant. Already the Campanians in there to large numbers had gathered according agreement. And in concealment, not far from there, Marius Alfius, the medix tuticus,^ that is, the chief his with magistrate of the Campanians, had camp, fourteen thousand armed men, he being decidedly more intent upon preparing the sacrifice and con- than forti- triving treachery during the same upon of the soldier. The fying his camp or upon any task sacrifice took place at night, but it was to be finished before midnight. Gracchus, thinking he must be in waiting for that moment, placed guards at the gates, that no one might be able to carry away news of his undertaking. And having assembled his soldiers as them early as the tenth hour of the day, he ordered to get themselves in condition and take care to sleep, so that, as soon as it was dark, they might come at the and at about the first watch together signal ; he ordered that the standards be taken up. And setting out with a silent column, he reached Hamae at midnight and entered the Campanian camp by all its at as was to be in view gates once ; for, expected of the vigil, it was carelessly guarded. Some they slew as they lay asleep, others as they were returning unarmed after the rite had been completed. More than two thousand men were slain in that affray by him- night, including Marius Alfius, the commander 2 self. Captured were . . . thousand men and thirty- four military standards.

2 The large number makes the correctness of capta (sc. milia) doubtful; cf. xxxvii. 11. 125 LIVY

A.u.c, XXXVI. Gracchus minus centum militum iactura 539 castris hostium potitus Cumas se pi-opere i-ecepit, ab Hannibale metuens, qui super Capuam in Tifatis 2 habebat castra. Nee eum provida futuri fefellit opinio. Nam simul Capuam ea clades est nuntiata, ratus Hannibal ab re bene gesta insolenter laetum exeroitum tironimi, magna ex pai'te servorum, spoliantem victos praedasque agentem ad Hamas 3 se inventurum, citatum agmen pi-aeter Capuam rapit, obviosque ex fuga Campanorum dato praesidio 4 Capuam duci, saucios vehiculis portari iubet. Ipse Hamis vacua ab hostibus castra nee quicquam praeter recentis vestigia caedis strataque passim corpora 5 sociorum invenit. Auctores erant quidam ut protinus inde Cumas duceret urbemque oppugnaret. 6 Id quamquam baud modice Hannibal cupiebat, ut, quia Neapolim non potuerat, Cumas saltem maritimam urbem haberet, tamen, quia praeter arma nihil secum miles raptim acto agmine extulerat, 7 retro in castra super Tifata se recepit. Inde fatigatus Campanorum precibus sequenti die cum omni apparatu oppugnandae urbis Cumas redit, perpopu- latoque agro Cumano mille passus ab urbe castra 8 locat, cum Gracchus magis verecundia in tali necessitate deserendi socios inplorantis fidem suam populi- que Romani substitisset quam satis fidens exercitui. 9 Nee alter consul Fabius, qui ad Cales castra habebat, Volturnum flimien traducere audebat exercitum,

126 BOOK XXIII. XXXVI. 1-9

XXXVI. Gracchus, having captured the camp of b.c. 215 the enemy with the loss of less than a hundred in fear of soldiers, hastily withdrew to Cumae Hannibal, wlio had his camp on Mount Tifata above Capua. And he was not mistaken in his forecast. For as soon as the defeat was reported at Capua, Hannibal, thinking he would find the arfny of recruits, largely slaves, at Hamae gloating for once over a success, off the spoiling the defeated and driving booty, rushed his column with all speed past Capua, and ordered that those of the fleeing Campanians whom he met should be furnished with an escort and led to Capua, and the wounded carried on wagons. As for himself, he found at Hamae a camp deserted by the enemy, and nothing except the traces of recent slaughter and corpses of his allies scattered everywhere. Some advised him to lead his troops away forthwith to Cumae and to attack the city. Although Hannibal was very eager to do so, in order that he might have Cumae at least as a seaport, since he had been unable to gain one at Neapohs, nevertheless, as his soldiers in their rapidly moving column had brought out nothing but their arms with them, he the withdrew again to his camp on Tifata. Moved by thence importunities of the Campanians, he returned on the following day to Cumae with all the equipment the for besieging the city, and after ravaging territory of Cumae, pitched his camp a mile from the city. Meanwhile Gracchus, ashamed to desert allies in such straits and begging for his help and that of the Roman in people, rather than because he had full confidence his army, had remained there. Nor did the other consul, Fabius, who had his camp at Cales, venture to lead his army across the river Volturnus, being LIVY

A.U.C. 10 639 occupatus primo auspiciis repetendis, dein prodigiis alia alia nuntiabantur ea quae super ; expiantique baud facile litari haruspices respondebant. XXXVII. Eae causae cum Fabium tenerent, Sem- pronius in obsidione erat et iam operibus oppugna- 2 batur. Adversus ligneam insfentem admotam urbi ^ turrem aliam ex ipso muro exeitavit consul Romanus, aliquanto altiorem, quia muro satis per se alto 3 subiectis validis sublicis pro solo usus erat. Inde primum saxis sudibusque et ceteris missilibus moenia propugnatorcs atque urbem tuebantur ; 4 postremo, ubi promovendo adiunctam muro viderunt turrem, facibus ardentibus plurimum simul ignem 5 coniecerunt. Quo incendio trepida armatorum multitudo cum de turre sese praecipitaret, eruptio ex oppido simul duabus portis stationes hostium fudit fugavitque in castra, ut eo die obsesso quam obsidenti 6 similior esset Poenus. Ad mille trecenti Cartha- giniensium caesi et undesexaginta vivi capti, qui circa mui'os et in stationibus solute ac neglegenter agentes, cum nihil minus quam eruptionem timuis- 7 sent, ex inproviso oppressi fuerant. Gracchus, priusquam se hostes ab repentino pavore colligerent, receptui signum dedit ac suos intra muros recepit. 8 Postero die Hannibal, laetum ^ secunda re consulem iusto proelio ratus certaturum, aciem inter castra

^ turrem aliam Madvig : aliam turrem P(l). 2 laetum Gronovius : etum /*{4) : datum Aldus {after re A^x) : turn P^C'^D : cum A. 128 BOOK XXIII. xxxvi. io-.\xxvii. 8 employed at first in taking new auspices and then b.c. 215 with the portents which were being reported one after another. And as he was making expiation, the soothsayers kept repeating their opinion that it was not easy to obtain favourable omens. XXXV^II. While these reasons detained Fabius, Sempronius was blockaded and already beset by siege-woi-ks. As a defence against a great wooden tower which was moved up to the city, the Roman consul reared from the wall itself another tower con- in sidei-ably higher. For he had used the wall, which itself was quite high, as a base, shoring it up with stout timbers. From that tower the defenders first held the wall and the city by hurling stones and stakes and every other missile. Finally, seeing that the enemy's tower had been pushed close against the wall, they hurled a vast amount of fire all at once from their blazing torches. While great numbers of armed men, alarmed by the fire, were leaping down from at the tower, a sally out of two gates of the town the same time routed the enemy's guards and sent them that the Car- in flight to the camp, so that on day thaginian resembled a besieged army more than a besieffcr. About one thousand and three hundred were slain and fifty-nine captured ahve of the Car- thaginians, who were relaxing and idling along the walls and at guard-posts, and, having feared anything rather than a sally, had unexpectedly been overpowered. Gracchus, before the enemy could recover from their sudden fright, gave the signal for the recall and withdrew his men inside the walls. On the next day Hannibal, supposing that the consul, elated by success, would engage in a regular battle, drew up his line between the camp and the city. 129 VOL. VI. K LIVY

A.v.c. 9 urbem instruxit ceteruni atque ; postquam nemineni i>3U niovei'i ab solita custodia urbis vidit nee comrnitti quicquam temerariae spei, ad Tifata redit iiifecta re. 10 Quibus diebus Cumae liberatae sunt obsidione, iisdem diebus et in Lueanis ad Grumentuni Ti. Sempronius, cui Longo cognomen erat, cum Han- 11 none Poeno prospere pugnat. Supra duo milia hominum occidit, et ducentos octoginta milites,^ signa militaria ad quadraginta iinum cepit. Pulsus finibus Lueanis Hanno retro in Bruttios sese recepit. 12 Et ex Hirpinis oppida tria, quae a populo Romano defecerant, vi recepta per M. Valerium pi*aetorem, ^ ei'cellium, ^'escellium, Sicilinum, et auctores defec- ^ 13 tionis securi percussi. Supra quinque milia captivorum sub hasta venierunt alia militi ; praeda concessa, exercitusque Luceriam reductus. XXXVIII. Dum haec in Lueanis atque in Hirpinis geruntur, quinque naves, quae Macedonum atque Poenorum captos legatos Romam portabant, ab supero mari ad inferum circumvectae prope omnem 2 Italiae oram, cum praeter Cumas velis ferrentur neque hostium an sociorum essent satis sciretui*, 3 Gracchus obviam ex classe sua naves misit. Cum percunctandoinvicem cognitum esset consulem Cumis esse, naves Cumas adpulsae captivique ad consulem 4 deducti et litterae datae. Consul litteris Philippi atque Hannibalis perlectis consignata omnia ad senatum itinere terrestri misit, navibus devehi

^ milites, here P(l) add amisit. * quinque milia Alschefski: vel (for v) P(2); c/. xxxiv. 13.

^ This Sempronius was consul with P. Scipio in 218 B.C., and Hannibal at the Trebia vi. 3 and liv ff. defeated by ; XXI. * I.e. from the Adriatic to the Mare Tuscum; cf. i. 5; xxiv. 8,

J.30 BOOK XXIII. xxxvu. 8-xx.vvni. 4

from the usual b.c. 215 But on seeing that no one stirred was entrusted defence of the city and that nothing to a rash hope, he returned with nothing accomphshed to Tifata. At the same time that the siege of Cumae was raised, Tiberius Scnipronius, surnamed Longus/ also fought successfully in Lucania, near Grumentum, with Hanno the Carthaginian. He slew above two thousand men, and captured two hundred and eighty soldiers and some forty-one military standards. Driven out of Lucanian territory, Hanno withdrew into the land of the Bruttians. And three towns of and the Hirpini, Vercelhum, Vescellium Sicihnum, which had revolted from the Roman people, were the forcibly recovered by Marcus \^alerius, praetor, and those who had advised revolt were beheaded. Over five thousand captives were sold at auction; the rest of the booty was given over to the soldiers, and the army led back to Luceria. XXXVIII. While these things were going on in Lucania and among the Hirpini, the five ships which of were carrying to Rome the captured ambassadors the Macedonians and the Carthaginians cruised along the Sea to nearly the whole coast of Italy from Upper the Lower.2 And when they were passing Cumae under sail, and it was uncertain whether they belonged to enemies or friends, Gracchus sent ships from his fleet to meet them. When in the course the of questioning on both sides it was learned that consul was at Cumae, the ships put in at Cumae and the consul and the the prisoners Avere brought before letters handed over to him. The consul, after reading the letters of Philip and Hannibal, sent everything under seal by land to the senate, and ordered the 131 K 2 LIVY

A.u.c 5 legates iussit. Cum eodem fere die litterae legatique Ilomam venissent et pcrcunctatione facta dicta cum scriptis congruerent, primo gravis cura patres incessit, cernentes quanta vix tolerantibus Punicum 6 bellum Macedonici belli moles instaret. Cui tamen adeo non succubuerunt ut extemplo agitaretur quem ad modum ultro infcrcndo bello averterent ab Italia 7 hostem. Capti\ is in vincula condi iussis comitibusque eorum sub hasta venditis, ad naves viginti quinque, quibus P. Valerius Flaccus praefectus praeerat, ^ ^ 8 viginti quinque parari alias decernunt. His comparatis deductisque et additis quincpie navibus, 9 quae advexerant captives legates, triginta naves ab Ostia Tarentum profectae, iussusque P. ^^alerius militibus ^'arronianis, quibus L. Apustius legatus Tarenti praeerat, in naves inpositis quinquaginta quinque navium classe non tueri modo Italiae oram 10 sed de Macedonico bello si explorare ; congruentia litteris legatorumque indiciis Philippi consilia essent, ut M. Valerium praetorem litteris certiorem faceret, 1 1 isque L. Apustio legato exercitui praeposito Tarentum ad classem profectus primo quoque tempore in Macedonian! transmitteret daretque operam ut 12 Philippum in regno contineret. Pecunia ad classem tuendam bellumque Macedonicum ea decreta est quae Ap. Claudio in Siciliam missa erat, ut redderetur

^ quinque Jac. Gronovius : om. P(l). ^ parari iP Gronovius : paratis P(l).

^ five carried the The total should be fifty ; the which cap-

tives are counted twice ; cf. xxxiv. 9.

132 BOOK XXIII. x.wviii. 4-12

ambassadors to be carried on the ships. Letters b.c 215 and ambassadors arrived at Rome on about the same day, and upon enquiry their words and the texts were in agreement. Thereupon the senators were at first gravely concerned, seeing how serious a war witli Macedonia threatened, at a time when they could scarcely endure that with the Carthaginians. How- ever, they were so far fx'om giving way to that concern that they at once discussed how by actual aggressive warfare they might keep the enemy away from Italy. The prisoners were ordered put in chains, their attendants were sold at auction, and it was decreed that, in addition to the twenty-five ships which Publius \ alerius Flaccus commanded as admiral, twenty-five others should be made ready. The latter being now ready and launched, with the addition of the five ships which had brought the ambassadors as captives, thirty ships sailed from Ostia for Tarentum. And Publius \^alerius was ordered to put on board the soldiers who had been \'arro's, and at Tarentum were commanded by Lucius Apustius, the lieutenant, ^ and then Avith a fleet of fifty-five ships not merely to defend the coast of Italy, but to get information in regard to the Macedonian war. If the designs of Philip should agree with the letters and with the statements of the ambassadors, then he was to inform Marcus ^^^lerius, the pi-aetor, by letter; and \'alerius, after placing his lieutenant, Lucius Apustius, in command of the army, was to proceed to the fleet at Tarentum, and as soon as possible to cross into Macedonia and take steps to keep Philip within his kingdom. For the maintenance of the fleet and for the Macedonian war there was voted the money which had been sent to Appius Claudius in Sicily, to ^33 LIVY

A.u.c. Hieroni ea L. Antistium regi ; per legatum Tarentum 13 est devecta. Simul ab Hierone missa ducenta milia modium tritici ct hnrdei centum. XXXIX. Darn haec Koniani parant aguntque, ad Philippum captiva navis una, ex iis quae Romam missae ex cursu scitum erant, refugit ; inde legates 2 cum litteris captos. Itaque ignarus rex quae cum Hannibale legatis suis convenissent quaeque legati eius ad se adlaturi fuissent, legationem aliam cum 3 eisdem mandatis mittit. I>egati ad Hannibalem missi Heraclitus, cui Scotino cognomen erat,^ et Crito Boeotus et Sositheus Magnes. Hi prospere tulerunt 4 ac rettulerunt se aestas mandata ; sed prius circum- egit quam movere ac moliri quicquam rex posset : tantum navis una capta cum legatis inomenti fecit ad dilationem imminentis Romania belli. 5 Et circa Capuam. transgresso Volturnum Fabio post expiata tandem prodigia, ambo consules rem 6 gerebant. Combulteriam et Trebulam et Austi- culam urbes, quae ad Poenum defecerant, Fabius vi cepit : praesidiaque in his Hannibalis Campanique 7 permulti capti. Kt Nolae,^ sicut priore anno, senatus Romanorum, plebs Hannibalis erat, consiliaque

1 cui . . . erat spurious according to Gronoviiis. 2 et Nolae P{2)Ay : Nolae 31^.

^ Pay for the soldiers had been lent by him in the previous cf. xxi. 5. His successor took the year ; presently Carthaginian

side ; XXIV. vi f. 2 Cf. xxxiv. 8 f. ^ This term (" The Obscure ") had been applied to the early philosopher of Ephesus of the same name, ca. 500 B.C. A pomtless marginal note may have got into the text here, displacing the adjective of place which would be expected with this unknown Heraclitus. x.xxviii. BOOK XXIII. I2-XXXIX. 7 be repaid to king Hiero.^ This money was carried b.c. 215 to Tarentum by Lucius Antistius, the lieutenant. At the same time two hundred thousand pecks of wheat and a hundred thousand of barley were sent by Hiero. XXXIX. While the Romans were enffaared in these preparations and activities, the one captured ship escaped while under weigh from those which had been sent to Rome,2 and returned to Philip. Thus it became known that the ambassadors had been captured with the letter. And so the king, not knowing what had been agreed upon between his ambassadors and Hannibal, and wnat message the latter 's ambassadors were to have brought to him, sent another embassy with the same instructions. As ambassadors to Hannibal there were sent Heraclitus, surnamed Scotinus,^ and Crito, the Boeotian, and Sositheus, of Magnesia. These succeeded in carrying and in back instructions the bringing ; but summer was over before the king could make any active preparations. So effectual was the capture of a single ship and ambassadors in postponing a war which threatened the Romans. Also in the vicinity of Capua both consuls were carrying on the war, now that Fabius, after finally making atonement for the prodigies,* had crossed the ^'olturnus. The cities of Combulteria and Trebula and Austicula, which had revolted to the Carthaginian, were forcibly taken by Fabius, and in them Hannibal's garrisons and very many Campanians were captured. And at Nola, just as in the previous year, the senate sided with the Romans, the common people with Hannibal, and secret plans were being formed for the

* Mentioned in xxxi. 15. 135 LIVY

occulta dv caede et iirbis ^539^ principum proditione 8 inihantur. Quibiis ne incepta procedcrent, inter Capuam castraquc Hannibalis, quae in Tifatis erant, traducto exercitu Fabius super Suessulani in castris Claudianis consedit inde M. Marcel lum ; proprae- torem cum lis copiis quas habebat Nolam in praesidium misit. XL. Et in Sardinia res per T. Manlium praetorem adniinistrari coeptae, quae omissae erant postquam Q. Mucius praetor gravi niorbo est inplicitus. 2 Manlius navibus longis ad Carales subductis navali- busque sociis armatis, ut terra rem gereret, et a praetore exercitu accepto duo et viginti milia 3 peditum, milie ducentos equites confecit. Cum his equitum peditumque copiis profectus in agrum hostium baud procul ab Hampsicorae castris castra posuit. Hampsicora tum forte profectus erat in Pellitos Sardos ad iuventutem armandam, qua 4 filius Hostus castris copias augeret ; nomine praeerat. Is adulescentia ferox temere proelio inito fusus fugatusque. Ad tria milia Sardorum eo proelio 5 vivi alius cresa, octingenti ferme capti ; exei'citus primo per agros silvasque fuga palatus, dein, quo ducem fugisse fama erat, ad urbem nomine Cornum, 6 eius eo caput regionis, confugit ; dcbellatumque p.. lio in Sardinia esset, ni classis Punica cum duce

1 Cf. xxxi. 3 and 5 ; xlvi. 9. * cf. xxxii. xlviii. 2. Really proconsul ; xxx. 18; 2; ^ Acting in place of the regular praetor; cf. xxxiv. 15. * Regularly called sorii 7iaralcs. from tlic time when seamen and oarsmen were allies, while the soldiers on board were Romans. 136 BOOK XXIII. x.wix. 7-.\L. 6 murder of the leadinjEf men and the betrayal of the b.c. 215 no city. That their undertaking should go fiirther, Fahiu'; led his army between Capua and the camp of Hannibal, which was on Tifata, and estal)lished himself above Suessula in the Claudian Camp.^ From there he sent Marcus Marcellus, the propraetor,- with the forces which he had to Nola, to serve as a garrison. XL. And in Sardinia under the direction of Titus Manlius, the praetor,"^ the operations which had been neglected ever since Quintus Mucius, the praetor, was attacked by a serious malady, were resumed. Manlius, after beaching his warships at Carales and arming their crews,* in order to wage war on land, and receiving an army from the praetor, made up a total of twenty-two thousand infantry and twelve hundred cavalry. With these cavalry and infantry forces he set out for the enemy's territoiy and pitched camp not far from the camp of Hampsicora. At that time Hampsicora, as it liappened, had gone to the region of the Skin-clad Sardinians,^ to arm their young men, in order to enlarge his forces. His son named Hostus was in command of the camp. He with the over- confidi'nce of youth rashly went into battle, was thousand routed and put to flight. About three Sardinians Avere slain in that battle, some eight hundred taken alive. The rest of the army, at first wandering in flight through the farms and wooflf,,. then fled to the place to which it was reported that the commander had fled, a city named Cornus, the capital of that regioji. And the war in Sardinia would have been ended by that battle, had not the

* An earlier population living in the mountainous interior of the island and wearingO D^goat-skins. 137 LIV^Y

A.D.o. Hasdru])ale, quae tempestate deiecta ad Baliaris erat, 7 in tempore ad spem rebellandi advenisset. Manlius post famani adpulsae Punicae classis Carales se

recepit : ea occasio Hampsicorae data est Poeno se

8 iungendi. Hasdrubal, copiis in terram expositis et classe remissa Carthaginem, duce Hampsicora ad socioruni populi Romani agrum populaiidum profectus Carales perventurus erat, ni Manlius obvio exercitu ab effusa eum populatione continuisset.

9 Primo castra castris medico intervallo sunt obiecta ;

^ deinde per procursationes levia certamina vario eventu inita descensum in aciem. ; postremo Signis conlatis iusto proelio per quattuor horas pugnatum. 10 Diu pugnam ancipitem Poeni, Sardis facile vinci et cum omnia adsuetis, fecerunt ; postremo ipsi, fusi circa strage ac fuga Sardorum repleta essent, ; 11 ceterum terga dantes cii-cumducto cornu quo pepu- lerat Sardos inclusit Romanus. Caedes inde magis 12 quam pugna fuit. Duodecim milia hostium caesa, Sardorum simul Poenorumque, ferme tria milia et septingenti capti et signa militaria septem et viginti. XLI. Ante omnia claram et memorabilem pugnam fecit Hasdrubal imperator captus et Hanno et Mago, 2 nobiles Carthaginienses, Mago ex gente Barcina, propinqua cognatione Hannibali iunctus, Hanno

1 deinde per Madvig : deinceps P(l). BOOK XXIII. XL. 6-.\Li. 2

Carthaginian fleet commanded by Hasdrubal, wliich b.c. 215 had been carried by a storm to the Balearic Islands, arrived at the riijht moment to re\ive hopes for the rebellion. Manlias, when the arrival of the Punic fleet was reported, withdrew to Carales. By so doing he gave Hampsicora the opportunity to imite with the Carthao-inian. Hasdrubal, after landinjj his forces and sending the fleet back to Carthage, set out with Hampsicora as his guide to lay waste the lands of allies of the Roman people. And he would have reached Carales, had not Manlius by confronting him with an army restrained him from his widespread devastation. At first camp fiiced camp at no great distance. Then charges led to skirmishes with varying residts. Finally they went into line of battle. With standards against standards they fought a regular engagement for four hours. For a long time the Carthaginians made the issue uncertain, while the Sardinians were used to being easily defeated. Finalh', when the slain and the fleeing Sardinians had covered the whole field, the Carthaginians also were routed. But when they tried to flee, the Roman general hemmed them in by a flank movement of the wing with Avhich he had beaten back the Sardinians. It was a slaughter after that, rather than a battle. Twelve thousand of the enemy were slain, Sardinians and Carthaginians reckoned together. About three thousand seven hundred were captured, and twenty- seven military standards. XLI. What more than all made it a famous and memorable battle was the capture of Hasdrubal, the commander, and Hanno and Mago, Carthaginian nobles, Mago being of the Barca family and nearly related to Hannibal, while Hanno had advised the 139 LH Y

A.u.G. auctor rebellionis Sardis bellique eius liaud duhie 3 concitor. Nee Sardorum duces minus nnbilem earn

pugnani cladibus suis feceruiit : nam et filius Hamp- 4 sicorae Hostus in acie cecidit, et Hampsicora cum paucis equitibus fugiens, ut super adflictas res necem quoque lilii audivit, nocte, ne cuius interventus 5 coepta inpediret, mortem sibi conscivit. Ceteris urbs Cornus eadem quae ante fugae receptaculum

fuit ; quam Manlius victore exercitu adgressus intra 6 dies paucos recepit. Deinde aliae quoque civitates, quae ad Hampsicoram Poenosque defecerant, obsidibus datis sese dediderunt ; qifibus stipendio frumcntoque imperato pro cuiusque aut Airibus aut 7 delicto Carales exei'citum i-eduxit. Ibi navibus longis deductis inpositoque quern secum advexerat milite Romam navigat Sardiniamque perdomitam nuntiat et patribus ; stipendium quaestoribus, frumentum aedilibus, captivos Q. Fulvio praetori tradit. 8 Per idem tempus T. Otacilius praetor ab Lilybaeo classi in Africam transvectus depopulatusque agrum 9 Carthaginiensem, cum Sardinian! inde peteret, quo fama erat Hasdrubalem a Balearibus nuper traiecisse, classi Africam repetenti occurrit, levique certamine in alto commisso septem inde naves cum sociis navalibus ccpit. Ceteras metus baud secus quam tempestas passim disiecit.

140 BOOK XXIII. xLi. 2-9

Sardinians to i-ebel and had undoubtedly fomented b.c. 2ii that \vai\ And the Sardinians' generals made the battle no less notable by their deaths, lor Hostus, the son of Hampsicora, fell in battle, and also Hampsi- cora as he fled vith a few horsemen, on hearing, not of the defeat only, but also]of the death of his son, took his own life, doing this at night, that no one might come upon him and interfere with his attempt. For all the rest the same city of Cornus was a place of refuge, as before. Manlius with his victorious army attacked it and took it within a few days. Then other cities also which had revolted to Hampsicora and the Carthaginians gave hostages and surrendered. From these cities Manlius exacted tribute and grain in proportion to the resources of each or its guilt, and led his army back to Carales. There he launched his warships, took on board the soldiers he had brought with him, sailed for Rome, and reported to the senate the complete subjugation of Sardinia. He also turned over the tribute to the quaestors, the grain to the aediles, the captives to Quintus Fulvius, the praetor. About the same time Titus Otacilius, the praetor ,i sailed with his fleet from Lilybaemn across to Africa, and after laying waste the country about Carthage, was steering thence toward Sardinia, to which it was reported that Hasdrubal had recently crossed from the Balearic Islands, when he encountered the fleet to Africa and in a returning ; slight engagement fought in open water he captured seven of their ships together with their crews. The rest were widely scattered by their fear quite as much as they had been by the storm. ^ Here = praefectus, commander of the fleet. 141 LIVY

10 Per eosdcm forte dies ct Bomilear cum militibiis ad supplement um Carthagine missis clephantisque 11 et commeatii Locros accessit. Quern ut ineautum opprimeret, Ap. Claudius per simulationem pro- vineiae cireumeundae Messanam raptim exercitu 12 ducto vento aestuque suo ^ Loci'os traiccit. lam indc IJomilcar ad Hannonem in Bruttios profectus et Locrenses erat, portas Romanis clauserunt ; Appius magno conatu nulla re gesta Messanam repetit. 13 Eadem aestate Marcellus ab Nola, quam pracsidio obtinebat, crebras excursiones in agrum Hir])inimi 14 et Samnites Caudinos fecit adeoque omnia ferro atque igni vastavit ut antiquarum eladium Samnio n\emoriam renovaret. XLII. Itaque extemplo legati ad Hannibalem missi simul ex ita " utraque gente Poenum adlocuti sunt: Hostes populi Romani, 2 Hannibal, fuimus primum per nos ipsi quoad nostra arma, nostrae vires nos tutari potei'ant. Postquam his nos adiunximus parum fidebamus, Pyrrho regi ; 3 a quo relicti paceni necessariam accepimus, fuimusque in ea per annos prope quinquaginta ad id tempus quo 4 tu in Italian! venisti. Tua nos non magis virtus fortunaque quam unica comitas ac benignitas erga cives nostros, quos captos nobis remisisti, ita con ciliavit tibi ut te salvo atque incolumi amico non modo populum Romanum sed ne deos quidem iratos, 5 si fas est dici, timeremus. At hercule non solum

^ vcnto aestuque suo Weissenborn : aestuquaesuo PR : aestuque suo R^?{1).

1 In tlie Samnite Wars, as narrated in books VII to X, especially their defeats at fcsuessula, 343 B.C., and at Sentinuni, 295. ^ The speech is, of course, that of their leader. 142 BOOK XXIII. xu. io~xLii. 5

About the same time, moreover, as it liappened, b.o. 215 Bomilcar arrived at Locri with the soldiers sent as reinforcements from Carthage and with elephants and supplies. In order to take him unawares Appius Claudius, with the pretence of making the round of his province, led his army in haste to Messana, and w ith wind and current in his favour crossed over to Locri. Already Bomilcar had left that place, to join Hanno amono- the Bruttii. and the Locrians closed their gates against the Romans. Appius, having accomplished nothing by his great effort, returned to Messana. The same summer Marcellus from Nola, which he held with a garrison, made frequent raids into the country of the Hirpini and the Samnites about Caudium and laid waste the whole region with fire and sword so completely that he revived the Samnites' memory of their old disasters..^ XLII . Accordingly ambassadors were sent at once to Hannibal from both ^ tribes, and addressed the thus : " they Carthaginian We were enemies of the Roman people, Hannibal, at first by ourselves, so long as our arms and our resources were able to defend us. When we had lost confidence in these, we attached ourselves to Pyn-hus, the king. Abandoned by him we accepted an inevitable peace, and have remained in that for peace about fifty years, down to the time when you came to Italy. It is not more your courage and success than your singular kindness and consideration toward our citizens, whom you captured and then sent back to us, that so won us over to you that, so long as you were a friend safe and sound, we not only did not fear the Roman people, but not even the anger of the gods, if it is right to say so. But in fact, 143 LIVY

A.u.c. incolumi et victore sed praesente te, cum ploratum prope coniugum ac Iiberorum nostrorum exaudire et flagrantia tecta posses conspicere, ita sumus aliquoticns hac aestate devastati ut M. Marcellus, non Hannibal, vicisse ad Cannas videatur, glorientur- que Romani te, ad unum niodo ictum vigentem, velut ^ 6 ac'uleo eniisso torpere. Per annos centum cum populo Romano helium gessimus, nullo externo adiuti nee duce nee exereitu, nisi quod per bieimium Pyrrhus nostro magis milite suas auxit vires quam 7 suis viribus nos defendit. Non ego secundis rebus nostris gloriabor, duos consules ac duos consulares exercitus ab nobis sub iugum missos, et si qua alia 8 aut laeta aut gloriosa nobis evenerunt. Quae aspera adversaque tune acciderunt minore indignatione re- 9 ferre possumus quam quae hodie eveniunt. Magni dictatores cum magistris equitum, bini consules cum binis consularibus exercitibus ingrediebantur finis nostros ante et subsidiis et sub ; explorato positis 10 ducebant nunc signis ad populandum ; propraetoris unius et parvi ad tuendam Nolam praesidii praeda sed latronum sumus ; iam ne manipulatim quidem modo percursant totis finibus nostris neglegentius 11 quam si in Romano vagarentur agro. Causa autem haee est quod neque tu defendis et nostra iuventus, quae si domi esset tutaretur, omnis sub signis militat 12 tuis. Nee te nee exercitum tuum norim nisi, a quo

1 centum x : prope centum A^x : om. P{1).

1 VIII. xxixEF. IX. E.g. Papirius Cursor, ; again xxxviii; five times consul. 2 In disparagement of Marcellus, a proconsul; cf. xliii. 12. 144 BOOK XXIII. xLii. 5-12 while you are not merely safe and victorious, but also b.c. 215 hear the here present, although you could almost wailino- of our wives and children and could see the several blazing houses, we have been so ravaged times this summer that Marcus Marcellus, not Hannibal, appears to have been the victor at Cannae, and the Romans are boasting that you, having as if strength for but a single stroke, are inactive, a hundred we you had spent your sting. For years waged war with the Roman people, unaided either by commander or army from abroad, except that for us with his two years Pyrrhus did not so much defend resources as enlarge these by adding our soldiers. I shall not boast of our successes, that two consuls and two consular armies were sent under the yoke by us, nor of any other events which have brought us defeats either joy or fame. But the hai-dships and which then befel us we can relate with less indignation Great than the things that are happening today. dictators 1 and masters of the horse, two consuls and two consular armies, used each time to enter our and territory. After first reconnoitring posting reserves, and in regular array they would lead out for a raid. But now we are the prey of a single ^ to the propraetor and a small garrison assigned defence of Nola. Already they roam over our whole after the manner territory, not even in maniples, but if were of brigands, with less caution than they wandering in the country around Rome. The not reason moreover is this : that you are defending us, and at the same time our young men, who would be protecting us if they were at home, are all serving under your standards. I should be unacquainted both with you and your army if I were not to hold 145 VOL. VI. li LIVY .

A.u.c. tot acies Romanas fusas stratasque esse sciam, ei 539 ^ facile esse ducani opprimere populatores nostros vagos, sine signis palatos quo quemque trahit quamvis 13 vana praedae spes. Numidarum paucorum illi quidcm praeda erunt praesidiumque miseris simul ^ nobis et Nolae ademeris, si modo, quos ut socios haberes dignos duxisti, baud** indignos iudicas quos in fidem receptos tuearis." XLIII. Ad ea Hannibal respondit, omnia simul facere Hirpinos Samnitesque, et indicare clades suas et petere pi'aesidium et queri indefensos se neglectos- 2 que. Indicandum autem primum fuisse, dein petendum praesidium, postremo ni inpetraretur, tiuii denique querendum frustra opem inploratam. 3 Exercitumi sese non in agrum Hirpinum Samnitemve, ne et ipse oneri esset, sed in pi-oxima loca sociorum populi Romani adducturum. lis populandis et * militem suum repleturum se et metu jirocul ab his 4 summoturum hostis. Quod ad boUum Romanum attineret, si Ti'asumenni quam Trebiae, si Cannarum quam Trasumenni pugna nobilior esset, Cannarum quoque se ^ memoriam obscuram maiore et clariore victoria facturum. 5 Cum hoc responso muneribusque amplis legatos dimisit relicto in ; ipse praesidio modico Tifatis pro- G fectus cetero exercitu ire Nolam pergit. Eodem Hanno ex Bruttiis cum supplemento Carthagine advecto atque elephantis venit. Castris haud procul

1 ducam z : dicam P(l). ^ miseris simul Madvig : misul P : misum P^?R : missum ]i^(l)z : simul crit Gronoviiis. =* liaud Ay Valla : at it PE : ad id C : ad id R^14). * his P Walters, irithnut comment : iis ndgaie. ^ quoque so Sieshye : se quoque P(l). 146 BOOK XXIII. xLii. i2-.\Liii. 6

laid low b.c. 215 it easy for one who, I know, hcas routed and so many Roman battle-lines to surprise our scat- their standards tered plunderers, roaming without wherever a man is drawn by even the vain hope of in case booty. To a few Nuniidians they will any and at fall a prey, and you will have sent us troops the same time will have rid Nola of its garrison, if to be only men whom you have considered worthy to be your allies are not judged by you unworthy taken under your protection and defended." XLIII. To this Hannibal replied that the Hirpini and Samnites were doing everything at once, re- and porting their losses, and asking for troops, complaining that they were undefended and neglected. But they ought first to have reported, then if not asked for protection, finally, this was obtained, they should then, and not sooner, have complained lead that help had been besought in vain. He would the his army, not into the territory of the Hirpini or Samnites, in order not to be another burden, but into the nearest lands of allies of the Roman people. By and devastating these he would satisfy his own army drive the frightened enemy to a distance from them. As for the Roman war, if the battle of the Trasumen- nus was more celebrated than that of the Trebia, if Cannae than Trasumennus, he would overshadow the memory even of Cannae by a greater and more famous victory. With this answer and also with ample gifts he sent the ambassadors away. He himself set out, leaving a moderate force on Tifata, and proceeded with the rest of his army to Nola. Hanno also came thither from the land of the Bi-uttii with reinforcements brought from Carthage and Avith the elephants. 147 l2 LIVY

A.u.c. positis longe alia omnia inquirenti conperta sunt 7 quam quae a legatis sociorum audierat. Nihil enim Marcellus ita egerat ut aut foi'tunae aut tenaere hosti coniniissum dici posset. Explorato cum firmis- que praesidiis tuto receptu praedatum ierat, omniaque velut adversus praesentem Hannihalem cauta 8 provisaque fuerant. Tuni, ubi sensit hostem adven- intra moenia tcnuit min-os inanibu- tare, copias ; per lare senatores Nolanos iussit et omnia circa explorare 9 quae apud hostes fierent. Ex liis Hanno, cum ad murum successisset, Herennium Bassum et Herium Pettium ad conloquium evocatos permissuque Mar- 10 celli egressos per interpretem adloquitur. Hanni-

balis virtutem fortunamque extollit : populi Romani 11 obterit senescent em cum viribus maiestatem. Quae si paria essent, ut quondam fuissent, tamen expertis quam grave Romanum imperium sociis, quanta indulgentia Hannibalis etiam in captivos omnis Italici nominis fuisset, Punicam Romanae societatem 12 atque amicitiam praeoptandam esse. Si ambo consules cum suis exercitibus ad Nolam essent, tamen non magis pares Hannibali futuros quam ad Cannas fuissent, nedum praetor unus cum paucis et 13 novis militibus Nolam tutari possit. Ipsorum quam ^ Hannibalis magis interesse capta an tradita Nola poteretur; potiturum enim, ut Capua Nuceriaque

^ magis Harant (after ipsorum in A^z) : om. P(l).

148 BOOK XXIII. xLiii. 6-13

his not far Hannibal n.c. 215 Having pitclied camp away, found on enquiry that everything was very different from what he had heard from the legates of his allies. For Marcellus had not done anything in such a way that it could be said to have been left to fortune or rashly left to the enemy. After reconnoitring, having out to strong forces and a safe refuge, he had gone forage, and every possible precaution had been taken, on as though against Hannibal in person. Then learning of the approach of the enemy, he kept his troops inside the walls. He ordered the senators of Nola to w-alk up and down on the walls, and to observe everything that went on among the enemy all around. Hanno, having come close to the wall, called out from their number Herennius Bassus and Herius Pettius to a conference, and when they came out with Marcellus' permission, he addressed them through an interpreter. He lauded Hannibal's courage and success. He belittled the majesty of the their Roman people, as wasting away along M'ith resources. And if these qualities were evenly matched, he said, as once they had been, nevertheless those who had found out how burdensome was Roman rule to the alUes, how great had been Hannibal's indulgence even to all captives who called themselves Itahans, these were bound to prefer Carthaginian alliance and friendship to Roman. If both consuls were at Nola with their armies, still they would be no more a match for Hannibal than they had been less could one with a few at Cannae ; much praetor raw soldiers defend Nola. It was their own concern more than Hannibal's whether he took Nola by as he capture or by surrender. For he would take it, had taken Capua and Nuceria. But what a difference 149 LIVY

A.U.O. esset sed inter potitus ; quid Capuae ac Nuceriae fortiinam interesset ipsos prope in medio sitos 14 Nolanos scire. Nolle ominari quae captae urbi ^ casura forent, et potius spondere, si Marcellum cum praesidio ac Nolam tradidissent, neminem alium quam ipsos legem qua in societatem amicitiamque Hannibalis venirent dicturum. XLIV. Ad ea Herennius Bassus respondit multos annos iam inter Romanum Nolanumque populum amicitiam esse, cuius ncutros ad earn diem paenitcre, et sibi, si cum fortuna mutanda fides fuerit, sero 2 iam esse mutare. An dedituris se Hannibali fuisse accersendum. Romanorum praesidium ? Cum lis qui ad sese tuendos venissent omnia sibi et esse conso- ciata et ad ultimum fore.

3 Hoc conloquium abstulit spem Hannibali per proditionem recipiendae Nolae. Itaque corona oppidum circumdedit, ut simul ab omni parte moenia adgrede- 4 retur. Quem ut successisse muris Marcellus vidit, instructa intra portam acie cum magno tumultu erupit. Aliquot primo impetu perculsi caesique sunt; dein concursu ad pugnantis facto aequatisque viribus atrox esse coepit pugna, memorabilisque inter paucas fuisset, ni ingentibus procellis effusus 5 imber diremisset pugnantis. Eo die commisso modico certamine atque inritatis animis in urbem ^ Roman], Pocni in castra receperunt sese; nam

^ casura Nipperdey : cessura P(ll)^^. ^ nam Weissenborn : tarn P(l) : tamcn J/^. BOOK XXIII. xLiii. 13-XLIV. 5 there was between the lot of Capua and that of n.c. 215 Nuceria the men of Nola themselves knew, being situated about half-way between them. He did not wish to forecast what would happen to the city if captured, but assured them instead that if they surrendered Marccllus and Xola with the garrison, no one but themselves should name the terms on which they might enter alliance and friendship with Hannibal. XLIV. To this Herennius Bassus replied that for many years there had been friendshij) between the and that of Nola that to that Roman people ; down time neither party regretted it, and for themselves, if with altered fortune they ought to have changed their loyalty, it was now too late to change. If they were going to surrender to Hannibal, had they needed to send for a Roman ccarrison ? With the men who had come to defend them they had allied themselves in everything, and it would be so to the end. This conference deprived Hannibal of the hope of getting Nola by treachery. And so he completely invested the town, in order to attack the walls from all sides at once. Marcellus, on seeing that Hannibal had approached the walls, drew up his line inside the gate and sallied out with a great uproar. Not a few were terrified by the first attack and slain. Then, when they had charged the attacking force and brought up equal numbers, the battle began to be a fierce one, and would have been among the most memorable, if a downpour of rain in heavy squalls had not separated the combatants. That day, after beginning an engagement of no importance and merely in- flaming their passions, they withdrew, the Romans into the city, the Carthaginians to the camp. For of 151 LIVY

A.O.O. Poenorum prima eruptione perculsi ceciderunt liaud 6 plus quam triginta,^ llomani quinqiiafjinta.^ Imber"' continens per noctem totani usque ad horam tertiam diei insequentis tenuit. Itaque, quamquam utraque pars avidi certaminis erant, eo die tenuerunt sese tamen munimentis. Terlio die Hannibal partem copiarum praedatum 7 in agrum Nolanum misit. Quod ubi animadvertit in aciem eduxit Marcellus, extemplo copias ; neque Hannibal detractavit. Mille fere passuum inter erant eo —et urbem castraque ; spatio sunt omnia 8 campi circa Nolam—concurrerunt. Clamor ex parte utraque sublatus proximos ex cohortibus iis quae in agros praedatum exierant ad proelium iam com- 9 missum revocavit. Et Nolani aciem Romanam auxerunt, quos conlaudatos Marcellus in subsidiis stare et saucios ex acie efterre iussit, pugna abstinere, ni ab se signum accepissent. XL\'. Proelium erat vi et et milites anceps ; summa duces hortabantur pugnabant. Marcellus victis ante diem tertium, fugatis ante paucos dies a Cumis, pulsis priore anno ab Nola ab eodem se duce, milite alio, instare iubet. 2 esse in acie in Non omnis ; praedantis vagari agro ; ^ et qui pugnent, marcere Campana luxuria, vino et scortis omnibusque lustx'is per totam hiemem con- ^ 3 fectos. Abisse illam vim vigoremque, dilapsa esse robora corporum animorumque quibus Pyrenaei Alpiumque superata sint iuga. Reliquias illorum

^ triginta (xxx) PC^ (14) : xxxx R : trecenti Gronovius. ^ quinquaginta Gronovius {see next note). 3 imber lt-{l) : liber (i.e. l = 50 + iber) P : inber P^?. ^ agro; ct Alschefski : agro sed P(l) : agris; et Luchs. ^ dilapsa z : delapsa P(l).

^ The small number is probably an error of the copyists. 152 BOOK XXIII. XLiv. 5 .\Lv. 3 the Carthaginians not more than thirty,^ who were b.c. 215 terrified first of the by the sally, fell, Romans fifty. The rain continued incessantly throughout the night to the third hour of the next day. And so, although both sides were eager for the fray, they nevertheless kept within their fortifications that day. On the third day Hannibal sent a part of his forces into the country about Nola to plunder. On observing this Marcellus at once drew up his troops in Une. And Hannibal did not refuse battle. There was about a mile between the city and the camp. In that space—and there is only a plain around Nola— they met each other. A shout raised on both sides recalled to a battle already begun the nearest men of the cohorts which had gone out to the farms for booty. And the men of Nola reinforced the Roman line. Marcclkis praised them and ordered them to keep their place among the reserves and to carry off the wounded from the field ; to refrain from fischtinij unless they should receive a signal fi-om him. XL\\ The battle was doubtful. The generals were doing their utmost in cheering on their men, the soldiers in fighting. Marcellus bids them attack men defeated two days before, driven from Cumae in flight a few days earlier, beaten back from Nola the previous year by himself, the same commander, and other soldiers. Not all of the enemy, he said, were in the line of battle the were about the ; booty-hunters roaming country, and those who were fighting were weakened by Campanian luxury, exhausted by wine and hai-lots and every kind of dissipation the Avhole Avinter through. Gone was that force and energy, lost the strength of body and spirit with which they had crossed the ranges of the Pyrenees and the Alps. 153 IJVY

A.u.o. virorum vix arma membraque sustinentis pugnare. 4 Capuam Hannibali Cannas fuisse : ibi virtutem belli- cam, ibi militarem disciplinam, ibi praeteriti temporis 5 famani, ibi spcm futuri exstinctam. Cum haec exprobrando hosti Marcellus suorum niilitum animos erigeret, Hannibal multo gravioribus probris increpa- 6 bat : arma signaque eadem se noscere quae ad Trebiam Trasumennumque, postremo ad Cannas viderit militem aliuni se in habueritque ; profecto liiberna Capuam duxisse, alium inde eduxissc. " 7 Legatumne Romammi et legionis unius atque alae niagno certamine vix toleratis pugnam, quos binae 8 acies consulares numquam sustinuerunt ? Marcellus tirone milite ac Nolanis subsidiis inultus nos iam

iterum lacessit ! Ubi ille miles meus est qui derepto ex equo C. Flaminio consuli caput abstulit ? Ubi, 9 qui L. Paulum ad Cannas occidit ? Ferrum nunc hebet ? an dextrae torpent ? an quid prodigii est aliud? Qui pauci plures vincere soliti estis, nunc paucis plures vix restatis ? Romam vos expugna- 10 turos, si quis duceret, fortes lingua iactabatis : en,^ ^ in minore re hie experiri vim virtutemque volo. FiXpugnate Nolam, campestrem urbem, non flumine, non mari saeptam. Hinc vos ex tarn opulenta urbe

1 en A» Valla, Madvig : enim P(10). 2 in minore re Madvig : minor res est PJ/^M«'(13) Valla.

1 Again disparagement of Marcellus, as in xlii. 10. ^ A somewhat different account in XXII. vi. 4. 8 Cf. XXII. xlix. 12.

154 BOOK XXIII. xLv. 3-IO

Remnants only of those men were figliting, scarcely b.c. 215 able to hold up their weapons and their limbs. Capua had been Hannibal's Cannae. It was there that warlike courage had been extinguished, there the discipline of the soldier, there the past reputation, there the hope for the future. While by thus reviling the enemy Marcellus was raising the spirits of his soldiers, Hannibal was uttering much more serious he the same arms and reproaches ; recognized standards which he had seen and had at the Trebia but as for the and Trasumcnnus, finally at Cannae ; soldier, he had certainly led one man into winter at and out of them a different man. "quarters Capua, " Are you," he said, hardly able with great effort to hold out against a mere Roman lieutenant,^ and an engagement with a single legion and its auxiliaries —you, whom two consular armies combined have never withstood ? Marcellus with recruits and with reserves from Nola is now attacking us for the second time with impunity ! Where is that soldier of mine who pulled Gains Flaminius, the consul, down from ^ his horse and carried away his head ? Where the ^ man who slew Lucius Paulus at Cannae ? Is the sword now blunted? Or are your right hands be- numbed ? Or is it some other portent ? You who, though few, were wont to defeat larger numbers, now in larger numbers with difficulty resist the few ? You u'jcd to boast, brave men in speech, that if some one led you, you would take Rome by storm. Look you, in a less difficult situation, here and now I wish to test your might and courage. Take Nola by river storm, a city of the plain, not fenced by a nor by the sea. From this place, a city of such wealth, I wall either lead you, laden with booty and 155 I.IVY

onustos vel A^u.c. praecla spoliisqiie ducam quo voletis vcl sequar." XLVI. Nee bene nee male dicta profuerunt ad 2 conflrmandos animos. Cum omni parte pellcrentur, llomanisquo crescereht auimi, non duce solum adhor- tante sed Nolanis etiam per clamorem favoris indicem acccndentibus ardorem pusrnae, terga Poeni dederunt 3 atque in castra conpulsi sunt. Quae oppugnare cupientis milites Romanos Mareellus Nolam reduxit cum magno gaudio et gratulatione etiam plebis, quae 4 ante inclinatior ad Poenos fuerat. Ilostium plus ^ quinque milia caesa eo die, vivi capti sescenti et signa militaria undeviginti et duo elephanti, quattuor

in acie occisi ; Romanorum minus mille interfecti. 5 Posterum diem indutiis taeitis sepeliendo utrimque caesos in acie consumpserunt. Spolia hostium 6 Mareellus Volcano votum cremavit. Tertio post die, ob iram, credo, aliquam aut spem liberalioris militiae, ducenti septuaginta duo equites, mixti Numidae et Hispani, ad Marcellum transfugerunt. Eorum forti fidelique opera in eo bello usi sunt saepe Romani. 7 Ager Hispanis in Hispania et Numidis in Africa post bellum virtutis causa datus est. 8 Hannibal, ab Nola remisso in Bruttios Hannone

cum quibus venerat copiis, ipse Apuliae hiberna petit 9 circaque Arpos consedit. Q. Fabius ut profectum in

^ quinque milia Gronovms : vel P(l); cf. xxxiv. 13.

156 BOOK XXIII. XLV. io-.\Lvi. 9 spoils, or I will follow you whithersoever you shall d.c. 215 desire." XL\'I. Neither encouragement nor reproaches had any effect in steadying their spirits. Since they were everywhere beaten back, while the Romans' courage rose, as not only the general exhorted them, but the men of Nola also kindled their ardour for battle by shouting as evidence of their support, the Carthaginians retreated and were forced back into the camp. The Roman soldiers were eager to assault the camp, but Marcellus led them back to Nola, in the midst of great rejoicing and congratulation on the part of the common people as well, who had previously been more inclined to the Cai*- thaginians. Of the enemy more than five thousand were slain that day, six hundred captured alive, and nineteen military standards and two elephants w'ere taken, four killed in battle. Of the Romans less than a thousand were slain. The next day they spent under a tacit armistice, burying those slain in the battle on both sides. Marcellus burned the spoils of the enemy, paying a vow to Vulcan. Two days later in anger on some account, I suppose, or in the hope of a more generous service, two hundred and seventy-two hoi'semen, partly Numidians, partly Spaniards, deserted to Marcellus. Their brave and loyal services were repeatedly employed by the Romans in that war. As a reward for their courage farm land was given after the war to the Spaniards in Spain, to the Numidians in Africa. Hannibal, sending Hanno back from Nola into the country of the Bruttii with the forces with which he had come, himself sought winter quarters in Apulia and established himself near Arpi. Quintus Fabius, 157 lAYY

Hannibalem frumento ab Nola Nea- ^fsf' Apuliam audivit, polique in ea castra convecto quae super Suessulam erant, munimentisque firmatis et, pracsiclio quod per ^ hiberna ad obtinendum locum satis esset relicto, ipse Capuam propius movit castra agrumque Campa- 10 num ferro ignique est dcpopulatus, donee coacti sunt Campani, nihil admodum viribus suis fidentes, egredi portis et castra ante urbcm in aperto com- 11 munire. Sex milia armatorum liabebant, peditem

inbellem, equitatu plus poterant ; itaque equestribus proeliis lacessebant hostem. 12 Inter multos nobiles equites Campanos Cerrinus Vibellius erat, cognomine Taurea. Civis indidem erat, longe omnium Campanorum fortissimus eques, adco ut, cum apud Romanes militaret, unus eum Romanus Claudius Asellus gloria equestri aequaret. 2 13 Tunc Taurea, cum diu perlustrans oculis obequi- tasset hostium turmis, tandem silentio facto, ubi 14 esset Claudius Asellus quaesivit et, quoniam verbis secum de virtute ambigere solitus esset, cur non ferro decerneret daretque opima spolia victus aut victor caperet. XLVn. Haec ubi Asello sunt nuntiata in castra, id modo moratus ut consulem percunctaretur liceretne extra ordinem in provocantem hostem pugnare,

1 obtinendum Madrirj : toncndum x Gronovius : petendum P(l). - tunc ira/t/i : hunc P(4) : hie DA. BOOK XXIII. xLvi. 9-.\Lvit. I on hearing that Hannibal had gone into ApuHa, u.c. 215 brought in grain from Nola and Neapolis to the camp above Sucssula, strengthened the fortifications, and left a fjarrison which was strono- enoui>h to hold the place through the winter season. He then moved his camp nearer to Capua and ravaged the Campanian territory with fire and sword, until the Campanians, who had no confidence at all in their own resources, were compelled to come out of the gates and fortify a camp in the open before the city. They had six unfit for war but in thousand armed men, infantry ; cavalry they were more effective. Accordingly they kept harassing the enemy by cavalry battles. Among the many distinguished Campanian horsemen was Cerrinus \'ibellius. surnamed Taurca. A citizen of that state, he was far the bravest horseman of all the Campanians, so much so that while he served with the Romans only one Roman, Claudius Asellus, rivalled him in reputation as a cavalryman. At this time Taurea, looking all around again and again, rode up to the squadrons of the enemy's cavalry and, when silence was at last obtained, asked where Claudius Asellus was, and why, since he had been in the habit of disputing M'ith him about their courage, did he not settle the matter with the sword and, if vanquished, give, or if victorious, take, the splendid spoils.^ XLVII. When this was reported to Asellus in the camp, he waited only to ask the consul whether he might fight out of the ranks against an enemy Avho

* Strictly speaking the opima sj)oUa were those taken by a Roman general in command from the general of the enemy after a single combat; I. x. 4-7 (Romulus); IV. xx. 2 and 6-6 (Cossus); Periocha 20 (Marcellus). A.iT.c. 2 permissu eius arnia extemplo cepit, provectusque " ^ ante stationes equo Tauream nomine compellavit ^ 3 congredique ubi vellct iussit. lani Roniani ad spectaculuni pugnae eius frequentes exierant, et Campani non vallum modo castrorum sed moenia 4 etiam urbis prospectantes repleverant.^ Cum iam ante ferocibus dictis rem nobilitassent, infestis hastis dein libero inter se ludi- concitarunt equos ; spatio 5 fieantes sine vulnere extrahebant.^ Tum " pugnam " " Romano hoc non , Campanus Equorum inquit equitum erit certamen, nisi e campo in cavam banc viam demittimus equos. Ibi nullo ad evagandum 6 spatio comminus conserentur manus." Dicto prope citius in viam Claudius deiecit.^ Taurea verbis equum " " " ferocior quam re Minime sis inquit canthcrium in fossam "; quae vox in rusticum inde proverbium ^ 7 prodita est. Claudius, cum ea via longe perequitasset,® nullo obvio hoste in campum rursus cvectus, increpans ignaviam hostis, cum magno gaudio et 8 gratulatione victor in castra redit. Huic pugnae equestri rem—quam vera sit,' communis exist imatio est—mirabilem certe adiciunt quidam annales : cum refugientem ad urbem Tauream Claudius sequeretur, ^ patent! hostium porta invectum per alteram, stupentibus miraculo hostibus, intactum evasisse.

1 iam (13) : hinc C*M^ : in PCiMF. 2 repleveraiit A'Jz Madvig : -erunt P( 1 )F. ^ extrahebant P^?{\)F : extraherebant P: extrahere Gronovius. * deiecit A^ Madvig : delegit PA?{2)F : egit A^x Aldus. ^ ea via Ferizonius, Madvig: exva P : ex via P-?{\)F ; cava Madvig (later). * perequitasset, P(\)F add quia, P^? via. ^ quam vera sit Gronovius : quam vetatis P(4)P : quam etatis DA. * liOTta. Ingerslev: portaeP(l)P. i6o BOOK XXIII. xLvn. 2-8

him. challenged With the consul's permission he at it.c. 215 once took up his arms, and riding out in front of the guard-posts he addressed Taurea by name and bade him engage wherever he pleased. Already the Romans had gone out in crowds to that spectacle of a combat, and the Campanians who looked on had filled not only the earthwork of the camp but also the walls of the city. First calling attention to the affair by high-spirited words, they levelled spears and spurred their horses. Then, eluding each other in the open space, they prolonged the bloodless fray. Then the Campanian said to the Roman: "This will be a contest of horses, not of horsemen, unless we let oin- horses go dowTi from the open field into this deep-cut road. There, with no room to avoid each other, we shall fight hand to hand." Almost sooner than said Claudius put his horse into the road. Taurea, more " spirited in words than in action, said : Never a nag, " ^ please, into a ditch ! —words which have come down from that time as a f;irmer's parable. Claudius rode a long way on that road, and then riding back to the field without meeting any enemy, returned as victor to the camp, reviling the cowardice of his enemy in the midst of great rejoicing and congratulations. To this combat of horsemen— some annals add what is certainly—marvellous how true, it is for everyone to judge that, as Claudius was pursuing Taurea flee- to the ing city, he rode in through the enemy's open gate and, while they were spellbound in amazement, escaped unharmed by the opposite gate.

To be ^ supplied is a verb, probably demiseris. Colloquial sis " (= si vis, an insistent please ") merely strengthens the prohibition. 161 VOL. VI, M LIVY

A.o.c. XL\'I1I. Quicta inde stativa fuei*e, ac retro etiam 639 consul movit castra, ut sementem Campani facerent, nee ante violavit agriini C'anipanum quam iam altae 2 in segetibus herbae pabulum praebere poterant. Id convexit in Claudiana eastra super Suessulam ibique hiberna aedificavit. M. Claudio prooonsuli iniperavit ut, retento Nolae necessario ad tuendam m-bem praesidio, ceteros milites dimitteret Roniani, ne 3 oneri sociis et sumptui rei publicae essent. Et Ti. Gracchus, a Cumis Luceriam in Apuliam legiones cum duxisset, M. Valerium inde praetorem Brundi- sium cum eo quem Luceriae habuerat exercitum misit tuerique cram agri Sallentini et providere quod ad Philippum bellumque Macedonicum attineret iussit. 4 Exitu aestatis eius cpia haec gesta perscripsimus litterae a P. etCn. Scipionibus venerunt, quantas quam- in res que prosperas Hispania gessissent ; sed pecuniam in stipendium vestimentaque et frumentum 5 exercitui et sociis navalibus omnia deesse. Quod ad stipendium attineat, si aerarium inops sit, se aliquam rationcm inituros ab ^ quomodo Hispanis sumatur ; cetera utique ab Roma mittenda esse, nee aliter aut 6 exercitum aut provinciam tenei'i posse. Litteris I'ecitatis nemo omnium erat quin et vera scribi et fateretur animis postulari aequa ; sed occurrebat quantos exercitus teiTCstris navalisque tuerentur, quantaque nova classis mox paranda esset, si bellum ^ sumatur (sumaf) P^? AlschpJski, Walters : summat'q. P : sumant' P^m^?{l)F.

^ The time is early autumn. 2 In the extreme south of Calabria; XXIV. xx. 16; XXV. i. 1. 3 As told in XXII. xxii. and XXIII. xxvi ff. * 1 .e. the senators present. 162 BOOK XXIII. xLviir. i-6

XLVIII. Thereafter the winter quarters were b.o. 215 undisturbed, and the consul moved his camp back again, that the Campanians might do their sowing. 1 And he did not ravage the Campanian country until the growing grain in the fields was tall enough to furnish fodder. This he transported to the Claudian Camp above Suessula and there built winter barracks. He ordered Marcus Claudius, the proconsul, to keep at Nola the only garrison needed to defend the city, and to send away the rest of the soldiers to Rome, lest they be a burden to the allies and an expense to the state. And Tiberius Gracchus, after leading his legions from Cumae to Luceria in Apulia, sent thence Marcus Walerius, the praetor, to Brundisium with the army Avhich he hacl had at Luceria, and ordered him 2 to defend the coast of the Sallentine region and to take measures concerning Philip and the Macedonian war. At the end of the summer in which occurred the events I have described, there came a letter from Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, reporting how great and how successful had been their in * operations Spain ; but that money for pay, also clothing and grain, were lacking for the army, and for the crews everything. So far as pay was concerned, if the treasury was empty, they would find some method of getting it from the Spaniards. Everything else, they said, must in any case be sent from Rome, and in no other way could either the army or the province be kept. After the reading of the letter, there was no one among them all "* who did not admit that the statements were true and the demands fair. But they reflected what great forces on land and sea they were maintaining, and how large a new fleet must soon be made ready 163 M 2 LIVY

A.u.c. 7 Macedoniciim moveretur : Siciliam ac Sardiniam, ^^ quae ante bellum vectigales fuissent, vix praesides exercitus alere tributo provincianim ; sumptus 8 ^ tributurn eonferentium minie- supj)eclitai-i ; ipsuni rum tantis exercituum stragibus et ad Trasuniennum et lacum ad Cannas inminutum ; qui superessent pauci, si multiplici Qravarentur stipendio, alia peri- "^ 9 turos peste. Itaque nisi fide staretur,- rem publicam 10 opibus non staturam. Prodeundum in contioneni Fulvio praetori esse, indicandas populo publicas necessitates cohortandosque, qui redempturis auxis- sent patrimonia, ut rei publicae, ex qua crevissent, ^ 11 tempus commodarent conducerentque ea lege praebenda quae ad exercitum Hispaniensem opus essent, ut, cum pecunia in aerario esset, iis pi-imis 12 solveretur. in contione edixit- Haec praetor ; ^ que diem quo vestimenta frumentuni Hispaniensi exercitui praebenda quaeque alia opus essent navalibus sociis esset locaturus. XLIX. Ubi ea dies venit, ad conducendum tres societates aderant hominum undeviginti, quorum duo postulata fuere : ^ 2 unum ut militia vacarent, dum in eo publico essent, alterum ut quae in naves inposuissent ab hostium 3 tempestatisque vi publico periculo essent. Utroque impetrato conduxervmt, privataque pecunia res publica administrata est. li mores eaque caritas patriae per omnes ordines velut tenore uno pertine- 1 ipsum, P{l)F have eum ipsum. ^ staretur (staref) P Wallers : staret (l)F vuhjale. ^ rem publicam P{2)F : res publica Az. * ea Sigonius : ex P{l)F. * -que diem Riemann : om. P(l). * ut militia vacarent dum (Ironovius : hopeless conjusitn inP{\)F.

^ A direct tax paid by Roman citizens. 164 BOOK XXIII. xLviii. 6 .xLi.x. 3 if a Macedonian war should thai and Sar- b.c. 215 begin ; Sicily dinia, which before the war had paid taxes in kind, were hardly feeding the armies that garrisoned those that were met provinces ; necessary expenses only the tax ^ that the numl)cr of those by property ; who paid that particular tax had been diminished by such great losses of troops at Lake Trasimiennus and also at Cannae that if the few who survived should be ; burdened by a much greater levy, they would perish by another malady. And so they thought that, unless support should be found in credit, the state would not be its assets that tlie sustained by ; Fulvius, praetor, must go before the assembly, inform the people of the public needs and exhort those who by contracts had increased their property to allow the state, the source of their wealth, time for payment, and to contract for furnishing what was needed for the army in Spain, on the condition that they should be the first to be paid, as soon as there was money in the treasury. To this eifect the praetor addressed the people, and named a date on which he would let the contracts for furnishing clothing and grain to the army in Spain and whatever else was needed for the crews. XLIX. When that day came, three companies of nineteen members presented themselves to take the contracts. And their demands were two : one, that they should be exempt from military duty so long as they were in that public service, the other, that the cargoes which they shipped should be at the risk of the state, so far as concerned the violence of enemies and of storms. Both demands being obtained, they contracted, and the state was carried on by private funds. Such character and such love of country pervaded all the classes virtually without 165 LIVY

'^ ^^Sit. conducta omnia ^^39* Queniadmodum mai^no animo sunt, sic sunima fide praebita, nee quie(juani pax'cius ^ militibus quam si ex opulento aerario, u^uuondam, alerentur.

5 Cum lii commeatus venerunt, Iliturgi oppidum ab Hasdrubale ae Magone et Hannibale Bomilcaris filio 6 ob defectionem ad Romanos oppugnabatur. Inter haec trina eastra hostium Scipiones eum in urbem sociorum magno certamine ae strage obsistentium pervenissent, frumentum, cuius inopia erat, advexe- 7 runt, eohortatique oppidanos ut eodem animo moenia tutarentur quo pro se pugnantem Romanum exercitum vidissent, ad eastra maxima oppugnanda, 8 quibus Ilasdrubal praeerat, ducunt. Eodem et duo duces et duo exercitus Carthaginicnsium, ibi rem 9 summam aari cernentes, eonvenerunt. Itaoue eruptione e castris pugnatum est. Sexaginta hostium milia eo die in pugna fuerunt, sedecim circa 10 a Romanis. Tamen adeo haud dubia victoria fuit ut

plures numero quam ipsi erant Romani hostium 11 occiderint, ceperint amphus tria miha hominum, paulo minus mille equorum, undesexaginta mihtaria signa, septem elephantos, quinque in proeho occisis, 12 trinisque eo die castris potiti sint. Ihturgi obsidione liberato ad Intibili oppugnandum Punici exercitus traducti suppletis copiis ex provincia, ut quae maxima

^ parcius militibus quam Madvig {one line), but he added datum {before quam) with Weis-senhorn : orn. P{\)F.

1 In southern Spain, on the upper course of the Baetis Africanus in 206 B.C. (Guadakpiivir), destroyed by Scipio ; XXVIII. XX. i66 BOOK XXIII. xLix. 3-12 exception. As all the supplies were magnanimously b.c. 215 contracted for, so they were delivered with great furnished to the soldiers less fidelity, and nothing was generously than if they were being maintained, as formei-ly, out of an ample treasury. When these supplies arrived, the town of Iliturgi,^ because of its revolt to the Romans, was being besieged by Hasdrubal and'Mago and Hannibal, the son of Bomilcar. Between these three camps of the into of their enemy the Scipios made their way a city allies with great effort and great loss to those that opposed them. And they brought grain, of which it had no supply, and encouraged the townspeople to defend their walls with the same spirit with which they had seen the Roman army fighting for them. Then they led their troops to an attack upon the largest camp, which Hasdrubal commanded. To it also came the other two generals and two armies of the Cartha- srinians, seeing that the whole issue was at stake there. battle. Accordingly a sally from the camp opened the Sixty thousand of the enemy were in the battle that day, about sixteen thousand on the Roman side. Yet so far was the victory from being uncertain that the Romans slew more than their own number, captured more than three thousand men, a little less than a thousand horses, fifty-nine military standards, seven elephants, five having been slain in battle. And they took the three camps that day. The siege armies of Iliturgi having been raised, the Carthaginian were led over to attack Intibili,^ while their forces were recruited from a province which, more than any

2 Apparently not far from Iliturgi; cf. Frontinus II. iii. 1. The only town of this name of which we hear elsewhere was on the east coast south of the Hiberus (Ebro). 167 I>IVY

omnium belli avida. modo praeda aut mcrces esset, 13 et turn iuventute abundante. Iterum signis conlatis eadem forhina utriuscjue pai-tis pugnatum. Supra tredecim milia hostium caesa, supra duo eapta cum signis duobus et quadraginta et novem elephantis. 14 Turn vero omnes prope Hispaniae populi ad Romanos defecerunt, multoque maiores ea aestate in Hispania quam in Italia res gestae.

1 68 BOOK XXIII. xLi.x. 12 14 other, was eager for war, if only there was booty or b.c. 21s pay, and at that time was well supplied with young men. A second time there was a battle in reorular line, with the same result for each side. Over thirteen thousand of the enemy were slain, over two thousand captured, with forty-two standards and nine elephants. Then indeed nearly all the peoples of Spain revolted to the Romans, and there were much greater achievements that summer in Spain than in Italy.

169 LTBRI XXIII PERIOCHAi

Campani ad Hannibalem defeccrunt. Nuntius Cannensis victoriac Mago Carthaginem missus anulos aureos corporibus occisorum detractos in vestibule curiae effudit, quos excessisse raodii mensuram traditur. Post quern nuntium Hamio, vir ex Poenis nobilibus, suadebat senatui Carthaginiensium ut jjacem a populo Romano peterent; nee tenuit obstrepente Barcina factione. Claudius ]\Iarcellus praetor ad Nolam eruptione adversus Hamiibalcm ex oppido facta prospere pugnavit. C^asilinura a Poenis obsessum ita fame vexatum est ut lora et pelles scutis detractas et mures inclusi essent. Nucibus per Volturnum amnem a Romanis missis vixerimt. Senatus ex equestri ordinc hominibus centum nonaginta septem suppletus est. L. Postumius praetor a Gallis cum exercitu caesus est. Cn. et P. Scipiones in Hispania Hasdrubalem vicerunt et Hispaniam suam fecerunt. Reliquiae Cannensis exercitus in Sicilian! relcgatae sunt, ne recedcrent inde nisi finito bello. Sempronius Gracchus consul Campanos cecidit. Claudius Marcellus praetor Hannibalis exercitum ad Nolam proelio fudit et vicit, primusque tot cladibus fessis Romanis meliorem spem belli dedit. Inter Philippum Macedoniae regem et Hannibalem societas iuncta est. Praeterea in Hispania feliciter a P. et Cn. - Scipionibus, in Sardinia a T. Manlio praetore adversus Poenos res gestas continet, a quibus Hasdrubal dux et Mago et Haimo capti. Exercitus Hannibalis per hiberna ita luxuriatus est ut corporis animique viribua ener- varetur.

1 For the Periochae cf. Vol. I, pp. xvii f. ^ The words Cn. . . . a, omitted in MSS., were added by 0. Jahn.

170 SUMMARY OF BOOK XXIII

The Campaiiians revolted to Hannibal. Mago, who was sent to Carthage to report the victory at Cannae, poured out before the entrance of the Senate House golden rings is taken from bodies of the slain ; and the tradition that there were more than a peck of them. After that report Hamao, one of the Carthaginian nobles, tried to persuade the Carthaginian senate to sue for peace from the Roman people. And he did not carry it through, since the Barca faction protested loudly. Claudius Marcellus, a praetor, fought with success at 'Xola, making a sally from the city against Hannibal. Casilinum, beset by the Carthaginians, suffered so much from starvation that the besieged ate thongs, hides stripped off from shields, and rats. They lived on nuts sent down the river Volturnus by the Romans. The senate was recruited by one hundred and ninety-seven men from the equestrian order. Lucius Postumius, the praetor, was slain with his army by the Gauls. Gnaeus and Publius Scipio defeated Hasdrubal in Spain and made Spain their o^ti. The remnant of the army of Cannae was relegated to Sicily, not to leave it except after the end of the war. Sempronius Gracchus, the consul, utterly defeated the Campanians. Claudius Marcellus, a praetor, routed and worsted Hamiibal's army in battle at Nola, and was the first to give the Romans, exhausted by so many disasters, a better hope for the war. An alliance was formed between Philip, king of Macedonia, and Hannibal. The book also contains the successes gained over the Carthaginians by Publius and Gnaeus in Scipio in Spain and by Titus Manlius, the praetor, Sardinia. Hasdrubal, the general, and Mago and Hanno were captured by them. The army of Hannibal lived in such indulgence in winter quarters as to be weakened in body and spirit.

BOOK XXIV LIBER XXIV

A.u.o. I. Ut ex Campania in Bruttios i*editiim est, ^^^ Hanno adiutoribus et ducibus Bruttiis Graecas urbes temptavit, eo facilius in societate mancntes Romana quod Bruttios, quos et odevant et metuebant, C'ar- 2 thaginicnsium partis faetos cernebant. llegiuni primum temptatum est diesque aliquot ibi nequiquam absiunpti. Interim Locrenses frumcntum lignaque et cetera neccssaria usibus ex agris in urbem rapere, etiam ne quid relictum praedae hostibus esset, et in dies maior omnibus portis multitudo 3 effundi ^ relicti ; postremo sescenti modo in urbe - erant, qui reficere muros ac portas, teLujue in pro- 4 pugnacula congerere cogebantur. In permixtam omnium aetatium ordinumque multitudinem et vagantem in agris magna ex parte inermem Hamilcar ^ Poenus equites emisit, qui violare quemquam vetiti, tantum ut ab urbe excluderent fuga dissi- 5 patos, turmas obiecere. Dux ipse loco sujieriore capto, unde agi'os urbemque posset conspicere, Bruttiorum cohortem adire muros atque evocare

^ sescenti (dc) W. Heraeus : ob P : oc P^? : hoc (1):

hi a; : ii 2. ^ ac X : om. P(l). * Poenus 7'(1): Poenos ,4^.

1 He had been with Hannibal around Nola, and was sent back to the country of the Bruttii; XXIII. xlvi. 8. 174 BOOK XXIV

of b.c. 215 I. Having returned from Campania to the land the Bruttii, Hanno,i ^^ji^ the Bruttii as supporters were and guides, attacked the Greek cities,^ which all the more ready to remain in alliance with Rome because they saw that the Bruttii, whom they both hated and feared, had gone over to the side of the Carthaginians. Regium was the first city to be attacked, and some days were spent there to no purpose. Meantime the Locrians hastily brought grain and wood and the other things needed to supply their wants froni the farms into the city, also that no booty might be left for the enemy. And every day a larger crowd poured out of all the gates. Finally there were left in the city only six hundred men, who were made to repair walls and gates and to carry arms to the battlements. Against the multitude made up of all ages and classes, Avandering about the the country, many of the unarmed, Hamilcar Carthaginian sent out his cavalry. Forbidden to injure anyone, they interposed their squadrons who had merely to shut off from the city those after scattered in flight. The commander himself, could see capturing higher ground from which he a cohort of Bruttii the country and the city, ordered

2 Operations against Regium, Locri and Croton, Uarely in mentioned in XXIII. xxx. 6 if., are given here greater detail. It is late autumn, 215 B.C. 175 LIVY

Locrcnsium ad iussit et ^bZ^' pi'i'ifipcs conlnquium polli- centes aniicitiam Ilannibalis adhortari ad urbcni tra- 6 dendani. Bruttiis in conloquio nuUius rei primo fides est ut in ; deindc, Poenus apparuit collibus et i*efu- gientes pauci aliani omnem multitudinem in potestate hostiuni esse adfercbant. tuin mctu victi consulturos 7 se populum responderunt. Advocataciue extemplo contione, cum et levissimus quisque novas res novamque societatem mallent et, quorum propinqui extra urbeni interclusi ab hostibus erant, velut 8 obsidibus datis pigneratos haberent animos, pauci magis taciti probarent constantem fidem quani ^ prolatam cueri audercnt, baud dubio in speciem 9 consensu fit ad Poenos deditio. L. Atilio praefecto praesidii quique cum eo milites Romani erant clam in portum deductis atque impositis in navis, ut Regium deveherentur, Haniilcarem Poenosque ea condicione ut foedus extemplo acquis legibus fieret in 10 urbem acceperunt. Cuius rei prope non servata fides deditis est, cum Poenus dolo dimissum Ro- manum incusaret, Locrenses profugisse ipsum cau- 11 sarentur. Insccuti etiam equites sunt, si quo casu in freto aestus morari aut deferre naves in terram

posset. Et eos quidem quos sequebantur non sunt adepti : alias a Messana ti'aicientis freto Regium 12 naves conspexerunt. Milites erant Romani a

^ prolatam /'(4) Coniray : probatam DA : propalam Walch.

* —

1 Not directly opposite Messana, but about seven miles to the southeast.

176 BOOK XXIV. I. 5-12 to go up to the walls and call out the chief men of b.o. 215 the Loci-ians to a conference, and with a promise of Hannibal's friendship to encourage them to surrender the city. In the conference the Bruttians at first were not believed at all. Then, when the Carthaginians were seen on the hills, and a few returning fugitives repeatedly asserted that all the rest of the multitude were in the power of the enemy, overcome by fear, they answered that they would consult the people. An assembly being at once called, all the fickle preferred political change and a new alliance ; also those whose relations had been shut off outside the city by the enemy had mort- gaged their affections, having virtually given hostages. And the few silently approved of steadfast loyalty, rather than dared to declare and defend it. Hence surrender to the Carthaginians was voted with apparently unquestioned unanimity. After Lucius Atilius, commander of the garrison, and the Roman soldiers who were with him had been secretly led down to the harbour and put on ships to be carried to Regium, they admitted Hamilcar and the Carthaginians into the city on condition that a treaty be made at once on fair terms. The promise of such a treaty was almost broken after they surrendered, when the Carthaginian charged that the Roman had been allowed by trickery to go away, while the Locrians pleaded that he had escaped unaided. Also the cavalry pursued him in the hope that possibly the current in the strait might delay the ships or bring them to shore. They did not indeed overtake the men they were pursuing, but they sighted other ships crossing the strait from Messana to Regium. ^ It was the Roman soldiers sent by Claudius, the 177 VOL. VI. N LIVY

Claudio missi ad obtinendam urbem *-"-^- praetore prae- 13 sidio. Itaque Regio extemplo abscessum est. Lo- crensibus iussu Haniiibalis data pax iit liberi suis legibus viverent, urbs pateret Poenis, portus in potestate Locrensium esset, societas eo iure staret ut Poenus Locrensem Locrensisque Poenum pace ac bello iuvaret. II. Sic a freto Poeni reducti frementibiis Bruttiis

quod Regium ac Locros, quas urbes dii-epturos se de- 2 stinaverant, intactas reKqmssent. Itaque per se ipsi conscriptis armatisque iuventutis suae quindecim milibus ad Crotonem oppugnanduni pergunfc 3 ire, Graecam et ipsam urbem et maritimam, plurimum accessurum opibus, si in ora maris urbem ac ^ portimi moenibus validam tenuissent, credentes. 4 Ea cura angebat quod neque non accersere ad auxilium Poenos satis audebant, ne quid non pro sociis egisse viderentur et, si Poenus rursus magis arbiter pacis quam adiutor belli fuisset, ne in libertatem Crotonis, sicut ante Locrorum, frustra pugnaretur. 5 Itaque optimum visum est ad Hannibalem mitti legatos caverique ab eo ut receptus Croto Brut- 6 tiorum esset. Hannibal cum praesentium eam consultationem esse respondisset et ad Hannonem eos reiecisset, ab Hannone nihil certi ablatum. - Nee diripi volebat nobilem atque opulentam urbem et sperabat, cum Bruttius oppugnaret, Poenos nee

^ ac portum P(\) : portu ac x. * nee Biemann : nee eo P(l) : nee enim A^. 178 BOOK XXIV. I. I2-II. 7 praetor, to garrison and hold the city. And so the b.c 215 siege of Regium was at once raised. Peace was granted the Locrians by Hannibal's oi'der : they were, namely, to live in freedom under their own laws, the city to be open to the Carthaginians, the harbour in the power of the Locrians, the alliance to rest upon this basis : that the Carthaginian should help the Locrian, the Locrian the Carthaginian, in peace and in war. II. Thus the Carthaginians were withdrawn from the strait, though the Bnittians Mere indignant because they had left Regium and Locri untouched, the cities which they had counted upon plundering. And so without aid they enlisted and armed 15,000 of their young men and set out to besiege Croton, another Greek city and on the sea, believing that it would be a great addition to their resources if they should hold a fortified city and harbour on the sea- coast. It troubled them that they did not quite dare not to call the Carthaginians to their aid, for fear they might seem to have failed to act as became allies. At the same time they feared that, if the Carthaginian should acrain be rather an arbiter of peace than a helper in war, fighting to secure freedom for Croton might be profitless, as previously for Loci-i. And thus it seemed best to send legates to Hannibal and gain assurance from him that Croton when captured should belong to the Bruttians. Hannibal having replied that decision in the matter lay with those on the ground, thus referring them to Hanno, they obtained no definite answer from Hanno. He did not wish a city well-known and rich to be plundered, and he Mas hoping that, M'hile the Bruttian Mas besieging them and the Carthaginians 179 N 2 A.n.c. probare nee iu\are eani oppugnationcni appareret, 8 eo maturius ad se defeeturos. Crotone nee consilium unum inter populares nee voluntas erat. Unus velut morbus invaserat omnes Italiae eivitates ut plebes ab optimatibus dissentirent, senatus Romanis 9 faveret, plebs ad Poenos rem traheret. Earn dis-

sensionem in urbe perfuga nuntiat Bruttiis : Aristo- machum esse principem plebis ti'adendaeque aueto- ^ rem urbis, et in vasta urbe lateque moenibus disieetis raras stationes esse eustodiasque senatorum ; qua- ciunque custodiant plebis homines, .ea patere aditum. 10 Auctore ac duce perfuga Bruttii eorona einxerunt urbem acceptique ab plebe primo impetu omnem 11 praeter arcem cepere. Arcem optimates tenebant praeparato iani ante ad talem casum perfugio. Eodem Aristomachus perfugit, tamquam Poenis, non Bruttiis auctor urbis tradendae fuisset. III. Urbs Croto murum in circuitu patentem duodecim milia passuum habuit ante Pyrrhi in Italiam 2 adventum. Post vastitatem eo bello factam vix pars dimidia habitabatur; flumen, quod medio oppido fluxerat, exti'a frequentia tectis loca praeterfluebat, ^ 3 et arx procul eis erat quae habitabantur. Sex ^ * milia aberat ab urbe nobili templum ipsa urbe

^ moenibus disieetis Jacobs : omnibus disieotis moenibus P(l). - erat //. J. Mi'ilhr (after arx II eissenborn ; before et WnUers): urn. P(\). ^ ah z : in P(\) : inde Gronoviiis. « . nobili iM/^^2 nubile 7^-(l). l8o BOOK XXI\'. II. 7-III. 3

neither obviously approving nor helpings the siege, b.c. 215 they would all the more promptly come over to his side. there At Croton was among the citizens no one policy or common preference. One malady, so to speak, had attacked all the city-states of Italy, that the common people were at odds Avith the upper class, the senate inclining to the Romans, the common people drawing the state to the side of the Carthaginians. This disagreement in the city was reported to the Bruttians by a deserter: that Aristomachus was the leader of the and advised surrender of the also plebeians city ; that in the sparsely inhabited city, with its walls at a great distance, there were only scattered posts and of the senators that guards ; wherever plebeians were on guard there was free access to the city. With the deserter as adviser and leader the 13ruttians completely encircled the city, and being admitted the by plebeians, they took the whole city by assault, with the exception of the citadel. The optimates held the citadel, having previously prepared a place of refuge for such an emergency. To it Aristo- machus also fled, as though he had advised sur- rendering the city to the Carthaginians, not to the Bruttians. III. The city of Croton had a wall with a circuit of twelve miles before the of coming Pyrrhus to Italy. Since the desolation caused by that war scarcely half of the city was inhabited.^ The river which had flowed through the middle of the city now flowed past, outside the quarters which had numerous houses, and the citadel was far from the inhabited portions. Six miles from the famous city was a temple more

^ According to XXIII. xxx. 6 the city now had less than 2000 inhabitants. 181 A.u.c. nobiliiis 1 Laciniae lunonis, sancliuu omnibus circa 4 populis. I^ucus ibi frequenti sih'a et proceris abietis arboi'ibus saeptus laeta in medio pascua habuit, ubi omnis generis saci-um dcae pecus pascebatur sine 5 ullo pastore, separatinKjue greges sui cniusque generis nocte remeabant ad stabula, nnnKjviam 6 insidiis fei'arum. non fi-aude violati horninum. Magni igitm* fructus ex eo pecore capti, columnaque inde aurea solida facta et sacrata est ; inclitumque templum divitiis etiam, non tantum sanctitate fuit. 7 Ac miraciila aliqua adfingunt, ut plcrumque tarn insignibus locis : fama est aram esse in vestibulo ^ ^ templi, cuius cinerem nullo umquam moveri ^ 8 vento. Sed arx Crotonis una parte imminens mari, altera vergente in agrum, situ tantum naturali quondam munita, postea et muro cincta est qua per aversas rupes ab Dionysio Siciliae tyranno per dolum 9 fuerat capta. Ea tum arce satis, ut videbatur, tuta Crotoniatum optimates tenebant se, circumsedente 10 cum Bruttiis eos etiam plebe sua. Postremo Bruttii, cum suis viribus inexpugnabilem viderent arcem, 11 coacti necessitate Hannonis auxilium inplorant. Is condicionibus ad deditionem compellere Crotoniates

^ nobilius, before this P(l) have erat. " nullo P Gi-onoi-ius : nuUiis P'(l). ^ moveri Gronorius : move P : movet P^{1) : moveat z. * vento. Sed Gronovius : ventos et PCR : vento et P^ : ventus et C'M?DA.

1 Cp. XXIII. xxxiii. 4. At that temple, the most celebrated shrine in i\Iagna Graccia, Polj^bius found and used Hannibal's own inscription in Punic and Greek, recording his successes (Polyb. III. xxxiii. 18; Ivi. 4), a document which Livj- barely mentions (XXVlll. xlvi. 16). A single column of the temple still stands on the ])romontory. Livj' is correct in regard to the distance from the city of Croton {ca. 9 km.). l82 BOOK XXIV. III. 3-II famous than the city itself, that of Lacinian Juno,i b.c. 215 revered by all the surroundins^ peoples. There a sacred grove, which was enclosed by dense woods and tall fir-trees, had initscentreluxuriantpastures, where cattle of all kinds, being sacred to the goddess, used to pasture without any shepherd. And at night the flocks of each kind Avould return separately to their stalls, being never harmed by wild beasts lying in wait, nor by the dishonesty of men. Therefore great profits were made from the cattle, and out of the ^ profits a massive golden column was wrought and consecrated. And the temple was famous for its wealth also, not merely for its sanctity. They give it some pretended marvels also, as generally in places so noted. It is reported that in the space in front of the temple there is an altar whose ashes are never stirred by any wind. But the citadel of Croton, on one side overhanging the sea, while the other slopes down toward the country, was once protected merely by its natural situation, but later encircled with a wall also, where, along the cliffs on the farther side, it had been captured by Dionysius,^ the tyrant of Sicily. In that citadel, sufficiently safe, as it seemed, the optimates of Croton were at the time maintaining themselves, besieged even by their own plebs as well as by the Bruttians. Finally the Bruttians, seeing that the citadel was for their resources impregnable, were of necessity constrained to beg aid of Hanno. He attempted to compel the Crotonians to surrender on condition that they " Coelius the historian said that Hannibal, finding it was not merely plated, decided to carry it away, but was deterred by a dream; Cicero de Div. I. 48. ^ Who captured Croton about 389 B.C. and is said to have held it twelve years. 183 A.u.o. conatus ut coloniani ]}iuttiorum eo deduci anti- 639 quamque frcquenliam recipere vastam ac desertam bellis urbem patcrentur, omnium neminem praetcr 12 Aristomachum movit. Morituros se adfirmabant citius quam inmixti Bruttiis in alienos ritus mores 13 legesque ac mox linguam etiam verterentur. Ari- stomachus unus, quando nee suadendo ad deditionem satis valebat nee, sicut urbem prodiderat, locum prodendae arcis inveniebat, transfugit ad Hannonem. 14 Locrenses brevi post legati, cum permissu Hannonis arcem intrassent, persuadent ut traduci se in Locros 15 paterentur nee ultima experirivellent. lam hoc ut sibi liceret impetraverant et ab Hannibale missis ad id ipsum legatis. Ita Crotone excessum est deductique Crotoniatae ad mare naves conscendunt. Locros omnis multitude abeunt. 16 In Apulia ne hiems quidem quieta inter Romanos atque Haniiibalem erat. Luceriae Scmpronius con- 17 sul, Hannibal haud proeul Arpis hibernabat. Inter eos levia proelia ex occasione aut opportunitate huius aut illius partis oriebantur, meliorque eis Ro- manus et in dies cautior tutiorque ab insidiis fiebat. IV. In Sicilia Ilomanis omnia mutaverat mors Hieronis regnum(|ue ad Hieronymimi nepotem eius translatum, puerum vixdum libertatem, neduni domi- 2 nationem modice laturum. Eam aetatem, id inge-

^ " " The entire population, while Crotonians refers primar- ily to the optimates. 2 For Hiero's family see the table on p. 338. 184 BOOK XXIV. III. ii-iv. 2 permit a colony of Bruttians to be established there, n.c. 215 allow and the city, desolate and depopulated by wars, to recover its old-time numbers. But among them all he prevailed upon no one except Aristo- machus. They claimed that they would sooner die than mingle with the Bruttians and change to the rites, customs and laws, and presently even the language, of another people. Aristomachus, since he was imable by persuasion to bring them to surrender and could find no opportunity to betray the as citadel, he had betrayed the city, alone Avcnt over to Hanno. Soon after that the Locrian legates entered the citadel with Ilanno's consent and persuaded them to allow themselves to be transfei'red to Locri, and not to risk desperate measures. Per- mission to that effect they had already obtained from Hannibal, having sent legates for that very purpose. So Croton was evacuated, and the Cro- tonians were led down to the sea and went on shipboard. They went, the whole number of them,^ to Loci-i. In Apulia even the winter was not without conflict between the Romans and Hannibal. Sempronius, the consul, was wintering at Luceria, Hannibal not far from Arpi. Skirmishes between them kept occurring as opportunity offered, or the favourable moment for one side or the other. And in conse- the quence Romans were better soldiers, daily more cautious and safer from surprise attacks. IV. In Sicily everything had been changed for the Romans by the death of Hiero ^ and the transfer of the kingdom to his grandson Hieronymus, a boy hardly able to keep his independence under control, much less absolute power. Such Avas the age, such 185 LIVY

A.u.c. iiiuiii tutures atciue aniici ad i)raecipitanduni in 539 . omnia vilia acceperunt. Quae ita futura cernens Hiero ultima senecta voluisse dicitur liberas Syracu- sas relinquere, ne sub dominatu puerili per ludibrium bonis artibus pavtuni firmatum(pie interiret regnuni. 3 Huic consilio eius summa ope obstitcre filiae, nomen regium penes puerum futuruni ratae, regimen rerum omnium penes se virosque suos Adranodorum et ^ 4 Zoippum, qui tutorum primi relinquebantur. Non facile erat nonagensimum iam agenti annum, circum- sesso dies noctesque muliebribus blanditiis, liberare animum et convertere ad publicam a privata curam. 5 Itaque tutores modo quindecim puero relinquit, quos precatus est moriens ut fidem erga populum Romanum quinquaginta annos ab se cultam inviola- tam servarent iuvenemque suis potissimum vestigiis insistere vellent et disciplinae in qua eductus esset. 6 Haee mandata. Cum expirasset, tutores testa- mento prolato pueroque in contionem producto— 7 erat autem quindecim turn ferme annorum^—paucis, qui per contionem ad excitandos clamores dispositi erant, adprobantibus testamentum, ceteris velut ^ patre amisso in orba civitate omnia timentibus . . . 8 Funus fit regium, magis amore civium et caritate 9 quam cura suorum celebre. Brevi deinde ceteros

^ The loss of a line in P{\) reduced five words apparently to restored Gronovius andranonim ; by from Polybius. ^ The lost words may have covered the transfer of power to Hieronynms (Madrig). Or, more briefly, it may have been merely the assuniplion of control by the guardians, e.g. munus suscipiunt {i.e. tutores, § 6); then perhaps followed Turn funus, etc. ( Weissenborn). i86 BOOK XXIV. IV. 2-9 the disposition which guardians and friends took in b.o. 215 hand, to throw liim into all the vices. Hiero, seeing that this would happen, is said in his extreme old age to have Avished to leave Syracuse free, that kingly- power gained and confirmed by good qualities might not come to an end in disgrace under the tvrannv of a boy. This his plan was opposed might and main by his daughters, who thought the boy would have the kingly title, but that complete control would be in their hands and those of their husbands, Adranodorus and Zoippus, who were being left as the principal guardians. It was not easy for a man now in his ninetieth year,i surrounded day and night by the blandishments of women, to be independent and turn his attention from the personal to the public interest. Accordingly he merely left fifteen guardians for the boy. and dying entreated them to keep inviolate that loyalty to the Roman people which he ^ had maintained for fifty years and to choose above all to have the young man tread in his footsteps and continue the training in Avhich he had been brought up. Such were his instructions. After he had breathed his last the guardians produced the will and brought the boy. at that time about fifteen years old, beforg an assembly of the people. While a few men, who had been posted in all parts of the assembly to start applause, showed approval of the will, while the rest, as if of a deprived father and in an orphaned city, had only fears, the guardians {took charge). Then came the king's funeral, honoured rather by the love and regard of the citizens than by the grief of his ^ He lived more than ninety j'-ears according to Polybins VII. viii. 7. 2 In fact 48 years (263-215 B.C.). 187 LIVY

A.o.c. tutores .suniniovet Adranodorus, iiivencm iam esse dictitans ac de- Hieronymum regni potentem ; ponend()(jiie tutelani ipse, quae cum pluribus com- muiiis erat, in se unum omnium vires convertit. ^ y. Yi\ quidem ulli vel bono moderatoque regi faoilis evat favor apud Syracusanos, succedenti

2 tantae caritati Hieronis ; vcrum enimvoro Hiero- nymus, velut suis vitiis desiderabilem efficcre vellet avum, primo statim conspectu omnia quam disparia 3 essent ostendit. Nam qui per tot annos Hieronem filiumquc eius Gelonem nee vestis habitu nee alio ullo insigni differentes a ceteris civibus vidissent, ei conspexere purpuram ac diadema ac satellites arma- 4 tos, quadrigisque etiam alborum equorum interdum 5 ex regia procedentem more Dionysi tyranni. Hunc tarn superbum apparatum habitumque convenientes sequebantur contemptus omnium hominum, superbae aures, contumeliosa dicta, rari aditus non alienis modo sed tutoribus etiam, libidines novae, inhumana 6 crudelitas. Itaque tantus omnis terror invaserat ut quidam ex tutoribus aut morte voluntaria aut fuga 7 praeverterent metum suppliciorimi. Tres ex iis, quibus solis aditus in domum familiarior erat, Adrano- dorus et Zoippus, generi Hieronis, et Thraso quidam, aliis rebus audiebantur de quidem baud magnopere ; 8 tendendo autcm duo ad Cai'thaginicnses, Thraso ad societatcm llomanam, certamine ac studiis interdum 9 in se convertebant animum adulcscentis, cum coniu-

1 ulli vel Conway : ulli PC"(11) : vel Madvig.

^ See note on XXIII. xxx. 11. 2 In XXV. 1-2 the blame for his conduct is laid upon the guardians. The youth reigned only thirteen months; Polybius VII. vii. 3,

1 88 BOOK XXIV. IV. 9-v. 9 family. Soon afterwards Adranodorus removed the b.c. 215 rest of the guardians, saying that Hieronymus was now a young man and capable of ruling. And laying down his own guardianship, which was shared with a number of others, he took to himself alone the powers of them all. V. It would have been difficult for any king, even a good one and self-controlled, to find favour with the Syracusans as successor to Hiero, so beloved. But certainly Hieronymus at his very first appearance showed how different everything was, just as if he wished by his vices to make them regret his grandfather. For, though through so many years they had ^ seen Hiero and his son Gelo not differing from the rest of the citizens in garb or in any other distinction, they beheld purple and a diadem and armed attendants and a man who came forth from the palace sometimes even in a chariot with four white horses after the manner of Dionysius the tyrant. This haughty state and costume w-ere suitably attended by contempt shown towards everyone, by haughty ears, insulting words, infrequent access, not only for outsiders but even for his guai-dians, by unheard- ^ of lusts, by inhuman cruelty. Consequently such alarm had laid hold of all that some of the guardians anticipated the dreaded punishments either by suicide or by flight. Three of them, who alone had more intimate access to the palace, Adranodorus and Zoippus, the sons-in-law of Hiero, and a certain Thraso, were not ijideed much listened to on other to the matters ; but as two of them were inclining Carthaginians, Thraso to alliance wdth Rome, by their partisan rivalry they were occasionally attract- ing the young man's attention, when a conspiracy 189 LIVY

^-^'c A.u.c ratio in tyranni caput facta indicatur per Callonem "^^ quondam, aequalcm Hiei*onymi et iam inde a puero 10 in omnia familiaria iura adsuetum. Index ununi ex coniuratis Theodutum, a quo ipse appellatus erat, nominare potuit. Qui conprensas extemplo tradi- tusque Adranodoro tonpiendus, de se ipse haud 11 cunctantcr fassus conscios celabat. Postremo, cum omnibus intolerandis patientiae humanae cruoiati- bus laccraretur, victvmi malis se simulans avertit 12 ab consciis in insontes indicium, Thrasonem esse auctorem consilii mentitus, nee nisi tam potenti duce ^ 13 confisos rem tantam ausuros fuisse ; addit socios ab latere tyranni quorum capita vilissima fingenti inter dolores gemitusque occurrere. Maxime animo credibile indicium Thraso nominatus fecit tyranni ; itaque extemplo traditur ad supplicium, adiectiquc 14 poenae ceteri iuxta insontes. Consciorum nemo, cum diu socius consilii torqueretur, aut latuit aut illis in virtute ac fide fiduciae fugit ; tantum Theodoti fuit tantumque ipsi Theodoto virium ad arcana occidtanda. \ I. Ita, quod unum vinculum cum llomanis societatis erat, Thrasone sublato e medio extemplo haud 2 dubie ad res ad defectionem spectabat ; legatique Hannibalem missi ac remissi ab eo cum Hannibale, nobili adulescente, Hippocrates et Ej)icydes, nati

^fuisse; addit socios J)/a

^ Zoijipus liad been sent about this time to Eg3'pt; xxvi. 1. ^ Liv\' mentions only Hannibal's envoys. Pol^'bius gives the names of two sent from Hieronymus' court, viz. Polyclitus and Philoderaus (VII. ii. 2). 3 This Hannibal was only a trierarch; ibid. § 3. 190 BOOK XXIV. V. -VI. 2

formed against the life of the tyrant was revealed b.c. 215 by one Callo, of the same age as Hieronymus and from boyhood accustomed to all the rights of intimacy. The informer was able to name but one of the conspirators, Theodotus, by whom he had himself been approached. And Theodotus, at once seized and handed over for torture to Adranodorus,i confessed without hesitation in regard to himself, but did not reveal his accomplices. Finally, racked by all the tortures which pass human endurance, to pretending be mastered by his sufferings, he turned informer against the innocent instead of against his accomplices, and falsely stated that Thraso was responsible for the plan : that they would not have ventured upon such an undertaking if they had not relied upon so powerful a leader. He also named attendants of the tyrant as associates, men whose lives, it occurred to him, as he was fabricating between pains and groans, were of the least account. His mentioning Thraso made the information particularly credible to the mind of the tyrant. According- ly Thraso was forthwith handed over for execution, and the rest, equally innocent, shared his punishment. Not one of the accomplices either hid himself or fled, though their partner in the plot was long under torture. Such confidence was theirs in the courage and loyalty of Theodotus, and such will-power to keep secrets did Theodotus himself possess. VI. Thus as soon as Thraso, Avho Avas the sole link to an alliance with the Romans, had been removed from their midst, matters at once tended unquestionably toward defection. And ambassadors ^ were sent to Hannibal, and he sent back with a young noble ^ named Hannibal also Hippocrates and Epicydes, 191 LIVY

^wf ' Cartha

1 median! Riemann : om. F{\) : insulam {after dividit) z \Veissenborn.

1 Pyrrhus seems to have been his mother's grandfather; see table on p. 338. 192 BOOK XXIV. VI. 2 9 who were born at Carthage but Syracusans by origin n.c. 215 (their grandfather being an exile), Carthaginians themselves on the mother's side. Through these men an alliance was made between Hannibal and the tyrant of Syracuse, and Avith Hannibal's consent they remained with the tyrant. Appius Claudius, the praetor, whose province was Sicily, on learning of this, forthwith sent legates to Hieronymus. While they were saying that they had come to renew the alliance which they had had with his grandfather, they were heard with derision and dismissed by Hieronymus, who in jest asked what success they had had in the battle at Cannae; for Hannibal's envoys reported what was scarcely to be believed. He wished to know, he said, what the truth was, that he might accordingly determine from which side he had the more to hope. The Romans departed, saying that they would return to him when he began to give a sober hearing to embassies, and warning rather than asking him not to be rash in changing his loyalty. Hieronymus sent ambassadors to Carthage to make a ti-eatv in accordance with the alliance arranjjed with Hannibal. The agreement was that, after they had driven the Romans out of Sicily (and this would be if shortly done ^Ae?/ would send ships and an army), the river Himera, which nearly divides the island in halves, should be the boundary of the kingdom of Syracuse and the Carthaginian empire. Thereupon, puffed up by the flatteries of those who bade him remember not Hiero only but also King Pyrrhus, his ^ maternal grandfather, Hieronymus sent another embassy, through which he declared it was fair for them to yield all Sicily to him, and for the Cartha- ginian people to seek their own dominion over Italy. 193 VOL. VI. O LIVY

A.u.c. tionem animi neque mirabantur in iuvene furioso neque arguebant, dummodo averterent eum ab Romanis. VII. Scd omnia in eo praecipitia ad exitium fuerunt. Nam cum praemissis Hippocrate atque Epicyde cum binis milibus armatorum ad temptandas 2 urbes quae praesidiis tenebantur Romanis, et ipse in Leontinos cum cetero omni exercitu—erant autem ad quindecim milia peditum equitumque—profectus 3 erat,^ liberas aedis coniurati—et omnes forte militabant—imminentes viae angustae, qua descendere 4 ad forum rex solebat, sumpserunt. Ibi cum instructi armatique ceteri transitum expectantes starent, uni ex eis—Dinomeni fuit nomen— custos , quia corporis erat partes datae sunt ut, cum adpropinquaret ianuae rex, per causam aliquam in angustiis sustineret ab 5 tergo agmen. Ita ut convenerat factum est. Tam- quam laxaret elatum pedem ab stricto nodo, moratus turbam Dinomenes tantum intervalli fecit ut, cum in praetereuntena sine armatis regem impetus fieret, confoderetur aliquot prius vulncribus quam succurri 6 posset. Clamore et tumultu audito in Dinomenem iam baud dubie obstantem tela coniciuntur, inter quae tamen duobus acceptis vulneribus evasit. 7 Fuga satellitum, ut iacentem videre regem, facta est. Interfectores pars in forum ad multitudinem lactam libertate, pars Syracusas pergunt ad praeoccupanda 8 Adranodori regiorumque aliorum consilia. Incerto

^ ereit P{1) Conway : esaet A^ Walters.

^ Northwest of Syracuse and looking down on a lake and the plain of Catana; captured by Marcellus, xxx. 1.

194 BOOK XXIV. VI. 9-vn. 8

At this trifling and boastful spirit in a madcap youth b.c. 215 they did not wonder, nor find fault either, provided they made him break with the Romans. \ II. But in everything he was on the verge of ruin. For after sending Hippocrates and Epicydes in advance, each with two thousand armed men, to attack the cities which were held by Roman garrisons, he too setting out with all the rest of the army—and they were about fifteen thousand infantry and cavalry—had gone to Leontini.^ The conspirators, all of whom, as it happened, were in the army, took possession of an empty house looking down upon the narrow street by which the king used to go down to the market-place. There, while the rest, drawn up under arms, were to stand waiting for him to pass, one of them—his name was Dinomenes— as , being a body-guard, was assigned the role of halting, on some pretext, the column following the king in the narrow .street, when he approached the door of the house. This was carried out as had been arranged. Dinomenes, raising one foot and pretending to loosen a knot drawni too tight, delayed the crowd and caused such a gap that, when the attack on the king was made as he passed without guards, he was stabbed with several thrusts before help could reach him. On hearing the shouting and uproar they hurled their weapons at Dinomenes, who was now obviously blocking the way. In the midst of these, however, he escaped with only two wounds. The guards fled as soon as they saw the king lying there. Of the assassins some proceeded to the market-place and into a crowd which rejoiced in its freedom, some to Syracuse to forestall the designs of Adranodorus and the other supporters of the king. In the unsettled 195 o2 LIVY

A.u.c. rcrum statu Claudias bellum oriens ex 539 Ap. propinquo cum cerneret, senatum litteris certiorem fecit Sici- liam et Hannibali conciliari Carthaginionsi populo ; 9 ipse adversus Syracusana consilia ad provinciae rcgnique fines omnia convertit praesidia. 10 Exitu anni eius Q. Fabius ex auctoritate senatus Puteolos, pel" bellum coeptum frequentari emporium, 11 communiit praesidiumque inposuit. Inde llomam comitiorum causa veniens in eum quern primum diem comitialem habuit comitia edixit atque ex itinere 12 praeter urbem in campum descendit. Eo die cum sors praerogativae Aniensi iuniorum exisset eaque T. Otacilium M. Aemilium Regillum consules diceret, tum Q. Fabius silentio facto tali oratione est

usus : " VIII. Si aut pacem in Italia aut id bellum eum- que hostem liaberemus in quo neglegentiae laxior locus esset, qui vesti'is studiis, quae in campum ad mandandos quibus velitis honoi-es adfertis, moram ullam offerret, is mihi parum meminisse videretur

2 vestrae libertatis ; sed cum in hoc bello, in hoc hoste numquam ab ullo duce sine ingenti nostra clade erratum sit, eadem vos cura qua in aeieni armati descenditis inire suffragium ad creandos consules ' decet et sibi sic quemque dicere : Hannibali 3 imperatori parem consulem nomino.' Hoc anno

1 In 241 B.C. Hiero as a faithful ally for 22 j'ears was allowed to keep the eastern end of the island (about one-fourth, and not including Messana). 2 The Delayer, consul this year and the next (five times in all), dictator in 217 B.C. 2 Thus he retains full military authority, Avhich ^vould not be the case if he had entered the city; cp. ix. 2. 196 BOOK XXIV. VII. 8-vni. 3

state of affairs Appius Claudius, seeing a war begin- b.c. 215 ning near at liand, informed the senate by letter that Sicily was being won over to the Carthaginian people and Hannibal. For his own part, to meet the schemes of the Syracusans, he concentrated all his garrisons on the frontier between the province and the kingdom.^ ^ At the end of that year Quintus Fabius by the authority of the senate fortified and garrisoned Puteoli, which as a commercial centre had groM'n in population during the war. Then, Mhile on his Avay to Rome to hold the elections, he proclaimed them for the first date available for an election, and without stopping ^cissed the city and came down to the Campus.^ On the day set the right to vote first fell to the century of the younger men of the Aniensis tribe, and it named Titus Otacilius and Marcus Aemilius Regillus as consuls. Thereupon Quintus Fabius, after silence had been made, spoke somewhat

as follows : " VIII. If we had either peace in Italy or such a war and such an enemy that there was ample room for carelessness, should someone interpose any delay

' to the enthusiasm which you bring to the Campus in order to entrust magistracies to the men of your choice, such a man would seem to me/,forgetful of your freedom. But since in this war, in dealing with this enemy, never has a mistake been made by any commander Avithout huge losses to us, you ought in electing consuls to enter the polls with the same seriousness with which you go into battle-line ' under arms, and each man should say to himself: I name as consul a man who is a match for Hannibal the general.' This year at Capua, when Vibellius 197 LIVY

^^ \'ibellio ^639' Capuam Taureae, Campano summo equiti, provocanti sumnius Romanus eques Asellus 4 Claudius est oppositus. Adversus Galium quondam provocantem in ponte Anienis T. Manlium fidentem 5 et animo et viribus misere maiores nostri. Eandem causam haud multis annis post fuisse non negaverim cur M. Valerio non diffideretur adversus similiter provoeantem arma capienti Galium ad certamen. 6 Quern ad modum pedites equitesque optamus ut validiores, si minus, ut pares hosti habeamus, ita duci 7 hostium parem imperatorem quaeramus. Cum qui est summus in civitate dux eum legerimus, tamen repente lectus, in annum creatus adversus veterem ac perpctuum imperatorem comparabitur, nullis neque temporis nee iuris inclusum angustiis quo minus ita omnia gerat administretque ut tempora postulabunt 8 belli nobis autem in ac tantum inco- ; apparatu ipso 9 hantibus res annus circumagitur. Quoniam quales viros creare vos consules deceat satis est dictum, restat ut pauca de eis in quos praerogativae favor 10 inclinavit dicam. M. Aemilius Regillus flamen est Quirinalis, quern neque mittere a sacris neque reti- nere possumus ut non deum aut belli deseramus 11 curam. T. Otacilius sororis meae filiam uxorem ex ea liberos habet ceterum non ea vestra in atque ; me maioresque meos merita sunt ut non potiorem privatis necessitudinibus rem publicam habeam.

1 Cf. XXIII. xlvii. 2 Cf. VII. X. 2 ff. 3 Also in Book VII (xxvi. 2 ff.). 198

I BOOK XXIV. VIII. 3-11

Taurea, a distinguished Campanian knight, chal- b.c. 215 a Roman lenged, Asellus Claudius, distinguished him.^ the knight, was matched against Against Gaul who once challenged at the bridge over the Anio our ancestors sent Titus Manlius,^ who relied was the upon his courage and his strength. There same reason, I am inclined to admit, -svhy not many ^ found no lack of con- years later Marcus \'alerius fidence in him when he took up arms for the fray Just as against a Gaul who made a like challenge. we desire to have foot and horse stronger than those of the enemy, if not, then a match for him, so let us of seek a general who is a match for the commander the enemy. When we shall have chosen the man who is the greatest commander in the state, never- a theless, although suddenly chosen, elected for will be an single year, he pitted against experienced no restrictions of permanent general, hampered by time or authority to prevent him from doing and of the war shall directing everything as the phases rolls round in mere require. But with us the year preparation and while we are just beginning. Having of to sufficiently stated what kind men you ought elect as consuls, it remains for me to say a few words in regard to those to whom the favour of the first century to vote has inclined. Marcus Aemilius of and we can Regillus is the flamen Quirinus, neither send him away from the sacred rites nor keep him at home without abandoning our responsi- or else for the war. Titus Ota- bility for the gods cilius has my sister's daughter as his wife and children to by her. But not so slight are your favours my ancestors and myself that I can fail to hold the state of more account than personal ties. Any one of the 199 LIVY

A.u.c. 12 Quilibet nautarurn vectorumque tranquillo mari ''' ' ubi saeva orta est ac gubcrnare potest ; tempestas turbato mari rajiitur vento navis;, turn viro et guberna- 13 tore opus est. Non tranquillo naviganius, sed iani submersi sumus aliquot procellis paene ; itaque quis ad gubernaeula sedeat summa cura provide ndum ac praeeavenduni vobis est. In minore te experti,

T. Otacili, re simius ; baud sane cur ad maiora tibi 14 fidamus documenti quicquam dedisti. Classem hoc anno, cui tu praefuisti, trium rerum causa paravimus, ut Africae orani popularetur, ut tuta nobis Italiae litora assent, ante omnia ne supplementum cum stipendio commeatuque ab Carthagine Hannibali 15 transportaretur. Create consulem T. Otacilium, non dico si omnia haec, sed si aliquid eorum rei publicae praestitit. Sin autem te classem obti- ^ nente,^ ea etiam velut pacato mari quibus non erat ^ opus Hannibali tuta atque Integra ab domo vene- 16 runt, si ora Italiae infestior hoc anno quam Africae fuit, quid dicere potes cur te potissimum ducem * 17 Hannibali hosti opponamus ? Si consul esses, dictatorem dicendum exemplo maiorum nostrum censeremus, nee tu id indignari posses, aliquem in civitate Romana meliorem bello haberi quam te. Magis nullius interest quam tua, T. Otacili, non tuis 18 imponi cervicibus onus sub quo concidas. P'igo ^ magnopere oro suadeoque,® eodem animo quo si

1 obtincnte C^M^BDA : obtincntes P{A)A'. 2 ea //. J. Midler: om. P{\). ' non erat opus Riemann (after H. J . M.) : om. P(l) : various emendations. * opponamus Sabnasius : -pugnabant FC?RM : -ponant DAz Wallers (inserting hi). * ore Hertz : moneo Alachefski : om. P(\). 200 BOOK XXIV. VIII. 12-18 sailors and passengers can steer when the sea is b.c. ji-, calm. a When savage storm comes and the ship is swept over a rough sea by the wind, then there is need of a and a man pilot. We are not sailing a calm sea, but have been almost sunk already by a number of squalls. And so who is to sit at the helm is for you to decide with the greatest seriousness and foresight. In a lesser affair we have tested you, Titus Otacilius. Certainly you have not shown any reason why we should trust you for greater things. This year we equipped the fleet which you commanded for three purposes : to ravage the coast of Africa, to make our Italian shores safe, but above all to prevent reinforcements with pay and supplies from being brought over from Carthage for Hannibal. Citizens, elect Titus Otacilius consul, if he has per- formed, I do not say all of these things, but some of for part them, the state. But if, while you, Titus Otacilius, commanded the fleet, even the things he did not need came to Hannibal from home safe and intact, asthough he had conquered the sea, if the coast of Italy has been more unsafe this year than that of Africa, what reason can you give why we are to match you by preference as commander against such an enemy as Hannibal .'' If you were consul we should propose the appointment of a dictator, following the precedent of our ancestors, and you could not be incensed that some one in the Roman state was considered a better man in war than you. It is to no one's interest more than yours, Titus Otacilius, that no such burden be placed on your shoulders that you may fall beneath it. I earnestly entreat and urge you, citizens, that the same spirit which you * suadeoque P(4) : suadeo BDA. 201 LIVY

stantibus vobis in acie armatis duo ^539' repente deligendi imperatores essent quorum ductu atque auspicio 19 dimicaretis, hodie quoque consules creetis quibus Sacramento liberi vestri dicant, ad quorum edictum conveniant, sub quorum tutela atque cura militent. 20 Lacus Trasumennus et Cannae tristia ad recorda- ^ ^ tionem exempla, sed ad praecavendas similes clades ^ documento sunt. Praeco, Aniensem iuniorum in suffraijium revoca." IX. Cum T. Otacilius ferociter eum continuare consulatum velle vociferaretur atque obstreperet, 2 lictores ad eum accedere consul iussit et, quia in urbem non inierat protinus in campum ex itinere profectus, admonuit cum securibus sibi fasces prae- 3 ferri. Interim praerogativa suffragium init creatique in ea consules Q. Fabius Maximus quartum M. Marcellus tertium. Eosdem consules ceterae 4 centuriae sine variatione uUa dixerunt. Et praetor unus refectus Q. Fulvius Flaccus, novi alii creati, T. Otacilius Crassus iterum, Q. Fabius consulis filius, qui tum aedilis curulis erat, P. Cornelius Lentulus. 5 Comitiis praetorum perfectis senatus consultum factum, ut Q. Fulvio extra ordinem urbana provincia esset isque potissimmn consulibus ad bellum profectis 6 urbi praeesset. Aquae magnae bis eo anno fuerunt

1 praecavendas Stroth : -enda P(2) Comoay : -endum Axz. * similes PCfRM : simile BDAxz : similia C* Conway. 3 clades Stroth : utiles P(10) : utile C : utili M^ : utilia z.

^ Removed when a magistrate entered the city, as an indication that there his sentence was subject to appeal. 2 His first praetorship was in 217 B.C.; XXII. x. 10. 202 BOOK XXI\'. VIII. i8-i.\. 6 would show if, while standing armed in battle-line, b.c. :;i5 you had suddenly to choose two generals under whose command and auspices you should fight, be yours today also in electing consuls to whom your sons shall repeat the oath, in response to whose edict thev shall assemble, under whose jjuardian care they shall serve. The Lake of Trasumennus and Cannae are sad examples to recall, but to guard against like disasters they are a warning. Herald, summon the Aniensis century of the younger men to vote again ! IX. While Titus Otacilius was fiercely and noisily shouting that Fabius wanted to have his consulship prolonged, the consul ordered the lictors to go up to him, and, as he had not entered the city, having gone without a halt directly to the Campus, he warned Otacilius that the fasces carried before the consul had their axes.^ Meanwhile the leading century proceeded to vote, and in it were elected consuls Quintus Fabius Maximus for the fourth time and Marcus Marcellus for the third time. The rest of the centuries without exception named the same men as consuls. And of the praetors one, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, was reelected, the others newly created, Titus Otacilius Crassus for the second time,^ Quintus Fabius, son of the consul and at the time curule aedile, and Publius Cornelius Lentulus. The election of ^ praetors being now completed, the senate decreed that Quintus Fulvius by special designation should have the duties of city praetor, and that he, and no one else, should be in charge of the city when the consuls took the field. There were great floods twice

^ Ordinarily praetors received their particular assignment of duty by casting lots or by agreement. 203 LIVY

A.yx: Tiberisque agros inuiidavit cum magna strage tectorum pecorumque et hominum pernicie. A.u.c. 7 Qiiinto anno secundi Punici belli Q. Fabius Maxi- &4U mus qiiartum M. Claudius Marccllus tertmm consulatum ineuntcs plus solito converterant in se civitatis animos multis enim annis tale ; consulum par non 8 fuerat. Referebant senes sic Maximum RuUum cum P. Decio ad bellum Gallicum, sic postea Papirium Carviliumque adversus Samnites Bruttiosque et Lucanum cum Tarentino populum consules dc- 9 claratos. Absens Marcellus consul creatus, cum ad exercitum esset Fabio comitia ; praesenti atque ipso 10 habente consulatus continuatus. Tempus ac necessitas belli ac discrimen summae rerum faciebant ne ^ quis aut in eam rem cxemplum exquirei*et aut consulem haberet suspectum cupiditatis imperii ; 11 quin laudabant potius magnitudinem animi quod, cum summo imperatore esse opus rei publicae sciret seque eum haud dubie esse, minoris invidiam suam, si qua ex ea re oreretur, quam utilitatem rei publicae fecisset. X. Quo die magistratum inierunt consules, senatus 2 in Capitolio est habitus decretumque omnium primum ut consules sortirentur conpararentve ^ inter se uter censoi'ibus crcandis comitia haberet, prius- 3 quam ad exercitum proficisceretur. Prorogatum

1 cam rem J/. Midler : om. P{1). 2 -ve 2 : -quae or -que P(l).

^ For 295 b.c. ; X. xxiv. 1. 2 For 272 b.c. 204 BOOK XXIV. IX. 6-x. o that year and the Tiber overflowed the farms with b.c. 215 great destruction of buildings and cattle and much loss of life. In the fifth year of the Second Punic War, Quintus nc. 214 Fabius Maxinuis entering his fourth consulship and Marcus Claudius Marcellus his third attracted the attention of the citizens more than was usual. For many years there had been no such pair of consuls. Old men recalled that thus Maximus Kullus had been declai-ed consul ^ with Publius Decius for the Gallic war, thus, later on,^ Papirius and Carvilius against the Samnites and Bruttians and the people of Lucania and of Tarentum. Marcellus was made consul in with the for who his absence, being army ; Fabius, was present and himself conducted the election, his consulship was continued. The times and the straits of war and danger to the existence of the state deterred any one from searching for a precedent for that,^ and from suspecting the consul of greed for power. On the contrary they praised his high- mindedness, in that, knowing the state had need of a great commander, and that he was himself undoubtedly that man, he counted his own unpopu- larity) should any be the consequence, as of less moment than the advantage of the state. X. On the day on which the consuls entered upon office the senate met on the Capitol, and it was decreed first of all that the consuls should decide by lot or by mutual arrangement which of them should hold the election for naming the censors before leaving for the army. Then for all who were with

' I.e., immediate reelection, which a plebiscite of 217 B.C. had made legal for the duration of the war in Italy; cf. XXVII. vi. 7 f. 205 LIVY

A.u.c. deinde imperium omnibus qui ad exercitus erant iussique in provinciis manere, Ti. Gracchus Luceriae, ubi cum volonum exercitu erat, C. Terentius Varro 4 in M. in Gallico et agro Pioeno, Pomponius ; prae- 1 tores prioris anni pro praetoribus, Q. Mucins obtincret Sardinian!, M. \'alerius ad Brundisium orae maritimae, intentus adversus omnes motus 5 Philippi Macedonum regis, praeesset. P. Cornelio Lentulo praetori Sicilia decreta provincia, T. Otacilio classis eadem quam advei'sus Carthaginienses priore anno habuisset. 6 Prodigia eo anno multa nuntiata sunt, quae quo magis credebant simplices ac religiosi homines, eo

phn-a nuntiabantur : Lanuvi in aede intus Sospitae 7 lunonis corvos niduni fecisse in ; Apulia pahnam virideni arsisse efFusum Mincio ; Mantuae stagnum

amjii oruentum visum ; et Calibus creta et Romae in 8 foro bovario et in vico Insteio sanguine pluvisse ; fontem sub terra tanta vi aquarum fluxisse ut serias doliaque quae in eo loco erant provoluta velut 9 ^ torrentis tulerit tacta de caelo atrium impetus ; publicum in Capitolio, aedem in campo \'olcani, ^ \'acunae in Sabinis publicamque Warn, murum ac 10 portam Gabiis. lam alia vulgata miracula erant :

^ praetorcs Gronorius : praetorura Drakenborch : pf P(2). 2 impetus P(l) : impetu x Gronovius. 8 1 : 2. Vacunae Hertz : vocem P( ) arcem

1 Cf. XXIII. xxxii. 1. 2 Cf. XXIII. xxxi. 15; XXIV. xliv. 8. 3 A street leading up to the Collis Latiaris (part of the Quirinal), not far from the Curia, 206

I BOOK XXIV. x. 3-10 the army their commands Avere continued, and they b.c. 2U were ordered to remain in their assignments, Tiberius Gracchus at Luceria, where he was with the army of shive-vohmteers,^ Gains Terentius \'arro in the Picene Marcus in the GaHic district, Pomponius ; and that of the praetors of the previous year, now as propraetors, Quintus Mucius should govern Sar- dinia and Marcus ^ alerius should be in command of the sea-coast at Brundisium, watchful against all movements of Philip, King of the Macedonians. Sicily was assigned as his province to Publius Cornelius Lentulus, the praetor, and to Titus Otacilius the same fleet which he had had against the Carthaginians the previous year. ^ Prodigies in large numbers—and the more they were believed by men simple and devout, the more of them used to be reported—were reported that year : that at Lanuvium ravens had made a nest inside the of that in a temple Juno Sospita ; Apulia took fire that at a green palm ; Mantua lake, the overflow of the river Mincius, appeared bloody; and at Cales it rained chalk, and at Rome in the Cattle ^ Market blood ; and that on the Mcus Insteius an underground spring flowed with such a volume of water that the force of a torrent, as it were, over- turned the jars, great and small, that Avere there and carried them along ; that the Atrium Publicum on the Capitol, the temple of Vulcan in the Campus, * that of Vacuna and a public street in the Sabine country, the wall and a gate at Gabii were struck by lightning. Moreover other marvels w'ere widely

* Honoured especially by the Sabines, and known to modern readers in Horace's chiefly post fanum putre Vacunae ; Epist. I. X. 49.

207 LIVY

A u.c. hastam Martis Praeneste sua sponte promotam ; bovem in Sicilia locutum; infantem in utero matris " " in Marrucinis lo clamasse ex triumphe ; muliere virum factum Hadriac in caelo Spoleti ; aram species- que hominiim circuni cam cum Candida veste visas 11 esse. Quin llomac quoque in ipsa iirbe, secundum examen in foro — apxim — visum quod mirabile est, quia raruni adfirmantes quidam legiones se armatas in laniculo videre concitaverunt civitatera ad arma, 12 cum qui in laniculo essent negarent quemquam il)i praeter adsuetos collis eius cultores adparuisse. 13 Haec prodigia hostiis maioribus procurata sunt ex haruspicum response, et supplicatio omnibus deis quorum pulvinaria Romae essent indicta est. XI. Perpetratis quae ad pacem deiun pertinebant, de re publica belloque gerendo et quantum copiarum et ubi quaeque essent consules ad senatum rettule- 2 runt. Duodeviginti legionibus bellum geri placuit : binas consules sibi sumere, binis Galliam Siciliamque 3 ac Sardinian! obtineri duabus Fabium ; Q. praetorem Apuliae, duabus volonum Ti. Gracchum circa Lu- ceriam C. Terentio praeesse ; singulas proconsuli ad Picenum et M. Valerio ad classem circa Brundi- 4 duas urbi esse. Hie ut sium relinqui ; praesidio nvunerus Icgioniun expleretur, sex novae legiones

^ I.e.. draped lecli with their cushions, kept in the temples of such gods as received the special honour of a lectisternium, a reclined in XXII. x. 9. feast at which images of gods pairs ; 2 Not including those in Spain. Similarly in § 5 no mention is made of a fleet for Spain. 2o8 BOOK XXIV. X. lo-xi. 4 circulated : that the spear of Mars at Praeneste moved b.c. 214 of that an ox in that the itself; Sicily spoke ; among Marrucini an infant in its mother's womb shouted

Hail, triumph ! "; that at Spoletium a -woman was into a that at changed man ; Hadria an altar was seen in the sky, and about it the forms of men in white garments. In fact at Rome also, actually in the city, directly after the appearance of a swarm of bees in the Forum—a wonder because it is rare —certain men, asserting that they saw armed legions on the Janiculum, aroused the city to arms, whereas those who were on the Janiculum denied that anyone had been seen there except the usual dwellers on that hill. Atonement was made for these prodigies with full-grown victims on the advice of the soothsayers, and a season of prayer to all the gods who had ^ festal couches at Rome was proclaimed. XI. The rites which concerned peace with the gods being now completed, the consuls laid before the senate the condition of the state and the conduct of the war, and what forces there were and where severally stationed. It was voted to carry on the war Avith ^ eighteen legions ; that each consul should take two that with in ; two legions each case Gaul and and Sardinia should Sicily be held ; that with two legions Quintus Fabius, a praetor, should be in charge of Apulia, and that with two legions of slave- volunteers Tiberius Gracchus should be in command in the of Luceria that one should region ; legion each be left for Gaius Terentius, the proconsul, in the Picene district and for Marcus Valerius for service with the fleet near Brundisium; that two should foi-m the garrison of the city. To make up this number of legions six new legions had to be enrolled. 209 VOL. VI. p LIVY

A.u.c. 5 erant scribendae. Eas primo quoque ^^^ tempore consules scribere iussi et classem parare, ut cum eis navibus quae pro Calabriae litoribus in statione essent, centum quinc^uaginta longarum classis navium eo 6 anno expleretur. Dilectu habito et centum navibus novis deductis Q. Fabius comitia censoribus creandis habuit creati M. Atilius et P. ; Regulus Furius Philus. Cum increbresceret rumor bellum in Sicilia esse, 7 T. Otacilius eo cum classe proficisci iussus est. Cum deessent nautae, consules ex senatus consulto edixerunt ut, qui L. Aemilio C. Flaminio censoribus milibus aeris quinquaginta ipse aut pater eius census fuisset ^ usque ad centum milia, aut cui postea tanta res esset facta, nautam unum cum sex mensum stipendio daret centum milia ad trecenta ; qui supra usque 8 tris nautas milia, cum stipendio annuo ; qui supra trecenta milia usque ad deciens aeris, quinque nautas senatores octo ; qui supra deciens, septem ; 9 nautas cum annuo stipendio darent. Ex hoc edicto dati nautae, armati instructique ab dominis, cum triginta dierum coctis cibariis naves conscenderunt. Tum primum est factum ut classis Romana sociis navalibus privata inpensa paratis conpleretur. XII. Hie maior solito adparatus praecipue conter- ruit Campanos, ne ab obsidione Capuae bellum eius 2 anni Romani inciperent. Itaque legatos ad Hanni- balem oratum miserunt ut Capuam exercitum admoveret : ad cam oppugnandam novos exercitus

^ tanta res Weissenborn : res tanta z : tanta -P(l).

^ Meaning chiefly remiges. who pulled the long oars and were slaves cf. in general ; XXVI. xxxv. 210 BOOK XXIV. XI. 5-.xn. 2

The consuls were ordered to enroll them as soon as b.c, 2U possible, and to furnish a fleet, so that, including the ships at anchor defending the coast of Calabria, the fleet should amount that year to a hundred and fifty warships. After conducting the levy and launching a hundred new ships, Quintus Fabius held an election for the choosing of censors. Marcus Atilius Regulus and Publius Furius Philus were elected.

As the rumour that there was a war in Sicily spread more widely, Titus Otacilius was ordered to set sail thither Avith his fleet. Owinw to the lack of sailors ^ the consuls in accordance with a decree of the senate issued an edict that a man who in the censorship of Lucius Aemilius and Gains Flaminius^ had been rated—either he or his father—at from 50,000 to 100,000 asses, or if his property had since increased to that amount, should furnish one sailor with six months' that one provided pay ; who had more than 100,000 and up to 300,000 should furnish three sailors and a he year's pay ; who had over and to a million five sailors 300,000 up asses, ; he who had over a million, seven; that senators should furnish eight sailors and a year's pay. The sailors furnished in accordance with this edict went on board armed and equipped by their masters, and with cooked rations for thirty days. It was the first time that a Roman fleet was manned with crews secured at private expense. XII. This extraordinary preparation particularly alarmed the Campanians, for fear the Romans might begin that year's war with a siege of Capua. Accord- ingly they sent legates to Hannibal to beg him to bring his army to Capua. New armies, they said, 2 I.e. 220 B.C.; XXIII. xxiii. 5. 211 p2 LIVY

A.u.o. scribi Romae, nee ullius urbis defectioni magis infensos 3 eorum animos esse. Id quia tarn trepide nuntiabant, ^ maturandum Hannibal ratus, ne praevenirent Ro- niani, profectus Arpis ad Tifata in veteribus castris 4 super Capuam conscdit. Inde Numidis Ilispanisque ad praesidium simul castrorum simul Capuae relictis cum cetero exercitu ad lacum Averni per speciem sacrificandij re ipsa ut temptaret Puteolos quodque 5 ibi praesidium erat, descendit. Maximus, postquam Ilannibalem Ai-pis profectum et regredi in Cam- paniam adlatura est, nee die nee nocte intermisso 6 itinere ad exercitum redit, et Ti. Gracchum ab Luceria Beneventuni copias admovere, Q. Fabium praetorem—is filius consulis erat—ad Luceriam Graccho succedere iubet.

7 In Sicilian! eodeni tempore duo praetores profecti, P. Cornelius ad exercitum, T. Otacilius qui mari- 8 timae orae reique navali praeesset. Et ceteri in suas quisque provincias profecti, et quibus prorogatum imperium erat easdem quas priori anno regiones obtinuerunt. XIII. Ad Hannibalem, cum ad lacum Averni esset, quinque nobiles iuvenes ab Tarento venerunt, partim ad Trasumennum lacum, partim ad Cannas capti dimissique domos cum eadem comitate qua usus ad- 2 versus omnes llomanoruni socios Poenus fuerat. Ei memores beneficiorum eius perpulisse magnam partem se iuventutis Tarentinae referunt ut Hannibalis

^ Probably in connection with the necromancy practised at Avernus. 212 BOOK XXIV. XII. 2-.\iii. 2 were being enrolled at. Rome for besieging it, and the b.c. 2U defection of no city had more embittered the Romans. Since they reported this with snch excitement, Hannibal, thinking he must make haste, lest he be anticipated by the Romans, set out from Arpi and established himself by Tifata in his old camp above Capua. Then leaving Numidians and Spaniards to defend the camp and Capua at the same time, he came down with the rest of his army to the Lake of Avernus, with the pretext of sacrificing,^ in reality to attack Puteoli and the garrison which was there. Maximus, on being informed that Hannibal had left Arpi and was returning to Campania, without inter- rupting his journey by day or night returned to the army. And he ordered Tiberius Gracchus to bring his troops from Lucei-ia to Beneventum, and Quintus —he was the consul's son— to Fabius, the praetor , relieve Gracchus at Luceria. Two praetors set out at the same time for Sicily, Publius Cornelius to the army, and Titus Otacilius to take command of the sea-coast and of naval operations. And the others set out for their several assis:nments, and those whose commands had been prolonged held the same regions as in the previous year. Xin. While Hannibal was at the Lake of Avernus five noble young men came to him from Tarentum, some of whom had been captured at the I^ake of Trasumennus, others at Cannae, and sent to their homes with that same courtesy which the Cartha- ginian had showTi toward all allies of the Romans. Mindfid of his favours, they reported that they had induced a large part of the young men of Tarentum of to to prefer the friendship and alliance Hannibal 213 LIVY

A.u.c. amicitiam ac societatem quam populi Romani mallent, legatosque ab suis missos rogare Hanni- 3 balcm ut exercitum propius Tarentum admoveat : si signa eius, si castra conspecta a Tarento sint, haud ullam intercessuram moram quin in deditionem veniat ^ urbs in iuniorum in manu ; potcstate plebeni, 4 plebis rem Tarentinam esse. Hannibal conlaudatos eos oneratosque ingentibus promissis domum ad coepta maturanda redire iubet : se in tempore adfuturmn esse. Hac cum spe dimissi Tarentini. 6 Ipsum ingens cupido incesserat Tarenti potiundi. Urbem esse videbat cum opulentam nobilemque, turn maritimam et in Macedonian! opportune versam, regemque Philippum hunc portum, si transiret in ^ Italian!, quoniam Brundisium Romani haberent, 6 petiturum. Sacro inde perpetrate ad quod venerat et, dum ibi moratur, pervastato agro Cumano usque ad Miseni promuntui-ium Puteolos repente agmen convertit ad opprimendum praesidium Romanum. 7 Sex milia hominum erant et locus munimento quoque, non natura modo tutus. Triduun! ibi moratus Poenus ab omni parte temptato praesidio, deinde, ut nihil procedebat, ad populandum agruni Neapolitanum niagis ira quam potiundae urbis spe processit. 8 Adventu eius in propincum agrum mota Nolana est plebs, iam diu aversa ab Romanis et infesta senatui suo. Itaque legati ad arcessendum Hanni- balem cum haud dubio promisso tradei!dae urbis

^ in deditionem veniat {a line) Conway: om. P(\): (after urbs) dedatur A^ : ei tradatiir Madvig : in potestatem eiua tradatur Weissenborn. * quoniam Madvig, Conicay : om. P{\).

214 BOOK XXIV. XIII. 2-8

and as b.c. 214 those of the Roman people ; that, legates sent by their people, they asked Hannibal to bring his army nearer to Tarentum. If his standards, if his camp should be seen from Tarentum there would in of that the be no delay the surrender the city ; common people were in the power of the younger men, the Tarentine state in the hands of the common people. Hannibal praised them and overwhelmed them with great promises, and bade them return out their that home to carry undertaking promptly ; he would be there at the right moment. With this hope the Tarentines were sent away. He himself had conceived a great desire to gain possession of Tarentum. He saw that the city was not only rich and famous but also a seaport, and favourably placed in the direction of Macedonia, and that accordingly King Philip, if he should cross into Italy, would make for this port, since the Romans held Brundisium. Then, after accomplishing the rite for which he had come, and devastating the territory of Cumae as far as the promontory of Misenum, while he lingered there, he suddenly headed his column toward Puteoli, to surprise the Roman garrison. There were six thousand men and the place was defended by a wall also, not merely by nature. There the Carthaginian tarried three days, attacking the garrison from every with no he side ; and then, when he met success, set out to ravage the territory of Neapolis, rather in anger than with the hope of taking the city. His coming into a neighbouring region aroused the common people of Nola, who had long been estranged from the Romans and hostile to their own senate. Consequently legates came to invite Hannibal, bringing a definitive promise to surrender the city. 215 LIVY

A.u.c. 9 venerunt. Praevenit eorum Marcellus 640 iiiccptum' consul a primoribus accitus. Die uno Suessulam a Calibus, cum Volturnus amnis traicientem moratus 10 contcndci'at inde nocte sex milia essct, ; proxima ^ peditum, equitcs trecentos, qui praesidio scnatui 11 essent, Nolam intromisit. Et uti a consule omnia inpigre facta sunt ad praeoccupandam Nolam, ita Hannibal tempus terebat, bis iam ante nequiquam temptata re segnior ad credondum Nolanis factus. XIV. Isdem diebus et Q. Fabius consul ad Casi- linum temptandum, quod praesidio Punico tenebatur, venit et ad Beneventum velut ex composito parte altera Hanno ex Bruttiis cum magna peditum equitumquc manu, altera Ti. Gracchus ab Luccria accessit. 2 Qui primo oppidum intravit, deinde, ut Hannonem, tria milia ferme ab urbe ad Calorem fluvium castra posuisse et inde agrum populari audivit, et ipse egressus moenibus mille ferme passus ab hoste 3 castra locat. Ibi contioncm militum habuit. Legiones magna ex parte volonum habebat, qui iam alterum annum libertatem tacite mereri quam postulare palam maluerant. Senserat tamen hibernis egrediens murmur in agmine esse quaerentium, 4 en innquam liberi militaturi essent, scripseratque senatui non tam quid dcsiderarent quam quid meruis- sent : bona fortique opera eorum se ad earn diem

^ trecentos, qui A^x : quingentos, qui Weissenborn : om. P(l).

^ Since Hannibal had captured the city; XXIII. xix. 15 f.; XX. 1. 3l6 BOOK XXIV. XIII. 9-xiv. 4

Marcellus, the consul, was called in by the leading b.c. 214 men and forestalled theii* undertaking. From Cales he had hastened in one day to Suessula, though the river \'olturnus had delayed his crossinjr. Thence he sent six thousand infantry and three hundred horsemen that night into Nola, to defend the senate. And whereas the consul did everything with energy, in order to anticipate him in occupying Nola, Hannibal was wasting time, having twice already made the vain attempt, and being now less inclined to believe the men of Nola. XIV. At the same time not only did Quintus Fabius, the consul, come to Casilinum, to attack the city, held by a Carthaginian garrison,^ but also, as if l3y prearrangement, Hanno, with a large force of infantry and cavalry, from the land of the Bruttii, came to Beneventum from one side, while on the other side Tiberius Gracchus came to it from Luceria. The latter at first entered the town, and then, on hearing that Hanno had pitched his camp about three miles from the city by the river Calor, and from that point was ravaging the country, he likewise left the city and pitched camp about a mile from the enemy. There he held an assembly of the soldiers. The legions he had were largely made up of slave- volunteers, who noNV for two years had preferred silently to earn their freedom rather than openly to demand it. Yet as he came out of winter quarters he had been aware that there was murmuring in the column, as they asked whether they were ever at all to serve as free men. And he had written to the senate, not so much what they wanted as what they had deserved that he had service ; had good and brave from them up to that time, and that they lacked 217 LIVY

^isum, ad iusti militis eis ^540* neque exemplum quicquam 5 libertatem deesse. praeter De eo permissum ipsi erat faceret quod e re publica duceret esse. Itaque priusquam cum hoste manum consereret, pronuntiat tempus venisse eis libertatis quam diu sperassent 6 die potiundae ; postero signis conlatis diniieaturum puro ae patenti campo, ubi sine ullo insidiarum metu 7 vera virtute geri res posset. Qui caput hostis rettu- eum se liberum iussurum esse lisset, extemplo ; qui loco cessisset, in eum servili supplicio animadversu- 8 suam fortunam in esse. rum ; cuique manu Liberta- tis auctorem eis non se fore solum, sed consulem M. Marcellum, sed universos patres, quos consultos ab 9 se de libertate eorum sibi permisisse. Litteras inde consulis ac senatus consultum ad recitavit ; quae clamor cum ingenti adsensu est sublatus. Pugnam poscebant signumque ut daret extemplo ferociter 10 instabant. Gracchus proelio in posterum diem pronuntiato contionem dimisit. Milites laeti, praecipue quibus merces navatae in unum diem operae ^ libertas futura erat, armis expediendis diei relicum consumunt. XV. Postero die ubi signa coeperunt canere, primi omnium parati instructique ad praetorium conveniunt. Sole orto Gracchus in aciem copias

educit ; nee hostes moram dimicandi fecerunt. 2 Decern ^ septem milia peditum erant, maxima ex parte Bruttii ac Lucani, equites mille ducenti, inter quos pauci admodum Italici, ceteri Numidae fere

1 diei X Gronoviu.1 : que P : quod P^(l) : -4* adds diei fuit. 2 decern P{2) : C M add et. 2l8 BOOK XXIV. XIV. 4-xv. 2 nothing toward the standard of the real soldier except b.o. 214 their freedom. In this matter he had been given permission to do whatever he thought to be for the good of the state. And so, before engaging the enemy, he announced that the time had come for them to gain the freedom for which they so long had that the hoped ; next day he would fight, standards against standards, in a clear and open field, where without any fear of ambush the battle could be fought with pure courage. Whoever should bring back the head of an enemy would by his order be a free mail at once. Whoever retreated from his post would meet the punishment of a slave. Each man's fortune was in his own hand. The giver of their freedom would be not merely himself, but the consul Marcus Marcellus, but the whole senate, for they had been consulted by him and had given him permission in the matter of their freedom. He then read the letter of the consul and the decree of the senate. Upon that a shout was raised with great applause. They clamoured for battle and with high spirit insisted that he give the signal at once. Gracchus announced a battle for the morrow and dismissed the assembly. The soldiers were happy, especially those for whom freedom was to be the reward of a single day's service, and spent the rest of the day in putting their arms in order. X\ . On the next day, when the signals began to sound, these soldiers were the first of all to assemble at headquarters, ready and in formation. After sunrise Gracchus led his troops out into line, and the enemy did not delay the battle. They had seventeen thousand infantry, mostly Bruttians and Lucanians, twelve hundred cavalry, among them very few 219 LIVY

Ax.c. 3 omnes est et acriter et din; 510 Maurique. Pugnatum quattuor horis neiitro inclinata est pugna. Nee alia magis Romaiium impediebat res quam capita hostium 4 pretia libcrtatis facta; nam ut quisque hostem inpigre occiderat, primum capita aegre inter turbam abscidendo terebat deinde tumultumque tempus ; occupata dextra tenendo caput fortissimus quisque pugnator esse desierat, segnibus ac timidis tradita 5 pugna erat. Quod ubi tribuni militum Graccho nuntiaverunt, nemineni stantem iam vulnerari Tiostem,

carnificari iacentes, et in dextris militum pro gladiis humana capita esse, signum dari propere iussit, pro- 6 icerent capita invaderentque hostem : claram satis et insignem virtutem esse nee dubiam libertatem fu- tui-am strenuis viris. Tum redintegrata pugna est. 7 et eques etiam in hostes emissus. Quibus cum inpigre Numidae occurrissent,^ nee segnior equitum quam peditum pugna esset, iterum in dubium adducta res. Cum utrimque duces, Romanus Brut- tium Lucaniunque totiens a maioribus suis victos subactosque, Poenus mancipia Romana et ex ergas- 8 tulo militem verbis obtereret, postremo pronuntiat Gracchus esse nihil quod de libertate sperarent, nisi eo die fusi fugatique hostes essent. XVI. Ea demum vox ita animos accendit ut renovato elamore, velut ahi repente facti, tanta vi se in hostem intule-

1 occurrissent xz : concurrissent P(I).

220 BOOK XXIV. XV. 3-xvi. i

Italians, nearly all the rest Numidians and Mauri, b.c. 214 The battle was fierce and for four it long ; hours did not incline either way. And nothing hampered the Romans more than that enemies' heads were made the of price freedom. For when a man had boldly slain an enemy, in the first place he was wasting time in off cutting the head with difficulty in the confusion and turmoil and as his ; then, right hand was occupied in holding the head, the bravest had ceased to be fighters, while the battle was turned over to the spiritless and the fearful. When the tribunes of the soldiers reported this to Gracchus : that they were not wounding a single enemy standing, but butchering the fallen; and that in the soldier's right hands there were human heads instead of swords, he ordered the command at once given that they should throw away the heads and attack the enemy. Their courage, he said, was sufficiently clear and conspicuous, and for active men freedom would be beyond a doubt. Thereupon the battle was renewed, and the cavalry also charged the enemy. Since the Numidians met this charge gallantly and the cavalry battle was no less spirited than that of the infantry, the issue was for the second time made doubtful. While the commanders on both sides heaped abuse, the Roman on the Bruttians and Lucanians, so many times defeated and subdued by their ancestors, the Carthaginian on the Roman slaves and prison-house soldiers, Gracchus finally declared that they had no reason to hope for freedom, unless on that day the enemy should be routed and put to flight. X\T. Those words at last so fired their courage that, as though they were suddenly different men, they raised a shout again and charged the enemy 221 LIVY

A.u.c. 2 1-int ut sustineri ultra non possent. Prinio ante- signam roenoruni, dem signa perturbata, postremo tota acies inde inpulsa ; haud dubie terga data, riuintcjue fugientes in castra adco pavidi trcpidique ut ne in portis quidem aut vallo (juisquam restiterit, ac prope continenti agmine Romani insecuti novum de integro proelium inclusi hostium vallo ediderint. 3 Ibi sicut pugna inpeditior in angustiis, ita caedes atrocior fuit. Et adiuvere captivi, qui rapto inter tumultum ferro conglobati et ab tergo ceciderunt 4 Poenos et fugam impedierunt. Itaquc minus duo milia hominum ex tanto exercitu, et ea maior pars cum duce alii equitum, ipso efFugerunt ; omnes caesi aut et capti ; capta signa duodequadraginta. 5 Ex victoribus duo milia ferme cecidere. Praeda omnis praeterquam hominum captorum militi concessa est et est intra dies ; pecus exceptum quod trig-inta domini eoornovissent. 6 Cum praeda onusti in castra redissent, quattuor milia ferme volonum militum, quae pugnaverant segnius nee in castra inruperant simul, metu poenae 7 coUem haud procul castris ceperunt. Postero die per tribunes militum inde deducti contione militum S advocata a Graccho superveniunt. Ubi cum proconsul veteres milites primum, prout cuiusque virtus atque opera in ea pugna fuerat, militaribus donis 9 donasset, tunc quod ad volones attineret, omnes ait

1 Livn^ often applies Roman military terms to the enemy's army. Here signa suggests a second line somewhat like the Roman principes. Cf. XXII. v. 7 for aiUesignani.

222 BOOK XXIV. XVI. 1-9

with such force that they could no longer be with- u.c. 214 ^ stood. At first the front line of the Carthaginians, then the second was in confusion the ; finally whole line was forced back. Then it was ininiistakeable

flight, and fleeing they dashed into their camp in such fright and excitement that no one halted even at the gates or on the wall. And the Romans, pursuing in almost unbroken column, fought an entirely new battle while hemmed in by the enemies' wall. There the battle was indeed more hampered in a confined space, but the slaughter was more savage. And they were aided by the captives, who, seizing weapons during the confusion and advancing in a mass, slashed the Carthaginians from the rear and also hindered their flight. And so out of that great army less than two thousand men, mainly cavalry at that, escaped along with the general himself. All the rest were slain or captured. Cap- tured were also thirty-eight standards. Of the victoi's about two thousand fell. All the booty except the captives was given to the soldiers. Cattle also were excepted, if the owners should identify them within thirty days. When they had returned to camp laden with booty, about four thousand of the slave-volunteers, who had fought with less spirit and had not dashed into the camp with the others, for fear of punishment occupied a hill not far from the camp. The next day the}'' were brought down by military tribunes and arrived after an assembly of the soldiers had been called by Gracchus. There the proconsul first presented military decorations to the old soldiers, to each to his valour and his in that battle according part ; and then he said that, so far as the slave-volunteers 223 LIVY

A.u.c. malle laudatos a se, dignos indignosque, quam quemquam eo die castigatum esse. Quod bonum faustum fclixque rei publicae ipsisque esset, omnes eos lu liberos esse iubere. Ad quam vocem cum clamor ingenti alacritate sublatus esset, ac nunc conplexi inter se gratulantesque, nunc manus ad caelum tollentes bona omnia populo Romano Gracohoque " 11 ipsi precarentur, tum Gracchus Priusquam omnes " " iure libertatis aequassem inquit, neminem nota 12 strenui aut militis notasse volui exsoluta ignavi ; nunc iam fide publica, ne discrimen omne virtutis ignaviae- que pereat, nomina eorum qui detractatae pugnae memores secessionem paulo ante fecerunt referri ad me iubebo, citatosque singulos iure iurando adigam, ^ 13 nisi quibus morbus causa erit, non aliter quam stantes cibum potionemque, quoad stipendia facient, capturos esse. Hanc multam ita aequo animo feretis, si reputabitis nulla ignaviae nota leviore vos 14 designari potuisse." Signum deinde colligendi vasa dedit ; militesque praedam portantes agentesque per lasciviam ac iocum ita ludibundi Beneventum 15 rediere ut ab epulis per celebrem festumque diem 16 actis, non ex acie reverti viderentur. Beneventani omnes turba effusa cum obviam ad portas exissent, complecti milites, gratulari, vocare in hospitium. 17 Adparata convivia omnibus in propatulo aedium

1 quibus C^M- : quis A : que P{2) : cui Weissenborn : quels Gronovitis.

^ Thus the good things could be seen through the open door, as in XXV^ xii. 15: apertis ianuis in propatulo epulati sunt. 224 BOOK XXIV. XVI. 9-17

were concerned, he preferred to have all of them, the b.c. 214. worthy and the unworthy, praised by himself, rather than to have one of them that any punished day ; that, with the prayer that it might be good and happy and fortunate for the state and for the men

themselves , he ordered them all to be free. At these words they raised a shout with great enthusiasm, and now- embracing and congratulating each other, now raising their hands to heaven, they prayed for for the Roman and for Gracchus every blessing people " himself. Thereupon Gracchus said : Before making you all equals by the right of freedom, I wished to stamp not one man of you with the mark of a brave or of a cow^ardly soldier. But now, the promise made in the name of the state being already fulfilled, to prevent the loss of every distinction between valour and cowardice, I shall order the names of those who, remembering their refusal to fight, left us a while to be to me and them ago reported ; summoning one by one I shall make them swear that, excepting men who shall have illness as an excuse, they will take food and drink standing only, so long as they shall be in the service. This penalty you will bear with patience, if you will reflect that you could not have been marked with any slighter sign of cowardice." He then gave the signal to pack baggage, and the soldiers carrying and driving their booty returned with sport and mirth so gaily to Beneventum that they seemed to be returning from a feast on a day of general festivity, not from a battle. All the people of Beneventum, having come out en masse to the gates to meet them, embraced the soldiers, congratulated them, invited them into their houses. ^ Feasts had been made ready by all in the atria of 225 VOL. VI. Q A.D.o. fuerant; ad ea invitabant Gracchumque orabant ut epulari permittcret multibus; et Oracchus ita perniisit, si^ in publico epularentur omnes ante suas 18 quisque fores. Prolata oninia. Pillcati aut lana alba velatis capitibus volones epulati sunt, alii accu- bantes, alii stantes, qui simul ministrabant vesce- 10 banturque. Digna res visa ut simulacrum cclebrati eius diei Gracchus, postquam llomain rediit, pingi iuberet in aede Libertatis quam pater eius in Aventino ex multaticia pecunia faciendam curavit dedicavitque. X\'II. Dum haec ad Beneventum geruntur, Han- nibal depopulatus agrum Neapolitanum ad Nolam 2 castra movet. Quern ubi adventare consul sensit, Pomponio propraetore cum eo exercitu qui super Suessulam in castris erat accito ire obviam hosti parat 3 nee moram dimicandi facere. C. Claudium Neronem cum robore equitum silentio noctis per aversam maxime ab hoste portam emittit circumvectumque occulte subsequi sensim agmen hostium iubet et, cum coortum proelium videret, ab tergo se obicere. 4 Id errore viarum an exiguitate temporis Nero exsequi 5 non potuerit incertum est. Absente eo cum proelium commissum esset, superior quidem baud dubie erat sed non adfuere in ^Romanus ; quia equites

^ si Sigonius : ut x : ow. F{1).

^ Tlie pilleus was evidence of freedom, as was the lana alba. 2 The closing words are possibly copied from an inscription on the temple. The father was consul in 238 B.C. 226 BOOK XXIV. XVI. i7-\-\ii. 5 their houses. To these they invited the soldiers and b.c. 214 implored Gracchus to allow the soldiers to feast. And Gracchus did permit them, provided they all feasted in the open, each before the door of his house. ^ FA-erything was brought out. Wearing caps or white woollen headbands the volunteers feasted, at some reclining, and some standing served and ate the same time. This seemed to deserve the order Gracchus gave on his return to Rome for a representa- in tion of that day of festivity to be painted the Temple of Liberty which his father, with money yielded by fines, caused to be built on the Aventine and dedicated. - X\TI. While these things were going on about Beneventum, Hannibal, after ravaging the territory of Neapolis, removed his camp to Nola. When the consul learned of his approach, summoning Pom- ponius, the propraetor, with the army which was in camp 3 above Suessula,he prepared to advance to meet the enemy and to engage without delay. He sent Gaius Claudius Nero with the best of the cavalry out by the gate farthest from the enemy in the silence of the night, and commanded him to ride around unseen and follow the enemy's column slowly, and when he saw that the battle had begun, to throw himself upon their rear. Whether it was by losing the way that Nero was unable to carry this out, or from the shortness of the time, is uncertain. After the battle had begun in his absence, the Roman in- hand but since deed unquestionably had the upper ; the the cavalry were not there at the right moment, * Pom- Cnstra Claudiana ; XXIII. xxxi. 3 and elsewhere. ponins must have been relieved of his duties in the North (X. 3). 227 q2 LIVY

A.U.C. i*atio rei turbata est. 640 tempore, compositae Non ausus insequi cedentes Marcellus vincentibus suis 6 signum receptiii dedit. Plus tamen duo milia hostium eo die caesa traduntur, lloniani minus 7 quadringenti. Solis fere occasu Nero diem noctem- que nequiquam fatigatis equis hominibusque, ne viso quidem hoste rediens, adeo graviter est ab ^ consule increpitus ut per eum stetisse diceret quo minus accepta ad Cannas I'edderetur hosti cladrs. 8 Postero die Romanus in aciem descendit, Poenus, tacita etiam confessione \'ictus castris se tenuit. Tertio die silentio noctis omissa spe Nolae potiundae, rei numquam prospere temptatae, Tarentum ad certiorem spem pi-oditionis proficiscituv. XVIII. Nee minore animo res Romana domi quam 2 militiae gerebatur. Censores, vacui ab operum locandorum cura propter inopiam aerarii, ad mores hominum regendos animum adverterunt castiganda- que vitia quae, velut diutinis morbis aegra corpora ^ 3 ex sese gignunt, eo nata bello erant. Primum eos citaverunt qui post Cannensem pugnam rem publi- ^ cam deseruisse dicebantur. Princeps eorum M, 4 Caecilius Metellus quaestor turn forte erat. lusso deinde eo ceterisque eiusdem noxae reis causam

^ diceret z : diceretiir P(l). 2 eo C'2 : aea P : ea C : om. P2.?(10). ' pugnam rem publicam deseruisse A-x : om. P(l) : the gap indicaled in PA, probably a single line, is variously supplied, e.g. cladem a re publica defecisse Walters.

1 Cannae was avenged by this Nero and his colleague Livius xlviii f. xlix. 5. at the Metaurus, 207 B.C. ; XXVII. ; 228 BOOK XXIV. xvii. 5-.\viii. 4

j)rcarrangedplan for the battle was ruined. Marcellus, b.c. 214 not venturing to pursue the retreating, gave his men, victorious though they were, the signal to retire. More than two thousand of the enemy, however, are said to have been slain that day, of the Romans less than four hundred. About sunset Nero, returning with his horses and men exhausted to no purpose by their efforts for a day and a night, without even seeing the enemy, was sternly rebuked by the consul, who went so far as to say that it was his fault that the disaster suffered at Cannae was not paid back to the enemy. '^ On the next day the Roman went into hne of battle, while the Carthaginian, beaten, as he tacitly admitted also, remained in camp. The third day, giving up hope of capturing Nola, an undertaking which had never prospered, he set out in the dead of night for Tarentum, led by a surer hope of its betrayal. XVm. And it was with no less spirit that the Roman state was administered at home than in the field. The censors, freed from the charge of con- tracting for public works on account of the emptiness of the treasury, turned their attention to the control of morals and the punishment of vices which had sprung from that war, just as bodies suffering from long illnesses of themselves produce defects. First they summoned those who after the battle of Cannae were said to have abandoned the state. The foremost among them, Marcus Caecilius Metellus,^ happened at this time to be quaestor. Inasmuch as he and the rest of those guilty of the same offence, on being ordered to plead their cases, proved unable - For his plan to leave Italy cf. XXII. liii. 5, where his praenomen is Luciu.s. 229 cum verba Aj^u.c. dicere, purgari nequissent, promintiarunt orationemque eos adversus rem publicam liabuisse, quo coniuratio deserendae Italiae causa fieret. 5 Secundum eos citati nimis callidi exsolvendi iuris iurandi interpretes, qui captivorum ex itinere re- gressi clam in castra Hannibalis solutum quod iura- 8 verunt redituros rc])antur. His superioribusque illis equi adempti qui publicum equom habebant, tribuque 7 moti aerarii omnes facti. Neque senatu mode aut ordine cura se censorum tenuit no- equestri regendo ; mina omnium ex iuniorum tabulis excerpserunt qui quadriennio non militassent, quibus neque vacatio 8 iusta militiae neque morbus causa fuisset. Et ea ^ supra duo milia nominum in aerarios relata tribuque 9 moti tam truci censoriae notae omnes ; additumque triste senatus consultum, ut ei omnes quos censores notassent pedibus mererent mitterenturque in Sicilian! ad Cannensis exercitus reliquias, cui militum generi non prius quam pulsus Italia hostis esset finitum stipendiorum tempus erat. 10 Cum censores ob inopiam aerarii se iam locationi- bus abstinerent aedium sacrarum tuendarum curu- liumque equorum praebendorum ac similium his

1 nominum P(l) Aldus : hominum xz Madvig.

1 So ten of them pretended to think, XXII. Ixi. 8. Another version (ib. 4 and Iviii. 8) had only a single perjurer. * Transfer to one of tlic four city tribes was a degradation, but, since the reform of 312 B.C., aerarii ("taxpayers only") were allowed to vote and serve in the ami}-. 230 BOOK XXIV. XVIII. 4-IO to clear themselves, the censors gave their verdict b.c. 2ii that in conversation and formal speeches they had attacked the state, in order to form a conspiracy to desert Italy. Next after them were summoned the those -who had been too— crafty in interpreting discharge of an oath, those of the captives who, to after setting out and then returning secretly Hannibal's camp, thought the oath they had sworn, that they would return, had been discharged.^ From these men and those mentioned above their horses, if they had such from the state, were taken and away, and all were ejected from their tribes made aerarii? And the diligence of the censors did not confine itself to regulating the senate and the order of the knights. Fi-om the lists of the younger men they culled the names of all who during had a four years had not served, without having or ill health as legitimate exemption from the service an excuse. And of these above two thousand names and all were placed on the list of the aerarii, they were ejected from their tribes. And to this relentless decree of stigma of the censors was added a severe the senate that all of those whom the censors had and be sent to stigmatised should serve on foot of the of Cannae. For Sicily, to the remnant army this class of soldiers the term of service was not at an end until the enemy should be driven out of Italy. Since the censors on account of the emptiness of contracts the treasury now refrained from letting for the maintenance of temples and the furnishing ^ for similar of horses used in religious processions and

3 The two-wheeled vehicles (iensae) which carried attributes were of the Capitoline deities in procession to the Circus usually dra^vn by four horses. 231 LIVY

^ A.u.c. 11 rcriim, convenire ad eos frequentes qui hastae 540 . . . 1 . ^„ niiius generis adsueverant, hortanque censores ut omnia perinde agerent locarent ac si pecunia in aerario esset : neminem nisi bello confecto pecuniam 12 ab aerario petiturum esse. Convenere deinde domini eorum quos Ti. Sempronius ad Beneventuna manu emiserat arcessitosque se ab triumviris mensariis esse dixerunt ut pi'etia servorum acciperent ; ceterum non ante quam bello confecto accepturos esse. 13 Cum haec inclinatio animorum plebis ad sustinendam inopiam aerarii fieret, pecuniae quoque pupillares 14 primo, deinde viduarum coeptae conferri, nusquam eas tutius sanctiusque deponere credentibus qui deferebant in fide inde si quam publica ; quid emptum paratumque pupillis ac viduis foret, a quaestore 15 perscribebatur. Manavit ea privatorum benignitas ex urbe etiam in castra, ut non eques, non centurio stipendium acciperet, mercennariumque increpantes vocarent qui accepisset. XIX. Q. Fabius consul ad Casilinum castra habebat, quod duum milium Campanorum et septingentorum militum Hannibalis tenebatur praesidio. 2 Praeerat Statins Metius, missus ab Cn. Magio Atellano, qui eo anno medix tuticus erat, servitiaque

^ convenire H. J. Midler : convenere P(l). 2 hortarique P(l) : hortatique z Madvig, adding sunt after censores.

^ At sales and the letting of contracts a spear (hasta) symbol- ised the authority of the state, and gave its name to the pro- ceedings. 232 BOOK XXIV. xviir. n-xix. 2

matters, those who had been in the habit of such b.c. 2U ^ bidding came in large numbers to the censors, and urged them to take action and let contracts at once for everything, just as if there were money in the treasury ; that no one would claim his money from the treasury until the war was over. Then came the owners of the slaves Tiberius Sem- pronius had manumitted at Beneventum, and said they had been summoned by the bank commissioners ^ to receive the of their slaves but that price ; they would not receive it until the war was over. Such being now the tendency of the people to relieve the poverty of the treasury, funds, first of wards, and then of widows and single women, began also to be turned in for those in ; who brought the sums believed that nowhere could they deposit them with a sense of greater safety and honesty than under the guarantee of the state. Thereafter when anything was purchased or provided for wards and widows and single women, it was paid for by an order of a quaestor. This generosity of private citizens spread from the city also even to the camps, so that no knight, no centurion accepted pay, and the man who did accept was reproachfully called a hireling. XIX. Quintus Fabius, the consul, had his camp near Casilinum, which was held by a garrison of two thousand Campanians and seven hundred of Hanni- bal's soldiers. In command was Statins Metius, who had been sent by Gnaeus Magius, of Atella (who was ^ the medix tuticus that year), and Metius had armed slaves and plebeians without distinction, in order to

^ Cf. XXIII. xxi. 6. These emergency officials (triumviri served for cf. xxxvi. 8. mensarii) evidently some years ; XXVI. 3 Cf. XXIII. X.XXV. 13 ; XXVI. vi. 13. 233 LR'Y

A.u.c. et plebeiu promiscue armarat, ut castra Romana ^*''' invaderet intento consule ad Casilinum oppugnan- 3 duin. Nihil eorum Fabium fefellit. Itaque Nolam ad collcgam mittit : altero exercitu, dum Casilinum esse oppugnatur, opus qui Campanis opponatur ; 4 vel ipse relicto Nolae praesidio modico veniret, vel, si eum Nola teneret necdum securae res ab Hanni- bale essent, se Ti. Gracchum proconsulem a Bene- 5 vento acciturum. Hoc nuntio Marcellus duobus railitum milibus Xolae in praesidio relictis cum cetero exercitu Casilinum venit, adventuque eius Campani 6 iam moventes sese quieverunt. Ita ab duobus consulibus Casilinum oppugnari coepit. Ubi cum multa succedentes temere moenibus Romani milites acci- ^ perent vulnera neque satis inceptu succederet, Fabius omittendam rem parvam ac iuxta magnis difficilcm abscedendumque inde censebat, cum res 7 instarent Marcellus multa ducibus maiores ; magnis sicut non adgredienda, ita semel adgressis non dimittenda esse dicendo, quia magna famae momenta in utramque partem fierent, tenuit ne inrito incepto 8 abiretur. \ ineae inde omniaque alia operum ma- chinationumque genera cum admoverentur, Campani- que Fabium orarent ut abire Capuam tuto liceret, 9 paucis egressis Marcellus portam qua egredieban- tur occupavit, caedesque promiscue omnium circa portam primo, deinde inruptione facta etiam in urbe

1 inceptu {dative) P(6) : -tus M : -tis A : -turn x Gronovius : -to Luchs.

^ Catapults, towers, rams, etc. Movable sheds protected the besiegers. * Livy touches lightly upon Marcellus' apparent ruthless- ness; cf. xxxix. 7. 234 BOOK XXIV. XIX. 2-9 make an attack upon the Roman camp wliile the n.c m consul was occupied with the siege of Casihnum. Of all this nothing escaped Fabius. So he sends word to his colleague at Nola that he needs the other army, to face the Campanians while Casilinum Mas beins" bcsicffed: either Mai'cellus should leave a suitable garrison at Nola and come in person, or if Xola held him back and there was still danger from Hannibal, he would himself summon Tiberius Gracchus, the proconsul, from Beneventum. On receiving this message Marcellus left two thousand soldiers as a garrison at Nola, and with the rest of his to Casilinum and his arrival the army came ; upon Campanians, who were already bestin-ing themselves, became inactive. So began the siege of Casilinum by the two consuls. Since in this operation the Roman soldiers rashly approaching the walls were was not receiving many wounds and the undertaking successful, Fabius thought that they should give up a small affair which was as difficult as great ventures, and that they must leave the place, since greater matters were impending. Marcellus, saying that, while there were many places which great generals attack has ought not to attack, yet, once the begun, has they should not give them up, since reputation great influence in both directions, carried his point, not to depart while their attempt was unsuccessful. Then while sheds and all other kinds of siege-works ^ and the and apparatus were being brought up, Campanians were begging Fabius for permission to left the go to Capua in safety, after a few had city, \Iarcellus occupied the gate by which they were first leaving. And a general slaughter began,^ burst around the gate, and then, as the troops in, 235 LI\nf

A.u.c. 10 fieri coepta est. Quinquaginta fere primo egressi Campanorum, cum ad Fabium confugissent, praesidio eius Capuam pervenerunt. Casilinuni inter conlo(jiiia cunctationemque petentium fidem per 11 occasionem captum est, captivique Campanorum ^ quive Hannibalis militum erant Romam missi ibi in carcere inelusi sunt atque ; oppidanorum turba per finitinios populos in custodiam divisa. XX. Quibus diebus a Casilino re bene gesta re- cessum est, eis Gracchus in Lucanis aliquot cohort es in ea regione conscriptas cum praefecto socium in 2 agros hostium praedatum misit. Eos effuse palatos Hanno adortus haud multo minorem quam ad Bene- ventum acceperat reddidit hosti cladem atque in Bruttios raptim, ne Gracchus adsequeretur, concessit. 3 Consules Marcelhis retro unde venerat Nolam rediit, Fabius in Samnites ad populandos agros recipiendas- 4 que armis quae defecerant urbes processit. Caudi-

nus Samnis gravius devastatus : perusti late agri, 5 actae vi praedae pecudum hominumque ; oppida capta Conpulteria, Telesia, Compsa inde, Fugifulae et Orbitanium ex Lucanis, Blanda et Apulorum 6 Aecae oppugnatac. Milia hostium in his urbibus viginti quinque capta aut occisa, et recepti perfugae Romam misisset trecenti septuaginta ; quos cum saxo consul, virgis in comitio caesi omnes ac de

^ quive P(l) Conwarj : quique z.

236 BOOK XXIV. .XIX. lo .XX. 6 even inside the city. About fifty Campanians who b.c. 2r4 had left the city first sought refuge with Fabius and, escorted by his men, reached Capua. Casilinum was captured, as opportunity offered during the conversations and the delay due to those who be

• 237 LIVY

A.u.c. 7 cleiecti. Haec a Q. Fabio intra paucos dies gesta. ^'^ Marcellum ab gei'undis rebus valctudo adversa Nolae 8 tcnuit. Et a praetore Q. Fabio, cui circa Luceriam provincia erat, Acuca oppidum per eos dies vi captum stativaque ad Ardancas communita. ^ 9 Duni hacc in aliis locis ab Komanis gcruntur, iam Tarcntum pervenerat Hannibal cum maxima omni- 10 ierat clade in Tarentino um quacumque ; demum agro pacatum incedere agmen coepit. Nihil ibi violatum via excessuni est neque usquam ; apparebatque non id modestia militum sed ducis iussu - ad 11 conciliandos animos Tarentinorum fieri. Ceterum cum prope moenibus successisset,^ nullo ad conspectum primum agminis, ut rebatur, motu facto 12 castra ab urbe ferme passus mille locat. Tarenti triduo ante quam Hannibal ad moenia accederet a M. Valerio propraetore, qui classi ad Brundisium ^ 13 praeerat, missus M. Livius impigre conscripta iuventute dispositisque ad omnes portas circaque muros qua res postulabat stationibus die ac nocte iuxta intentus neque hostibus neque dubiis sociis loci 14 quicquam praebuit ad temptandum.'' Diebus aliquot frustra ibi absumptis Hannibal, cum eorum ^ nemo qui ad lacum Averni se adissent aut ipsi venirent aut nuntium litterasve mitterent, vana promissa se temere secutum cernens castra inde

1 in a.Yn>i Madvig, Emend.: maliis P : aliis P^l) Madvig*. ^ sed diifis iussu U'ti/////?! : aut ducis usi P(2) : aut ducis sed X Sigonius, Madiig : aut ducis nisi Ax Wallers: aut ducis iussu sed 3P?. ^ succcssissct Crro7io«7«s : acccssissetP(l). * imiVigre W eisse7ihorn : inpriore P(l). ^ mid : AP? tcmptandum, PM q. (-que CEBA ) cjuare Gron-ovius. * se Madvig : am. l'(l). 238 BOOK XXIV. .x.\. 7 14 the Rock.^ Such were the acts of Fabius within a b.c. 214 few days, while Marcelhis was kept out of employ- ment by illness at Nola. And the praetor Quintus Fabius, whose field of duty Mas around Luceria, stormed the toAvn of Acuca about that time and fortified a permanent camp at Ardaneae.^ While the Romans were thus employed elsewhere, Hannibal had now reached Tarentum, leaving the most complete devastation wherever he had passed. Not until it had entered the territory of Tarentum did his column begin to advance peaceably. There they did no damage, and noAvhcre did they leave the road. And it was plain that this was not due to the self- restraint of the soldiers, but to the commander's orders, for the purpose of winning over the Tarentines. But when he had come quite close to the walls, and there was no movement at the first sight of his column, as he supposed there would be, he pitched camp about a mile from the city. In Tarentum three days before Hannibal approached the walls, Marcus Livius, who had been sent by Marcus Valerius, the propraetor in command of the fleet at Brundisium, actively enlisted young men, posted guards at all the gates and along the walls, Avherever required, and alert by night as well as by day, he left neither the enemy nor wavering allies any opening for an attack. After spending some days there to no purpose, Hannibal, since none of the men who had come before him at the Lake of Avernus either came in person or sent a messenger or letter, saw that he had rashly followed empty promises and moved his camp away. Even then he left the

1 The Tarpcian Rock of the Capitol (site still disputed). 2 same as i. The Herdonea, XXV. xxi. 1 ; XXVII. 3.

239 LIVY

A..V.O. 15 movit, turn quoque intacto agro Tarentino, quamquam simulata lenitas nihildum profuerat, tamen spe labefactandae fidei baud absistens. Salapiam ut venit, frumcntum ex agris Metapontino atque He- racleensi —iam enim aestas exacta crat et bibernis IG placebat locus —conportat. Praedatum inde Numi- dae Maurique per Sallentinum agrum proximosque saltus dimissi Apuliae ; unde ceterae praedae baud multum, equorum greges maxime abacti, e quibus ad quattuor milia domanda equitibus divisa. XXI. Iloniani, cum belluni nequaquam contemnendum in Sicilia oreretur morsque tyranni duces magis inpigros dedisset Syracusanis quam causam aut animos mutasset, M. Marcello alteri consulum 2 earn provihciam decernunt. Secundum Hieronymi caedem primo tumultuatum in Leontinis apud milites fuerat vociferatumque ferociter parentandum 3 regi sanguine coniuratorum esse. Deinde libertatis restitutae dulce auditu nomen crebro usurpatum et ^ spes facta ex pecunia regia largitionis militiaeque fungendae potioribus ducibus et relata tyranni foeda scelera foedioresque libidines adeo mutavere animos ut insepultum iacere corpus paulo ante 4 desiderati regis paterentur. Cum ceteri ex coniuratis ad exercitum obtinendum i-emansissent,

Theodotus et Sosis regiis equis quanto maximo

^ et spes (or spesque) il/cK^ngr : spesP(l): spe Conway:

1 Cf. XXITI. xlviii. 3.

240 BOOK XXIV. XX. 15-XX1. 4 territory of Tarentum unharmed, as he did not give b.c. 214 up his hope of weakening their loyalty, although his pretended clemency had had no effect as yet. Ar- rived at Salapia, he brought in grain from the districts of and Heraclea for the summer was Metapontum ; now over, and he thought well of the place for ^\inter quarters. From it Numidians and Mauri were sent ^ out to plunder in the Sallentine territoiy and the nearest forests of Apulia. From these places not many other cattle were driven off as booty, but chiefly herds of horses, about four thousand of which were distributed among the cavalry to be broken. XXI. The Romans, inasmuch as a war that was by no means to be despised was breaking out in Sicily, and the death of the tyrant had given energetic commanders to the Syracusans, and had not changed the situation or their feelings, assigned that country to Marcus Marcellus, one of the consuls, as his province. Directly after the assassination of Hieronymus there was at first an uproar among the soldiers at Leontini, and a fierce outcry that they must offer sacrificial vengeance to the dead king in the blood of the conspirators. Later the frequent mention of restored freedom—a word sweet to the ears—and the of serv- hope of a largess out of the king's money, and of ing under better generals, also the enumeration the shameful crimes and still more shameful lusts of allowed the tyrant, so changed their feelings that they the body of the king, Avhose loss they had just been rest of the regretting, to lie unburied. Although the conspirators had remained, in order to keep their hold on the army, Theodotus "^ and Sosis hastened to 2 Cf. V. 10 £F. 241 VOL. VI. R LIVY

A.u.c cursu poterant, ut ignaros omnium regies opprime- 5 rent, Syracusas contenduiit. Ceterum praevenerat non fama solum, qua nihil intalibus rebus est celerius, 6 sed nuntius etiam ex regiis servis. Itaque Adrano- dorus et Insulam et arcem et alia quae poterat 7 quaeque opportuna erant praesidiis firmarat. Hexa- pylo Theodotus ac Sosis post solis occasum iam obscura luce invecti, cum cruentam regiam vestem atque insigne capitis ostentarent, travecti per Tycham simul ad libertatem simul ad arma vocantes, 8 in Achradinam convenire iubent. Multitiido pars procurrit in vias, pars in vestibulis stat, pars ex tectis fenestrisque prospectant et quid rei sit rogi- 9 tant. Omnia luminibus conlucent strepituque vario Armati locis conplentur. patentibus congregantur ; inermes ex Olympii lovis templo spolia Gallorum Illyriorumque, dono data Hieroni a populo Romano 10 fixaque ab eo, detrahunt, precantes lovem ut volens propitius praebeat sacra arma pro patria, pro deum 11 delubris, pi*o libertate sese armantibus. Haec quoque multitude stationibus per principes regionum urbis dispositis adiungitur. In Insula inter cetera Adi-anodorus praesidiis firmarat horrea publica. 12 Locus saxo quadrato saeptus atque arcis in modum emunitus capitur ab iuventute quae praesidio eius ^ The oldest quarter of Syracuse, Ortygia. Cf. Cicero's description of the city, Verr. IV. 117 if. 2 The great northern gate of the Wall of Dionysius; xxxii. 4 ff. xxiv. 2f.. etc. v. ; XXV. ; Appendix. ^ A C[uarter that included a level tract, in which lay the market-place (xxii. 12), but not the rocky heiglits to the northward facing the sea; frequently mentioned below; v. Appendix. 242 BOOK XXIV. XXI. 4-12

Syracuse on the king's horses at the greatest possible n.c. 214 to speed, sui-prise his supporters while they were in complete ignorance. However, not only rumour, than which nothing is swifter in such cases, but also a messenger, one of the royal slaves, had anticipated them. And so Adranodorus had garrisoned the ^ Island and the citadel and such other places as were 2 possible and of advantage. By the Hexapylon after sunset Theodotus and Sosis rode into the city in the twilight, showing the bloody garment of the king and his diadem. Then riding across the quarter of Tycha, and calling people to freedom and at the same time to arms, they bid them assemble in Achradina.3 Of the populace some dash into the streets, some stand before the entrance to their houses, some look out from roofs and windows and keep asking what it means. Everywhere there are bright lights, every place filled Avith mingled noises. The armed in those without arms gather open spaces ; take ^ dowTi from the Temple of Olympian Jupiter the spoils of Gauls and Illyrians, presented by the Roman people to Hiero and hung up there by him. And this they did with a prayer to Jupiter that he graciously consent to furnish consecrated arms to men arming themselves for their native city, for the temples of the gods, for liberty. This crowd also was added to the guard stationed by the leading citizens of the quarters. On the Island Adranodorus had garrisoned, among other positions, the public granaries. This place, Avhich Avas walled about with squared stone and made strong like a citadel, was captured by the young

* On the market-olace built Hiero not to be confused ; by ; with the much older and larger temjjle west of the Great Harbour; xxxiii. 3; cf. Cicero op. cit. 119. 243 n2 LIVY

A.u.o. loci adtributa erat, niittuntque nuntios in Achra- dinam horrea frumentumque in senatus potestate esse.

XXII. Luce prima populus omnis, armatus inermis- que, in Achradinam ad curiam convenit. Ibi pro Concordiae ara, quae in eo sita loco erat, ex principibus unus nomine Polyaenus contioneni et liberam et ^ 2 moderatam habuit. Servitutis formidines indigni- tatesque homines expertos adversus notum malum

inritatos esse : discordia civilis quas inportet clades, audisse magis a patribus Syracusanos quam ipsos 3 vidisse. Arma laudare quod inpigre ceperint, ; magis laudaturum, si non utantur nisi ultima necessitate 4 coacti. In praesentia legatos ad Adranodorum mitti placere qui denuntient ut in potestate senatus ac populi sit, portas Insulae aperiat, reddat praesi- 5 dium. Si tutelam alieni regni suum regnum velit facere, eundem se censere multo acrius ab Adrano- 6 doro quam ab Hieronymo repeti libertatem. Ab hac contione legati missi sunt. Senatus inde haberi coeptus est, quod sicut regnante Hierone manserat publicum consilium, ita post mortem eius ante eam diem nulla de re neque convocati neque consulti 7 fuerant. Ut ventum ad Adranodorum est, ipsum

^ servitutis formidines Weissenborn : servitudinis P{4) :

servitutis M^DA^ : servitu onus A : servitii onus Walters.

' A council, rather than a senate in the Roman sense. 244 BOOK XXIV. x\i. i2-x.\ii. 7

to its defence and b.c. 214 men who had been assigned ; they sent messengers into Achradina to say that the of granaries and the grain were under the authority the senate.^ XXII. At daybreak all the people, armed and unarmed, gathered at the Senate House in Achradina. There, standing on the altar of Concord,^ which had been erected on that spot, one of the leading men, Polyaenus by name, delivered a speech at once outspoken and restrained. He said that men who had experienced the terrors of slavery and its humiliations had been inflamed against an evil which they knew. As for civil strife, the Syracusans had heard from their fathers, rather than seen for themselves, what disasters it brings. He praised them for having taken up arms readily, and would if did not use praise them the more willingly they them except when compelled by absolute necessity. For the present he approved of sending representatives to Adranodorus, to instruct him to put himself under the authority of the senate and people, open the gates of the Island and surrender the citadel. At the same time, if Adranodorus should try to turn a regency into a kingship of his own, he favoured reclaiming their freedom from Adranodorus much Alter this more fiercely than from Hieronymus. Then speech representatives were sent directly. began a session of the senate, which in the reign of Hiero had indeed continued to be the council of state, yet since his death had not been called together nor consulted about anything until that day. When was the legates reached Adranodorus. he for his part

2 This altar and the Senate House were in the market-place ; 12 f. 245 LIVY

•*-uc. movebat et civium consensus et cum aliae 640 quidem occupatae urbis partes, turn pars Insulae vel muni- 8 tissima prodita atque alienata. Sed evocatum eum ab Icgatis Damarata uxor, filia Hieronis, inflata adhuc regiis animis ac niulicbri spiritu, adnionet 9 saepe usurpatae Dionysi tyranni vocis, qua pedibus tractum, non insidentem equo relinquere tyrannidem dixerit debere. Facile esse momento quo quis velit cedere fortunae facere possessione magnae ; 10 et parare earn difficile atque arduum esse. Spatium sumeret ad consultandum ab eo uteretur ad legatis ; arcessendos ex Leontinis milites, quibus si pecuniam regiam pollicitus esset, omnia in potestate eius 11 futura. Haec muliebria consilia Adranodorus neque tota aspernatus est neque extemplo accepit, tuti- orem ad opes adfectandas ratus esse viam, si in 12 praesentia tempori cessisset. Itaque legatos renuntiare iussit futurum se in senatus ac populi potestate. Postero die luce prima patefactis Insulae portis in 13 forum Achradinae venit. Ibi in aram Concordiae, ex qua pridie Polyaenus contionatus erat, escendit orationemque eam orsus est qua primum cuncta-

14 tionis suae veniam petivit : se enim clausas habuisse portas, non separantem suas res a publicis, sed strictis semel gladiis timentem qui finis caedibus esset futurus, utrum, quod satis libertati foret, contenti nece tyranni essent, an qiiicumque aut

246 BOOK XXIV. XXII. 7-14 moved by the agreement of the citizens, also by the b.c. 214 occupation of other quarters of the city, and especially by the betrayal and loss of the most strongly fortified part of the Island. But his wife Damarata, daughter of Hiero and still puffed up Math princely pride and a woman's boldness, called him aside from the legates and reminded him of the oft-repeated utterance of Dionysius the tyrant, that one should leave a tyranny, not on horseback, but dragged by the feet. It was easy, she said, to give up the posses- at one wished sion of an exalted station any moment ; to create and achieve it was difficult and all but impossible. He should gain time for deliberation from the legates. He should use it to summon the soldiers from Leontini^and if he should promise them money from the royal treasury everything would be in his power. These feminine counsels Adranodorus neither wholly rejected nor at once adopted, thinking it a safer way to gain power if for the moment he the should yield to the crisis. And so he bade legates report that he would be under the authority of the senate and people. On the following day at dawn he opened the gates of the Island and came to the market-place of Achradina. There he mounted the altar of Concord, from which Polyaeims had addressed the a in people the day before, and began speech M-hich he first begged pardon for his hesitation. For he had kept the gates closed, he said, not that he wished to separate his cause from that of the people, but because he feared what limit there would be to once be slaughter, Avhen swords should drawn; whether they would be content with the death of the to secure tyrant, which would be sufficient freedom, 247 LIVY

A.u.o. propinquitate aut adfinitate aut aliquis ministeriis regiam coiitigissent alienae culpae rei trucidarentur. 15 Postquam animadvertei-it eos qui liberassent patriam scrvare etiani liberatam velle atque undique consxili in medium, non dubitasse quin et corpus suum et cetera omnia quae suae fidei tutelaeque essent, quoniam eum qui mandasset suus furor absumpsisset, 16 patriae restituei-et. Conversus deinde ad interfectores tyranni ac nomine appellans Theodotum ac " " " 17 Facinus fecistis sed Sosin, inquit memorabile ; mihi credite, incohata vestra gloria, nondum perfecta est periculumque ingens manet, nisi paci et concordiae consulitis, ne libera efFeratur res publica." XXIII. Post banc orationem claves portarum pecu- niaeque regiae ante pedes eorum posuit. Atque illo quidem die dimissi ex contione laeti circa fana omnia ac liberis deum supplicaverunt cum coniugibus ; postero die comitia praetoribus creandis habita. 2 Creatus in primis Adranodorus, ceteri magna ex interfectores duos parte tyranni ; etiam absentes, 3 Sopatrum ac Dinomenen, fecerunt. Qui auditis ^ quae Syracusis acta erant pecuniam regiam quae in Leontinis erat Syracusas devectam quaestoribus ad 4 id ipsum creatis tradiderunt. Et ea quae in Insula est ea erat Achradinam tralata ; murique pars quae ab cetera urbe nimis firmo munimento intersaepiebat Insulam consensu omnium deiecta est. Secutae

^ auditis Gronovius : -tiis P : -tis lis P^i'(3) Madvig : -tis his D.

248 BOOK XXIV. xxii. i4-x.\iii. 4 or on the other hand every one who either by blood b.c. 214 or marriage or certain duties was connected with the palace would be slain, as being chargeable with anotlier's guilt. After he observed that those who had freed their native city wished also to keep her free, and that the common-geod Mas the aim of all, he had not hesitated to surrender to the city his oMTi person and in addition all that had been confided to his honour and protection, since the man who had given that charge had been destroyed by his omti madness. Turning then to the assassins of the tyrant and Theodotus and Sosis he said : " addressing by name, It is a memorable deed that you have done. But believe me, your glory is but begun, not yet finished, and unless you provide for peace and harmony there remains a very great danger that this may be the funeral of the liberated state." XXIII. After this speech he laid the keys of the gates and those of the royal treasure at their feet. And they, dismissed from the assembly and happy that day at least, with their wives and children ffave thanks at all the temples of the gods. On the next day elections for the naming of magistrates were held. Among the first so named was Adranodorus, the rest largely assassins of the t}Tant. Two who were not even present, Sopater and Dinomenes, were elected. These, hearing what had been done at Syracuse, brought the royal treasure that was at Leontini to Syracuse and turned it over to treasurers elected for that very purpose. The money that was on the Island was also transferred to Achradina. And that part of the wall which shut off the Island from the of rest the city by a needlessly strong fortification was thrown do^vn by common consent. The other 249 lAVY

A.u.c. ct ceterae res banc iiiclinationem animorum ad 540 libertatem.^

5 Hippocrates atqiie P'picydes audita morte tyranni, quani Hippocrates ctiam nuntio interfecto celare voluerat, deserti a militibus, quia id tutissimum ex 6 praesentibus videbatur, Syracusas rediere. Ubi ne suspecti obversarentur tamquam novandi res aliquam occasionem quaerentes, praetores primum, 7 dein per eos senatum adeunt. Ab Hannibale se missos praedicant ad Hieronymum tamquam amicum ac socium paruisse imperio eius cuius imperator

8 suusvoluerit. \'elle ad Hannibalemredire ; ceterum, cum iter tutum non sit vagantibus passim per totam Sicilian! Romanis, petere ut praesidii dent aliquid Locros in Italiam quo perducantur ; gi-atiam magnam 9 eos parva opera apud Hannibalem inituros. Facile res abire duces impetrata ; enim regios cum peritos militiae, turn egentes eosdem atque audaces cupiebant sed volebant non maturate ; quod quam opuS 10 erat naviter expediebant. Interim iuvenes militares et adsueti militibus, nunc apud eos ipsos, nunc apud transfugas, quorum maxima pars ex navalibus sociis Romanorum erat, nunc etiam apud infimae plebis homines crimina serebant in senatum opti- ^ ll'Tnatesque : illud moliri clam eos atque struere ut Syracusae per speciem reconciliatae societatis in

^ libertatem, FORM add -que. 2 : 1 : et x : id Gronovius. illud Lxichs ut P( ) n ' " 1 For their service under Hieronymus, cf. vii. 1. 250 BOOK XXIV. XXIII. 4-1 1

measures also were in keeping with this trend toward b.c. 214 freedom. Hippocrates and Epicydes, on hearing of the tyrant's death, which Hippocrates had wished to keep secret even by slaying the messenger, were deserted by the soldiers and returned to Syracuse,^ since that course seemed safest in the circumstances. There, to avoid going about under suspicion as seeking some opportunity for a revolution, they first came before the magistrates, and then through them before the senate. They stated that, having been sent by Hannibal to Hieronymus as his friend and ally, they had obeyed the orders of the man to whom their own commander wished them to be obedient. They but since the was wished to return to Hannibal ; way unsafe while the Romans were at large everywhere in Sicily, they asked the senators to give them some - escort to conduct them to Locri in Italy. The senate, they said, would gain great favour with Hannibal service. was by a small This request readily granted ; for the senate greatly desired the departure of the king's generals, as men skilled in military art, and, what was more, needy also and daring. But they took no active steps to carry out their wish with the required promptness. Meanwhile the generals, as young men at of military training and familiar with soldiers, one time in the presence of these, at another among the deserters, the majority of whom were from the crews of the Romans, at another even among the lowest of thepeoplCi^made charges against the senate and theHaristocrats : that they were secretly Avorking and contriving that Syracuse under the guise of a reestablished alliance should be subject to the

2 Cf. i. 2 fif. 251 LIVY

A.u.c. dicione Romanorum sint, dein factio ac pauci auctores foederis rcnovati dominentur. XXn'. His audiendis credendisque opportuna multitudo maior in dies Syracusas confluebat, nee Epicydi solum spem novandariim rerum, sed Adrano- 2 doro etiam praebebat. Qui fessus tandem uxoris vocibus monentis nunc illud esse tempus occupandi res, dum lurbata omnia nova atque incondita libertate essent, dum regiis stipendiis pastus obversaretur miles, dum ab Hannibale missi duces adsueti militibus iuvare possent incepta, cum Themisto, cui Gelonis filia nupta erat, rem consociatam paucos post dies Aristoni cuidam tragico actori, cui et alia arcana com- 3 mittere adsuerat, incaute aperit. Huic et genus et fortuna honesta erant, nee ars, quia nihil tale apud Graecos pudori est, ea deformabat. Itaque fidem ^ potiorem ratus quam patriae debebat, indicium ad 4 praetores defert. Qui ubi rem baud vanam esse ^ certis indiciis conpererunt, consultis senioribus et auctoritate eorum praesidio ad fores posito ingressos curiam Themistum atque Adranodorum interfece- 6 runt. Et cum tumultus ab re in speciem atrociore causam aliis ignorantibus ortus esset, silentio tandem 6 facto indicem in curiam introduxerunt. Qui cum

ordine omnia edocuisset ; principium coniurationis factum ab Harmoniae Gelonis filiae nuptiis, quibus 7 esset Afrorum Themisto iuncta ; Hispanorumque auxiliares instructos ad caedem praetorum princi-

1 potiorem, PGRM add -que : priorem potioremque Alschefski. * et P(l) : ex Lucks : et ex Wallers. 252 BOOK XXIV. X.XIII. ii-xxiv. 7

Romans, and that then a faction, that is, a few who b.c. 214 supported the renewal of the treaty, should rule, XXI\\ Ready to hear and believe these charges, a daily larger multitude was flocking to Syracuse and giving not Epicydes only, but also Adranodorus, the hope of a revolution. The latter was at length wearied by admonitions of his wife : that it was now the time to seize the power, while everything was confused the freedom not by new yet organized ; while the soldiers one met were fattened on the king's while sent Hannibal and familiar pay ; generals by with the soldiers could aid the undertaking. Ac- cordingly he formed a plot with Themistus, whose wife was Gelo's daughter, and after a few days rashly revealed it to one Aristo, a tragic actor, to whom he had been in the habit of confiding other secrets. This man's family and station were respectable and not tarnished by his artistic profession, since among the Greeks nothing of the sort brings discredit. And so thinking that the loyalty he owed to his native city took precedence, he reports the matter to the magistrates. They, finding from trustworthy information that this was not unfounded, conferred w'ith the older men, placed a guard at the doors on their advice, and when Themistus and Adranodorus had entered the senate, slew them. And after the confusion resulting from an act even more terrible in appearance than in reality, since others were unaware of the reason, they at length secured silence and brought the informer into the Senate House. He first told everything in order : that the conspiracy had taken its start from the marriage of Gelo's daughter her with Themistus that African Harmonia, uniting ; and Spanish auxiliaries had been made ready for the 253 LIVY

A.u.c. pumque aliorum, bonaque eorum praedae futura 8 interfectoribus iam pronuntiatum ; mercennariorum manum, adsuetam imperiis Adranodori, paratam fuisse ad Insulam rursus occupandam ; singula delude quae per quosque agerentur, totamque viris armisque instructam coniurationem ante oculos posuit. Et senatui quidem tam iure caesi quam

9 Hieronymus videbantur : ante curiam variae atque incertae rerum multitudinis clamor erat. Quam ferociter minitantem in vestibule curiae corpora coniuratorum eo metu compresserunt ut silentes inte- 10 gram plebem in contionem sequerentur. Sopatro mandatum ab senatu et a coUegis ut verba faceret. ^ XX^^ Is, tamquam reos ageret, ab ante acta \-ita orsus, quaecumque post Hieronis mortem sceleste atque impie facta essent, Adranodorum ac Themi- - 2 stum arguit fecisse : quid enim sua sponte Hiero- nymum, puerum ac vixdum pubescentem facere potuisse ? Tutores ac magistros eius sub aliena invidia aut ante aut regnasse ; itaque Hieronymum 3 certe cum Hieronymo perire eos debuisse. At illos debitos iam morti dcstinatosque, alia nova scelera post mortem tyranui molitos, palam primo, cum clausis Adranodorus Insiilae portis hereditatem regni creverit et quae procurator tenuerat pro domino 4 deinde ab eis in Insula possederit ; proditus qui

1 ab xz: om. P(\). * sponte, P(l) add fecisse. 254 BOOK XXIV. XXIV. 7-xxv. 4

slaugliter of the magistrates and other leading b.c. 214 citizens, and the announcement made that their would be for the assassins property spoil ; moreover that a force of mercenaries accustomed to the orders of Adranodorus had been provided, to occupy the Island again. He then set forth in detail what was to be done, and by whom, and pictured the whole conspiracy manned and armed. And to the senators indeed they appeared to have been slain with as much justice as Hieronymus. But in front of the Senate House there was shouting by the mixed crowd unacquainted with the situation. Uttering wild threats, they were checked by the corpses of the conspirators before the entrance to the Senate House, in such fear that they silently followed the orderly populace to the assembly. Sopater was instructed by the senate and his colleagues to speak. XX\'. Beginning with their previous life, just as if he were prosecuting them, he charged that every act of violence or impiety committed since the death of Hiero had been done by Adranodorus and Themistus. For what could Hieronymus, a boy who had hardly reached puberty, have done of his own motion? His guardians and teachers, shielded by the embitter- ment directed against another, had been the real kings. Accoi'dingly they ought to have perished either before Hieronymus or at least with Hieronymus. But though doomed already and marked for death, they had contrived fresh crimes since the death of the tyrant, at first openly, when Adranodorus, closing the gates of the Island, took over the kingdom as his own inheritance and as owner entered into possession of what he had held as agent : again when, betrayed by those who were on the Island, beset by the whole 255 LIVY

A.u.c. erant, circumsessus ab universa civitate quae Achra- dinani tenuerit, neiiuiquam palam atque aperte petitum rcgnum clam et dolo adfectare conatus sit, 5 et ne beneficio quidem atque honore potuerit vinci, cum inter liberatores patriae insidiator ipse libertatis 6 creatus esset praetor. Scd animos eis renins reg-ias coniuges fecisse, alteri Hieronis, alteri Gelonis filias 7 nuptas. Sub banc vocem ex omnibus partibus contionis clamor oritur nullam earum vivere debere 8 nee quemquam superesse tyrannorum stirpis. Ka

natura multitudinis est : aut sei'vit humiliter aut dominatur media superbe ; libertatem, quae est^jiec 9 ^ nee sciunt et non ferme suscipere modice habere ; desunt irarum indulgentes ministri, qui avidos atque intemperantes suppliciorum animos ad sanguinem 10 et caedes inritent sicut ; tum extemplo praetores rogationem promulgarunt, acceptaque paene prius quam promulgata est, ut omnes regiae stirpis interficerentur a ; missique praetoribus Damaratam Hieronis et Harmoniam Gelonis filiam, coniuges Adranodori et Themisti, interfecerunt. XXVI. Heraclia erat filia Hieronis, uxor Zoippi, qui legatus ab Hieronymo ad regem Ptolomaeum 2 missus voluntarium consciverat exilium. Ea cum ^ ad se quoque veniri praescisset, in sacrarium ad ^ penates confugit cum duabus filiis virginibus, 3 resolutis crinibus miserabilique alio habitu, et ad ea

^ suscipere x : cupere x : stupere P(2) : struere Conway : sibi parare 31. Midler. 2 veniri x Gronovius : venire P(l). 3 Ivii. : filiabus 1 filiis Weissenborn conj. {cf. XXXVIII. 2) P( ).

1 Cf. V. 7. 2 Ptolemy IV Philopator, XXIII. x. 11. 256 BOOK XXIV. xx^'. 4-xxvi. 3 body of citizens holding Achradina, he attempted b.c. ai4 secretly and craftily to win the kingdom which he had sought in vain openly and above board, and could not be won over even by the bestowal of public office. For among those who gained liberty for the state, he, a plotter against liberty himself, had been elected a magistrate. But their autocratic temper was due to their royal consorts, Hiero's daughter married to the one, Gelo's daughter to the other. Folio-wing this statement there arose in all parts of the assembly a shout that none of those women ought to live, nor any one of the family of the tyrants to survive. This is the nature of the mass : either it is a humble slave or a haughty master. As for freedom, M"hich is. the mean, they know no moderation either in assuming or in keeping it. And angry passions usuallj^ do not lack complaisant helpers, to provoke to bloodshed those are for who immoderately eager punishment ; as in this case the magistrates forthwith proposed a bill—and it was adopted almost before it was proposed—that all members of the royal family should be put to death. And by order of the magisti'ates men were sent who put to death Damarata the daughter of Hiero and Harmonia the daughter of Gelo, being the wives of Adranodorus and Themistus. XXVI. Heraclia was the daughter of Hiero and snfe of Zoippus.i who was sent as ambassador to King Ptolemy - by Hieronymus and had accepted voluntar}^ exile. She, having learned in advance that they were coming to her house also, fled into the chapel of the household gods with her two maiden daughters, her hair dishevelled and her general appearance moving to pity. And in addition were 257 VOL. VI. S LIVY

addidit nunc nunc ^ memoriam "^640*^ preces, per deos, per Hieronis patris Gelonisque fratris, ne se innoxiam 4 invidia Hieronymi conflagrare sinerent : nihil se ex illius exilium viri regno praeter habere ; neque fortunam suam eandem vivo Hieronymo fuisse quam sororis, neque interfecto eo causam eandem esse. 6 Quid quod si Adranodoro consiHa processissent, ilia cum viro fuerit regnatura, sibi cum ceteris servien- 6 dum ? Si quis Zoippo nuntiet interfectum Hierony- mum ac liberatas Syracusas, cui dubium esse quin extemplo conscensurus sit navem atque in patriam

7 rediturus ? Quantum spes hominum falli ! in liberata patria coniugem eius ac liberos de vita dimicare, 8 quid obstantes libertati aut legibus ? Quod ab se cuiquam periculum, a sola ac prope vidua et puellis in orbitate degentibus esse ? At enim periculi quidem nihil ab se timeri, invisam tamen stirpem regiam esse. 9 Ablegarent ergo procul ab Syracusis Siciliaque et asportari Alexandriam iuberent, ad virum uxorem, ad 10 patrem filias. Aversis auribus animisque cum conclamassent ^ ne tempus tereretur ^ ferrum quosdam 11 cernebat omissis se expedientes ; tum pro precibus, puellis ut saltern parcerent orare institit, a qua aetate hostes iratos abstinere ne ulciscendo etiam ; tyrannos 12 quae odissent scelera ipsi imitarentur. Inter haec a in abstractam penetralibus iugulant ; virgines

^ IH'T deos, nunc Ruperti : 07n. P{\). 2 {•iiin conclamassent Novak : cassae P : cassae or casse

(1): variously emended : adstare J/ac/c/^ : questa est /iCoc^. * tereretur .4": terrcrentur P(4) : tererentur A : tererent Madvig. 25^ BOOK XXIV. XXVI. 3-12

her prayers, now by the gods, now by the memory of b.c. 214 her father Hiero and her brother Gelo, that they should not allow her innocent self to perish by the fire of resentment against Hieronymus. Nothing had she gained by liis reign except the exile of her husband; and Avhile Hieronymus lived, her station had not been so high as her sister's, nor was their situation the same after his death. What of it that, if Adranodorus' plans had succeeded, the sister would have reigned with her husband, while she herself and all the rest must be slaves ? If someone should inform Zoippus that Hieronymus had been slain and Syracuse set free, who would have any doubt that he would forthwith board ship and return to his native ? city How the hopes of men were disappointed ! In his native city, now set free, his wife and children were fighting for their lives, offering what obstacle to freedom and laws ? What danger to anyone was there from herself, a lone woman, a virtually widow, and from maidens living as orphans ? But they might say that no danger was indeed feared from her, that nevertheless the royal family was hated. Therefore they should send them far from Syracuse and Sicily and bid them to be carried away to Alexandria, the wife to her husband, the daughters to their father. When they paid no attention whatever and shouted not to waste time, she could see some men drawing swords. Then ceasing entreaties for herself,— she urgently begged them at least to spare the girls an age on which even enraged enemies do not hands that in lay ; taking vengeance on the tyrants they should not themselves imitate the crimes which they hated. While still speaking, they dragged her away from the altar and cut her throat, 259 s2 LIVY

A.U.C. deinde respersas matris cruore impetum faciunt. Quae alienala mente simul luctu metuque velut captae furore eo cursu se ex sacrario proripuerunt ut, si effupiuin patuisset in publicum, impleturae urbera 13 tumultu fuerint. Turn quoque baud magno aedium spatio inter medios tot armatos aliquotiens integro corpore evaserunt tenentibusque, cum tot ac tam validae eluctandae nianus essent, sese eripuerunt. 14 Tandem vuhieribus confectae, cum omnia replessent sanguine, exanimes corruerunt. Caedemque per se miserabilem miserabiliorem casus fecit, quod paulo post nuntius venit, mutatis repente ad misericordiam 15 animis, ne interficerentur. Ira deinde ex miseri- ^ cordia orta, quod adeo festinatum ad supplicium neque locus paenitendi aut regressus ab ira relictus 16 esset, Itaque fremere multitudo et in locum Adrano- dori ac Themisti—-nam ambo praetores fuerant— comitia poscere, quae nequaquam ex sententia praetorum futura essent. XXVII. Statutus est comitiis dies ; quo necopi- nantibus omnibus unus ex ultima turba Epicyden turn inde alius crebriores nominavit, Hippocratem ; deinde hae voces et cum haud dubio adsensu multi- 2 tudinis esse. Et erat confusa contio non populari modo sed militari quoque turba, magna ex parte etiam perfugis, qui omnia novare cupiebant, per- 3 mixtis. Praetores dissimulare primo et trahenda ^ esse ^ et sedi- re morae ; postremo, victi consensu 1 ad P(l) : id Madvig, Ememl. - rxiora,e M . M idler : ow. P(l). ' esse, for et trahenda re esse (PBD : et -dam rem esse C^MBA) Madvig and Walters read extrahenda re; sed. 260 BOOK XXIV. XXVI. 12-xx'vii. 3 then turned their attack upon the girls spattered with b.c. 214 their mother's blood. Beside themselves for grief and fear, as though insane, they dashed out of the chapel with such speed that, if there had been any escape to the street, they would have caused a riot throughout the city. Even as it was, in the limited space of the house, amidst so many armed men, they several times escaped unharmed and tore themselves away from those who tried to hold them, although they had to fight off hands so many and so strong. At last exhausted by wounds, after staining everything Avith their blood, they fell lifeless. The slaughter, in itself pitiful, was made still more pitiful by the coincidence that shortly after came the word that they were not to be put to death, for animosity had suddenly changed to pity. From pity then came anger, that such haste to punish had been made, and no chance left for a change of mind or a cooling of anger. And so the multitude complained, and to replace Adranodorus and Themi- stus—for both had been magistrates—they clamoured for an election, which would not prove at all to the liking of the magistrates. XXVII. A day was set for the election, and on that day, to the surprise of everybody, one man on the outskirts of the crowd nominated Epicydes, then after him another named Hippocrates, whereupon these shouts were repeated and with evident approval of the multitude. And the assembly was disturbed by the crowd not only of citizens but also of soldiers, even deserters in large part mingling with them and eager for any change. The magistrates at first ignored them and by postponing delayed matters. Finally, compelled by the general 261 LIVY

A-u.c. 4 tionem metuentes, pronuntiant eos praetores. Nee illi primo statim creati nudare quid vellent, quamquam aegre ferebant et de indutiis dierum decern legates isse ad Appium Claudium et inpetratis eis alios qui de foedere antiquo rcnovando agerent 5 missos. Ad Murgantiam turn classem navium centum Romanus habebat, quonam evaderent motus ex caedibus tyrannorum orti Syracusis quove eos ageret nova atque insolita libertas opperiens. 6 Per eosdem dies cum ad Marcellum venientem in Sicilian! legati Syracusani missi ab Appio essent, auditis condicionibus pacis Marcellus, posse rem convenire ratus, et ipse legatos Syracusas qui coram cum praetoribus de renovando foedere agerent misit. 7 Et iam ibi nequaquam eadem quies ac tranquillitas erat. Postquam Punicam classem accessisse Pa- chynum adlatum est, dempto timore Hippocrates et Epicydes nunc apud mercennarios milites, nunc apud transfugas prodi Romano Syracusas criminabantur. ^ ^ 8 'Ut vero Appius naves ad ostium portus, quo aliae partis hominibus animus accederet, in statione habere coepit, ingens in speciem criminibus vanis 9 fides ac tumultuose decur- accesserat ; primo etiam rerat multitudo ad prohibendos, si in terram egre- derentur.

1 qno X GroTWvius : quid P(l). ^ aliae P(l)x Hertz: alius A^ : amicae Madvig : suae de II. 30 Bauer. For the old form aliae c/. Cicero DivincUione (twice).

^ Marcellus in the Now a legatus of ; praetor Sicily previous year; vi. 4; vii. 8. 262 BOOK XXIV. xxvii. 4-9 agreement and fearing an uprising, they declared b.o. 214 Epicydes and Hippocrates magistrates. And at first the newly elected did not reveal their intentions, although they were indignant that legates had gone ^ to Appius Claudius to sue for a ten days' truce, and that, this being secured, others had been sent to negotiate the renewal of the old treaty. At that time the Roman commander had a fleet of a hundred ships off Murgantia,2 waiting to see what would be the outcome of the disturbances at Syracuse due to the massacre of the tyi-ant's family, and to what the new and unwonted freedom would prompt them. About the same tin\e Marcellus was just arriving sent in Sicily, and the Syracusan ambassadors were to him by Appius. After hearing the peace terms, Marcellus thought agreement could be reached, and himself sent ambassadors to Syracuse to treat in person with the magistrates for a renewal of the treaty. And by this time the situation there was by no means so orderly and peaceful. When word was received that a Carthaginian fleet had reached the promontory of Pachynum,^ Hippocrates and Epicydes, relieved of their fear, kept making the charge, now before the mercenaries, now among the deserters, that Syracuse was being betrayed to the Roman. But from the time Appius began to keep ships at anchor at the harbour mouth in order to encourage the men of the other party, the false charges apparently had received strong confirmation. And at first the crowd had even rushed down in disorder to keep them off in case they should be landing.

^ A seaport of unknown situation. Another town of the same name was in the interior, to the east of Henna. ^ Little more than thirty miles south of Syracuse. 263 LIVY

A.u.o. XXV'III. In liac turbatione renim in contionem 540 vocari placuit. Ubi cum alii alio tenderent nee procul seditione res esset, Apollonides, principum

unus, orationem salutarem ut in tali tempore habuit : 2 nee spem salutis nee perniciem propiorem umquam 3 civitati ulli fuisse. Si enim imo animo omnes vel ad Romanos vel ad Carthaginienses inclinent, nullius 4 eivitatis statum fortunatiorem ac beatiorem fore ; si alii alio trahant res, non inter Poenos Romanosque bellum atrocius fore quam inter ipsos Syracusanos, cum intra eosdem muros pars utraque suos exercitus, 5 sua amia, suos habitura sit duces. Itaque ut idem omnes sentiant summa vi agendum esse. Utra societas sit utilior, earn longe minorem ac levioris

6 momenti consultationem esse ; sad tamen Hieronis potius quam Hieronymi auctoritatem sequendam in sociis legendis, vel quinquaginta annis feliciter expertam amicitiam nunc incognitae, quondam 7 infideli praeferendam. Esse etiam momenti aliquid ad consilium quod Carthaginiensibus ita pax negari possit, ut non utique in praesentia bellum cum eis

geratur : cum Romanis extemplo aut pacem aut 8 bellum habendum. Quo minus cupiditatis ac studii visa est oratio habere, eo plus auctoi'itatis habuit. Adiectum est praetoribus ac delectis senatorum

militare etiam consilium ; iussi et duces ordinum 9 praefectique aiixiliorum simul consulere. Cum saepe acta res esset magnis certaminibus, postremo, quia

264 BOOK XXIV. xxviii. 1-9

XXVIII. In this confused state of affairs it was b.o. 214 decided to summon the people to an assembly. There while some inclined in one direction, some in another, and an uprising was not far away, ApoUonide s, one of the leading citizens, made a speech which was well- advised, considering the crisis. He said that neither the prospect of safety nor that of destruciion had ever been nearer to any state. For if with one mind they should all incline, whether to the Romans or to the Carthaginians, no state would be in a more If higlily favoured and happier condition. they pulled in different directions, war between Carthagin- ians and Romans would not be more cruel than that among the Syracusans themselves, since within the same walls each side would have its own armies, its own Aveapons, its own generals. Accordingly they must make the greatest effort to reach agreement. Which alliance was the more advantageous was a question decidedly subordinate and of far less weight. Yet Hiero^s authority ought to be followed in choos- of in other ing allies rather than that Hieronymus ; for words, a friendship which had proved happy fifty years should be preferred to one unknown at present and formerly faithless. For their decision it was also of considerable importance that they could decline the Carthaginians' offer of peace without necessarily waging war with them at once. With the Romans they must straightway have either peace or war. ' The less of party passion the speech seemed to have, the greater was its influence. To the magistrates and picked senators they added a military council also. Commanders of units and prefects of auxiliaries as well were ordered to take part in the deliberations. with After the question had been repeatedly debated 265 LIVY

A.u.c. belli cum Romanis gerendi ratio nulla apparebat, pacem fieri placuit mittique legates ad rem cum eis ^ confirmandam. XXIX. Dies baud ita multi intercesserunt, cum

ex Leontinis legati praesidium finibus suis orantes venerunt visa ad multi- ; quae legatio peropportuna tudinem inconditam ac tumultuosam exonerandam 2 ducesque eius ablegandos. Hippocrates praetor eo iussus secuti multi ex mercen- ducere transfugas ; nariis auxiliis quattuor milia ai'matorum effecex'unt. laeta fuit 3 Et mittentibus et missis ea expeditio ; nam et illis, quod iam diu cupiebant, novandi res occasio data est, et hi sentinam quandam urbis rati exhaustam laetabantur. Ceterum levaverunt modo in praesentia velut corpus aegrum, quo mox in 4 graviorem morbum recideret. Hippocrates enim finitima provinciae Romanae primo furtivis excur- ad tuendos sionibus vastare coepit ; deinde, cum sociorum agros missum ab Appio praesidium esset, omnibus copiis impetum in oppositam stationem cum 5 caede multorimi fecit. Quae cum essent nuntiata Marcello, legates extemplo Syracusas misit qui pacis fidem ruptam esse dicerent nee belli defuturam umquam causam, nisi Hippocrates atque Epicydes non ab Syracusis modo, sed tota procul Sicilia ablegaren- 6 tur. Epicydes, ne aut reus criminis absentis fratris praesens esset, aut deesset pro parte sua concitando bello, profectus et ipse in Leontinos, quia satis eos

1 cum eis P(l), but after mittique : after rem Gronotnus. 266 BOOK XXIV. xxviii. 9-xxi.\. 6

had noB.o. i'i4 great contention, finally, as they evidently it was means of carrying on a war with the Romans, decided to make an alliance with them, and to send ambassadors for the ratification. XXIX. Not many days had elapsed, when ambassadors from Leontini arrived, pleading for a force to defend their territory. The request of this embassy seemed very timely for the purpose of relieving the turbulent multitude and of city of a disorderly and sending away its leaders. Hippocrates as magistrate was ordered to lead the deserters thither. Many of the mercenary auxiUaries followed, making four thousand armed men. That enterprise gave joy both to for the one were the senders and the sent ; party and given a long-desired opportunity for revolution, of the the other rejoiced also to think that the dregs off. But reUeved the city had been drained they diseased body, so to speak, merely for the moment, into a more serious only to have it relapse presently ailment. For Hippocrates began, at first with on the border of the stealthy raids, to ravage lands had sent Roman province. Later, when Appius he made an troops to protect the farms of the allies, attack with all his forces upon the unit on guard- duty facing him, and many were slain. Marcellus, being informed of this, at once sent legates to Syra- cuse, to say that the promised peace had been broken, and that a reason for war would never be wanting unless Hippocrates and Epicydes should be sent far away, not merely from Syracuse, but from all Sicily. an accusation Epicydes, to avoid being present under brought against his absent brother, or else failing Ukewise to to do his part in provoking war, went that its citizens were Leontini ; and seeing sufficiently 267 LIVY

A.u.c. adversus populum Romaniim concitatos cernebat, 7 avertere etiam ab Syracusanis coepit : nam ita eos pacem pepigisse cum Romanis ut quicumque populi ^ sub regibus fuissent suae dicionis essent, nee iam libertate contentos esse nisi etiam regnent ac domi- 8 nentur. Ilenuntiandum igitur eis esse Leontinos ^ quoque aequom censere liberos esse, vel quod in solo urbis suae tyrannus ceciderit, vel quod ibi primum conclamatum ad libertatem relictisque 9 regiis ducibus Syracusas concursum sit.^ Itaque aut eximendum id de foedere esse, aut legem eam 10 foederis non accipiendam. Facile multitudini peret de caede suasum ; legatisque Syracusanorum stationis Romanae querentibus et Hippocratem atque Epicydem abire seu Locros seu quo alio mallent, dummodo Sicilia cederent, iubentibus ferociter responsum est neque mandasse sese Syracu- 11 sanis ut pacem pro se cum Romanis facerent, neque 12 teneri alienis foederibus. Haec ad Romanos Syra- cusani detulerunt, abnuentes Leontinos in sua

potestate esse : itaque integro secum foedere bellum Romanos cum iis gesturos, neque sese defuturos ei bello, ita ut in potestatem redacti suae rursus dicionis essent, sicut pax convenisset. XXX. Marcellus cum omni exercitu profectus in

1 fuissent Madvig* : fuissent et P{1) Conway: fuissent ei Iiie77iann. 2 liberos P(l) Conway : liberos se Madvig. ^ sit Wdssenhorn [before concursum z) : om. P(l). 268 BOOK XXIV. XXIX. 6-xxx. i aroused against tlie Roman people, began also to b.c. 214 estrange them from the Syracusans. For, he explained, the Syracusans had made an alliance with the Romans with the provision that all the states which had been to the should be under their rule subject kings ; that now they were not satisfied with freedom, without also being lords and masters. They must therefore report to them that the Leontinians likewise thought it right that they should be free, either because it was on the soil of their city that the tyrant fell, or because there for the first time men shouted the summons to hberty, and deserting the king's generals flocked to Syracuse. Accordingly either that clause, he said, must be removed from the treaty, or else an alliance on such terms was not to be accepted. The multitude was easily persuaded, and when the legates of the Syracusans complained of the slaughter of the Roman guard-post and also bade Hippocrates and Epicydes go away to Locri or wherever they preferred, provided they withdrew from that Sicily, the people rephed with spirit they had not instructed the Syracusans to make a treaty for them with the Romans, and that they were not bound by treaties not of their own making. This was reported to the Romans by the Syracusans who stated that the men of Leontini were not subject and that the Romans to their authority ; consequently would make war upon them without violating the with also that would them- treaty made Syracuse ; they selves not refuse to give help in the war, on condition that, when reduced to subjection, the Leontini should again be under their authority, as had been settled in the treaty. XXX. Marcellus, proceeding with his whole army 269 LIVY

A.u.c. Leontinos, Appio quoque accito ut altera parte ad- * grederetur, tanto ardore militum est usus ab ira inter condiciones pacis interfectae stationis ut primo impe- 2 tu urbem expugnarent. Hippocrates atque Epicydes, postquam capi muros refringique portas videre, in arcem sese cum paucis recepere ; inde clam nocte 3 Herbesum perfugiunt. S\'racusanis octo milium armatorum agmine profectis domo ad flumen ^ Mylan nuntius occurrit captam urbem esse, cetera falsa 4 mixta veris ferens : caedem promiscuam militum atque oppidanorum factam, nee quicquam puberum arbitrai-i superesse ; direptam urbem, bona locuple- 5 tium donata. Ad nuntium tarn atrocem constitit agmen, concitatisque omnibus duces—erant autem Sosis ac Dinomenes—quid agerent consultabant. 6 Terroris speciem haud vanam mendacio praebuerant verberati ac securi percussi transfugae ad duo milia 7 hominum ceterum Leontinorum alio- ; militumque rum nemo post captam urbem violatus fuerat, suaque omnia eis, nisi quae primus tumultus captae urbis 8 absumpserat, restituebantur. Nee ut Leontinos irent, proditos ad caedem commilitones querentes, perpelli potuere, nee ut eodem loco certiorem nun- 9 tium expectarent. Cum ad defectionem inclinatos animos cernerent praetores, sed eum motum haud diuturnum fore, si duces amentiae sublati essent, 10 exercitum ducunt Megara, ipsi cum paucis equitibus

1 Probably between Syracuse and Leontini, perhaps on the Mylas. ^ Leontini. ^ The -praetores, havnng taken the field, are now generals, as repeatedly below. * On the coast north of Syracuse; destroyed by Marcellus, XXXV. 2.

270 BOOK XXIV. XXX. i-io to Leontini and summoning Appius also to make an b.c. 214 attack from the other side, found such enthusiasm in his soldiers, due to anger aroused by the slaughter of men of the guard while negotiations were pending, that they took the city at the first assault. Hippo- crates and Epicydes, on seeing that the walls were being taken and gates forced, sought refuge with a few men in the citadel. Thence they fled secretly by night to Herbesus.^ The Syracusans, who had set out from home in a column of eight thousand men, were met at the river Mylas by a messenger, ^ reporting that the city had been captured, but for the rest mingUng the false with the true : that a general massacre of soldiers and townspeople had occurred, and no adults, he thought, had survived; of the that the city had been plundered, the property wealthy given away. On hearing news so terrible the column halted, and in the general excitement the commanders—and they were Sosis and Dinomenes— considered what they should do. The appearance of well-founded alarm had been lent to the falsehood by the scourging and beheading of deserters, about two thousand men. But not one of the Leontinians or of the other soldiers had been injured after the of the what had been lost capture city ; and, except in the first confusion of the capture of the city, all the their property was being restored to them. And been soldiers, complaining that their comrades had betrayed to their death, could neither be induced to go to Leontini nor to wait at the same spot for more trustworthy news. The generals,^ seeing them inclined to mutiny, but that the outbreak would not be last long if the leaders in folly should removed, led the to * and then with a few army Megara ; 271 LIVY

A.U.C. Hcrbesum proficiscuntur spe territis omnibus per 11 proditioneni urbis potiundae. Quod ubi frustra eis fuit inceptum, vi agendum rati postero die Megaris castra movent, ut Herbesum omnibus copiis oppug- 12 narent. Hippocrates et Epicydes non tam tutum prima specie quam unum spe undique abscisa consilium esse rati, ut se militibus permitterent et adsuetis magna ex pai-te sibi et tum fama caedis commilitonum accensis, obviam agmini procedunt. 13 Prima forte signa sescentorum Cretensium erant, qui apud Hieronymum meruerant sub eis et Hanni- balis beneficium habebant, capti ad Trasumennum 14 inter Romanorum auxilia dimissique. Quos ubi ex signis armorumque habitu cognovere, Hippocrates atque Epicydes ramos oleae ac velamenta alia supplicum porrigentes orare ut reciperent sese, receptos tutarentur, neu proderent Syracusanis, a quibus ipsi mox trucidandi populo Romano dede- rentur. XXXI. Enimvero conclamant bonum ut

animum haberent ; omnem se cum illis fortunam 2 subituros. Inter hoc conloquium signa constiterant tenebaturque agmen, neodum quae morae causa foret pervenerat ad duces. Postquam Hippocraten ^ atque Epicyden adesse pervasit rumor, fremitusque toto agmine erat haud dubie adprobantium adventum

^ adesse z Madvig : esse A^x: om. P{1) : adesse ordincs Weissenborn.

^ They were archers. 272

^ BOOK XXIV. XXX. lo-xxxi. 2 horsemen they went themselves to Herbesus, in the b.c. 2U hope of getting possession of the city by treachery, owing to the general alarm. When this undertaking disappointed them, they thought tliey must use force, and moved their camp from Megara the next day, to attack Hei'besus with all their troops. Hippocrates and Epicydes, thinking that their plan to put themselves at the mercy of the soldiers, who were in large part used to them and also at that time inflamed by the report of the slaughter of their comrades, was not so much one which at first sight promised safety, as it was the only possible plan in a desperate situation, went out to meet the column. The first unit happened to be that of six hundred Cretans, who had served under them in the army of Hieronymus and were under obhgations to Hannibal, as they had been captured among the Roman auxiliaries at the Trasu- mennus and allowed to go free. Recognizing them from their standards and the character of their weapons,^ Hippocrates and Epicydes, holding out olive branches and in addition the woollen bands of suppUants, implored them to admit them and, having done so, to protect and not betray them to the Syracusans, to be themselves presently surrendered by the same to the Roman people for slaughter. XXXI. And in fact the Cretans shouted to them to take corn-age, saying they would share every lot with them. Durinor this conversation the standards had halted and the column was being held up. And word had not yet reached the generals as to what was the cause of the delay. When the report that Hippo- crates and Epicydes were there did reach them, and down the whole length of the column there was a shout of evident joy over their coming, at once the 273 VOL. VI. T LIVY

A.u.c. eorum, extemplo praetores citatis equis ad prima 3 signa perrexerunt. Qui mos ille, quae licentia Cretensium esset rogitantes, conloquia serendi cum hoste iniussuque praetorum miscendi eos agmini suo, conprehendi inicique catenas iussei'unt Hippo- 4 crati. Ad quam vocem tantus extemplo primum a Cretensibus clamor est ortus, deinde exceptus ab aliis, ut facile, si ultra tenderent, appareret eis ti- 6 m^endum esse. Solliciti incertique rerum suarum Megara, unde profecti erant, referri signa iubent nuntiosque de statu praesenti Syracusas mittunt. 6 Fraudem quoque Hippocrates addit inclinatis ad omnem suspicionem animis et Cretensium quibusdam ad itinera insidenda missis velut interceptas litteras 7 quas ipse composuerat, recitat : "Praetores Syra- cusani consuli Marcello." Secundum salutem, ut adsolet, scriptum erat recte eum atque ordine fecisse, 8 quud in Leontinis nulli pepercisset. Sed omnium mercennariorum militum eandem esse causam, nee umquam Syracusas quieturas donee quicquam ex- ternorum auxiliorum aut in urbe aut in exercitu suo 9 esset. Itaque daret operam ut eos qui cum suis praetoribus castra ad Megara haberent in suam potestatem redigeret ac supplicio eorum liberaret 10 tandem Syracusas. Haec cum recitata essent, cum tanto clamore ad arma discursum est ut praetores 11 inter tumultum pavidi abequitaverint Syracusas. Et ne fuga quidem eorum seditio conpressa est, impetus- in milites fiebant nee ab ullo que Syracusanos ;

^ Mention of one brother is meant to include the other, Epicydes; xxiv. 1; xxxv. 4. ^ Only the heading is quoted verbatim, with suppression of the conventional greeting. 274 BOOK XXIV. XXXI. 2-1 1 generals made their way at a gallop to the head b.c. 214 of the column. Asking what a practice, what a breach of discipline, it was on the part of the Cretans to join in conversation with an enemy and to admit the men to their own column without orders from the generals, they ordered them to be arrested and Hippocrates^ to be put in chains. Upon that command such an outcry was first raised by the Cretans, and then caught up by others, that it was easy to see that if they took any further steps they would have to fear for themselves. Troubled and uncertain as to their own situation, they ordered a retreat to Megara, from which they had set out, and sent messengers to Syracuse to report how matters stood. While men were inclined to suspect everything, Hippocrates also resorted to a ruse. After sending some of the Cretans to lie in wait by the roads, with the that it had been he pretence intercepted," publicly read a letter written by himself: The ^ magistrates of Syracuse to the Consul Marcellus." Following the customary greeting it was stated that he had been entirely right in sparing no one at Leontini but that the situation of all the ; mercenary soldiers was the same, and Syracuse would never have peace so long as there were any foreign auxiliaries in either the city or its army. Therefore he should take measures to reduce to submission the men who were encamped at Megara under the command of their own generals, and by their punishment to set Syracuse free at last. After this had been read, they rushed to arms with such shouting that during the confusion the generals rode away in alarm to Syracuse. And the was not even their but at- mutiny quelled by flight ; tacks were repeatedly made on the Syracusan soldiers. 275 T 2 LIVY

A.u.o. temperatum foret, iii Epicydes atque Hippocrates 12 irae multitudinis obviam issent, non a misericordia aut humano consilio, sed ne spem reditus praeci- derent sibi et, cum ipsos simul milites fidos haberent 13 simul obsides, tum cognatos quoque eorum atque amicos tanto merito primum, dein pignore sibi H conciliarent. Expertique quam vana aut levi aura mobile volgus esset, militem nancti ex eo numero qui in Leontinis circumsessi erant, subornant, ut Syra- cusas perferret nuntium convenientem eis quae ad 15 Mylan falso nuntiata erant, auctoremque se exhi- bendo ac velut visa quae dubia erant narrando concitaret iras hominum. XXXII. Huic non apud volgum modo fides fuit, sed senatum quoque in curiam introductus movit. Haud vani quidam homines palam ferre perbene detectam in Leontinis esse avaritiam et crudelitatem Romanorum. Eadem, si intrassent Syracusas, aut foediora etiam, quo maius ibi avaritiae praemium 2 esset, facturos fuisse. Itaque claudendas cuncti portas et custodiendam urbem censere. Sed non

ab iisdem omnes timere nee eosdem odisse : ad militare genus omne partemque magnam plebis 3 esse invisum nomen Romanum ; praetores optima- tiumque pauci, quamquam inflati vano nuntio erant, tamen ad propius praesentiusque malum cautiores 4 esse. Et iam ad Hexapylum erant Hippocrates

^ Since the soldiers would virtually be hostages, to ensure the support of many friends and relatives in the city. 276 BOOK XXIV. XXXI. ii-\xxii. 4

Nor would they have spared any of them, had not b.c. 2H Epicydes and Hippocrates opposed the enraged multitude, not out of pity and a humane intent, but in order not to cut off the hope of their own return, and that they might not only keep the men themselves as loyal soldiers and at the same time and hostages, but also win over their relatives friends, first by so great a service, and then by the learned how personal security.^ And having empty or faint a breath moves the crowd, they took a soldier from among those who had been besieged at Leontini and bribed him to carry to Syracuse a message in agreement with what had been falsely reported at to vouch for it the Mylas, and by showing himself that he had and by relating the doubtful as things seen, to inflame men's anger. XXXII. This man was not only believed by the the Senate common people, but on being admitted to House, he stirred the senate as well. Some men of consequence openly declared it was very well that the avarice and cruelty of the Romans had been revealed at Leontini; that if they had entered the same or Syracuse they would have done things even more terrible, in proportion to the greater there. all prize for avarice Accordingly, they the voted that the gates should be closed and city of the same guarded. But not all were afraid persons or hated the same men. Among the whole military the class and a large part of the common people Roman name was hated. As for the generals and a few of the best citizens, although they had been misled by the false news, they were nevertheless a more more circimispect in the face of danger immediately impending. And already Hippocrates 277 LIVY

A.U.C. atque Epicydes, serebanturque conloquia per propin- quos popularium qui in exercitu erant, ut portas aperirent sinerentque communem patriam defendi ab 5 impetu Romanorum. lam unis foribus Hexapyli apertis coepti crant recipi, cum praetores intervene- runt. Et primo iinperio minisque, deinde auctoritate deterrendo, postremo, ut omnia vana erant, obliti maiestatis precibus agebant ne proderent patriam tjTanni ante satellitibus et tum corruptoribus 6 exercitus. Sed surdae ad ea omnia ^ aures concitatae multitudinis erant, nee minore intus vi quam foris portae effringebantur, efFractisque omnibus toto 7 Hexapylo agmen reeeptum est. Praetores in Achradinam cum iuventute popularium confugiunt. Mercennarii milites perfugaeque et quidquid regio- rum militum Sjrracusis erat agmen hostium augent. 8 Ita Achradina quoque primo impetu capitur, praetorumque nisi qui inter tumultum effugerunt omnes 9 interficiuntur. Nox caedibus finem fecit. Postero die servi ad pilleum vocati et carcere vincti emissi; confusaque haec omnis multitudo Hippocraten atque creant cum Epicyden praetores ; Syracusaeque, breve tempus libertas adfulsisset, in antiquam servitutem reciderant. XXXIII. Haec nuntiata cum essent Romanis, ex Leontinis mota sunt extemplo castra ad Syracusas.

^ ad ea omnia Bottcher : ad omnia Madvig : aditomnium P : adeo omnium P^?{\).

1 Cf. xvi. 18.

278 BOOK XXIV. xxxii. 4-\xxiii. i and Epicydes were at the Hexapylon, and there were b.c. 214 communications through intermediaries who were relatives of citizens in the army : that they should open the gates and allow the defence of the city, their common home, against attack by the Romans. By this time one of the gates of the Hexapylon had been opened, and by it they had begun to be admitted, when the generals intervened. And at then first by their military authority and by threats, by using their personal influence to restrain them, finally, when all was without affect, disregarding native dignity they prayed them not to betray their of and city to former minions the tyrant present seducers of the army. But the ears of the excited all the were crowd were deaf to that ; and gates than being forced with no less violence from within from without, and when all had been forced, the column was admitted through the whole breadth of the Hexapylon. The generals with the younger citizens flee for refuge to Achradina. The mercenary soldiers and deserters and such royal troops as were Thus at Syracuse swell the column of the enemy. Achradina also is taken by assault, and all the in the midst of magistrates, except those who escaped an end to the the uproar, are slain. Night put slaves were called to slaughter. On the next day ^ in chains wear the cap of freedom and criminals all multitude released from ; and this assorted prison And elected Hippocrates and Epicydes generals. had shone it Syracuse, after the light of liberty upon for a short time, had fallen back into its old-time servitude. XXXni. When these facts were reported to the Romans, the camp was at once removed from Leontini 279 LIVY

A.u.o. 2 Et ab Appio legati per portum missi forte in quinque- remi erant, Praemissa quadriremis cum intrasset 3 fauces portus, capitur ; legati aegre effugerunt. Et iam non modo pacis sed ne belli quidena iura relicta erant, cum Romanus exercitus ad Olympium—lovis id templum est—mille et quingentos passus ab urbe 4 castra posuit. Inde quoque legates praemitti placuit ne intrarent extra ; quibus, urbem, portam Hippocrates atque Epicydes obviam cum suis pro- 5 cesserunt. Romanus orator non bellum se Syra- cusanis sed opem auxiliumque adferre ait, et eis qui ex media caede elapsi perfugerint ad se, et eis qui metu oppressi foediorem non exilio solum sed etiam 6 morte servitutem patiantur ; nee caedem nefandam sociorum inultam Romanos passuros. Itaque, si eis qui ad se perfugerint tutus in patriam reditus pateat,^ caedis auctores dedantur, et libertas legesque nihil armis esse si Syracusanis restituantur, opus ; ea non fiant, quicumque in mora sit bello perse- 7 cuturos. Ad ea Epicydes, si qua ad se mandata eis ait se daturos fuisse haberent, responsum ; cum in eorum ad quos venerint manu res Syracusana esset, 8 turn reverterentur. Si bello lacesserent, ipsa re intellecturos nequaquam idem esse Syracusas ac

^ pateat Crevier : pateat et Walters : pateret P(l).

^ Westward of the Great Harbour, plainly visible from the Island and from part of Achradina. Near this great temple the Athenians had encamped, as also the Carthaginians, in other sieges. Two columns still stand. 280 BOOK XXIV. xxxiiT. 2-8 to Syracuse. And, as it happened, legates had b.c. 214 been sent bv Appius by way of the liarbour on a five-banker. The foin--banker sent in advance was captured on entering the narrows. The legates barely escaped. And now there remained no longer any rights even of war, not to say of peace, -when the Roman army pitched camp at the Olympium, that is, the Temple of Jupiter,^ a mile and a half from the city. From this place also it was decided to send legates in advance. To prevent their entering the city, Hippocrates and Epicydes and their retinue advanced beyond the gate to meet them. The speaker for the Romans said he Avas not bringing war, but aid and comfort to the Syracusans, both to those who, escaping from the midst of the slaughter, had sought refuge with the Romans, and to those who, subdued by their fear, were enduring a slavery more shameful, not only than exile, but even than death ; and that the Romans would not leave the atrocious slaughter of their allies unavenged. Ac- should cordingly, if a safe return to their native city be open to those who had sought refuge with the Romans, if those responsible for the slaughter should be surrendered and their freedom and laws restored to the Syracusans, there was no need of arms. If those conditions should not be met, the Romans would wage war against every man Avho caused delay. In reply Epicydes said that, if their message had been addressed to his colleague and himself, they would have given them an answer, \^^len the Syracusan state should be under the control of the men to whom they came, then let them return. Should they make war, they would find from actual experience that to attack Syracuse was by no means the same as 281 LIVY

A.u.o. Leontinos oppugnare. Ita legatis relictis portas ^*° clausit. 9 Inde terra marique simul coeptae oppugnari Sy- racusae, terra ab Hexapylo, mari ab Achradina, cuius murus fluctu adluitur. Et quia, sicut Leontinos terrore ac primo impetu ceperant, non diffidebant vastam disiectamque spatio urbem parte aliqua se invasuroSjOnmem apparatuni oppugnandarum urbium muris admoverunt. XXXIV. Et habuisset tanto impetu coepta res fortunam, nisi unus homo Syra- 2 cusis ea tempestate fuisset. Archimedes is erat, unicus spectator caeli siderumque, mirabilior tamen inventor ac machinator bellicorum tormentorum ^ operumque quibus quicquid hostes ingenti mole 3 agerent ipse perlevi momento ludificaretur. Muros - per inaequalis ductos colles, pleraque alta et diffi- cilia aditu, submissa quaedam et quae planis vallibus adiri possent, ut cuique aptum visum est loco, ita 4 genere omni tormentorum instruxit. Achradinae murum, qui, ut ante dictum est, mari adluitur, ^ segaginta quinqueremibus Marcellus oppugnabat. 5 Ex ceteris navibus sagittarii funditoresque et velites etiam, quorum telum ad remittendum inhabile imperitis est, vix quemquam sine vulnere consistere 6 in missilibus muro patiebantur ; hi, quia spatio opus est, procul muro tenebant naves : iunctae aliae binae

^ : 1 : si Weissenhorn. quicquid Madvig om. P( ) quid ^ muros . . . ductos Weissenhorn : murus . . . ductus

P(l) : murum . . . ductum z Madvig. ^ sexaginta Bnttcher : ex (/or LX or ex Lx) P{1).

^ Livy does not mention Archimedes' celebrity as a mathe- matician. 2 The number sixty agrees with Polybiua VIII. 4(6). 1. 282 BOOK XXIV. xxxiii. 8-xxAiv. 6

to attack Leontini. So he left the ambassadors and b.c. 214 closed the gates. Thereupon began the siege of Syracuse at the same time by land and by sea, by land from the side of the Hexapylon, by sea from that of Achradina, the wall of which is washed by the waves. And because, having taken Leontini by a panic and the first assault, the Romans did not doubt that at some point they would make their way into a city immense and widely scattered, they brought all their equipment for besieging cities up to the walls. XXXIV'. And an undertaking begun with so vigorous an assault would have met with success if one man had not been at Syracuse at that time. It was Archimedes, an unrivalled observer of the heavens and the stars, more remarkable, however, as inventor and contriver of artillery and engines of war, by which with the least pains he frustrated whatever the enemy undertook with vast efforts.^ The walls, carried along uneven hills, mainly high positions and difficult to approach, but some of them Ioav and accessible from level ground, were equipped by him with every kind of artillery, as seemed suited to each place. The wall of Achradina, which, as has been said already, is washed by the sea, was attacked by Marcellus with 2 ^ sixty five-bankers. From most of the ships archers and slingers, also light-armed troops, whose weapon is difficult for the inexpert to return,'* allowed hai'dly to stand the wall without wounded anyone on being ; and these men kept their ships at a distance from the wall, since range is needed for missile weapons.

^ "Most," since ceterae is contrasted with aliae in § 6 (eight in Polybius). * Owing to the skill required in using the thong (amentum). 283 A.V.C. quinqueremes demptis interioribus remis, ut latus 7 lateri adplicaretur, cum exteriore ordine remoruip veliit una navis agerentur, turres contabulatas machinamentaque alia quatiendis muris portabant. 8 Adversus hunc navalem apparatum Archimedes variae magnitudinis tormenta in muris disposuit. In eas quae procul erant navis saxa ingenti pondere emittebat, propiores levioribus eoque magis crebris 9 telis ut sui petebat ; postremo, volnere intacti tela in hostem ingererent. murum ab imo ad summum crebris cubitalibus fere cavis aperuit, per quae cava pars sagittis, pars scorpionibus modicis ex occulto ^ ^ 10 petebant hostem. Quae propius subibant naves, quo interiores ictibus tormentorum essent, in eas tollenone super murum eminente ferrea manus, firmae catenae inligata, cum iniecta prorae esset ^ gravique libramento plumbi recelleret ad solum, 11 suspensa prora navem in puppim statuebat ; dein remissa subito velut ex muro cadentem navem cum in- * genti trepidatione nautarum ita undae adfligebat ut, etiamsi recta reciderat,^ aliquantum aquae acci- 12 peret. Ita maritima oppugnatio est elusa omnisque ^ spes eo versa ut totis viribus terra adgrederentur.

^ quaeP(l): quia, Madvig : om. Walters. ^ propius P(l), adding quaedam {retained by Madvig, Walters : o?n. x Crivier). ^ plumbi P(10) : blumbi C : plumbum Heller, Conway. * adfligebat Sjjro^uws : -bantP(l) Walters. ^ reciderat Gronovius : reccideraiit PCH : reciderant JU : e:et BA^?Madvig : -event DA. 6 eo Bottcher : ea P- : est C : ad (versa) P(10).

1 Livy seems to mean the width on the inside, while Polybius gives a palm (three inches) as the width of a loophole on the outside (VIII. 7. 6). 284 BOOK XXIV. x.vxiv. 6-12

Other five-bankers, paired together, with the inner b.c. 214 oars removed, so that side was brought close to side, were propelled by the outer banks of oars like a single ship, and carried towei's of several stories and in addition engines for battering walls. To meet this naval equipment Archimedes disposed artilleiy of different sizes on the walls. Against ships at a of distance he kept discharging stones great weight ; nearer vessels he would attack with lighter and all the more numerous missile weapons. Finally, that his owTi men might discharge their bolts at the enemy without exposure to wounds, he opened the wall from bottom to top with numerous loopholes about a cubit wide,^ and through these some, without being seen, shot at the enemy with arrows, others from small scorpions. As for the ships which came closer, in order to be inside the range of his artillery, against these an iron grapnel, fastened to a stout chain, would be thrown on to the bow by means of a ^ swing-beam projecting over the wall. When this sprung backward to the ground owing to the shifting of a heavy leaden weight, it would set the ship on its stern, bow in air. Then, suddenly released, it would dash the ship, falling, as it were, from the wall, into the sea, to the great alarm of the sailors, and with the result that, even if she fell upright, she w'ould take considerable water. Thus the assault from the sea was baffled, and all hope shifted to a plan to attack from the land with all their forces. But that

2 but as if the Literally the grappling hook ; here, ferrea manus might serve as a name for the entire crane, the reference is in fact to another part, viz. the beam, the after end of which sank to the ground inside the wall when the leaden weight was shifted. Polybius, VIII. 6(8). 1^, gives a more detailed account. 285 13 Sed ea A^u.c. quoque pars eodem omni apparatu tormentorum instructa erat Hieronis inpensis curaque per 14 multos annos, Archimedis unica arte. Natura etiam adiuvabat loci, quod saxum, cui inposita muri funda- menta sunt, magna parte ita proclive est ut non solum missa tormento, sed etiam quae pondere suo provoluta essent, graviter in hostem inciderent. 15 Eadem causa ad subeundum arduum aditum insta- 16 bilemque ingressum praebebat. Ita consilio habito, ^ quoniam omnis conatus ludibrio esset, absistere oppugnatione atque obsidendo tantum arcere terra marique commeatibus hostem placuit. XXXV. Interim Marcellus cum tertia fere parte exercitus ad recipiendas urbes px'ofectus quae in motu rerumadCarthaginienses defecerant, Helorum atque 2 Herbesum dedentibus ipsis recipit, Megara vi capta diruit ac diripuit ad reliquorum ac maxime Syracusa- 3 norum terrorem. Per idem fere tempus et Himilco, qui ad Pachyni promunturium classem diu tenuerat, ad Heracleani, quam vocant Minoam, quinque et viginti milia peditum,triaequitum,duodecimelephantos exposuit, nequaquam cum quantis copiis ante tenue- 4 rat ad classem ab Pachynum ; sed, postquam Hippo- crate occupatae Syracusae erant, profectus Cartha- ginem adiutusque ibi et ab legatis Hippocratis et litteris Hannibalis, qui venisse tempus aiebat Siciliae 5 per summvun decus repetendae, et ipse haud vanus

1 quoniam Alschefski : quo {for quom ?) P(l) : quod A^x : quando Lucks. 286 BOOK XXIV. XXXIV. 13-XXXV. 5 side also had been provided with the same complete b.c. 214 equipment of artillery, at the expense and the pains of Hiero dm'ing many years, by the unrivalled art of Archimedes. The nature of the place ' also helped, in that the rock on which the foundations of the wall were laid is generally so steep that not only missiles from a machine, but also whatever rolled doAVTi of its own Aveight fell heavily upon the enemy. The same circumstance made approach to the wall difficult and footing unsteady. So, after a war council, since every attempt was being balked, it was decided to give up the assault and merely by a blockade to cut oif the enemy by land and sea from their supplies.-^ XXXV. Meanwhile Marcellus set out with about a third of his army to recover the cities which in the unsettled state of affairs had gone over to the Car- thaginians. Helorus and Herbesus he did recover their own surrender he took by ; Megara by assault, destroyed and plundered, to terrify the others and especially the Syracusans. About the same time also Himilco, who had long kept his fleet off the promontory of Pachynum, landed at Heraclea,^ called Minoa, 25,000 infantry, 3,000 cavalry andtwelve elephants, a very much larger force than that with which he had previously kept his fleet off Pachynum. But after Syracuse had been seized by Hippocrates, Himilco went to Carthage and was aided there both by the legates of Hippocrates and by a letter from Hannibal, who said the time had come to recover Sicily in the most honourable manner. Himilco

1 Evidently meaning the northern face of Epipolae, the great triangle at whose western apex stood the fortress of

of. xxiv. 4 2 ; v. Euryalus ; XXV. ; xxv. Appendix. - West of Agrigentum, on the south coast. 287 LIVY

A.U.O. praesens monitor facileperpuleratutquantacinaxime^ possent peditum equitumquc copiae in Sicilian! 6 traicerentur. Adveniens Heracleam, intra paucos inde dies Agrigenlum rcccpit ; aliariimque civitatium, quae partis Cartliaginiensium erant, adco accensae sunt spes ad pellendos Sicilia Romanos ut postremo etiam qui obsidebantur Syracusis animos sustulei'int. 7 Et parte copiaruni satis defendi urbem posse rati, ita inter se munera belli partiti sunt ut Epicydes praeesset custodiae urbis, Hippocrates Himilconi coniunctus bellum adversus consulem Romanuni gereret. 8 Cum decern milibus peditum, quingentis equitibus nocte per intermissa custodiis loca profectus castra 9 circa Acrillas ui'bem ponebat. Munientibus super- venit Marcellus ab Agrigento iam occupato, cum frustra eo praevenire hostem festinans tetendisset, rediens, nihil minus ratus quam illo tempore ac loco 10 sibi exercitum obvium fore sed Syracusanum ; tamen metu Himilconis Poenoi'umque, ut quibus nequaquam eis copiis quas habebat par esset, quam poterat maxime intentus atque agmine ad omnes casus composito ibat. XXX\^I. Forte ea cura quae adversus Poe- ^ nos praeparata erat adversus Siculos usui fuit. Cas- tris ponendis incompositos ac disperses nanctus eos et inermes fuit circumvenit plerosque quod peditum ; eques levi certamine inito cum Hippocrate Acras perfugit.

^ maxime PBDA : maximae CRM Madvig. 2 erat x : om. P(\) Walters, who rejects quae {or q. P(7)).

^ To the west of Syracuse, as was Acrae, xxxvi. 1. 288 BOOK XXIV. xxx\'. 5-xxxvi. i

an influential himself, being adviser, present in b.o. 214 person, had easily prevailed upon them to send across to the Sicily largest possible forces of infantry and cavalry. Arrived at Heraclea, he recovered Agrigentum within a few days. And the hopes of the other city-states which were on the side of the Carthaginians were so fired to drive the Romans out of Sicily that finally even those who were besieged at took Syracuse courage. And thinking the city could be sufficiently defended by a part of the forces, they so divided the military duties that Epicydes should in of be charge the defence of the city, and Hippocrates, together Mith Himilco, should carry on the war against the Roman consul. With 10,000 infantry and five hundred horse he set out by night through places unguarded and pitched camp near the city of Acrillae.^ As they Mere fortifying, Marcellus arrived, returning from Agrigentum, which was already occupied, since it was in vain that he had endeavoured to anticipate the enemy by hastening thither. Nothing was farther from his thoughts than that a Syracusan army should meet him there at that time. Nevertheless, from fear of Himilco and the Carthaginians, being no match for them with the forces he had, he was advancing with all possible alertness and with a column so formed as to meet any emergency. XXX\'I. The precaution which had been taken against Carthaginians served him, as it happened, against Sicilians. Coming upon them after they had broken ranks and were scattered in the act of pitching camp and mostly unarmed, he ovenvhelmed all the infantry. The cavalry, after a slight engagement, fled with Hippocrates to Acrae.

289 VOL. VI. U A-u.c. 2 Ea pugna deficientes ab Romanis cum coliibuisset Marcellus redit et Siculos, Syracusas ; post paucos dies Himilco adiuncto Hippocrate ad flumen Anapum, octo ^ 3 ferme inde milia, castra posuit. Sub idem forte tempus et naves longae quinque et quinquaginta ^ Carthaginiensium cum Bomilcare in magnum por- 4 turn Syracusas ex alto decurrere, et Romana item classis, triginta quinqueremes, legionem primam Panor- mi ab Italia — exposuere ; versumque bellum adeo ^ uterque populus in Sicilian! intentus fuit —videri 5 poterat. Legionem Romanam quae exposita Panor- mi erat venientem Syracusas praedae baud dubie sibi 6 futuram Himilco ratus via decipitur. Mediterraneo Poenus itinei'e duxit maritimis locis namque ; legio classe prosequente ad Appium Claudium Pachynum cum parte copiarum obviam pi'ogressum pervenit. 7 Nee diutius Poeni ad Syracusas morati sunt : et Bomilcar simul parum fidens navibus suis duplici facile numero classem habentibus Romanis, simul inutili mora cernens nihil aliud ab suis quam inopiam adgravari sociorum, velis in altum datis in Africam 8 transmisit et secutus Marccllum J Himilco, nequiquam Syracusas, si qua priusquam maioribus copiis iun- geretur occasio pugnandi esset, postquam ea nulla

^ idem forte P^(4) Madvig : itemfor P : idem fere A Walters. * Bomilcare P(l), adding classis {to which A'x add praefec- to), rejected by Kdstner. * fuit Bekker, Madvig : fuisse P(l), joined with videri.

1 The small river of Syracuse, emptying into the Great its a xxxiii. 3. Harbour. Near mouth was Roman camp ; ^ the chief of until Now Palermo ; city Carthaginian Sicily, in 254 b.c. I. xxxviii. tin. taken by the Romans ; Polybius 290 BOOK XXIV. XXXVI. 2-8

Marcellus, by that battle having restrained theB.o. 214 Sicihans inclined to revolt from the Romans, returned to Syracuse. And a few days later Himilco was joined by Hippocrates and pitched camp by the river Anapus,^ about eight miles away. About the same time it so happened that fifty-five warships of the Carthaginians under Bomilcar sailed from the open sea into the Great Harbour of Syracuse, and also a Roman fleet of thirty quinqueremes debarked the first legion at Panormus.- And the war could be considered as now diverted from Italy, so intent were both nations upon Sicily. Himilco, thinking that the legion which had been landed at Panormus would certainly fall a prey to him on its way to Syracuse, was baffled by its route. For the Carthaginian led his troops along an inland road, while the legion, escorted by the fleet, made its way along the coast to Appius Claudius, who with a part of his forces had advanced ^ as far as Pachynum to meet it. And so the Car- thaginians did not tarry^ longer near Syracuse. On the one hand Bomilcar, lacking confidence in his own ships, since the Romans had a fleet of fully double the number, and at the same time seeing that by useless delay the lack of supplies for the allies was only intensified by his forces, put out to sea and crossed over to Africa. On the other hand Himilco first followed Marcellus to Syracuse to no purpose, in the hope that there might be some opportunity for an engagement before he should unite with larger forces. Then, when no such opportunity fell to him, and he

^ Probably an error for Pelorum, the north-eastern promontory of Sicily, since, with Agrigentum in the hands of the Carthaginians, the route via the western and southern coasts (much longer in any case) would have been impracticable. 291 U2 LIVY

A.xj.c. contigerat tutiimque ad Syracusas et munimento ''*" 9 et viribus hostem ceriiebat, ne frustra adsidendo spec- tandoquc obsidionem sociorum tcmpus tereret, castra inde movit, ut quocumque vocasset defectionis ab Romano spes admoveret exercitum ac pi-aesens suas 10 resfoventibus adderet aninios. Miirtjantiam primum prodito ab ipsis praesidio Romano recipit, ubi frumonti magna vis commeatusqueomnis generis convecti erant Romanis. XXX\'II. Ad banc defectionem erecti sunt et aliarum civitatium animi, praesidiaque Romana aut pelle- bantur arcibus aut prodita per fraudem opprimeban- 2 tur. Henna, excelso loco ac praerupto undique sita, cum loco inexpugnabilis erat, turn praesidium in area validum praefcct unique pracsidii haud sane oppor- 3 tunum insidiantibus habebat. L. Pinarius erat, vir acer et qui plus in eo ne posset decipi quam in fide Siculorum reponei'et. Et turn intenderant eum ad cavendi omnia curam tot auditae proditiones defec- 4 tionesque urbium et clades praesidiorum. Itaque nocte dieque iuxta parata instructaque omnia custodiis ac vigiliis erant, nee ab armis aut loco suo miles 5 abscedebat. Quod ubi Hennensium principes, iam pacti cum Himilcone de proditione praesidii, animad- verterunt, nulli occasioni fraudis Romanum patere, 6 palam erat ^ agendmn. Urbem arcemque suae potestatis aiunt debere esse, si liberi in societatem,

* palam erat Lipsius : patuerat P : placuerat P*{1) : per vim erat Salmasius.

1 Cf. xxvii. 5. " The most commanding city-site in Sicily, with its citadel 3200 ft. above the sea. Described by Cicero in Verr. JV. 107. Henna was the centre of the worship of Demeter and Perse- phone; cf. xxxix. 8. 292 BOOK XXIV. xxxvi. 8-xxxvii. 6 saw the enemy safe near Syracuse thanks to his b.c. 214 fortifications and military strength, fearing to waste time in besieging him in vain and watching the blockade of the allies, he moved his camp away. His purpose was to bring up his army to any point to which the hope of revolting from the Romans might call him, and by his presence to give encouragement to those who inclined to support his cause. ^ Murgantia was first recovered, after the inhabitants had betrayed the Roman garrison. There a great quantity of grain and supplies of every kind had been accumulated for the Romans. XXXVII. Upon this revolt, feeling was aroused in other city-states, and Roman garrisons were being either driven out of citadels or betrayed by treachery and slain. Henna,^ perched on a lofty site with cliffs on every side, was not only impregnable from its position, but also had a strong garrison in its citadel and a garrison commander who was certainly no easy prey to plotters. This was Lucius Pinarius, a man of high spirit and one who gave more weight to pre- cautions against possible deception than to the honour of Sicilians. And at this time the news of so many cities betrayed and in revolt and of so many garrisons destroyed had made him more intent upon guarding against every danger. Accordingly every position had been prepared and provided with guards and sentinels and and the soldier did not leave night day ; his arms and his post. When this was noticed by the leading men of Henna, who had already made an agreement with Himilco to betray the garrison, namely, that the Roman left no opportunity for treachery, they were forced to act openly. They said that city and citadel ought to be under their omti control, if as free men 293 LIVY

A.u.c. non servi in cxistodiam traditi essent Romanis. 640 1 T .1 • 7 Itaque claves portarum reddi sibi aequom censent : bonis sociis fidem suam maximum vinculum esse, et ita sibi populum Romanum senatumque gratias habitunmi, si volentes ac non coacti mansissent in 8 amicitia. Ad ea Romanus se in praesidio impositum esse dicere ab imperatore suo clavesque portarum et custodiam arcis ab eo accepisse, quae nee suo nee Hennensium arbitrio haberet, sed eius qui commisis- 9 set. Praesidio decedere apud Romanos capital esse, ^ et nece liberorum etiam suorum earn noxiam parentes sanxisse. Consulem Marcellum haud procul

esse : ad eum mitterent legatos cuius iuris atque ^ 10 arbitrii res esset. Se vero negare illi missuros testarique, si verbis nihil agerent, vindictam aliquam 11 libertatis suae quaesituros. Tum Pinarius : at illi, si ad consulem gravarentur mittere, sibi saltern darent populi concilium, ut sciretur, utrum paucorum ea de- nuntiatio an universae civitatis esset. Consensa in posterum diem contio. XXX\'in. Postquam ab eo conloquio in arcem sese recepit, convocatis militibus^ "Credo ego vos audisse, " " milites inquit, quem ad modum praesidia Romana ab Siculis circumventa et oppressa sint per hos dies. 2 Eam vos fraudem deum primo benignitate, dein vestra ac ipsi virtute dies noctesque perstando pervigilando

^ noxiam Weissenborn : om. P{1). 2 res Crevier, Fabri : om. P{1) Walters. ' : : sociis x : militibus A-x : quibus r(2)A? aliquibus C* suis Oronovius.

294 BOOK XXI\'. xxxvii. 6-\xxviii. 2

214 they had entered into alliance Avith the Romans, b.c. and had not been consigned to custody as slaves. the Consequently they said they thought it right that to them. For keys of the gates should be restored and good allies their loyalty was the strongest bond, to the Roman people and senate would be grateful them only in case they remained in their friendship In to this willingly and not under compulsion. reply the Roman commandant said that he had been and had received placed at his post by his general from him both the keys to the gates and the guarding of the citadel, to keep them, not at his own discretion nor that of the people of Henna, but of the man who had confided them to him. To leave one's post was and fathers had among the Romans a capital offence, even of their own punished that crime with the death far sons. The consul Marcellus was not away ; had the to they should send legates to him who right decide the matter. But they said that they would not send them, and asserted that if they accomplished means of nothing by words, they would seek some that Pinarius said recovering their freedom. Upon that, if they objected to sending to the consul, very of well, let them at least give him an assembly the whether their demand people, that it might be known was that of a few men or of the whole city. They next agreed to an assembly on the day. from that conference to the XXXVIII. Returning " said: I citadel, he called his men together and believe you have heard, soldiers, how in these days beset and overwhelmed Roman garrisons have been by Sicilians. Such treachery you have escaped, to thanks first to the favour of the gods, and then and your own courage, by standing guard day night 295 LIVY

^^ armis vitastis. Utinam relicum nee '510*^' tempus patien- 3 ^ do infanda nee faciendo traduci posset ! Haec occulta in fraude cautio est usi adhuc sumus cui qua ; quoniam parum succedit, apertc ac prnpalam claves simul portarum rcposcunt ; quas tradidcrinius, Car- thaginiensium extemplo Henna erit, foediusque hie trucidabimur quam Murgantiae praesidium inter- 4 fectum est. Noctem unam aegre ad consultanduni sumpsi, qua vos certioves periculi instantis facerem. Orta luce contionem habituri sunt ad criminandum 5 me concitandumque in vos populum. Itaque crastino die aut vestro aut Hennensium sanguine Henna inundabitur. Nee praeoccupati spem ullam nee

occupantes periculi quicquani habebitis ; qui prior 6 strinxerit ferrum, eius victoria erit. Intenti ergo omnes armatique signum expectabitis. Ego in contione ero et tempus, quoad omnia instructa sint, 7 loquendo altercandoque traham. Cum toga signum dedero, turn mihi imdique clamore sublato turbam invadite ac sternite omnia ferro et cavete ^ ; quicquam ^ 8 supersit cuius aut vis aut fraus timeri possit. Vos, Ceres mater ac Proserpina, precor, ceteri superi infernique di, qui banc urbem, hos sacratos lacus lucosque colitis, ut ita nobis volentes propitii adsitis, si vitandae, non inferendae fraudis causa lioc consilii 9 capimus. Pluribus vos, milites, hortarer, si cum

armatis dimicatio futura esset ; inermes, incautos ad

1 posset A^z : possit Valla : potest P(l). * quicquam J'{1) Conway : quis(iuam C^x Madvig. * cums Alschejski : quiusa y-* : a quibus P^(l).

296 BOOK XXIV. XXXVIII. 2-9 under arms. Would that the remaining time b.c. 2U could be passed without either suffering or com- mitting atrocities ! In covert trickery the method of defence is that which we have so far employed. Since the trick does not succeed, they demand back the keys of the gates openly and above board. And the moment we surrender them, Henna will be in the hands of the Carthaginians, and we shall be more cruelly slaughtered here than was the garrison slain at Murgantia. With difficulty I have gained for deliberation one night in which to inform you of the impending danger. At daybreak they are to hold an assembly for the purpose of accusing me and arousing the people against you. And so tomorrow Henna will be deluged either with your blood or with that of the Hennensians. If forestalled, you will have no hope, nor any danger if you forestall them. W^ho first draws the sword will have the victory. Therefore, alert and armed, you will all await the signal. I shall be in the assembly, and I will kill time in speaking and disputing, until everything is ready. When I give the signal Avith my toga, then do you from all sides raise a shout, attack the crowd, and strike with the sword and see down everyone ; to it that no one survives whose violence or treachery can be feared. Mother Ceres and Pi-oserpina, and all the other gods, above and below, who inhabit this city, these hallowed lakes and groves, I pray that ye attend us with your favour and support, if so be that we are taking this step for the purpose of guai-ding against treachery, not of practising it. I should exhort you, soldiers, at greater length if your battle were to be with armed men. Unarmed and off their guard, you will massacre them to your hearts' content. 297 LIVY

A.u.o. satietatem trucidabitis et consulis castra in ; propinquo sunt, ne qxiid ab Himilcone et Carthaginiensibus timeri possit." XXXIX. Ab hac adhortatione dimissi corpora curant. Postcro die alii aliis locis ad obsidenda itinera ^ exitus claudendosque oppositi ; pars maxima super theatrum circaque, adsueti et ante 2 spectaculo contionum, consistunt. Produetus ad populum a magistratibus praefectus Romanus cum consulis de ea re ius ac potestatem esse, non suam, 3 et pleraque eadem quae pridie dixisset, et primo ^ sensim ac pauci, mox plures reddere claves, dein iam una voce id omnes iuberent cunctantique et differenti ferociter minitarentur nee viderentur ultra vim ultimam dilaturi, tum praefectus toga signum, ut 4 convenerat, dedit, militesque intenti dudum ac parati alii superne in aversam contionem clamore sublato decurrunt, alii ad exitus theatri conferti 5 obsistunt. Caeduntur Hennenses cavea inclusi co- acervanturque non caede solum sed etiam fuga, ^ cum super aliorum alii capita ruerent, et integri* 6 sauciis,^ vivi mortuis incidentes cumularentur. Inde passim discurritur et urbis captae modo fugaque et caedes omnia tenet nihilo remissiore militum ira quod

^ oppositi A" Valla : opsiti A : -positis JiP : -ponitis P{2). ^ pauci, mox plures Riemann : plus P(l) : plures A'z Madvig : pauci Weissenborn. * et Madvig : om. P(l). * 1 : integri P( ) -gris 3P ConuHiy. 5 sauciis BDA : -ei P : -ii P^{A)M^ Conway.

298 BOOK XXIV. xxxviii. 9-xxxix. 6

And the consul's camp is near; I tell you this that b.o. 214 you may have no possible fear from Himilco and the Carthaginians." XXXIX. Dismissed immediately after this ex- hortation, they took food and rest. On the following day they were posted in different places, to occupy the roads and close the ways of escape. The majority took their positions above and around the theatre, being already familiar with the sight of an assembly. The Roman commandant, being brought before the people by the magistrates, said that right and authority in the matter belonged to the consul, not to himself, and in general the same things he had said the day before. And at first insensibly and only a few, presently a larger number, to then all, now with one voice kept bidding him deliver the and when he and keys ; delayed postponed, they repeated savage threats and appai-ently would not further postpone violence, their last resort. Thereupon the prefect gave the signal with his toga, as had been agreed, and the soldiers, alert and ready long before, dashed down, some of them from above, upon the rear of the assembly with a shout, while others, massed at the exits of the theatre, blocked the way. The men of Henna, shut up in the cavea, to the were slain and piled together not only owing rushed slaughter, but also by the panic, since they down over each others' heads, and as the unharmed the fell upon the wounded, the living upon dead, they were lying in heaps. Thence the soldiers scattered in every direction, and, just as in a captured in city, flight and slaughter were complete possession, while the wrath of the soldiers was not a whit less intense because they were slaying an unarmed 299 IJVY

A.u.o. turbam inermem caedebant quam si periculum par et 7 ardor certaminis eos inritaret. Ita Henna aut malo aut necessario facinore retenta. Marcelhis nee fiictum inprobavit et praedani Hen- nensium militibiis eoncessit. ratus timore deterritos 8 proditionibuspraesidiorumSiculos. Atque eaclades, ut urbis in media Sicilia sitae claraeque vel ob insignem munimento naturali locum vel ob sacrata omnia vestigiis raptae quondam Proserpinae, prope uno 9 die Sicilian! et caede infanda omnem pervasit ; quia rebantur non hominum tantum sed etiam deorum sedem violatam esse, tum vero etiam qui^ ante dubii 10 fuerant defecei*e ad Poenos. Hippocrates inde Murgantiam, Himilco Agrigentum sese i*ecepit, cum acciti a proditoribus nequiquam adHennam exercitum 11 admovissent. Marcellus retro in Leontinos redit frumentoque et commeatibus aliis in castra convectis, praesidio modico ibi relicto ad Syracusas obsidendas 12 venit. Inde Appio Claudio Romam ad consulatum petendum misso T. Quinctium Crispinum in eius 13 classi veteribus locum castrisque praeficit ; ipse hibernacula quinque milia passuum ab Hexapylo— Leonta vocant locum—communiit aedificavitque. Haec in Sicilia usque ad principium hiemis gesta. XL. Eadem aestate et cum Philippo rege quod 2 iam ante suspectumfueratmotumbellum est. Legati

^ etiam qui Madvig : qui etiam P(l).

1 As in Cicero in Verr. IV. 107 the very place reminds one how Phito carried off Proserpina from the meadows below Henna.

300 BOOK XXIV. x.x.xix. 6 -XL. 2 crowd, than if equal danger and ardour for the fray u.i;. 214 were spurring tlieni on. So by an act, it may have been criminal, it may have been unavoidable. Henna was held. Marcellus, without reproving the act, allowed the soldiers to plunder the Hennensians, thinking the frightened Sicilians had been deterred from betraying their garrisons. And as was natural in the case of a city in the heart of Sicily and famous, whether for the remarkable natural defences of its site, or as hallowed everywhere by the footprints of Proserpina, long ago carried away,^ news of the massacre made its way over the whole of Sicily almost in a single day. And then in truth, since they thought that the abode, not of men only but also of gods, had been desecrated by an atrocious massacre, even those who till then had wavered went over to the Carthaginians. Hippo- crates thereupon went back to Murgantia, Himilco to Agrigentum, after bringing up their army to Henna to no purpose at the summons of the traitors. Mar- cellus returned to Leontini, had grain and other supplies brought into the camp, left a suitable garrison there and came to Syracuse to carry on the siege. He then relieved Appius Claudius, to sue for the consulship at Rome, and in his place put Titus Quinctius Crispinus in command of the fleet and the old camp. 2 As for himself, he fortified and built winter quarters five miles from the Hexapylon— Leon they call the place. Such were the events in Sicily up to the beginning of the winter. XL. The same summer the war with King Philip also that for some time had been foreshadowed broke

- Cf. xxxiii. winter was 3 ; XXV. xxvi. 4. The new camp northwest of Syracuse. 301 LIVY

A.u.o. ab Orico ad M. Valerium praetorem venerunt, prae- sidentem classi Brundisio Calabriaeque circa litoribus, nuntiantes Philippiim primum Apolloniam temptasse lembis biremibus centum viginti flumine adverse sub- 3 vectum ut ea res tardior ; deinde, spe fuerit, ad Oricum clam nocte exercitum admovisse ; eamque urbem, sitam in piano neque moenibus neque viris atque amis validam, primo impetu oppressam esse. 4 Haec nuntiantes orabant ut opem ferret hostemque haud dubium Romanis mari ac terra a maritimis urbibus arceret, quae ob nullam aliam causam nisi 5 quod imminerent Italiae, peterentur. M, Valerius ^ duorum milium praesidio relicto praepositoque eis P. Valerio legato cum classe instructa parataque et, quod longae naves militum capere non poterant in 6 onerarias altero die Oricum ur- inpositis pervenit ; ^ bemque eam levi tenente praesidio quod rex recedens inde reliquerat haud magno certamine 7 recepit. Legati eo ab Apollonia venerunt, nuntiantes in obsidione sese, quod deficere ab Romanis nollent, esse neque sustinere ultra vim Macedonum 8 posse, ni^ praesidium mittatur Romanum. Facturum milia se quae vellcnt pollicitus, duo delectorum mili-

^ Cre'iver : or praepositoque q. que only P{I ). 2 rex Fabri {before reliquerat Gronovius) : om. P(l). * ni Eiemann : nil P : nisi P'^?(l).

1 In southern Illyria (Albania), at the south end of the bay behind the Acroceraunian Mountains, almost directly opposite Brundisium. 302

; BOOK XXIV. XL. 2-8

^ out. Legates came from Oricimi to Marcus b.c. 214 liis fleet Valerius, the praetor ,2 who with was guarding Brundisium and the neighbouring coast of Calabria. They reported that Philip had first sailed up the river with a hundred and twenty small vessels having two banks of oars and attacked ^ and that ApoUonia ; then, when the undertaking proved slower than he anticipated, had secretly moved his army to Oricum also that that situated in a and by night ; city, plain not strong either in walls or armed men, had been taken by assault. Making this report, they begged him to lend aid and by land and sea to keep an undoubted enemy of the Romans away from the coast cities, which were being attacked for no other reason than that they faced Italy. Marcus Valerius, after leavincr a jjarrison of two thousand soldiers and placing Publius Valerius, his lieutenant, in command of them, with his fleet drawn up and in readiness, while such soldiers as the warships could not accom- modate had been placed on transports, came on the second to Oricum and as a small day ; only garrison which the king had left when he withdrew held the it resistance. To it city, he recaptured after slight came legates from Apollonia, reporting that they were being besieged because they refused to revolt from the Romans and could no longer withstand the attack of the Macedonians, unless a Roman force should be sent. Valerius promised to do as they desired, and sent two thousand picked soldiers in

" Strictly propraetor; x. 4; xx. 12. ' allied with since The city, in southern Illyria, and Rome 229 B.C., lay near the river Aous and about seven miles inland, about thirty miles north of Oricum. Later it attracted young Romans pursuing their studies, e.g. Octavian.

Z°2> A.ii.c. turn navibus longis niittit ad ostium flumiiiis cum praefecto socium Q. Naevio Crista, viro inpigro et 9 perito militiae. Is expositis in terram militibus navi- busquc Oricum i*etro,unde venerat, ad ceteram classem remissis, milites procul a flumine per viam minime ab regiis obsessam duxit et nocte, ita ut nemo hostium 10 sentiret, urbem est ingressus. Diem insequentem quievere, dum praefectus iuventutem Apolloniatium armaque et urbis vires inspiceret. Ubi ea visa inspectaque satis animorum fecere, simulque ab exploratoribus conperit quanta socordia ac negle- 11 gentia apud hostes esset, silentio noctis ab urbe sine ullo tumultu egressus castra hostium adeo neglecta atque aperta intravit ut satis constaret prius mille hominum vallum intrasse quam quisquam sentiret, ac, si caede abstinuissent, pervenire ad tabernaculum 12 regium potuisse. Caedes proximorum portae excitavit hostes. Inde tantus terror pavorque omnis occupavit ut non modo alius quisquam arma caperet 13 aut castris pellere hostem conaretur, sed etiam ipse rex, sicut somno excitus erat, prope seminudus fugiens militi quoque, nedum regi, vix decoro habitu, ad flumen navisque perfugerit. Eodem et alia turba 14 efFusa est. Paulo ininus tria milia militum in castris aut occisa hominum aut capta ; plus tamen aliquanto 15 captum quam caesum est. Castris direptis Apol- loniatae catapultas, ballistas tormentaque alia quae

^ I.e. the Aoiis.

304 BOOK XXIV. XL. 8-15

^ warships to the mouth of the river under the b.c. 214 command of a prefect of the allies, Quintus Naevius Crista, a man of action and an experienced soldier. He landed his men, sent the ships back to the rest of the fleet at Oricum, his starting-point, led his soldiers at a distance from the river along the road least beset by the king's troops and entered the city by night, so that no one of the enemy was aware of it. The following day they rested, that the prefect might inspect the young men of Apollonia and the arms and resources of the city. The result of that in- spection gave him sufficient encouragement, and he learned also from scouts what carelessness and indifference there was among the enemy. Thereupon in the silence of the night and without making any noise he went out of the city and entered the enemy's camp, so neglected and open that a thousand men had entered the wall before anyone was aware of it, so it was asserted that if had generally ; also, they refrained from slaughter, they could have reached the king's tent. The slaughter of the men nearest to the gate aroused the enemy. Then such alarm and panic took possession of them all that not only did no one else seize his arms and attempt to drive the enemy out of the camp, but even the king himself, fleeing almost half-naked, just as he was when awakened, fled to the river and his ships in a garb scarcely seemly even for a common soldier, much less a king. Thither the rest of the disorderly crowd also poured out. Little fewer than three thousand soldiers were either or slain in the captured camp ; a considerably larger number of men were captured than slain. After plundering the camp the Apol- lonians carried away the catapults, ballistae and other 305 VOL. VI. X LIVY

urbi eraiit ad tuenda ^siif' oppugnandac conparata moenia, si quando similis fortuna venisset, Apolloniam devexere cetera ; omnis praeda castrorum Romanis 16 concessa est. Haeccum Oricum essent nuntiata,M. ^ alerius classem extemplo ad ostium fluminis duxit, 17 ne navibus capessere fugani rex posset. Itaque Philippus,neque terrestri neque navali certamini satis fore parem se fidens, subductis navibus atque incensis terra Macedoniam petiit magna ex parte inermi exercitu spoliatoque. Romana elassis cum M. \'alerio Orici hibernavit. XLI. Eodem amio in Hispania varie res gestae. Nam priusquam Romani amnem Hiberum transirent, ingentes copias Hispanorum Mago et Hasdrubal fude- 2 runt; defecissetque ab Romanis ulterior Hispania, ni P. Cornelius raptim traducto exercitu Hiberum dubiis 3 sociorum animis in tempore advenisset. Primo ad Castrum Album—locus est insignis caede magni 4 Hamilcaris—castra Romani habuere. Arx erat munita et convexerant ante frumentum ; tamen, quia omnia circa hostium plena erant, agmenque Roma- num inpune incursatum ab equitibus hostium fu erat et ad duo milia aut moratorum aut palantium per agros interfecta, cessere inde Romani propius pacata loca et 5 ad montem ^'ictoriae castra communivere. Eo Cn.

Scipio cum omnibus copiiset Hasdrubal Gisgonisfilius, tertius Carthaginiensium dux, cum exercitu iusto

^ Probably modern Alicante, on the coast and northeast of Carthago Nova; built by Hamilcar Barca, who fell in battle there 229-8 B.C. 2 Situation unknown.

306 BOOK XXIV. XL. 15-XU. 5 engines vliich had been provided for a siege of the b.c. 214 their if city to Apollonia, in order to defend walls, ever a similar situation should ai'ise. All the remaining booty of the camp was left to the Romans. When this news reached Oricum, Marcus Valerius at once led his fleet to the mouth of the river, to so prevent the king from escaping by ship. And to a Philip, believing he would not be quite equal battle either on land or sea, stranded his ships, set fire to them, and started for Macedonia with an The army in large part disarmed and despoiled. Roman fleet wintered at Oricum under the command of Marcus Valerius. XLI. In the same year operations in Spain were chequered. For Mago and Hasdrubal, before the Romans should cross the Ebro, routed immense have forces of Spaniards. And Farther Spain would revolted from the Romans if Publius Cornelius had arrived not hastily led his army across the Ebro and in the nick of time, while the allies were still wavering. At first the Romans had their camp at Castrum Alburn,^ noted as the place where the great Hamilcar fell. The citadel had been fortified and they had pre- all around viously brought in grain. Yet the country was filled with the enemy, and the Roman column had been attacked with impunity by the enemy's cavalry and about two thousand men, either straggling or scattered over the farms, had been slain. The Romans therefore retired from the place to a position at nearer peaceful regions and fortified a camp Victory Mountain.^ Thither came Gnaeus Scipio of with all his troops, and Hasdrubal the son Gisgo, making three Carthaginian generals and a complete army; and all three established themselves across 307 x2 A.u.c. advenit, contraque castra Romana trans fluvium 6 omnes consedere. P. Scipio cum expcditis clam profcctus ad loca circa visenda hand fefcllit hostes, oppressissentque cum in patcntibus campis, ni tumulum in propinquo cepisset. Ibi quoque cir- 7 cumsessus adventu fratris obsidione eximitur. Cas- tillo, urbs Hispaniac valida ac nobilis et adeo con- iuncta societate Pocnis ut uxor inde Hannibali esset, 8 ad Romanos defecit. Carthaginienses Iliturgim oppugnare adorti, quia praesidium ibi Romanum erat, videbanturque inopia maxime e\im locum 9 expugnaturi. Cn. Scipio, ut sociis praesidioque ferret opem, cum legione expedita profectus inter bina castra cum magna caede hostium urbem est ingressus et 10 postero die eruptione aeque felici pugnavit. Supra duodecim milia hominum caesa duobus proeliis, plus mille hominum captum cum sex et triginta militari- 11 bussignis. Ita ab Iliturgirecessum est. Bigerrainde urbs—socii ^ et hi ^ Romanorum erant ^—a Cartha- giniensibus oppugnari coepta est. Earn obsidionem sine certamine adveniens Cn. Scipio solvit. XLII. Ad Mundam exinde castra Punica mota et 2 Romani eo confestim secuti sunt. Ibi signis conlatis ferme horas pugnatum per quattuor ; egregieque vincentibus Romanis signum receptui est datum, quod Cn. Scipionis femur tragula confixum erat

^ socii Hertz : socie P : socia P^(\) Walters. 2 hi P Hertz : hec or haec P^l) Walters. » erant PCR^M : erat C2{13).

1 In the upper valley of the Baetis (Guadalquivir), on the main road from the Pyrenees to Gades. ^ Imilce, if Silius Italicus (III. 97 and 106) is correct. ' On the left bank of the Baetis, southwest of Castulo ; of. XXIll. xlix. o, where the form was Ihturgi. 308 BOOK XXIV. xLi. 5-.\Lii. 2 the river, opposite the Roman camp. PubUus b.o, 214 to reconnoitre with unen- Scipio, who set out secretly of the cumbered troops, did not escape the notice enemy, and they would have ovei'whelmed him in the open meadows if he had not captured a hill near by. Even there he was beset, but by the arrival of his ^ to brother he escaped a siege. Castulo revolted so the Romans, a strong and famous city of Spain, to the Carthaginians alliance that closely joined " by Hannibal's wife was from that place. The Cartha- because ginians attempted to capture Iliturgis,^ there was a Roman garrison there, and it seemed that they would take the town mainly by starvation. allies and the Gnaeus Scipio, to lend aid to the garrison, set out with an unencumbered legion, passing between their two camps, and after slaying and on the many of the enemy entered the city, in successful folloA\ing day engaged them an equally were slain in the two sally. Over twelve thousand men battles, more than a thousand men captured, with So withdrew thirty-six military standards. they the of * from' Iliturgis. Then began siege Bigerra —these also were alUes of the Romans—by the on his arrival raised Carthaginians. Gnaeus Scipio the siege without an engagement. XLII. Thereupon the Carthaginian camp was removed to Munda,^ and the Romans promptly followed them thither. There they fought in pitched battle for about four hours, and though the Romans for recall were winning a brilliant victory, the signal had been was given, because Gnaeus Scipio's thigh

* Site unknown. s Near Corduba. This is the first mention of Caesar's Munda; probably Montilla. UVY

A.u.c. pavorque circa eum ceperat milites, ne mortifenim 3 esset vulnus. Ceterum baud dubium fuit quin, nisi ea mora intervenisset, castra eo die Punica capi ^ potuerint. lam non mibtes sobim sed elepbanti etiam usque ad vallum acti erant, superque ipsas fossas 2 novem et triginta elepbanti pills confixi. 4 Hoc quoque proelio ad duodecim milia bominum dicuntur caesa, prope tria capta cum signis militari- 5 bus septem et quinquaginta. Ad Auringem inde urbem Poeni recessere et, ut territis instaret, secutus Romanus. Ibi iterum Scipio lecticula in aciem in-

latus conflixit, nee dubia victoria fuit ; minus tamen dimidio bostium quam antea, quia pauciores super- 6 fuerant qui pugnarent, occisum. Sed gens nata instaui'andis reparandisque bellis, Magone ad conquisitionem militum a fx'atre misso, brevi replevit exercitum animosque ad temptandum de integro * 7 certamen fecit; Galli^ plerique milites, iique pro parte totiens intra paucos dies victa, iisdem ^ animis quibus priores eodemque eventu pugnavere. 8 Plus octo milia bominum caesa, et baud ^ multo minus quam mille captum et signa militaria quinquaginta octo. Et spolia plurima Gallica fuere, aurei torques numerus. Duo etiam armillaeque, magnus— insignes reguli Gallorum Moeniacoepto et Vismaro nomina

* iara P(l): nam Madvig. 2 ipsas fofesas Riemann : ipsas P(2) : ipsos Ax : ipsum x : fossas Madvig. 3 GalU A" Valla : alii P(l) Madvig.

'^ iiqwe Av Valia : sique P(l) : quippe l/acZf/jr.

6 : x. priores Valla : pr. orta F{\\)A? prius * : : z et haud jP{2) Conway et non A baud Madvig. 310 BOOK XXIV. xLii. 2-8

pierced by a light javelin, and fear that the wound b.c. 214 might prove fatal had seized the soldiers around him. But there was no doubt that, if this delay had not occurred, the Carthaginian camp could have been captured that day. Already not only soldiers but the elephants also had been driven even up to the wall, and just as they crossed the trenches thirty-nine elephants were struck down by heavy javelins. In this battle also about twelve thousand men are said to have been slain, about three thousand captured, with fifty-seven military standards. The Carthaginians then retired to the city of Aurinx,^ and the Roman followed, to threaten them while terrified. There Scipio again engaged, being carried into battle-line in a Utter, and the victory was not to be questioned. Less than half as many of the enemy as before, however, were slain, because fewer men had survived to to fight. But, as Mago was sent by his brother recruit soldiers, a race adapted by nature to renew wars and to make fresh preparations for them soon an- refilled the army and gave them the spirit to essay other conflict. The soldiers were mostly Gauls,^ and they fought with the same spirit as their predecessors for the side which had been beaten so many times within a few days, and with the same result. More than eight thousand men were slain, and not much less than a thousand captured, also fifty-eight military standards. And the spoils were largely Gallic, golden collars and armbands—a great number of them. Also two conspicuous princes of the Gauls —Moeniacoeptus and Vismarus were their names

1 Perhaps the same as Orongis, XXVIII. iii. 2. 2 in From Celtic tribes already established in Spain, even the southwest- LIVY

A.u.c. erant— eo proelio ccciderunt. Octo elephant! capti, tres occisi. 9 Cum tarn prosperae res in Hispania assent, verecundia Romanos tandem cepit, Saguntum oppidum, quae causa belli esset, octavum iam annum sub 10 hostium potestate esse. Itaque id oppidum vi pulso praesidio Punico receperunt cultoribusque antiquis, 11 ex iis vis restituerunt quos reliquerat belli, ; et Tur- detanos, qui contraxerant eis cum Carthaginiensibus bellum,in potestatemredactossub corona vendiderunt urbemque eorum delerunt, XLIII. Haec in Hispania Q. Fabio M. Claudio 2 consulibusgesta. Romaecumtribuniplebisnovimagi- stratum inissent, extemplo censoribus P. Furio et M. Atilio a M. Metello dies — tribuno plebis dicta ad popu- 3 lum est quaestorem eum proximo anno adempto equo tribu moverant atque aerarium fecerant propter coniurationem deserendae Italiae ad Cannas factam —sed novem tribunorum auxilio vetiti causam in 4 magistratu dicere dimissique fuerunt.^ Ne lustrum mors P. perficei-ent, prohibuit Furi ; M. Atilius magistratu se abdicavit. 5 Comitia consularia habita ab Q. Fabio Maximo consule. Creati consules ambo absentes Q. Fabius Maximus, consulis filius, et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus

1 fueTunt Crdvier : fuerantP(l): ovi. Ussing, Walters.

1 Livy's own chronology would make it four complete years; XXI. vii. ff.; XV. 5; XXIV. ix. 7. " Cf. XXI. vi. 1. Better known is the tribe of the same name in southern Baetica. 3 Cf. xviii. 3 and 6; XXVII. xi. 12. The scene was Canu- slum, after Cannae.

312 BOOK XXI\'. xui. S-.\Liii. 5

—fell in that battle. Eight elephants were captured, b.c. 214 three slain. The situation in Spain being so favourable, the Romans came at last to be ashamed that the town of Saguntum, which was the cause of the Avar, had been ^ by that time seven years in the power of the enemy. Accordingly the Carthaginian garrison was driven out by force, and recovering the town the Romans restored it to its former inhabitants—such of them as the violence of war had spared. And as for the Turdetani,- who had brought on the war between reduced Saguntum and the Carthaginians, they them to subjection, sold them under the garland and destroyed their city. XLIII. Such were the events in Spain in the Claudius. At consulship of Quintus Fabius and Marcus Rome, immediately after the newly elected tribunes a was set of the plebs had entered upon office, day by Marcus Metellus, a tribune of the plebs, for the censors PubHus Furius and Marcus Atilius to appear the at the bar of the people. In his quaestorship removed year before they had taken away his horse, him from his tribe and made him an aerarian on account of the conspiracy formed at Cannae to aid of nine tribunes desert Italy.^ But by the they were forbidden to plead their cause while in office and were released. From completing the ceremony the death of of purification they were prevented by Publius Furius. Marcus Atilius abdicated his office. For the consulship the election was conducted by Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul. Elected consuls, both in absence, were Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul's son, and Tiberius Sempronius men Gracchus, the latter for the second time. Two 313 LIVY

A.u.c. 6 iterum. Praetores fiunt duo qui turn aediles curules erant, P. Sempronius Tuditanus et Cn. Fulvius Centumalus, et cum illis^ M. Atilius et ^ M. Aemilius 7 Lepidus. Ludos scenicos per quadriduum eo anno primum factos ab curulibus aedilibus memoriae ^ 8 proditur. Aedilis Tuditanus hie erat qui ad Cannas pavore aliis in tanta clade torpentibus per medios hostes duxit. * A.u.c. 9 His comitiis perfectis auctore Q. Fabio consule Sll designati consules Romam aecersiti magistratum inierunt, senatumque de bello ac provinciis suis praetorumque et de exercitibus quibus quique

praeessent consuluerunt ; (XLIV^) itaque provinciae atque exercitus divisi : bellum cum Hannibale consulibus mandatum et exercituum unus quern ipse alter Fabius consul Sempronius habuerat, quem ; 2 eae binae ei-ant legiones. M. Aemilius praetor, cuius peregrina sors erat, iuris dictione M. Atilio collegae, praetori urbano, mandata, Luceriam provinciam haberet legionesque duas quibus Q. Fabius, 3 qui turn consul erat, praetor praefuerat. P. Sem- pronio provincia Ariminum, Cn. Fulvio Suessula cum binis item legionibus evenerunt, ut Fulvius urbanas legiones duceret, Tuditanus a M. Pomponio acciperet. 4 Prorogata imperia provinciaeque, M. Claudio Sicilia

1 cum illis Walters : cum lis M. Muller : om. P{\). - M. Atilius et Madvig : om. P(l). 3 eratC'2JR42: eritP(l) Walters. * duxit. His Madvig^ (lis Weissenborn) : auxiliis P(l).

1 Cf. XXII. 1. 6 ff. " ^ Gallia was the more recent name of this province," ager Gallicus in x. 3. * With the important Roman camp near it, the caslra Claudiana; xvii. 2; xlvii. 12; XXIII. xxxi. 3. BOOK XXIV. xLiir. 6-xliv. 4 who were at the time curule aediles, Publius Sem- b.c. 214 proiiius Tuditanus and Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus, were made praetors, and with them M. Atilius and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus. Tradition has it that at the festival given that year by the cm'ule aediles four days had dramatic performances for the first time. The aedile Tuditanus was the man mIio at Cannae, mIicu others were paralyzed by fear in such a disaster, led his men through the midst of the enemy .1 These elections being completed, the consuls b.c. 213 designate were summoned to Rome, as proposed by Quintus Fabius, the consul, entered upon office and consulted the senate in rescard to the war and the provinces, their own and those of the praetors, and as to the armies which they should respectively command; (XLI\^ and the provinces and armies were divided as follows : the war with Hannibal was assigned to the consuls, and two armies, one which Sempronius himself, and the other which Fabius had commanded as consul. These were of two to legions each. Mai'cus Aemilius, the praetor whom was to fell jurisdiction in cases involving foreigners, Marcus assign his judicial function to his colleague Luceria as his Atilius, the city praetor, and have province, and two legions which Quintus Fabius, who was now consul, had commanded as praetor. To Publius Sempronius Ariminum fell as his likewise assignment,'- to Gnaeus Fulvius, Suessula,^ that with two legions in each case, so assigned Fulvius should take wdth him the legions at the city, and Tuditanus take over from Marcus Pomponius his were continued legions. Commands and assignments as follows: for Marcus Claudius Sicily, with the 315 LIVY

A.u.c. finibus eis quibus regnum Hieronis fuisset, P. Lentulo propraetori provincia vetus, T. Otacilio classis— 5 exercitus nulli — additi novi , M. Valerio Graecia Macedoniaque cum legione et classe quam haberet, Q. Mucio curn vetere exercitu —duae autem legiones erant— ^ Sardinia, C. Terentio legio una cui lam ^ G praeerat ac Piceniun. Scribi praeterea duae urbanae legiones iussae et viginti milia sociorum. His ducibus, his copiis adversus multa simul aut mota aut suspecta bella miinivcrunt Romanum imperium. 7 Consules duabus urbanis legionibus scriptis supple- mentoque in alias lecto, priusquam ab urbe moverent, 8 prodigia procurarunt quae nuntiata erant. Murus ac

portae . . .j-^ et Ariciae etiam lovis aedes de caelo tacta fuerat. Et alia ludibria oculorum auriumque credita pro veris : navium longarum species in flumine Tarracinae quae nuUae erant visas, et in lovis Vici- lini templo, quod in Compsano agro est, arma con- crepuisse, et flumen Amiterni ci-uentum fluxisse. 9 His procuratis ex decreto pontificiim profecti consules, Sempronius in Lucanos, in Apuliam Fabius. Pater 10 fllio legatus ad Suessulam in castra venit. Cum obviam filius pi-ogrederetur lictoresque verecundia maiestatis eius taciti anteirent, praeter undecim fasces equo praevectus senex, ut consul animadvertere proximum lictorem iussit et is ut descenderet ex

^ legio una P(l) : cum legione una Aldus. ^ a,c : Weissenborn ci x Gronovius : om. P{\). ' portae (or -te) P(\), followed by tactae [or -te), irdo which a town name has been corrupted : porta Caietae Lulerbacher, Walters.

^ Cf. XXIII. i. 1. In that southern part of Samnium Jupiter had the rare epithet Vicillnus. 316 BOOK XXIV. xLiv. 4-10 boundaries which Hiero's kingdom had had; forB.c. 213 as the old for Pubhus Lentulus, propraetor, province ;

Titus Otacihus the fleet ; and for them new armies were not added. So also for Marcus Valerius Greece and Macedonia, with the legion and the fleet which he had for Mucins with its old — ; Quintus Sardinia, army there were two for Gaius Terentius one legions ; legion which he already commanded, and Picenum. It was fm-ther ordered that two city legions should be enrolled, also twenty thousand allies. With these generals, these forces, they defended the Roman empire at the same time against many wars, either already begun or foreshadowed. The consuls, after em-oUing two legions for the city and enhsting recruits to reinforce the others, before setting out from the city made expiation for the prodigies which had been reported. The wall and gates at . . . and at Aricia even the temple of Jupiter had been struck by lightning. And for eyes and ears there were other illusions, accepted as real : that in the river at Tarracina forms of warships which had no existence had been seen ; and that in the temple of Jupiter Vicilinus, in the territory of a of arms and Compsa,^ there was sound clashing ; that the river at Amiternum ran with blood. These portents being expiated according to a decree of the pontiffs, the consuls set out, Sempronius for Lucania, Fabius for Apulia. The father came as his son's lieutenant to the camp at Suessula. While the son was advancing to meet him and the lictors out of respect for the father's dignity were silent as they preceded the consul, the old man rode past eleven fasces. And not until the consul had ordered the last lictor to take notice and the latter had called

317 LIVY

A.u.c. " " equo inclamavit, turn demum desiliens Experiri " inquit volui, fili, satin' scires consulem te esse." XLV. In ea castra Dasius Altinius Arpinus clam nocte cum tribus sei'vis venit promittens, si sibi prae- 2 mio foret, se Arpos proditurum esse. Eam rem ad consilium cum rettulisset Fabius, aliis pro transfuga verberandus necandusque videri ancipitis animi communis hostis, qui post Cannensem cladem, tamquam cum fortuna fidem stare oporteret, ad Hannibalem de- 3 scisset ad defectionem traxissetque Arpos ; tum, quon- ^ iam res Romana contra spem votaque eius velut resurgere ab stirpibus videatur, novam referre pro- ^ ditionem proditis polliceatur, aliunde stet semper, aliunde "^ sentiat, infidus socius, vanus hostis ; id ad Faleriorum Pyrrhique proditorem tertium transfugis 4 documentum esset. Contra ea consulis pater Fabius temporum oblitos homines in medio ardore belli, tamquam in pace, libera de quoque arbitria agere 5 aiebat, ut,^ cum illud potius agendum atque cogitan- dum sit, si quo modo fieri possit, ne qui socii a populo Romano desciscant, id non cogitent,^ documentum ^ autem dicant statui oportere, si quis resipiscat et

1 quoniam C^x : quia ifM^ : qiiamP(ll). ^ aliunde etet Gronovius : aliunde ipse stet Conway : aliiudicioestet P{\0)C?. ^ id Madvig : om. P{\). * ut Weissenborn : 1 : et P( ) qui Gronovius. * id non cogitent Gronovkcs : et non vocitent P(l) : et ut novos concilient Madvig. * dicant FaZZa : dicaturP(l).

^ A famous story. Gellius (II. ii. 13) gives the brief version of Claudius Quadrigarius. BOOK XXIV. xuv. lo-xLv. 5 out the order to dismount, did the father to the b.c. 213 " leap ground and say : I wished to find out, son, whether ^ 3'ou were quite aware that you arc consul." XLV. To that camp came Dasius Altinius of Arpi secretly by night with three slaves, promising that if rewarded he would betray Arpi.^ When Fabius brought the matter before the council, the others thought that as a deserter he r-hcnikl be scourged and put to death, a waverer and an enemy to both sides, who after the disaster at Cannae, as if loyalty should side with success, had gone over to Hannibal and dragged Arpi into revolt, and then, because, contrary to his expectation and his wishes, the Roman state seemed to be springing up again, as it were from the roots, he was promising to present the betrayed with a new betrayal, and always taking part with one side, but with the other in heart, faithless as an ally, inconstant as an enemy. To the betrayers ^ "* of Falerii and of Pyrrhus he should be added as a third example to deserters. On the contrary the consul's father Fabius said that men were forgetting the situation, when they exercised free judgment in each individual case in the midst of the heat of war, as though in peace, with the result that, although the thins: to be done and to be borne in mind was rather to prevent any allies—if this was somehow possible— from abandoning the Roman people, they were not bearing that in mind and, further, they were saying that, if a man came to his senses and turned his eyes to the previous alliance, he ought to be made a warn-

2 In northern Apulia, east of Luceria and not far from xlvi. 8. the Adriatic; of. ill. 16; xii. 3, 5 ; XXIII. 3 Cf. V. xxvii. 2 ff. • This story was told in the lost Xlllth book (cf. EpiL). LIVY

^.I'c. 6 antiquam societatem respiciat. Quod si abire ab Romanis liceat, redire ad eos non liceat, ciii dubium ^ esse quin brevi desperata ab sociis Romana res foederibus Punicis omnia in Italia iuncta visura 2 7 sit ? Se tamen non eum esse qui Altinio fidei quicquam censeat liabendum, sed mediam secuturum ^ 8 consilii viara. Neque enim pro hoste neque pro socio in praesentia habitum libera custodia baud procul a castris placere in aliqua fida civitate eum * servari belli bello per tempus ; perpetrato tum consultandum utrum prior defectio plus merita 9 sit poenae, an hie reditus veniae. Fabio adsensum traditus et et comites est, Calenisque legatis ipse ; et auri satis magnum pondus, quod secum tum 10 attulerat, ei servari iussum. Calibus eum interdiu solutum custodes sequebantur, nocte clausum ad- 11 servabant. Arpis domi primum desiderari quae- est dein totam urbem rique coeptus ; fama per volgata tumultum, ut principe amisso, fecit, metuque rerum 12 novarum extemplo nuntii missi. Quibus nequaquam offensus Poenus, quia et ipsum ut ambiguae fidei virum suspectum iam pridem habebat et causam nactus erat tam ditis hominis bona possidendi 13 ut irae vendendique ; ceterum, magis quam avaritiae datum crederent homines, crudeUtatem 14 quoque aviditati ^ addidit, coniugemque eius ac liberos in castra accitos, quaestione prius habita

^ despersitsL 3Iadvig : desiderata P(l) : deserta r. - res . . . visura sit P(l) : re . . . viauri sint 31advig. ^ enim Weissenborn : eum P(l) Madvig. •* eum P(l) : oxa. Aldus, Madvig. * aviditati Stroth : gravitatem P(l).

^ I.e. to Hannibal.

320 BOOK XXIV. xLv. 6-14 ing example. If then it was permissible to leave the n.r. 213 Romans, but not to return to them, who could doubt that soon the Roman state, despaired of by the allies, would see the Avhole of Italy joined together by Carthaginian treaties '? For himself, however, he was not the man to think that any trust should be placed in Altinius, but would follow a middle course. He thought it best, namely, that Altinius should not be treated as cither enemy or ally for the present, that under qualified arrest he should be guarded for the duration of the war in some loyal city-state not far from the camp. When the war was over they should then deliberate whether his previous defection desei'ved punishment more than his present return merited pardon. They agreed with Fabius, and the man was turned over to representatives of Cales, himself and his companions. And it was ordered— that the gold—and the weight of it was considerable which he had then brought with him should be kept for him. At Cales he was free to go about by day followed by guards, at night confined and watched by them. At Arpi it was in his house that he was first missed and search for him began. Then the report spreading through the city caused the usual commotion when a leading man is missing, and for fear of a rebellion they at once sent messengers.^ The Carthaginian was no means at this since he by displeased news, . had long regarded the man himself with suspicion, an as unsettled in his loyalty, and also he now had excuse for taking possession of the property of a man of such wealth and selling it. But that men might believe he was yielding to anger rather than greed, he added cruelty also to avarice, that is, he summoned the wife and children to the camp, and, 321 VOL. VI. Y IJVY

A.u.c. primum de fuga Altini, dein quantum auri argentique domi relictum esset, satis cognitis omnibus vivos combussit. XL\'I. Fabius ab Suessula profectus Arpos primum ^ institit oppugnare. Ubi cum a quingcntis fere passi- bus castra posuisset, contemplatus ex propinquo situm urbis moeniaque, quae pars tutissima moenibus erat, quia maxime neglectam custodia vidit, ea potissimum 2 adgredi statuit. Comparatis omnibus quae ad urbes oppugnandas usui sunt centurionum robora ex toto exercitu delegit tribunosque viros fortes eis praefecit, et milites seseentos, quantum satis visum est, attribuit eosque, ubi quartae vigiliae signum cecinisset, ad eum 3 locum scalas iussit ferre. Porta ibi humilis et angusta erat infrequenti via per desertam partem urbis. Earn ^ portam scalis prius transgressos murum aperire ex interiore parte aut claustra refringere iubet et tenentes partem urbis cornu signum dare ut ceterae copiae admoverentur : parata omnia atque instructa ^ 4 sese habiturum. Ea inpigre facta, et quod impedi- mentum agentibus fore videbatur, id maxime ad fallendum adiuvit. Imber ab nocte media coortus custodes vigilesque dilapsos e stationibus subfugere * 5 in tecta coegit, sonitasque primo largioris procellae ' strepitum molientium portam exaudiri prohibuit, lentior deinde aequaliorque accidens auribus magnam

^ a quingentis Gronovius : ad (= a d) P(4). ^ murum aperire Crevier : aperire Madrig : amurumperire P (-pergere P^(-i)) : ad murum pergere C^BDA. * &ese A''- Aldus : esseP(l): om. Conway. * sonitusque ^^/'ari/odi;*?: sonituque P(2)^? Walters. 322 BOOK XXIV. XLV. 14-XLV1. 5 after investigating first the flight of Altinius, then b.c. 21.1 how much gold and siher had been left in his house, now ftilly informed, he burned them alive. XLM. Fabius setting out from Suessula first his pressed the siege of Arpi. There he pitched camp at a distance of about five hundred paces, and after observing the situation of the city and the that walls at close range, he decided to attack just at part of the city which was best defended by walls, because he saw that that was the most carelessly for guarded. He assembled everything useful siege the operations, selected from the entire army pick of the centurions, and placed tribunes who were brave men in command of them. And he assigned them six hundred soldiers—all that seemed necessary —and ordered them to carry ladders to that place, when the trumpet should sound for the fourth watch. There was a low, narrow gate there, as the street, was not leading through a deserted part of the city, climb much frequented. He ordered them first to over the wall by means of their ladders, and then to else break down open that gate from the inside, or the bars, and then, holding a part of the city, to give for the rest of the to the signal on a trumpet troops and in move up. He would have everything ready order. These commands were carried out with a circumstance which seemed to spirit, and likely hamper action proved of the greatest help to secrecy. Heavy rain beginning at midnight forced the guards and run to and sentries to slip away from their posts cover. And the sound, at first of a heavier shower, the prevented the noise they made in forcing gate and more from being heard clearly, and then, gentler monotonous as they listened, it lulled a great many y2 LIVY

A.tT.c. 6 partem hominum sopivit. Postquam portam tene-

bant, cornicines, in via paribus intervallis dispositos, 7 canere iubent, ut consulem excirent. Id ubi factum

ex composito est, signa efferri consul iubet ac paulo ante lucem per effractam portam urbem ingreditur. XLVII. Tum demum hostes excitati sunt iam et 2 imbre conquiescente et propinqua luce. Praesidium in urbe erat Hannibalis, quinque milia ferme arma-

torum, et ipsi Arpini tria milia hominum armarant. Eos primes Poeni, ne quid ab tergo fraudis esset, 3 hosti opposuerunt. Pugnatum primo in tenebris angustisque viis est. Cum Romani non vias tantum ^ sed tecta etiam proxima portam occupassent, ne peti 4 siiperne ac volnerari possent, cogniti inter se quidam Arpinique et Romani atque inde conloquia coepta fieri, percunctantibus Romanis quid sibi vellent 5 Arpini, quam ob noxam Romanorum aut quod meri- tum Poenorum pro alienigenis ac barbaris Italici adversus veteres socios Romanos bellum gererent et vectigalem ac stipendiariam Italiam Africae facerent, 6 Arpinis purgantibus ignaros omnium se venum a a principibus datos Poeno, captos oppressosque Initio cirni 7 paucis esse. orto plures pluribus conloqui ; deduc- postremo praetor Arpinus ab suis ad consulem tus, fideque data inter signa aciesque Arpini repente

1 ^OTt&m Drakeyiborch : portae C^J./';.-!^ : ^orta, P{2)A?. 324 BOOK XXIV. xLvi. 5-.\Lvii. 7 of the men to sleep. Once in possession of the j?ate, n.o. 213 they oi'dered the trumpeters, posted at e(|ual intervals along the road, to sound, in order to summon the consul. This done according to agreement, the consul orders the standards to be carried out of the camp, and a little before daylight enters the city through the gate they had forced. XLVII. Not until then were the enemy aroused, as the noise of the rain was now lessening and daylight approaching. In the city there was a garrison of Hannibal's, about five thousand armed men, and the citizens of Arpi also had armed three thousand men. These were the first troops with which the Cartha- ginians, to prevent any treachery in the rear, con- fronted the enemy. They fought at first in darkness and in narrow streets. The Romans gained possession not only of the streets but also of the houses nearest to the gate, that they might not be attacked and wounded from above. Thereupon some Arpini and Romans recognized each other and then began conversations. The Romans asked what the Arpini meant, for what offence on the part of the Romans, or for what service on the part of the Carthaginians they, although Italians, were waging war for foreigners and barbarians against their old allies the Romans, and making Italy a tributary and a tax- payer to Africa. The Arpini pleaded as excuse that in complete ignorance they had been sold by their leading citizens to the Carthaginian and captured and overpowered by a few men. With that beginning larger groups conversed with larger. Finally the magistrate of Arpi was escorted by fellow- citizens to the consul, and after promises had been given in the midst of standards and battle-lines, the 325 LIVY

A.u.c. pro Romanis adversus Carthagiiiiensem arma verte- 8 runt. Hispani quoque, paulo minus mille homines, nihil praeterea cum consule pacti quam ut sine fraude Punicum emitteretur praesidium, ad consulem 9 transtulerunt signa. Carthaginiensibus portae pate- factae cmissique cum fide incolumes ad Ilannibalem 10 Salapiam venerunt. Arpi sine clade ullius praeterquam unius veteris proditoris, novi perfugae, resti- 11 tuti ad Romanos. Hispanis duplicia cibaria dari iussa eorum forti ac fideli ; operaque persaepe res publica usa est. 12 Cum consul alter in Apulia, alter in Lucanis esset, equites centum duodecim nobiles Campani per speciem praedandi ex hostiimi agro permissu magistratuum ab Capua profecti ad castra Romana, quae Suessulam venerunt station! militum super erant, ; qui essent dixerunt : conloqui sese cum praetore velle. 13 Fulvius castris cui ubi nuntiatum Cn. praeerat ; est, decem ex eo numero iussis inermibus deduci ad se, ubi quae postularent audivit—nihil autem aliud petebant quam ut Capua recepta bona sibi restitue- 14 rentur— in fidem omnes Et ab altero , accepti. praetore Sempronio Tuditano oppidum Atrinum expug- ^ natum. Amplius septem milia hominum capta et 15 aeris argentique signati aliquantum. Romae foedum incendium per duas noctes ac diem unum tenuit. Solo acquata omnia inter Salinas ac portam Carmen-

^ sei>temmili& P{4)innumeraJs(\20 ODOO) : lxx .4.

^ I.e. Gracchus ; xliv. 9. ^ Situation unknowTi.

326 BOOK XXIV. xLvii. 7-15

Arpini suddenly fought for the Romans, turning their b.c. 213 weapons against the Carthaginians. The Spanish troops also, hardly fewer than a thousand men, after making no other terms with the consul than that the Punic garrison be allowed to go without injury, brouEcht their standards over to the consul. The gates were opened for the Carthaginians, they were allowed to leave, as promised, and came unharmed to Hannibal at Salapia. Arpi, with the loss of no man but a single veteran traitor and recent deserter, was restored to the Romans. To the Spaniards double rations were ordered to be issued, and the state repeatedly availed itself of their brave and faithful service. ^ While one consul was in Apulia, the other in Lucania, a hundred and twelve noble Campanian horsemen, setting out from Capua, with permission of the magistrates, under pretext of plundering the enemy's country, came to the Roman camp above Suessula. They told the guards outside who they that wished to with the were ; they speak praetor. Gnaeus Fulvius was in command of the camp, and on being informed, he ordered that ten of their number be disarmed and brought to him. After he had heard their demands—^and they made no other request than that upon the recovery of Capua their property should be restored to them, they were all taken under his protection. And the other praetor, ^ Sempronius Tuditanus, took the town of Atrinum by storm. More than seven thousand men were captured and a considerable amount of coined copper and silver. At Rome a terrible fire lasted two nights and a day. Everything between the Salinae and Porta Carmentalis was levelled to the ground, 327 LIVY

A.ir.c. talem cum vico et ^ 511 Aequimaelio lugarioque templis 16 Fortunae ac niatris Matutae. Kt extra portam late vagatus ignis sacra profanaque multa absumpsit. XLVIII. Eodem anno P. et Cn. Cornclii, cum in Hispania res prosperae essent multosqiie et veteres reciperent socios et novos adicerent, in Africam quo- 2 que spem extenderunt. Syphax erat rex Numidarum 3 subito hostis factus centu- Carthaginiensibus ; ad eum riones tres legates miserunt qui cum eo amicitiam societatemque facerent et poUicerentur, si perse- veraret urguere bello Carthaginienses, gratam eam rem fore senatui populoque Romano et adnisuros ut in tempore et bene cumulatam gratiam referant. 4 ea barbaro fuit Grata legatio ; conlocutusque cum legatis de ratione belli gerundi, ut veterimi militum verba audivit, quam multarum rerum ipse ignarus esset, ex conparatione tam ordinatae disciplinae ^ 5 animum advertit. Tum id primum ut pro bonis ac fidelibus sociis facerent oravit, ut duo legationem referrent ad imperatores suos,unus apud sese magister ^ rei militaris remaneret : rudem ad pedestria bella Numidarum gentem esse, equis tantum habilem; 6 ita iam inde a principiis gentis maiores suos bella

1 et Madvig : in P(l). 2 turn id Crivier : id tum Riemanii : tuniP(l). ^ remaneret A^ Riemann: retieret P : rediret C*(10) : restaret Walters.

1 The devjistated area was that along the river from the Avcntine to the Capitoline, including part of the southeast slope (Aequimaelium) of the latter, and the street (Vieus were lugarius) leading to the Forum. The temples mentioned near the Tiber and close together; cf. XXXIII. xxvii. 4. 328 BOOK XXn'. xLvii. 15-XLV111. 6 including the Aequimaelium and Vicus Iugarius,i d.c. 213 also the Temples of Fortune and Mater Matuta. Outside the gate also the fire spread to a distance ' and destroyed many buildings sacred and profane. XLVm. The same year Publius and Gnaeus Cornelius, in consequence of their success in Spain and their recovery of many old allies and the addition of new allies, enlarged their hopes in the direction of Africa as well. There ^vas Syphax, king of the Numidians,^ who had suddenly become an enemy of the Carthaginians. To him they sent three centurions as legates, to establish friendship and alliance with him, and to promise that if he should continue to embarrass the Carthaginians by war, it would be acceptable to the senate and the Roman people, and they Avould endeavour to return the favour at the right moment and with generous interest. This embassy pleased the barbarian, and he conferred with the ambassadors on the conduct of the war ; and hearing what was said by experienced soldiers, he noted, from comparison with so well-ordered a system, how many things he did not know himself. Then, as the first act befitting good and faithful allies, be begged that two of the legates might report to their generals, and one remain with him as instructor in tactics. He said the Numidian nation was inexpert in infantry warfare, of service only as horsemen. This was the way their ancestors from their earliest history had waged war, thus they had

^ Among these was the Temple of Spes, one of three in the Ixii. 4 Forum Holitorium, outside the wall ; XXI. ; XXV, vii. 6. ^ I.e. of the western Numidians, the Masaesulians, in Algeria and Oran; XXVIII. xvii. 5. 329 LIVY

A.u.c. gessisse, ita se a pueris insuetos. Sod habere hostem pedestri fidentem Marte, cui si aequari robore 7 virium velit, et sibi pedites comparandos esse. Et ad id multitudine hominum regnum abundare, sed ar- mandi ornandique et instruendi eos artem ignorare. ^ Omnia, velut forte congregata turba, vasta ac 8 tenieraria esse. Facturos se in praesentia quod vellet legati respondent, fide accepta ut remitteret extemplo eum, si imperatores sui non comprobassent 9 factum. Q. Statorio nomen fuit, qui ad regem remansit. Cum duobus Romanis rex tres a^ Numidis^ legatos in Hispaniam misit ad accipiendam fidem ab 10 imperatoribus Romanis. Isdem mandavit ut protinus Numidas qui intra praesidia Cai-thaginiensium auxili- ^ 11 ares essent ad ti'ansitionem perlicerent. Et Sta- torius ex multa iuventute regi pedites conscripsit ordinatosque proxime morem Romanum instruendo et decurrendo signa sequi et servare ordines docuit, 12 et operi aliisque iustis militaribus ita adsuefecit ut brevi rex non equiti magis fideret quam pediti con- latisque aequo campo signis iusto proelio Carthagi- 13 niensem hostem superaret. Romanis quoque in Hispania legatorum regis adventus magno emolu- fuit ad famam eorum transitiones mento ; namque crebrae ab Numidis coeptae fieri. Ita cum Syphace Romanis coepta amicitia est. Quod ubi Carthaginienses acceperunt, extemplo

1 vasta Rubens : suasca PR^ : suaisca P^?{\.2). " rex trcs a Conway: relata P(l) : rex tres Alschefski: rex Weissenborn. 3 Numidis P(4) : -d&s BA-. * essent ; : erant A^x : om. P(l). 33° BOOK XXIV. xLviii. 6-13 themselves been trained from boyhood, liut he u.c. si.-! had an enemy who rehed upon infantry battks, and if he wished to be a match for him in mihtary strength he too must acquire infantry. And for that purpose his kingdom was supplied with men in great numbers, but they did not understand the art of arming and equipping them and placing them in battle-line. Everything was formless and unmethodical, as if a mob had been gathered by chance. The legates replied that for the present they would do as he desired, after receiving his pledge to send back the man at once, if their generals should not approve of their action. Quintus Statorius was the name of the one who remained with the kins;. With the two Romans the king sent three legates from the Numidians to Spain, to receive confirmation from the Roman generals. He further instructed them at once to persuade Numidians who were auxiliaries in the forces of the Carthaginians to desert them. And Statorius out of the mass of young men enrolled infantry for the king, organized them almost in the ' Roman manner, taught them in formation and evolution to follow standards and keep their ranks, and to such an extent accustomed them to fortifying and other regular duties of the soldier that in a short time the king had as much confidence in his infantry as in his cavalry, and in a regular engagement in formal array on level ground he defeated the Cartha- ginian enemy. The Romans also in Spain profited greatly by the coming of the king's representatives. For upon the news of their arrival desertions by the Numidians began to be frequent. Thus began the friendship of the Romans with Syphax. When the Carthaginians learned of the 33^ LIVY

A.u.c. ad Galam in parte altera Numidiae—Maesuli ea gens vocatur—regnantem legates mittunt. XLIX. Filium Gala Masinissam habebat septem decern annos natum, ceterum iiivenem ea indole ut iam turn appareret maius regnum opulentiusque quam quod accepisset 2 facturuni. Legati, quoniani Syphax se Rornanis iunxisset, ut potentior societate eorum adversus 3 reges populosque Africae esset, docent melius fore Galae quoque Carthaginiensibus iungi quam primum, antequam Syphax in Hispaniam aut Romani in African! transeant nihildum ; opprimi Syphacem praeter nomen ex foedere Romano habentem posse. 4 Facile persuasum Galae, filio deposcente id bellum, ut mitteret exercitum ; qui Carthaginiensibus legionibus coniunctus^ magno proelio Syphacem devicit. Triginta milia eo proelio hominimi caesa dicuntur. 5 Syphax cum paucis equitibus in Maurusios ex acie Numidas—extremi prope Oceanum adversus Gadis colunt—refugit, adfluentibusque ad famam eius undi- 6 que barbaris ingentis brevi copias armavit cmn quibus in Hispaniam angusto diremptam freto traiceret. 2 Sed Masinissa cum \-ictore exercitu advenit ; isque ibi cum Syphace ingcnti gloria per se sine ullis Carthaginiensium opibus gessit bellum.

1 coniunetua Madvig : -iisP: -i P^? : -is(l). 2 Sed H. J. Midler : om. P{\) : eo or et Madvig : ceterum

Luchs : interim Weissenbom.

' The eastern part, adjoining Carthafrinian territory. Cirta (Constantine) was Sj^phax's capital, until it fell to Masinissa

in 203 B.C. ; XXX. xii. BOOK XXIV. xLviii. 13-XL1X. 6

matter they at once sent legates to Gala, who reigned b.c. 213 called in the other part of Nuniidia,! his people being the Maesulians. XLIX. Gala had a son Masinissa,^ of such seventeen years old, but a young man promise that even then it was evident that he would make the he had received. kingdom larger and richer than what as had The legates stated that, inasmuch Syphax attached himself to the Romans, in order, through alliance with them, to be more powerful against the be well for Gala kings and peoples of Africa, it would too to attach himself as soon as possible to the cross into Carthaginians, before Syphax should could be Spain or the Romans into Africa. Syphax had as no surprised, they said, while he yet advantage the name. from his treaty with the Romans except Gala to send an as his They easily persuaded army, and reinforced son was begging for the command ; Masinissa defeated by the Carthaginian legions, men are Syphax in a great battle. Thirty thousand said to have been slain in that battle. Syphax with a few horsemen fled from the field to the Maurusian Numidians, who live far away, near the Ocean barbarians on opposite Gades. And as the hearing armed of him flocked together from all sides, he soon immense forces with which to cross into Spain, strait. But Masinissa separated only by a narrow came with his victorious army, and there by himself, he carried without any help from the Carthaginians, distinction. on war against Syphax with great

* in down to the time Who fought against the Romans Spain of Gala's death in 206 B.C., and then became an ally of Rome, have been nearer and a friend of Scipio. At present he must h.c at 92 48 fin.; twenty-seven, since he died in 149 (Epit. cf. 50). 333 LIVY

A.r.r. 7 In Hispania nihil memorabile gestum praeterquam '^ quod Celtibcrum iuventutem eadeni mercede qua pacta cum Carthaginiensibus erat imperatores 8 Romani ad se perduxerunt, et nobilissimos Hispanos supra trecentos in Italians ad sollicitandos populares ^ qui inter auxilia Hannibalis erant miserunt. Id ^ modo eius anni in Hispania ad memoriam insigne est, quod mercennarium militem in castris neminem ante quam turn Celtiberos Romani habuerunt.

' Id modo . . . habuenint P(l) : spurious Geyer. - eius (or eris) anni in Hispania /'(I) : spurious Conioay.

334 BOOK XXIV. Mjx. 7-8

In Spain nothing notable occurred except that the b.c. 213 Roman commanders attracted to their side the young men of the Celtiberians at the same pay at which these had made an agreement with the Cartha- ginians, and more than three hundred Spaniards of the highest rank were sent to Italy to win over their fellow-countrymen who were among Hannibal's auxiliaries. This is the only occurrence of that year in Spain that is worthy of record, since the Romans had no mercenary soldiers in their camps previous to the Celtiberians whom they had at that time.

335 LIBRI XXIV PERIOCHA

HiERONYMUS Syracusanorum rex, cuius pater Hiero amicus populi Romani fuerat, ad Carthafrinienses defecit et propter crudelitatem superbiamque a suis interfectus est. Tib. Sempronius Gracchus proconsul prospere adversus Poenos et Hannonem ducem ad Beneventum pugnavit servoruni maxime opera, quos liberos esse iussit. Claudius Marcellus consul in Sicilia, quae prope tota ad Poenos defecerat, Syracusas obsedit. Philippo Macedonum regi bellum indictum est, qui ad Apollonian! nocturno proelio oppressus fugatusque in Macedoniam cum prope inermi exercitu profugit. Ad id bellum gerendum M. Valerius praetor missus. Res praeterea in Hispania a P. et Cn. Scipionibus adversus Carthaginienses gestas continet;^ a quibus Syphax rex Xumidiae in amicitiam adscitus, qui a Masinissa Massyliorum rege pro Carthaginiensibus pugnante victus in Hispaniam ad Scipionem cum magna nianu transiit contra Gades, ubi angusto freto Africa et Hispania dirimuntur. Celtiberi quoque in amicitiam recepti sunt, quorum auxiliis adscitis tunc primum mercennarium militem Romana castra habuerunt.

1 The following lines (to the end) appear to be a later addition, Zangemeister, Wolfflin.

33(> SUMMARY OF BOOK XXIV

^ HiEEONYMus, king of the Syracusans, whose father Hiero had been a friend of the Roman people, revolted to the Carthaginians and on account of his cruelty and haughti- ness was slain by his own men. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus as proconsul fought with success against the Carthaginians and Hanno their general near Beneventum, chiefly by the help of the slaves, whom he ordered to be free men. Claudius Marcellus, the consul, in Sicily, which had almost entirely revolted to the Carthaginians, besieged Syracuse. War was declared against Philip, king of the Macedonians, and he, surprised at Apollonia in a battle at night and put to flight, fled with an army almost disarmed into Macedonia. Marcus Valerius, a praetor, was sent to conduct that war. Furthermore the book contains what was accomplished against the Carthaginians in Spain by Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, by whom Syphax, king of Numidia, was won over to friendship. Syphax, defeated by Masinissa, king of the Massylians,^ who was fighting for the Carthaginians, crossed over with a large force to Scipio in Spain, from a point opposite Gades, where Africa and Spain are parted by a narrow strait.^ The Celtiberians also were admitted to friendship, and by their enrollment as auxiliaries Roman camps then for the first time had mercenary soldiers.

^ An error for grandfather. ^ I.e. the Maesulians. ^ The statement that Syphax actually crossed over to Spain conflicts with the text (xlix. G). 337 VOL. VI. Z THE FAMILY OF HIERO

S &D u 3 X

03 BOOK XXV

z2 LIBER XXV

A.u.c. I. DuM haec in Africa atque in Hispania geruntur, Hannibal in agro Sallentino aestatem consumpsit spe per proditionem urbis Tarentinorum potiundae. Ipsorum interim Sallentinoruni ignobiles urbes ad 2 cum defecerunt. Eodem tempore in Bruttiis ex diiodecim populis qui anno priore ad Poenos desciverant Consentini et Tauriani in fidem populi Romani 3 redierunt et ni T, ; plures redissent, Pomponius Veientanus, praefectus socium, prospei'is aliquot populationibus in agro Bruttio iusti ducis speciem nactus tumultuario exercitu coacto cum Hannone 4 conflixisset. Magna ibi vis hominum, sed inconditae turbae agrestium servorumque, caesa aut capta est. Minimum iacturae fuit quod praefectus inter ceteros est captus, et turn temerariae pugnae auctor et ante publicanus omnibus malis artibus et rei publicae et 5 societatibus infidus damnosusque. Sempronius consul in Lucanis multa proelia parva, haud ullum dignum memoratu fecit et ignobilia oppida Luca- norum aliquot expugnavit.

^ Hannibal is now in the southern part of Calabria, three days' march from Tarentum; cf. viii. 12. He had previously been near Arpi, in Apulia; XXIV. xlv. 11 ff. 34° BOOK XXV

I. While these things wei'e being done in Africa b.c. 213 and Spain, Hannibal spent the summei- in the Sallentine region,^ in the hope of getting possession of the city of Tarentum through treachery. Mean- time, however, Sallentine cities of no importance went over to his side. At the same time among the Bruttians, out of twelve states which in the previous year had revolted to the Carthaginians, Consentia and Taurianum returned to their allegiance to the have returned if a Roman people ; and more would prefect of the allies, Titus Pomponius Veientanus, who by successfully ravaging Bruttian territory a number of times gained the appeai-ance of a regularly appointed general, had not gathered a hastily mus- tered army and engaged Hanno. A great many men were slain or captured there, an ill-organized mass, however, of rustics and slaves. It was the smallest part of the loss that, along with the rest, the prefect was captured, who was responsible at that time for a reckless battle, and had previously been a tax- farmer possessed of all the dishonest devices, faithless and ruinous both to the state and to the companies. Sempronius, the consul, fought many small engagements in Lucania, not one worthy of record, and took by storm a number of unimportant Lucanian toAvns. 341 o LIVY

A.v.c. 6 Quo diutius trahcbatur bcllum et variabant secun- dae adversacque res non fortunam magis quam animos hominiim. tanta religio, et ea majjna ex parte externa, eivitaleni iiiccssit ut aut homines aut dei 7 repente alii viderentur f{icti. Nee iam in secreto modo atque intra parietes abolebantur Romani ritus, sed in publico etiam ac foro Capitolioque niulierurn turba erat nee saerificantium nee precantiuni deos 8 patrio more. Sacrificuli ac vates ceperant hominum mentes, (piorum numerum auxit rustica plebs, ex incultis diutino bello infestis(]ue agris egestate et metu in urbem conpulsa, et quaestus ex alieno errore facilis, quern velut concessae artis usu exercebant. 9 Primo secretae bonorum indignationes exaudie- bantur deinde ad et ^ ; patres iam ad publicam 10 querimoniam excessit res. Incusati graviter ab senatu aediles triumvirique capitales quod non pro- liiberent, cum emovere earn multitudinem e foro ac disicere adparatus sacrorum conati essent, baud 11 procul afuit quin violarentur. Ubi potentius iam esse id malum apparuit quam ut minores per magi- ^ stratus sedaretur, M. Aemilio praetori urbano negotium ab senatu datum est ut eis religionibus 12 populum liberaret. Is et in contione senatus consultum recitavit et edixit ut quicumque libros vati- cinos precationesve aut artem sacrificandi con-

^ et iam ad Alschefski : etiamad P(l) : etiam ac Weissen- horn. ^ urbano {i.e. urb.) P(l) : om. as gloss Walters.

^ Forsaken, as they felt, by their own gods, the populace were turning to foreign divinities and strange cults. ^ error of for Atilius XXIV^. xliv. where An Livy Marcus ; 2, Aemilius, praetor peregrinus, assigns his duties to Atilius, 342 BOOK XXV. I. 6-12

The longer the war dratjged on and success and b.c. 213 failure altered the situation, and quite as mucli so the attitude of men, superstitious fears, in large part foreign at that, invaded the state to such a degree that either men or else gods suddenly seemed changed. And now not only in secret and within the walls of houses were Roman rites abandoned, but in public places also and in the Forum and on the Capitol there was a crowd of women who were following the custom of the fathers neither in their sacrifices nor in prayers to the gods.^ Petty priests and also prophets had taken hold on men's minds. And the number of these was increased by the mass of rustics forced by want and fear into the city from their farms neglected and endangered because of the long war, and by easy profit from the delusion of others—a trade which they plied as though it were sanctioned. At first good men's indignation was voiced in the matter reached the senate private ; then and now even official complaints. The aediles and the three police magistrates were roundly censured by the because did not it and after had senate they stop ; they attempted to drive that crowd out of the Forum and to scatter the properties required for the rites, they narrowly escaped violence. Now that the disorder appeared to be too strong to be quelled by the lower magistrates, the senate assigned to Marcus Aemilius,^ from the city praetor, the task of freeing the people such superstitions. He read the decree of the senate in an assembly, and also issued an edict that whoever had books of prophecies or prayers or a ritual of sacrifice set do^vn in writing should bring all such praetor tirbanus, and takes a command in Apulia. The error is repeated in iii. 12 and xii. 3. 343 LIVY

A.u.c. scriptam liabcret, cos libros omnis litterasque ad se ante kal. Aprilos deferret, neu quis in publico sacrove loco novo ant cxterno ritu sacrificaret. II. Aliquot publici sacerdotes niortui co anno sunt, L. Cornelius Lentulus pontifex niaximus et C. Papirius C. f. Masso pontifex et P. Furius Philus augur et C. Papirius L, f. Masso decemvir sacrorum. 2 In Lentuli locum M. Coi*nelius Cethcgus, in Papiri Cn. Servilius Caepio pontifices sufFecti sunt, aiigur creatus L. Quinctius Flamininus, decemvir sacrorum L. Cornelius Lentulus. 3 Comitiorum consularium iam adpetebat tempus ; ^ sed quia consules bello intentos avocare non placebat, Ti. Sempronius consul comitiorum causa dictatorem dixit C. Claudium Centonem. Ab eo magister 4 equitum est dictus Q. Fulvius Flaccus. Dictator primo comitiali die creavit consules Q. Fulviuni Flac- cum magistrum equitum et Ap. Claudium Pulchrum, 5 cui Sicilia provincia in praetura fuerat. Turn praetores creati Cn. Fulvius Flaccus, C. Claudius Nero, M. lunius Silanus, P. Cornelius Sulla. Comitiis 6 perfectis dictator magistratu abiit. Aedilis curulis fuit eo anno cum M. Cornelio Cethego P. Cornelius Scipio, cui post Africano fuit cognomen. Huic petenti aedilitatem cum obsisterent tribuni plebis, negantes rationem eius habendam esse, quod 1 bello Pi.?x: abcUoP(lO).

1 Exact compliance with written directions being essential, as in the Roman religion, to seize the texts was in effect to suppress the cults. ^ Cf. xii. 10 f. ' Scipio was probably only 22, but the famous law fixing statutoF}^ ages for the different offices (Lex \'illia annalis) was not passed until 180 n.c; XL. xliv. 1. 344 BOOK XXV. I. I2-II. 6

^ books and writings to him before the first of April, n.c. 213 and that no one should sacrifice in a public or consecrated place according to a strange or foreign rite. ^ II. A number of priests of the state died that year : Lucius Cornelius Lent ul us, pontifex maximiis, and Gains Papirius Masso, son of Gaius, a pontifex, and Publius Furius Philus, an augur, and Gaius Pa- pirius Masso, son of Lucius, a decemvir in charge of ^ rites. In place of Lentulus they made Marcus Cornelius Cethegus a pontiff and Gnaeus Servilius in that of Lucius Caepio Papirius ; Quinctius Flamininus was named augur, Lucius Cornelius I>entulus, decemvir in charge of rites. For the consular elections the time was now approaching, but because the consuls were occupied with the wac and it was not thought advisable to call them away /Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, named Gaius Claudius Cento dictator to hold the elections. He in turn named Quintus Fulvius Flaccus master of the horse. > On the first day available for elections the dictator announced the choice as consuls of Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, master of the horse, and Appius Claudius Pulcher»/ who as praetor had had Sicily as his province. Then the following were elected praetors : Gnaeus Fulvius Flaccus, Gaius Claudius Nero, Marcus Junius Silanus, Publius Cornelius Sulla. Having finished the elections, the dictator laid down his office. Curule aedile that year, together with Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, was Pub- lius Cornelius Scipio,^ who was later called Africanus. Wlien he was a candidate for the aedileship, and the tribunes of the plebs tried to oppose him, saying that he ought not to be considered because he did 345 LIVY

" A.u.o. 7 nonduin ad petendum legitinia aetas esset, Si '^ " " me inquit omnes Quirites aedilem facere volunt, satis annonini habeo." Tanto inde favore ad suffra- giuni ferenduin in tribvis discursiim est ut tribuni 8 repente incepto destilerint. Aedilicia largitio haec fuit : ludi llomani pro temporis illius copiis magnifice facti et diem unum instaiirati. et congii olei in vicos 'J singulos dati . . . .^ L. Villius Tappulus et M. Fundanius Fundulus aediles plebei aliquot matronas accusarunt ex eis apud populum probri ; quasdam 10 damnatasin exilium egerunt. Ludi plebei per biduum instaurati et lovis epulum fuit ludorum causa. A.U.C. III. Q. Fulvius Flaccus tertium Appius Claudius bi-Z 2 consulatimi ineunt. Et praetores provincias sortiti sunt, P. Cornelius Sulla urbanam et peregrinam, quae duorum ante sors fuerat, Cn. Fulvius Flaccus Apuliam, C. Claudius Nero Suessulam, M. Junius 3 Silanus Tuscos. Consulibus belluni cum Hannibale et binae alter a Fabio legiones decretae ; Q. superioris anni eonsule, alter a Fulvio Centumalo acciperet ; 4 praetorum Fulvi Flacci quae Lucei-iae sub Aemilio praetore, Neronis Claudi quae in Piceno sub C. Terentio fuissent essent legiones ; supplementum in eas ipsi scriberent sibi. M. lunio in Tuscos

^ Numeral missing, perhaps L preceding L. {Engelmann) at end of line in P.

1 The huli Romani or maximi occurred in mid -September and lasted four days. For repetition cf. XXIII. xxx. 16. 2 A congius held about three quarts. ^ As in wartime cases to be heard by the praetor peregrinus would be much reduced in number, he could be spared for service at the front; XXIV. xliv. 2. * A military base in Campania, southeast of Capua, half-way to Nola. Its Castra Claudiana lay near the entrance to the Caudine Pass. Cf. XXIII. xxxi. 3; XXIV. xvii. 2; xliv. 3. 346 BOOK XXV. II. 6-III. 4 " not have the legal age for candidacy, he said, If all u.c. 213 the citizens want to make me aedile I have years enough." Thereupon with such enthusiasm they separated to form by tribes in order to cast their votes, that the tribunes suddenly gave up their attempt. The genei-osity of the aediles consisted in ^ celebrating the Roman Games splendidly, for the resources of that time, and in repeating them for ^ one also in . . . measures of oil for day ; giving each precinct. Lucius Mllius Tappulus and Marcus Fundanius Fundulus as plebeian aediles brought before the people charges of immorality against a number of mati-ons. Some of these being convicted, they drove them into exile. The Plebeian Games were repeated for two days, and on account of the festival a banquet for Jupiter was held. III. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Appius Claudius b.c. 212 entered upon their consulship, the former for the third time. And the praetors received by lot the following assignments: Publius Cornelius Sulla, the duties of praetor urbanus and praetor peregrinus,-^ previously two separate offices : Gnaeus Fulvius Flaccus, Apulia, Gains Claudius Nero, Suessula,^ Marcus Junius Silanus, Etruria. To the consuls were assigned by decree the war Avith Hannibal and two legions each. The one was to take over his troops from Quintus Fabius, consul in the previous year, the other from Fulvius Centumalus. Of the praetors, Fulvius Flaccus was to have the legions which had been at Luceria under the praetor Aemilius, Nero Claudius the one ^ which had been in the Picene district under Gaius Terentius. They were themselves to enlist more recruits for the same. To Marcus Junius the

* Terentius Varro had had only one legion; XXIV. xliv. 5. 347 LIVY

A.iT.c. 5 legiones urbanae prioris anni datae. Ti. 512 Sempronio Graccho et P. Sempronio Tuditano imperium provinciaeque Lueani et Gallia cum suis exercitibus 6 item P. Lentulo prorogatae ; qua vetus provincia in Sicilia esset, M. Marcello Syracusae et qua Hieronis fuisset T. Otacilio regnum ; classis, Graccia M. ^'alerio, Sardinia Q. Mucio Scaevolae, Hispaniae P. 7 et Cn. Corneliis. Ad veteres exercitus duae urbanae

legiones a consulibus scriptae, summaque trium et viginti legionum eo anno efFecta est. 8 Dilectum consulum M. Postumii Pyrgensis cum 9 magno prope motu rerum factum impediit. Publi- canus erat Postumius, qui multis annis parem fraude avaritiaque neminem in civitate habuerat praeter T. Pomponium Veientanum, quem populantem temere agros in Lucanis ductu Hannonis priore anno 10 ceperant Carthaginienses. Hi, quia publicum periculum erat a vi tempestatis in iis quae portarentur ad exercitus et ementiti erant falsa naufragia et ea ipsa quae vera renuntiaverant fraude ipsorum facta 11 erant, non casu. In veteres quassasque naves paucis et parvi pretii rebus impositis, cum mersissent eas in alto exceptis in praeparatas scaphas nautis, 12 multiplices fuisse merces ementiebantur. Ea fraus indicata M. Aemilio praetori priore anno fuerat ac per eum ad senatum delata nee tamen ullo senatus

1 Cf. XXIV. xliv. 4: vii. 9. 2 Cf. i. 3 f. 348 BOOK XXV. III. 4-12

city legions of the previous year were given for b.c. 212 Etruria. For Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus their commands and provinces, Lucania and Gaul, with their armies, were continued. And the same was done for Publius Lentulus, within the limits of the old pi'ovince in Sicily, and for Marcellus, whose province was Syracuse and up to the former boundaries of Hiero's kingdom.^ The fleet was assigned to Titus Otacilius, Greece to Marcus Valerius, Sardinia to Quintus Mucins Scaevola, the Spanish provinces to Publius and Gnaeus Cornelius. In addition to the old armies two city legions were enrolled by the consuls, and the total that year amounted to twenty-three legions. The consular levy was hampered by the conduct of Marcus Postuinius of Pyrgi, which almost occasioned a serious insurrection. Postumius was a tax-farmer, who in many years had had no equal in dishonesty and avarice in the state, except Titus Pomponius Veien- tanus, whom the Carthaginians under Hanno's command had captured in the preceding year, while he was ^ rashly ravaging the country in Lucania. These men, since the state assumed the risk from violent storms in the case of shipments to the armies, had falsely reported imaginary shipwrecks, and even those which they had correctly reported had been brought about by their own trickery, not by accident. They would put small cargoes of little value on old, battered vessels, sink them at sea, after taking off the crews in small boats that were in readiness, and then falsely declare that the shipments were far more valuable. This dishonesty had been reported in the previous year to Marcus Aemilius, the praetor, and by him brought before the senate, but it was not branded by 349 A.u.c. consulto notata, quia patres ordineni 542 puhlicanorum 13 in tali tempore offensum nolebant. Populus severior viiidex fraudis erat, excitatique tandem duo tribuni plebis, Spurius et L. Carvilii, cunx rem invisam infamemque cernerent, ducentum milium aeris 14 multam M. Postumio dixerunt. Cui certandae cum dies advenisset, conciliumque tam frequens plebis adesset ut multitudineni area Capitolii vix caperet, 15 perorata causa una spes videbatur esse si C. Servilius Casca tribunus plebis, qui propinquus cognatusque Postumio erat, priusquam ad suffragium tribus 16 vocarentur, intercessisset. Testibus datis tribuni populum summoverunt, sitellaque lata est, ut sorti- 17 rentur ubi Latini suffragium ferrent. Interim Cascae instare ut concilio publicani diem eximeret ; reclamare et forte in cornu sedebat populus ; primus Casca, cui simid metus pudorque animum versabat. 18 Cum in eo parum praesidii esset, turbandae rei causa pubiicani per vacuum summoto locum cuneo inrupe- 19 runt iurgantes simul cum populo tribunisque. Nee dimicatione res erat cum Fulvius consul procul " " " tribunis Nonne videtis inquit vos in ordinem coactos esse et rem ad seditionem ni " spectare, propere dimittitis plebis concilium? IV^ Plebe dimissa senatus vocatur et consules

1 It was left for the to confirm or fine people remit such a ; cf. XXXVII. 11. 4f.; Iviii. 1; Cicero, Phil. XI. 18; de Leg. III. 6. 2 The witnesses were to watch the balloting. ' I.e. such Latins as were present at Rome. In which of the tribes they should vote was determined by the tribunes, who cast lots. * Any action interfering with a tribune's duties or privileges to from office cf. XLIII. was held equivalent degrading him ; 16. 9 f. 35° BOOK XXV. III. I2-TV. I

any decree of the senate, because the senators were is.c. 212 unwillinff to offend the tax-farmers as a class at such a crisis. The people proved a more unsparing of two tribunes of the avenger dishonesty ; namely, plebs, Spurius and Lucius Carvilius, were at length aroused, and seeing that the affair was unpopular and notorious, imposed a fine of two hundred thousand asses upon Marcus Postumius. When the day for his protest against this fine arrived, the assembly of ^ the commons was so large that the open space on the Capitol could scarcely contain the crowd. After the arguments were concluded, there seemed to be but one hope, namely, if Gaius Servilius Casca, a tribune of the plebs who was a blood-relative of Postumius, should interpose his veto before the tribes should be called to vote. The tribunes provided witnesses,^ cleared the people away, and the urn was brought, that they might determine by lot in which tribe the Latins ^ should vote. Meantime the tax-farmers pressed Casca to adjourn that day's liearing before the assembly. The people protested; and it so happened that the first seat at the end of the platform was occupied by Casca, whose mind was swayed at once by fear and shame. Finding in him no sufficient protection, the publicans, in order to prevent action, rushed in a wedge through the space cleared by removal of the crowd, while at the same time they reviled the people and the tribunes. And it had almost come to a battle when Fabius, the consul, said " to the tribunes, Do you not see that you are reduced to the and that this means an insurrection ranks,* " if you do not promptly dismiss the popular assembly ? IV. The assembly being dismissed, the senate was summoned and the consuls brought up the matter 351 LIVY

A.U.O. referunt de concilio plebis turbato vi atque audacia 2 publicanorum : M. Furium Camillum, cuius exilium ^ ruina urbis secutura fuerit, damnari se ab iratis 3 civibus esse decemviros ante passum ; eum, quorum legibus ad earn diem viverent, multos postea principes 4 civitatis indicium de se populi passes : Postumium Pyrgensem suflTragium populo Romano extorsisse, concilium plebis sustulisse, tribunos in ordinem coegisse, contra populum Romanum aciem instruxisse, locum occupasse, ut tribunos a plebe intercluderet, 5 tribus in sufFragium vocari prohiberet. Nihil aliud a caede ac diraicatione continuisse homines nisi patientiam magistratuum, quod cesserint inpraesentiafurori atque audaciae paucorum vincique se ac populum 6 Romanum passi sint et comitia, quae reus vi atque armis prohibiturus erat, ne causa quaerentibus

dimicationem daretur, voluntate ipsi sua sustulerint. 7 Haec cum ab optimo quoque pro atrocitate rei ^ accepta essent, vimque cam contra rem publicam et pernicioso exemplo factam senatus decresset, 8 confestim Carvilii tribuni plebis omissa multae certatione rei capitalis diem Postumio dixerunt ac, ni vades daret, prendi a viatore atque in carcerem 9 duci iusserunt. Postumius vadibus datis non adfuit.

^ secutura Alschefski : secura P(l). ^ accepta Madvig : acta P(l).

^ Cf. V. xxxii. 9; xxxiii. 1. BOOK XXV. IV. 1-9 of the disturbance in the popular assembly owing to b.c. 212 the violence and audacity of the publicans. Marcus Furius Camillus,^ it was said, a man whose exile would have been followed by the ruin of the city, had allowed himself to be condemned by the angry citizens ; that before his time the decemvirs, under whose laws they were then still living, and later many leading men in the state, had submitted to the of the in their cases that Postumius judgment people ; of Pvrsri had wrested the vote from the Roman people, had brought to naught an assembly of the plebs, reduced the tribunes to the ranks, drawn up a battle-line against the Roman people, had taken his position, to separate the tribunes from the people and to prevent the tribes from being summoned to vote. Nothing had restrained men from slaughter and battle but the forbearance of the magistrates in yielding for the moment to the mad audacity of a few men, and in allowing themselves and the Roman people to be worsted, also in that, as regards the voting, Avhich the defendant would have prevented by force of arms, they had of their own accord suspended it, to avoid giving excuse to those eager for the fray. These words were interpreted by all the best citizens as deserved by an outrageous occurrence, and the senate declared that this violence had been employed against the state, setting a dangerous precedent. Thereupon the Carvilii, tribunes of the people, in place of the procedure to fix the amount of the fine, at once named a day for Postumius' appearance on a capital charge, and ordered that if he did not furnish sureties he should be seized by an attendant and taken to prison. Postumius furnished sureties, but did not appear. 353 VOL. VI. A A LIVY

A-u.c. Tribuni plebem rogaverunt plebesqiie ita scivit, si M. Postumius ante kal. Mai as non prodisset cita- tusque eo die non respondisset neque excusatus esset, videri eum in exilio esse bonaque eius venire, 10 ipsi aqua et igni placere interdici. Singub's deinde eorum qui turbae ac tumultus concitatores fuerant, rei capitalis diem dicere ac vades poscere coeperunt. 11 Primo non dantis, deinde etiam eos qui dare possent in carcerem coiciebant cuius rei vitantes ; periculum plerique in exilium abierunt. V. Hunc fraus publicanorum, deinde fraudem 2 audacia protegens exitum habuit. Comitia inde habita pontifici maximo creando sunt ; ea comitia 3 novus pontifex M. Cornelius Cethegus habuit. Tres ingenti certamine petierunt, Q. Fulvius Flaccus consul, qui et ante bis consul et censor fuerat, et T. Manlius Torquatus, et ipse duobus consulatibus

et censura insignis, et P. Licinius Crassus, qui aedili- 4 tatem curulem petiturus erat. Hie senes honora- tosque iuvenis in eo certamine vicit. Ante hunc intra centum annos et viginti nemo praeter P. Cornelium Calussam pontifex maximus creatus fuerat qui sella curuli non sedisset. 5 Consules dilectum cum aegre conficercnt, quod ut et noVae inopia iuniorum non facile in iitrumque, urbanae legiones et supplement um veteribus scri- 6 beretur, sufficiebat, senatus absistere eos incepto 354 BOOK XXV. IV. 9-v. 6

The tribunes put the question to the plebs and the b.o. 212 plebs ordained that, if Marcus Postumius should not appear before the first of May, and on being summoned on that day should not reply nor be excused, it should be understood that he was in exile, and be decided that his property should be sold and himself refused water and fire. The tribunes then began to name a day for the appearance on a capital charge of each of those who had been instigators of riot and sedition, and to demand sureties from them. At first they threw into prison those who did not give security, and then even those who were able to do so. Avoiding this danger many went into exile. V. Such was the outcome of dishonesty on the part of the publicans and of audacity seeking to cover dishonesty. Next was held an election for the choice of a pontifex maximus. This election was conducted by a new pontiff, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus. Three men canvassed with great rivalry : Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, Avho had been consul tAvace before and also censor, and Titus Manlius Torquatus, likewise distinguished by two consulships and a censorship, and Publius Licinius Crassus, who was only about to be a candidate for a curule aedileship. This young man defeated in that contest old men who had held high offices. Before him for a hundred and twenty years no one who had not occupied a curule chair had been elected pontifex maximus, except Publius Cornelius Calussa. The consuls were finding it difficult to complete the levy, since the scant supply of young men was hardly sufficient for the two purposes, enrollment of new legions for the city and replacements for the old ones. The senate accordingly forbade them to give 355 aa2 LIVY

A.u.c. vetuit et triumviros binos creari iussit, alteros qui citra, alteros qui ultra quinquagensimum lapidem in pagis forisque et conciliabulis omnem copiam inge- 7 nuorum inspicerent et, si qui roboris satis ad ferenda arma habere viderentur, etiamsi nondum niilitari 8 aetate si iis essent, milites facerent ; tribuni plebis, videretur, adpopulum ferrent ut, qui minores septem decern annis sacramento dixissent, iis perinde stipendia procederent ac si septem decern annorum 9 aut maiores milites facti essent. Ex hoc senatus consulto creati triumviri bini conquisitionem ingenu- orum per agros habuerunt. 10 Eodem tempore ex Sicilia litterae Marci Marcelli de postulatis militum qui cum P. Lentulo militabant in senatu recitatae sunt. Cannensis reliquiae cladis hie exercitus erat, relegatus in Siciliam, sicut ante dictum est, ne ante Punici belli finem in Italiam reportarentur. VI. Hi permissu Lentuli primores equitum centurionumque et robora ex legionibus peditum legatos in hiberna ad M. Marcellum mise- " 2 runt, e quibus unus potestate dicendi facta : Consu- ^ lem te, M. Marcelle, in Italia adissemus, cum primum de nobis, etsi non iniquum, cex'te triste senatus consultum factum est, nisi hoc sperassemus,

^ Italia X : italiam P(l).

^ cf. xxii. 4 xiv. 7 For fora and conciliabula, ; XXXIX. ; 2 xxxvii. f. xiv. 10. was a xviii. ; XL. 3 ; XLIII. A forum Roman settlement, usually on an important road (e.g. Forum Api^ii), but lacking the status of a colonia. A conciliabuhim was a petty administrative centre for rural districts (pagi). 2 Cf. XXIII. XXV. 7; XXIV. xviii. 9. BOOK XXV. V. 6 VI. 2 up the attempt and ordered the appointment of two b.c. 212 commissions of three officials each, to inspect in rm-al ^ districts, market-towns and local centres all possible freeborn men within fifty miles, the other beyond that distance, and any that seemed to them strong enough to bear arms, even if not yet of military age, they were to recruit. The tril)uncs of the plebs, if they a bill should see fit, were to bring before the people that, in the case of those who had taken the military oath at less than seventeen years, their campaigns should run just as if they had been recruited at seventeen years or older. In accordance with this decree of the senate two commissions of three members each were appointed and they conducted the search for freeborn men in the country. At the same time a letter from Marcus Marcellus in demands in Sicily was read the senate concerning of the soldiers serving under Publius Lentulus. This army was the remnant of the disaster at Cannae, and, as has been said above, was relegated to Sicily, of the not to be brought back to Italy before the end Punic War.2 \T, These men with Lentulus' pei-mission sent their leading knights and centurions and picked men from the infantry of the legions to Marcus Marcellus at his winter quarters as their representatives, and one of them, receiving permission to speak, " and said: In your consulship,^ Marcus Marcellus, in Italy we should have come to you already, directly after the senate made in our case a decree that, if our not unjust, was surely severe, had it not been hope that we were being sent into a province thro^^'n ' But at the time of the senalus consultum Marcellus was not in his own consul, but praetor, and the men in question were of. xxiv. 1 xxv. 7. army; XXIII. ; 357 IJVY

A.u.o. in provinciam nos morte reguin turbatam ad grave 3 bellum adversus Siculos simul Poenosque mitti, et ^ sanguine nostro vulneribusque nos senatui satis- facturos esse, siciit patrum memoria qui capti a Pyrrho ad Ileracleam erant adversus Pyrrhum ipsum 4 pugnantes satisfecerunt. Quamquam quod ob nieri- tum nostrum suscensuistis, patres conscripti, nobis 6 aut suscensetis ? Ambo mihi consules et universum senatum intueri videor, cum te, M. Marcelle, intueor, quern si ad Cannas consulem habuissemus, melior et 6 rei publicae et nostra fortuna esset. Sine, quaeso, prjusquam de condicione nostra queror, noxam cuius arguimur nos purgare. Si non deum ira nee fato, cuius lege immobilis rerum humanarum ordo seritur, sed culpa periimus ad Cannas, cuius tandem 7 ea culpa fuit ? Militum an imperatorum ? Equidem miles nihil umquam dicam de imperatore meo, cui praesertim gratias sciam ab senatu actas quod non ^ desperaverit de re publica, cui post fugam ab Cannis 8 per omnes annos prorogatum imperium. Ceteros item ex reliquiis cladis eius, quos tribunos militum habuimus, honores petere et gerere et provincias 9 obtinere audivimus. An vobis vestrisque liberis ignoscitis facile, patres conscripti, in haec vilia capita ^ saevitis ? Et consuli primoribusque aliis civitatis fugere, cum spes alia nulla esset, turpe non fuit, 10 milites utique morituros in aciem misistis ? Ad

1 nos senatui Bentley : nostris senatui Crivier : nostratui PA?{2). * : 1 : ab Cannis Oronovius : actamnis P actamnisi P^?{ ) Cannensem A^. ^ saevitis A'^ : saeviret PA?(ll) : saevireP'Cil/^ : saevire libet Hertz.

1 Cf. V. xxxviii. BOOK XXV. VI. 2-1 o into confusion by the death of its kings, to carry on b.c. 212 a serious war against Sicilians and Carthaginians combined, and that by our blood and wounds we were to give satisfaction to the senate, just as in the time of our fathers the men who had been captured by Pyrrhus at Heraclea had done by fighting against Pyrrhus himself. And yet for what desert of ours have you been angry at us, conscript fathers, or are now angry ? It seems that I am looking at both consuls and the entire senate when I look at you, Marcus Marcellus. If we had had you as consul at Cannae the lot of the state, and of ourselves as well, would be a better one. Before I complain of our plight, permit us, I pray, to clear ourselves of the offence of which we are charged. If it was not by anger of the gods nor by Fate, according to whose law the chain of human events is unalterably linked, but by a fault that we were undone at Cannae, whose fault, pray, was it ? Of the soldiers or ofthe generals ? For my part I, a soldier, will never say anything about mv general, especially since I know that he was thanked by the senate because he did not lose hope for the state, and that after the flight from Cannae his command was continued year after year. The others too who survived that disaster, the men whom we had as our tribunes of the soldiers, canvass for offices, we have heard, and hold them, and govern provinces. Can it be, conscript fathei-s, that you readily pardon yourselves and your sons, but are cruel to these creatures of no account ? And while it was no disgrace to the consul and other leading men in the state to flee, since there was no other hope, did you send your common soldiers into battle ^ to die inevitably ? At the Allia almost the entire 359 A.u.c. omnis Furculas AUiam propc excrcitus fugit ; ad Caudinas ne exprrtus quidem certamen arma tradidit hosti, ut alias pudendas clades excrcituum 11 afiiit eo ulla taccam ; tamen tantum ab ut ignominia iis exei-citibiis quaereretur ut et urbs Roma per eum excrcitxim qui ab Allia \'eio.s transfugei^at recipera- 12 retur, et Caudinae legioncs, quae sine armis redierant Romam, armatae remissae in Samnium eundem ilium hostem sub iugum miserint qui hac sua igno- 13 minia laetatus fuerat. Cannenseni vero quisquam exercitum fugae aut pa-voris insimulare potest, ubi plus quinquaginta milia hominum ceciderunt, unde consul cum equitibus septuaginta fugit, unde nemo superest nisi quem hostis caedendo fessus reliquit ? 14 Cum captivis redemptio negabatur, nos vulgo homines laudabant quod rei publicae nos reservasse- mus, quod ad consulem \enusiam redissemus et 15 iusti exercitus fecissemus nunc deteriore speciem ; ^ condicione sumus quam apud patres nostros fuerunt captivi. Quippe illis arma tantum atque ordo mili- tandi locusque in quo tenderent in castris est mutatus, quae tamen semel navata rei publicae opera et uno 16 felici proelio recuperarunt ; nemo eorum relegatus in exilium est, nemini spes emerendi stipendia adempta, hostis denique est datus, cum quo dimi- aut vitam semel aut finirent cantes ignominiam ; 17 nos, quibus, nisi quod commisimus ut quisquam ex Cannensi acie miles Romanus superesset, nihil obici potest, non solum a patria procul Italiaque sed ab

1 fuerunt J. H. Voss : fuerant P(l).

^ Cf. IX. iv. The following phrase is exaggerated. 360 BOOK XXV. VI. 10-17

fled at the Caudine witliout even 11.0. 212 army ; Forks,^ attempting a battle, the army surrendered its weapons to the enemy, not to mention other shameful defeats of armies. But so far were men from devising any disgrace for those armies that the city of Rome was recovered by the army which had fled from the Allia over to Veii, and the Caudine legions, which had returned to Rome without their arms, w^ere sent back armed into Samnium and sent under the yoke that same enemy who had exulted in a disgrace now their oAvn. But at Cannae can any one accuse the army of panic and fright, where more than fifty thousand men fell, whence the consul fled with seventy horsemen, and of which no one survives except the man whom the enemy, tired of slaying, spared ? At the time when ransom was refused to captives, men were everywhere praising us because we had saved ourselves for the state, had returned to the consul at Venusia and had formed the semblance of a regular army. But now we are in a worse situation than in our fathers' time were captives. For in their case only their arms and their rank and the position of their tents when in camp were changed. These, however, they recovered by a single service rendered to the state and one victory. Not one of them was sent into exile, not one of them of out his term was deprived of the hope serving ; in fine they were given an enemy, so that in battle with him they might once for all end either life or disgrace. But we, against whom no charge can be brought except that Ave are to blame for the survival of any Roman soldier from the battle-line at Cannae, have been sent far away, not only from our native city and Italy, but also from the enemy, that there 361 A.u.c. 18 hoste etiam relcffati sumus, ubi senescamus in exilio, ul2 O -111- • • ne (|ua spes, ne qua occasio abolenclae ignnnuniae, ne qua placandac civium irae, ne qua denique bene If moriendi sit. Neque ignominiae finem nee virtutis et virtu- praeraium petimus ; modo experiri aninium tem exercere liceat. Laborem et pericxilum petimus, 20 ut virorum, lit militum officio fungamur. JJellum in Sicilia iam alterum annum ingcnti dimicatione geritur; urbes alias Poenus, alias llomanus expugnat; acies concurrunt ad peditum, cquitum ; Syracusas 21 terra res clamorem marique geritur ; pugnantium crepitumque armorum exaudimus resides ipsi ac segnes, tamquam nee manus nee arma habeamus. Servorum legionibus Ti. Serapronius consul totiens conlatis iam cum hoste signis pugnavit ; operae 22 pretium habent libertatem civitatemque. Pro servis vobis simus saltern ad hoc bellum emptis ; congredi cum hoste liceat et pugnando quaerere libertatem. Vis tu mari, vis terra, vis acie, vis urbibus oppugnandis 23 experiri virtutem ? Asperrima quaeque ad laborem periculumque deposcimus, ut quod ad Cannas faci- undum fuit quam primum fiat, quoniam, quidquid postea viximus,^ id omne destinatum ignominiae est." \ll. Sub haec dicta ad genua Marcelli procu- buerunt. Marcellus id nee iuris nee potestatis suae esse dixit senatui se de ; scripturum omniaque 2 sententia patrum facturum esse. Eae litterae ad novos consules allatae ac per eos in senatu recitatae sunt, consultusque de iis litteris ita decrevit senatus :

^ viximus P(l) : \iviiXLua Luchs : vixerimus fl^araTt^.

1 XXIV. xvi. 9.

362 BOOK XXV. VI. 17-V11. 2 we may grow old in exile, that we may have no hope, m.c. 212 no opportunity of wiping out disgrace, none of appeasing the anger of our citizens, none even of dying bravely. It is neither an end of our disgrace nor a reward for our courage that we ask. Only let us prove our spirit and put our courage into practice. It is for hardship and danger we are asking, that we may do the duty of men and soldiers. The war in Sicily has now been carried on with intensity for two years. Some cities are being stormed by the Carthaginian, some by the Roman. Infantry and cavalry clash in battle-line. At Syracuse the war goes on by land and by sea. The cries of men in battle and the din of arms can be heard by us, who are ourselves unemployed and listless, as if we had neither hands nor weapons. With legions of slaves Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, has engaged the enemy again and again in battle formation. As a ^ reward for their service they have freedom and citizenship. Reckon us at least slaves purchased for this war let us the and ; engage enemy by fighting earn freedom. Do you wish, sir, to test our courage on sea, on land, in battle-line, in besieging cities? We demand all the worst in hardship and danger, in order that what should have been done at Cannae be done as soon as possible, since every day that we have since lived has been marked for disgrace." Yll. At the close of this speech they fell at Mar- cellus' knees. Marcellus said the matter was neither within his nor his he would competence authority ; write to the senate and do everything according to the opinion of the fathers. The letter was delivered to the new consuls and by them read in the senate. And after discussion of the letter the senate decreed

363 X A.u.o 3 militibus, qui ad Cannas commilitones suos pugnantis deseruissent, senatiim nihil videre cur res publica 4 committenda esset. Si M. Claudio proconsuli aliter videretur, faceret quod e re publica fideque sua duceret, dum ne quis eorum niunere vacaret neu dono militari virtuLis ergo doiiarelur neu in Italiam reportaretur donee hostis in terra Italia esset. 5 Comitia deinde a praetore urbano de senatus sententia plebique scitu sunt habita, quibus creati sunt ^ quinqueviri muris turribus reficiendis, et triumviri bini, uni sacris conquirendis donisque persignandis, 6 alteri reficiendis aedibus Fortunae et matris Matutae ^ intra portam Carmentalem et Spei extra portam, quae priore anno incendio consumptae fuerant. 7 foedae fuere in Albano Tempestates ; monte biduum continenter lapidibus pluvit. Tacta de caelo multa, duae in Capitolio aedes, vallum in castris multis locis 8 et exanimati supra Suessulam, duo vigiles ; murus turresque quaedam Cumis non ictae modo fulminibus sed etiam decussae. Reate saxum ingens visum volitare, sol rubere solito magis sanguineoque similis. 9 Horum prodigiorum causa diem unum supplicatio fuit, et per aliquot dies consules rebus divinis operam dederunt, et per eosdem dies sacrum novemdiale fuit. 10 Cum Tarentinorum defectio iam diu et in spe

1 turribus P(l) : et tmrihus Weissenborn: turribusque ^''. 2 Matutae z : om. P(l).

1 Cf. XXIV. xlvii. 15 f. BOOK XXV. VII. 3-1 o

as follows : that to soldiers who had deserted their b.c. 212 comrades in battle at Cannae the senate saw no reason why the welfare ,of the state should be entrusted. If Marcus Claudius, the proconsul, should take a different view, he should do what he thought to accord with the interest of the state and his own conscience, provided that no one of them should be exempt from duties, or be decorated for valour, or be brought back to Italy, so long as the enemy should be in the land of Italy. Klections were then held by the praetor urbanus in accordance Avith a decision of the senate and a plebiscite, and at these thei*e were elected five commissioners for the restoration of the walls and towers, and two boards of three, one to recover sacred vessels and register temple gifts, the other to rebuild the Temple of Fortune and that of Mater Matuta inside Porta Carmentalis, and that of Hope outside the gate—temples that had been destroyed by fire the preceding year.^

There were terrible storms ; on the Alban Mount it rained stones steadily for two days. Many things were struck by lightning : two temples on the Capitol, the embankment of the camp above Sues- sula in many places, and two sentries were killed. At Cumae the w-all and certain towers were not merely struck by the bolts but even thrown down. a to to be At Reate huge stone seemed fly, the sun redder than usual and of a bloody colour. On account of these prodigies there was a single day of prayer, and for several days the consuls devoted themselves to rites the religious ; and about same time there was a nine days' observance. While a revolt of the Tarentines had long been 365 LIVY

Hannibali et in Romanis causa forte AjU.o.542 suspicione esset, 11 extrinsecus maturandae eius intervenit. Phileas Tarentimis diu iam per speciem legationis Romae cum esset, vir inquieti animi ct minime otium, quo turn diutino senescere videbatur, patientis, aditum sibi ad obsides Tarentinos et Thurinos ^ invenit. 12 Custodiebantur in atrio Libertatis minore cura, quia nee ipsis nee civitatibus eorum fallere Romanos 13 expediebat. Hos crebris conloquiis sollicitatos cor- ruptis aedituis duobus cum primis tenebris custodia eduxisset, ipse comes occulti itineris factus profugit. Luce prima volgata per urbem fuga est, missique qui sequerentur ab Tarracina comprensos omnis retraxerunt. Deducti in comitium virgisque ad- probante populo caesi de saxo deiciuntur. VIII. Huius atrocitas poenae duarum nobilissi- marum in Italia Graecarum civitatium animos 2 inritavit cum publice, turn etiam singulos privatim, ut quisque tam foede interemptos aut propinquitate 3 aut amicitia contingebat. Ex iis tredecim fere nobiles iuvenes Tarentini coniuraverunt, quorum 4 principes Nico et Philemenus erant. Hi priusquam aliquid moverent, conloquendum cum Hannibale rati, nocte per speciem venandi urbe egressi ad eum 5 proficiscuntur. Et cum baud procul castris abessent, ceteri silva prope viam sese occuluerunt, Nico et

1 Tarentinos et Thurinos Heusinger : Thurinos P {cf. viii. 1): Tarentinos P'/'(l).

1 As in XXIV. XX. 6.

366 BOOK XXV. vii. lo-viii. 5 hoped for by Hannibal and suspected by the Romans, b.o. 212 a reason for expediting the same happened to come from without. Phileas of Tarentum, a man of restless spirit and quite unable to endure the long inactivity in which he seemed to be losing his powers, had been at Rome for a long time, nominally as an ambassador. Thus he found means of access to the hostages from Tarentum and Thurii. They were kept under guard in the Atrium Libertatis, with less watchfulness because it was to the interest neither of the hostages themselves nor of their states to outwit the Romans. Phileas worked upon them ])y frequent conferences, and after bribing two temple- wardens brought them out of confinement at night- fall. Then he himself fled, sharing their secret journey. At daybreak their flight was reported everywhere in the city, and the men sent to pursue them arrested and brought them all back from Tar- racina. They were led into the Comitium, scourged with rods with the approval of the people, and thrown down from the Rock.^ VIII. The relentlessness of this punishment outraged two of the most important Greek cities in Italy, both as states and personally as well, whenever individuals were connected either by relationship or friendship with those M'ho were so cruelly executed. Of those so connected some thirteen noble youths of Tarentum formed a conspix'acy, and Nico and Philemenus were the leaders. Thinking that they ought to confer with Hannibal before taking any step, these men left the city by night under pretext of hunting and set out to go to him. And when they were not far from his camp, the rest concealed themselves in the woods near the road; but Nico 367 LIVY

^blf' Philemenus progressi ad stationes comprehensique, ultro id petentes, ad Hannibalem deduct! sunt. 6 Qui cum et causas consilii sui et quid pararent exposuissent, conlaudati oneratique promissis iuben- tur, ut fidem popularibus facerent praedandi causa se urbe egresses, pecora Carthaginiensium, quae ad tuto ac pastum propulsa essent, urbem agere ; 7 sine certamine id facturos promissum est. Con- specta ea praeda iuvenum est, minusque iterum ac 8 saepius id eos audere mii-aculo fuit. Congressi cum Hannibale rursus fide sanxerunt liberos Taventinos ^ leges suas suaque omnia habituros neque ullura vectigal Poeno pensuros praesidiumve invitos re- ^ cepturos ; prodita hospitia Romanorum cum prae- 9 sidio Carthaginiensium fore. Haec ubi convenerunt, tunc vero Philemenus consuetudinem nocte egre- diundi redeundique in urbem frequentiorem facere. Et erat venandi studio insignis, canesque et alius 10 ferme aut apparatus sequebatur ; captumque aliquid ab hoste ex praeparato adlatum reportans donabat aut praefecto aut custodibus portarum. Nocte maxime commeare propter metum hostium credebant.

11 Ubi iam eo consuetudinis adducta res est ut, quocumque noctis tempore sibilo dedisset signum, porta aperiretur, tempus agendae rei Hannibali 12 est. Tridui aberat minus visum viam ; ubi, quo

^ suas Wesenberg : om. P(l). * hospitia Romanorum cum Weissenborn, Conway : om. P(l), a lost line : varioiis emendations. 368 BOOK XXV. vni. 5-12 and Philemenus advanced to the outposts, were b.c. 212 seized and at their own request brought before Hannibal. After explaining the reasons for their plan and what they were plotting, they were warmly commended and loaded with promises. In order to make their fellow-citizens believe they had left to drive to the the city to forage, they were bidden which had city cattle belonging to the Carthaginians that been turned out to gi-aze. Pi-omise was given they would do so in safety and without a conflict. The young men's booty attracted attention, and less astonishment was caused by their making the same venture again and again. On meeting Hannibal again they had his formal assurance that the Taren- tines as free men should have their own laws and all the Cartha- their possessions, and pay no tribute to wish ginians nor admit a garrison against their own ; that houses occupied by Romans should be handed to over, together with the garrison, and be assigned Phile- the Carthaginians. So much agreed upon, menus thereafter made it his more constant habit to In fact he leave the city and return to it by night. was noted for his devotion to the chase, and his hounds and other equipment would follow him. Usually he carried back something he had taken or that the enemy had brought him by agreement, and or to the he would give it either to the commandant and went gate-guards. They believed that he came preferably by night for fear of the enemy. the When the thing had become so habitual that he gate was opened at whatever hour of the night gave to Hannibal to be the signal by a whistle, it seemed the time for action. He was at a distance of three that his days' march, and there he played the invalid, 369 VOL. VI. B B I.IVY

esset stativa ^'^^.?' mirum uno eodemque loco eum tarn diu 13 habere, aegrum simulabat. Romanis quoque qui in ^ praesidio Tarenti erant suspecta esse tam segnis mora eius desierat. IX. Ceterum postquam Taren- tum ire constituit, decern milibus peditum atque equitum, quos in expeditionem velocitate corporum ae levitate armorum aptissimos esse ratus est, 2 electis, cjuarta vigilia noctis signa movit, prae- missisque octoginta fere Numidis equitibus praecepit ut discurrerent circa vias perlustrarentque omnia oculis, ne quis agrestium procul spectator agminis 3 falleret obvios ; praegressos retraherent, occiderent, ut praedonum magis quam exercitus accolis species esset. Ipse raptim agmine acto quindecim ferme 4 milium spatio castra ab Tarento posuit, et ne ibi ^ quidem denuntiato quo pex'gerent, tantum convo- catos milites monuit via omnes irent nee deverti quemquam aut excedere ordine agminis paterentur, et in primis intenti ad imperia accipienda essent neu nisi iussu facerent se in editu- quid ducum ; tempore 5 rum quae vellet agi. Eadem ferme hora Tarentum fama praevenerat Numidas equites paucos populari G agros terroremque late agrestibus iniecisse. Ad quena nuntium nihil ultra motus praefectus Romanus quam ut partem equitum postero die luce prima hostem iuberet exire ad arcendum populationibus ; 7 in cetera adeo nihil ab eo intenta cui'a est ut contra

^ tam Madvig : iam P(2) : orn. Ax. * denuntiato Madvig : nuntiato P(l). 370 BOOK XXV. viir. 12-ix. 7

keeping a fixed camp so long in one and the same b.c. 212 place might cause less wondei*. The Romans also on garrison duty at Tai'entum had ceased to find such prolonged inaction suspicious. IX. Once he had detei'mined, however, to go to Tarentum, he picked ten thousand infantry and cavalry—the men whom he thought best suited to the enterprise on —account of swiftness of foot and lightness of arms and at the fourth watch of the night got in motion. And he ordered some eighty Numidian horsemen, who were sent in advance, to scour the country near the roads and keep an eye in every direction, that no farmer in the distance might observe the colimin without being noticed. They were to hold up those ahead of them and slay those they met, so that people living near by might have the impression of foragers rather than of an army. He himself, after a forced mai*ch, pitched camp at a distance of about fifteen miles from Tarentum. And not even there did he announce whither they were going. He merely summoned the soldiers and bade them all to keep to the road and not allow anyone to turn aside or leave his in the column and to be place ; especially alert to hear commands and not to do anything without orders from their officers. He would in due time inform them what he wished to have done. About the same hour a rumour had preceded him to Tarentum that a few Numidian horsemen were ravaging the ftirms and had inspired widespread alarm among the rustics. On receiving this news the Roman commandant was only so far aroused as to command part of the cavalry to go out the next day at dawn, in order to prevent depredations of the enemy. For the rest his attention was so Uttle aroused that

371 B B 2 LIVY

A.u.c. pro argiimento fuerit ilia procursatio Numidarum "^ " Hannibalem exercitumque e castris non movisse. 8 Hannil)al concubia noctc niovit. Dux Philemenus erat solito venationis onere ceteri cum captae ; proditores ea quae composita erant expectabant. 9 Convenerat autem ut Philemenus portula adsueta venationem inferens armatos induceret, pai'te alia 10 portam Temenitida adiret Hannibal. Ea niedi- terranea est orientem busta ^ ali- regio spectans ; quantum intra nioenia includunt. Cum portae adpropinquaret, editus ex composito ignis ab Hanni- bale est refulsitque idem redditum ab Nieone signum ; 11 extinctae deinde utrimque flammae sunt. Hannibal silentio ducebat ad portam. Nico ex improvise adortus sopitos vigiles in eubilibus suis obtruncat 12 portamque aperit. Hannibal cum peditum agmine ingreditur, equites subsistere iubet, ut quo res 13 postulet occurrere libero campo possent. Et Phile- menus portulae parte alia, qua commeare adsuerat, adpropinquabat. Nota vox eius et familiare iam ^ signum cum excitasset vigilem, dicenti vix sustineri 14 grandis bestiae onus portula aperitur. Inferentes aprimi duos invenes secutus ipse cum expedito venatore vigilem, incautius miraculo magnitudinis in 15 eos qui ferebant versiun venabulo traicit. Ingressi deinde triginta fere armati ceteros vigiles obtruncant

^ : spectans ; busta Vssing : spectabest P (-bast P'?) spectabat (1). ^ dicenti a; : clicenteP(l).

1 I.e. at the time of the first sound sleep, not yet intempesta Cicero de Div. I. 57 Macrobius node (toward midnight) ; ; I. iii. 15. BOOK XXV. IX. 7-15

on the contrary the raid of the Numidians was to b.c. 1:12 him a proof that Hannibal and the army had not stirred from their camp. ^ Hannibal broke camp early in the night. His guide was Philemenus with his usual load of game. The rest of the traitors were Avaiting for acts previously arranged. It had been agreed, namely, that Philemenus, as he brought in his game by the usual postern, should lead in armed men, while on another side Hannibal should approach the Temenitis Gate. That quarter is toward the inland, facing east; tombs occupy a considerable space inside the walls. As he appi-oached the gate the fire signal was given by Hannibal according to agreement, and in reply from Nico the same blazed then on both signal ; sides the flames were extinguished. Hannibal was leading his men silently to the gate. Nico unexpectedly attacks the sleeping sentries in their beds, slays them and opens the gate. Hannibal with his infantry column enters, orders the cavalry to halt, so that they can meet the enemy in the open, in whatever direction the situation may require. And Phile- menus on another side of the city was approaching the postern by which he was accustomed to come and go. His well-known voice and the now familiar signal having aroused a sentry, the little gate was opened for Philemenus, just as he was saying they could scarcely carry the weight of a huge beast. While two young men were carrying in the boar, he himself followed them with a huntsman who was unencumbered, and as the sentry, thrown off his guard by its marvellous size, faced the men who were carrying it, Philemenus ran him through with a hunting spear. Then about thirty armed men 373 LR'Y

A-u-c. refringuntque portam proximam, et agmen sub signis confestim inrupit. Inde cum silentio in forum 16 ducti Hannibali sese coniunxerunt. Tum duo milia

Gallorum Poenus in tres divisa partis per urbem dimittit ^ ; Tarentinos iis addit duces binos ; itinera 17 quam maxume frequentia occupari iubet, tumultu orto llomanos passim caedi, oppidanis parci. Sed ut fieri id posset, praecipit iuvenibus Tarentinis ut, ubi quem suorum procul vidissent, quiescere ac silere ac bono animo esse iuberent.

X. lam tumultus erat clamorque qualis esse in capta urbe solet; sed quid rei esset nemo satis pro 2 certo scire. Tarentini Romanos ad diripiendam urbem credere coortos seditio cum ; Romanis aliqua 3 fraud e vidcri ab oppidanis mota. Praefectus primo excitatus tumultu in inde portum effugit ; acceptus 4 scapha in arcem circumvehitur./ Errorem et tuba a audita ex theatro faciebat ; nam et Romana erat, proditoribus ad hoc ipsum praeparata, et inscienter a Graeco inflata quis aut quibus signum daret incertum 5 efficiebat. Ubi inluxit, et Romanis Punica et Gallica arma cognita dubitationem exemerunt, et Graeci Romanos passim caede stratos cernentes, ab Hanni- 6 bale captam urbem senserunt. /Postquam lux certior in arcem erat et Romani qui caedibus superfuerant

1 iis addit duces binos Botkher : om. P{1), a lost line re' stored from Polybius VIII. xxx (xxxii). 1.

374 BOOK XXV. I.X. 15-X. 6

entered, cut down the rest of the sentries and broke b.c. 212 the Avith open neighbouring gate ; and the column its standards at once rushed in. Thence they were marched in silence to the market-place and joined Hannibal. The Carthaginian then sent two thousand Gauls, divided into three units, through the city, and to each he attached two Tarentines as guides. He ordered them to occupy the most frequented streets, and when the uproar had begun, to slay the Romans everywhere, to spare the townspeople. But to make this possible he instructed the young Tarentines, whenever they saw one of their own people in the distance, to bid him be quiet and say nothing and be of good cheer. X. Already there was such uproar and shouting as is usual in a captured city, but what it was about no one quite knew for certain. The Tarentines believed the Romans had sui-prised them, in order to plunder the the it kind of city ; Romans thought was some uprising treacherously started by the townspeople. The commandant, aroused by the first uproar, escaped to the harbour a he Avas rowed ; picked up by skiff, __around from there to the citadel. Confusion was caused also by the sound of a trumpet from the theatre. For it was a Roman trumpet, furnished by the traitors for this very purpose; and in addition, being unskillfully sounded by a Greek, it left it uncertain who was giving the signal and to whom. When day broke the Punic and Gallic arms, now recognized, relieved the Romans of their uncertainty, and at the same time the Greeks, seeing slain Romans everywhere, were aware that the city had been captui*ed by Hannibal. When it was no longer tAnlight and the Romans who survived the slaughter 375 LIVY

A.u.c. confugcrant conticiscebatque paulatim tumultus, turn Hannibal Tarentinos sine armis convocare iubet. 7 Convencre omncs, praeterquam qui cedentis in arccm Romanes ad omnem adeundam simul fortu- 8 nam persecuti fuerant. Ibi Hannibal benigne adlocutus Tarentinos testatusque quae praestitisset civibus eorum quos ad Trasumennum aut ad Cannas y cepisset, simul in dominationem superbam Romano- rum invectus, recipere se in domos suas quemque

iussit et foribus nomen suum inscribere ; se domos dato eas quae inscriptae non essent signo extemplo — ; in civis Romani diripi iussurum si quis hospitio vacuas autem tenebant domos—nomen inscripsisset, 10 eum se pro hoste habiturimi. Contione dimissa cum titulis notatae fores discrimen pacatae ab hostili domo fecisscnt, signo dato ad diripienda hospitia Romana passim discursum est; et fuit praedae aliquantum. / XL Poslero die ad oppugnandam arcem ducit; quam cum et a mari, quo in paene insulae modum pars maior circumluitur, praealtis rupibus et ab ipsa lu'be muro et fossa ingenti saeptam videret eoque 2 nee vi nee operibus expugnabilem esse, ne aut se ipsum cura tuendi Tarentinos a maioribus rebus moraretur, aut in relictos sine valido praesidio Tarentinos impetum ex arce, cum vellent, Romani facerent, vallo urbem ab arce intersaepire statuit,

1 According to Polybius the legend was to be simply TapavTiVou; VIII. xxxi. 4. BOOK XXV. x. 6-xi. 2 had fled to the citadel, and the uproax- was gradually B.c.212 being stilled, Hannibal then gave orders to summon the Tarentines without arms. They all assembled, except those who had followed the Romans in their retreat to the citadel, to share with them any outcome. Thereupon Hannibal had kind words for the Tarentines and called to mind what he had done for their fellow-citizens whom he had captured at the Trasumennus or at Cannae. At the same time he the inveighed against the haughty rule of Romans and ordered them to go each to his own house and to write his name on the door.i He would order that not marked at a given signal such houses as were should at once be plundered. If any one should of a Roman citizen write his name on the quarters — —now they w' ere occupying vacant houses he would regard such a man as an enemy. After the assembly had been dismissed and the marking of doors had from that of an distinguished the house of a citizen scattered in enemy, the signal was given and they and all directions to plunder the Roman dwellings ; the booty was considerable. XL On the next day he led his men to an attack upon the citadel. He saw that not only was this the defended by very high cliffs on the side towards sea, which surrounds the larger part of it as a penin- wall sula, but on the side toward the city itself by a not be taken and a great fosse, and hence could by avoid assault nor by siege-works. Accordingly, to in his either keeping himself from larger operations the effort to protect the Tarentines, or else letting Romans, whenever they pleased, make an attack from the citadel upon the Tarentines if he left them to wall off without a strong garrison, he decided 377 LIVY

A.U.C. 3 non sine ilia etiam cum 012 spe, prohibentibus opus Romanis manum posse conseri et, si ferocius procu- currissent, magna caede ita attenuari praesidii vires, ut facile per se ipsi Tarentini urbem ab iis tueri 4 possent. Ubi coeptum opus est, patefacta repente porta impetum in munientis fecerunt Romani pellique se static passa est quae pro opere erat, ut successu cresceret audacia pluresque et longius pulsos perse- 5 querentur. Turn signo dato coorti undique Poeni sunt, quos instructos ad hoc Hannibal tenuerat. Nee sustinuere impetum Romani, sed ab effusa fuga loci angustiae eos impeditaque alia opere iam coepto, 6 alia apparatu operis morabantur. Plm-imi in fossam praecipitavere, occisique sunt plures in fuga quam in ^ 7 pugna. Inde et opus nullo prohibente fieri coep-

tum : fossa ingens ducta, et vallum intra earn erigi- tur, modicoque post intervallo murum etiam eadem regione addere parat, ut vel sine praesidio tueri se 8 adversus Romanos possent. Reliquit tamen modi- cum praesidium, simul ut in perficiendo muro adiu- cum ceteris ad Galae- varet. Ipse profectus copiis — sum flumen—quinque milia ab urbe abest ^posuit castra.

9 Ex his stativis regressus ad inspiciendum, quod opus aliquantum opinione eius celerius creverat, 1 IndeetP(l): indo Madvig. BOOK XXV. XI. 3-9

the city from the citadel by an earthwork. He was b.c. 212 not without the hope also that he could engage the Romans if they tried to prevent the work, and that, if they should make a furious sally, the strength of the garrison would be so reduced by serious losses that the Tarentines by themselves could easily defend the city against them. After fortification began, a gate was suddenly opened and the Romans made an attack upon the men at work. And the outpost stationed in advance of the work allowed itself to be di'iven back, that boldness might grow with success and a larger number might pursue the repulsed and to a greater distance. Then at a given signal the Carthaginians, whom Hannibal had kept draAvn up for this purpose, rose up on all sides. And the Romans did not withstand the attack, but limited space and ground obstructed partly by the work already begun, partly by preparations for the work, kept them from a disorderly flight. Very many leaped into the fosse, and more were slain in flight than in battle. Then even fortification began to proceed, Mith no one attempting to prevent. A great fosse was carried along, and inside of it an earthwork was raised; and at a short distance he prepared to add a stone wall likewise in the same direction, so that even without a garrison they could protect themselves against the Romans. He did, however, leave a garrison of moderate size, to aid as well in the completion of the wall. He himself set out with the rest of his forces and pitched camp at the river Galaesus, which is five miles from the city. On returning from this permanent camp to inspect, inasmuch as the work had progressed with considerably more speed than he had anticipated, he 379 LIVY

A^u.c. spem cepit etiam arcem expugnari posse. Et est non altitudine, ut ceterae,^ tuta, sed loco piano posita 10 et ab urbe muro tantiim ac fossa divisa. Cum iam machinationum omni genere et operibus oppugna- retur, missum a Metaponto praesidiiun Romanis fecit animum ut nocte ex inproviso opera hostium invaderent. Alia disiecerunt, alia igni corruperunt, isque finis Hannibali fuit ea parte arcem oppugnandi. 11 Reliqua erat in obsidione spes, nee ea satis efficax, quia arcem tenentes, quae in paene insula posita im- minet faucibus portus, mare liberum habebant, urbs contra exclusa maritimis commeatibus propiusque in- 12 opiam erant obsidentes quam obsessi. Hannibal convocatis principibus Tarentinis omnes praesentis difficultates exposuit : neque arcis tarn munitae expugnandae cernere viam neque in obsidione habere donee mari hostes quicquam spei, potiantur ; 13 quod si naves sint, quibus commeatus invehi pro- hibeat, extemplo aut arce cessui'os - aut dedituros se 14 hostis. Tarentini ei Adsentiebantur ; ceterum qui consilium adferret opem quoque in cam rem adferen- 15 dam censebant esse. Punicas enim naves ex Sicilia accitas id facere sinu intus posse ; suas, quae exiguo inclusae essent, cum claustra portus hostis haberet, ad modum inde in mare evasuras ? quem" " apertum" 16 Evadent inquit Hannibal; multa quae inpedita natui*a sunt consilio expediuntur. Urbem in campo

^ ceterae Crevier : cetera P(l). * arce ccssuTOs Gronoviiis : arcessuros P(l) : absccssuros ^4*.

^ According to Strabo VI. ill. 1 the only elevation of any consequence Avas the citadel. - The mouth of the harbour was closed, as Strabo (I.e.) says, by a large bridge. 380 BOOK XXV. XI. 9-16 hoped that the citack-l also could be taken by storm. B.c.212 And it is not defended by height/ as other citadels the are, but is on level ground and separated from While the attack city merely by a wall and a fosse. kind and was now in progress with engines of every with siege-works, a garrison sent from Metapontum encouraged the Romans to make a surprise attack of by night upon the works of the enemy. Some ruined these they pulled apart, others they by fire; and this was the end of Hannibal's attack upon the citadel from that side. His remaining hope was in a blockade, and that was not very effectual, because on a the occupants of the citadel, which is situated had the peninsula and commands the harbour mouth, on the other sea at their disposal, while the city the hand was shut off from supplies by sea and besiegers were nearer to starvation than the besieged. Hannibal summoned the leading men of Tarentum and laid before them all the difficulties of the to take situation, saying that he neither saw a way so well fortified a citadel by storm, nor had any hope of in a blockade, so long as the enemy had command the sea. But if he should have ships with which to prevent the bringing in of supplies, the enemy would at once either withdraw from the citadel or surrender. The Tarentines assented, but thought aid also to that the giver of advice must give carry from. it out. For Carthaginian ships, summoned for their own Sicily, they said, could do it. As ships, which were shut up inside a very small bay, while the held the to the harbour ,2 how were they enemy key " to out into the sea ? They will get out ", get " open said Hannibal; many things Avhich are naturally a difficult are solved by ingenuity. You have city 381 LIVY

A.U.O. sitam habetis ; et satis latae viae in 51 -J planae patent 17 omnis partis. Via quae e portu per mediam urbem ad mare transmissa est plaustris transveham naves baud magna mole, et mare nostrum erit, quo nunc hostes potiuntur, et illinc mari, hinc terra circumsede-

bimus arcem ; immo brevi aut relictam ab hostibus 18 aut cum ipsis hostibus capiemus." Haec oratio non spem modo effectus sed ingentem etiam ducis admirationem fecit. Contracta extemplo undique plaustra iunctaque inter se, et machinae ad subdu- cendas naves admotae, munitumque iter, quo faci- liora plaustra minorque moles in transitu esset. 19 lumenta inde et homines contracti et opus inpigre dies classis instructa ac coeptum ; paucosque post parata circumvehitur arcem et ante os ipsum portus 20 ancoras iacit. Hunc statum rerum Hannibal Tarenti relinquit regressus ipse in hiberna. Ceterum defectio Tarentinorum utrum priore anno an hoc facta sit, in auctores trahunt diversum ; plures propioresque aetate memoriae rerum hoc anno factam tradunt. XII. Romae consules praetoresque usque ad ante 2 diem quintum kal. Maias Latinae tenuerunt. Eo die perpetrato sacro in monte in suas quisque provincias proficiscuntur. Religio deinde nova obiecta est ex 3 carminibus Marcianis. Vates hie Marcius inlustris fuerat, et cum conquisitio priore anno ex senatus con-

1 That 213 B.C. was the correct date for their defection is shown by XXVII. xxv. 4. 2 Mons Albanus (Monte Cavo), where a sacrifice on the fourth day brought the festival to an end. 382 BOOK XXV. XI. 16-X11. 3 situated in a plain. Level streets of ample breadth b.o. 212 lead in all directions. Along the street that is carried across from the harbour through the centre of the city to the sea I shall transport ships on wagons with no great difficulty, and the sea, which the enemy now possess, will be ours, and we shall besiege the citadel on that side on this side land or by sea, by ; rather we shall soon either take it, abandoned by the enemy, or take it enemy and all." This speech produced not merely the hope of success, but great admiration for the general as well. At once wagons were assembled fi-om everywhere and joined together, and the tackle brought to draw up the ships, and the roadway paved, that the wagons might be easier to move, and the difficulty of transport lessened. Then mules and men were brought together and the work was begun ^vith energy. And so a few days later a fleet furnished and equipped sailed around the citadel and cast anchor at the very mouth of the harbour. Such was the state of things which Hannibal left at Tarentum when he himself returned to his winter quarters. But whether the rebellion of the Taren- tines took place in the previous year or in this year, authorities differ.^ More of them and those nearer in time to men who remembered the events relate that it occurred in this year. XII. At Rome the consuls and praetors were detained by the Latin festival until the 26th of April. After performing the rites on that day on the Mount,2 each set out for his assignment. Then fresh religious scruples were aroused by the verses of Marcius. A noted seer had been this Marcius, and when in the preceding year search was being made by decree of the senate for such books, they had come 383 LIVY

A.u.c. sulto talium librorum fieret, in M. Aemili praetoris 4 urban!,' qui earn rem agebat, manus venerant. Is protinus novo praetori Sullae tradiderat. Ex huius ^ Marcii duobus carminibus alterius post rem actam ^ editi comprobata auctoritas eventu alteri quoque, cuius nondum tenipus venerat, adferebat fidem. 5 Priore carmine Cannensis clades in haec " praedicta fere verba erat : Amnem, Troiugena,* fuge Can- nam, ne te alienigenae cogant in campo Diomedis 6 conserere manus. Sed neque credes tu mihi, donee compleris sanguine campum, multaque milia occisa tua deferet amnis in pontum magnum ex terra frugifei'a; piscibus atque avibus ferisque quae incolunt terras iis fuat esca caro tua. Nam mihi ita 7 luppiter fatus est." Et Diomedis Argivi campos et Cannam flumen ii qui militaverant in iis locis iuxta 8 atque ipsam cladem agnoscebant. Tum alterum carmen recitatum, non eo tantum obscurius quia incei'tiora futura sunt, sed praeteritis " perplexius 9 etiam scripturae genere. Hostis, Romani, si ^ ^ expellere vnltis, vomicam quae gentium venit longe, Apollini vovendos censeo ludos, qui quot- annis comiter Apollini fiant; cum populus dederit ex publico partem, privati uti conferant pro se atque 10 suis iis ludis faciendis ' is ius ; praeerit pi*aetor qui

^ urbani Sigonius : urbem P(4) : urb' (or -bis) C*M^?BDA : rejected by Walters. 2 actam C.-l*' : actaP(lO): factam i/cwiwjr. * comprobata Ussing : cumrato P(4) : curato BDA : comperto Walters. * Troiugena G. Hermann : -nam P(l), adding romanae, probably a gloss. * expellere P{\) : ex agro expellere Macrobiiis 1. xvii. 28. ^ vomicam .4 Macrobius : vomica P(2). ' praeerit CM'^B'^A' : praeterit P(10) : praesit Macrobius. 384 BOOK XXV. xii. 3-1 o into the hands of Marcus Aemilius,^ the praetor b.c. 212 urbanus, who was in charge of the matter. He had immediately turned them over to the new praetor, 2 Sulla. Of the two prophecies of this Marcius the authority of one, made known after the event, was confirmed by the outcome and lent credibiUty to the other also, whose time had not yet come. In the earlier the disaster at Cannae had been prophecy " predicted in such terms as these : Flee the river Canna, thou descendant of Troy, that foreigners may not compel thee to do battle in the Plain of Diomcd. But thou wilt not believe me until thou hast filled the plain with blood, and many thousands of thy slain will the river bear from the fruitful land down to the great sea. To fishes and birds and beasts that dwell on the land thy flesh shall be meat. For thus hath Jupiter declared to me." And those who had fought in that region recognized the plains of the Argive Diomed and the river Canna no less than the disaster itself. Then the second prophecy was read, being not only more obscure because the future is more uncertain than the but more past," difficult also in the way it was ^\Titten. If you wish, Romans, to drive out enemies, the sore which has come from afar, I propose that a festival be vowed to Apollo, to be observed with good cheer in honour of Apollo every year. Wlien the people shall have given a part out of the treasury, private citizens shall con- tribute on their own behalf and that of their families. In charge of the conduct of that festival shall be the praetor who is then chief judge for the people and

^ For the error cf. note on i. 11. - The rough hexameters (probably translated from the Greek) had been reduced to prose. 385 VOL. VI. C C LIVY

A.u.c. dabit decemviri Graeco populo plebeique summum ; ritu hostiis sacra faciant. Hoc si rccte facietis, gaudebitis semper fictque res vesti'a melior; nam is ^ deum extinguet perduellis vestros qui vestros ^ 1 1 campos pascit placide." Ad id carmen explanandum diem imum die senatus consumpserunt ; postero sultum factum est lit decemviri "^ de ludis ApoUini 12 reque di\-ina facienda inspicerent. F-a cum inspecta relataque ad senatum essent, censuerunt patres Apollini ludos vovendos faciendosque et, qiiando ludi facti essent, duodecim milia aeris praetori ad 13 rem divinam et duas hostias maiores dandas. Alte- rum senatus consultum factum est ut decemWri sacrum Graeco ritu facerent hisque hostiis, Apollini bove aurato et capris duabus albis auratis, Latonae 14 bove femina aurata. Ludos praetor in circo maximo cum facturus esset, edixit ut populus per eos ludos stipem Apollini, quantam commodum esset, con- 15 ferret. Haec est origo ludorum Apollinarium, victoriae, non valetudinis ergo, ut plerique rentur, votorum factorumque. Populus coronatus spectavit, matronae ianuis in supplicavere ; vulgo apertis * propatulo epulati sunt, celeberque dies omni caerimoniarum genere fuit. XIII. Cum Hannibal circa Tarentum, consules

^ deum Bi&mann {or divum) : dium P(l) : divus x Macro- bius. - explanaiKhnn P-(l) Madvlg : cxpiandiim P Walters. ^ decemviri F(l) : decemvii'i libros z Macrobius. * propatulo A : -lis P(2).

^ ' I.e. the decemviri sacris faciundis, charged with the over- sight of sacrifices. * The lihri Sibyllini, of which the decemvirs were the custodians and authorized interpreters, but could not refer to them unless emjiowered by a decree of the senate. -.86 BOOK XXV. XII. lo-xiii. I

^ the commons. The decemvirs shall offer the victims b.c. 212 to rite. according Greek If ye will do this rightly ye shall forever rejoice, and your state will change for the better. For that god who graciously nurtures your meadows will destroy your enemies." For the interpretation of the prophecy they took one day. On the next day the senate made a decree that in regard to the festival to be held and the sacrifices in lionour of Apollo the decemvirs should consult the 2 books. Those passages having been consulted and reported to the senate, the fathers voted that a festival should be vowed and held in honour of Apollo, and after the festival had been held the sum of twelve thousand asses should be given to the praetor for the ceremonies, and two full-grown victims. A second decree of the senate was made, that the decemvirs should offer sacrifice according to Greek rite and with these victims : to Apollo an ox with gilded ^ horns and two white she-goats with gilded horns, to Latona a cow with gilded horns. When the praetor was about to open the festival in the Circus Maximus, he ordered by edict that during that feast the people should make their contribution to Apollo according to their means. Such is the origin of the festival of Apollo, vowed and kept to secure victory, not health, as most think. The people wore garlands at the spectacles, the matrons offered prayers, everybody feasted in the atrium with open doors, and the day was kept with every kind of ceremony. XIII. While Hannibal was near Tarentum, and

^ As she-goats would surely be offered to Diana, not to Apollo, there is good reason to believe that her name has been lost from the text, and before Macrobius' time, since lie has the same statement; Saturnalia I. xvii. 29. 387 cc 2 A.u.a ambo in Samnio essent, sed circumsessuri Capuam 642 ^ viderentur, quod malum diuturnae obsidionis esse solet, iam famem Campani sentiebant, quia sementem 2 facere prohibuerant eos Romani exercitus. Itaque legates ad Hannibalem miserunt orantes ut, priusquam consules iii agros suos educerent legiones viacque omnes hostium praesidiis insiderentur, frumentum ex propinquis locis convehi iuberet 3 Capuam. Hannibal Hannonem ex Bruttiis cum exercitu in Campaniam transire et dare operam ut 4 frumenti copia fieret Campanis iussit. Hanno ex Bruttiis profectus cum exercitu, vitabundus castra hostium consulesque, qui in Samnio erant, cum Benevento iam adpropinquaret, tria milia passuum 5 ab urbe loco edito castra inde ex sociis ipsa posuit ; circa populis, quo aestate comportatum erat, devehi frumentum in castra iussit praesidiis datis quae 6 commeatus eos prosequerentur. Capuam inde nuntium misit qua die in castris ad accipiendum frumentum praesto essent omni undique genere vehiculorum 7 iumentorumque ex agris contracto. Id pro cetera

socordia neglegentiaque a Campanis actum : paulo plus quadringenta vehicula missa et pauca praeterea iumenta. Ob id castigatis ab Hannone quod ne fames quidem, quae mutas accenderet bestias, curam eorum stimulare posset, alia prodicta dies ad frumen- 8 tum maiorc apparatu petendum. Ea omnia, sicut acta erant, cum enuntiata Beneventanis essent,

388 BOOK XXV. xiii. 1-8 both consuls were in Samniuni but seemed about to b.c 212 invest Capua, already the Campanians were suffering hunger (the xisual hardsliip of a long investment), because the Roman armies had prevented them from sowing. And so they sent legates to Hannibal, praying that, before the consuls should lead the legions into their lands and all the roads should be blocked by forces of the enemy, he should order grain to be brought from neighbouring ])laces to Capua. Hannibal ordered Hanno to march with his army from the land of the Bruttii over into Cam- pania, and to see to it that the Campanians should have a supply of grain. Hanno set out from the land of the Bruttii with his army, avoided camps of the enemy and the consuls, who were in Samnium, and when he was now nearing Benevcntum, pitched camp on high ground three miles from the city itself. Then he ordered grain to be brought into camp from allied peoples of the neighbourhood, among whom it in the and he furnished had been garnered summer ; to troops to escort the supplies. Then he sent word Capua, naming a day on Avhich they should appear at the camp to get their grain, after bringing together from the farms on all sides every kind of vehicle and beast of burden. This order Avas carried out by the Campanians with their usual carelessness and indifference. Little more than four hundred vehicles were sent, and a few beasts of burden besides. For this they were censured by Hanno, that not even hunger, which, as he said, inflames even dumb could their and another brutes, spur diligence ; day was assigned for getting their grain with ampler means of transport. When all this was reported, at once just as it happened, to the Beneventans, they 389 LIVY

A.u.c. legates decern extemplo ad consules—circa Bovianuni castra Ronianoi-uni crant—miserunt. Qui cum auditis quae ad Capuam agerentur inter se comparassent lit alter in Campaniam exercitum duceret, Fulvius, cui ea provincia obvenerat, profectus nocte Bene- 10 venti moenia est ingressus. Ex propinquo cognoscit Hannonem cum exercitus parte profectum frumen- datum frumen- tatum ; per quaestorem Campanis tiuTi milia inconditam ; duo plaustrorum, inermem- aliam turbam advenisse tumultum ac que ; per trcpidationem omnia agi, castrorumque formam et ^ militarem ordinem inmixtis agrestibus et iis externis sublatum. 11 His satis compertis, consul militibus edicit, signa tantum in noctem armaque proximam expedirent ; 12 castra Punica oppugnanda esse. Quarta vigilia profecti sarcinis omnibus impedimentisque Beneventi relictis, paulo ante lucem cum ad castra pervenissent, tantum pavoris iniecerunt ut, si in piano castra posita essent, baud dubie primo impetu capi potuerint. 13 Altitudo loci et munimenta defendere,- quae nulla ex parte adiri nisi arduo ac difficili ascensu poterant. 14 Luce prima proelium ingens accensum est. Nee vallum modo tutantur Poeni, sed, ut quibus locus aequior esset, deturbant nitentis per ardua hostes. XI\\ Vincit tamen omnia pertinax virtus, et aliquot simul partibus ad vallum ac fossas perventum est, sed cum 2 multis vulneribus ac militum pernicie. Itaque

^ et Madvig : om. P(\). 2 defendere Alschefski : -erent PCRMB=' : -erunt DA : -erant C*B.

^ I.e. not Campanians. BOOK XXV. xiii. 8-.\iv. 2

of "-0.2)2 sent ten legates to the consuls, the camp the Romans being near IJovianum. The consuls, on hearing what was going on near Capua, mutually arranged that one of them should lead his army into Campania, and Fulvius, to whom that assignment had fallen, set out and entered the walls of Beneventum that Hanno at night. Being near now, he learned had gone with a part of his army to procure grain ; furnished that through his quaestor grain had been to the that two thousand and Campanians ; wagons in addition a mixed and unarmed multitude had arrived that was done in con- ; everything being fusion and excitement, and that the arrangement of broken down the camp and military routine had been ^ by the influx of rustics, foreigners at that. the consul These facts being sufficiently established, ordered the soldiers to make ready their standards and arms, and nothing else, for the following night ; they must attack the Carthaginian camp. Setting out at the fourth watch, leaving all their packs and baggage at Beneventum, they reached the camp shortly if the before daylight and inspired such panic that, it could camp had been placed on level ground, undoubtedly have been taken by the first assault. also the The lofty situation protected it, fortifications, which could not be apijroached from any side except a by a steep and difficult slope. At daybreak great not battle blazed up. And the Carthaginians only defended the earthwork but, as they had the more favourable situation, pushed down the enemy strug- obstinate gling up the steep slope. XIV. Nevertheless the earth- courage surmounted everything, and so work and the trenches were reached in several places at once, but with many wounds and heavy loss of 391 LIVY

^ A.u.o. convocatis legatis tribunisque militum consul absis- tcmerario ait tutius sibi videri tendum incepto ; reduci eo die exercitum Beneventum, dein postero 2 casti-a castris hostium iungi, ne exire inde Campani id facilius 3 neve Hanno regredi posset ; quo obtineatur, coUegam quoque ct exercitum eius se acciturum totumque eo versuros bellum. Haec consilia ducis, cum iam receptui caneret, clamor militum aspernan- 4 tium tam segne imperium disiecit. Proxima forte hosti^ erat cohors Paeligna, cuius praefectus Vibius Accaus arreptum vexillum trans vallum hostium 5 traiecit. Execratus inde seque et cohortem, si eius vexilli hostes potiti essent, princeps ipse per fossam intra vallum 6 vallumque in castra inrupit. lamque Valerio Flacco Paeligni pugnabant, cum altera parte, tribuno-militum tertiae legionis exprobrante Romanis concederent ignaviam, qui sociis captorum castrorum 7 decus, T. Pedanius princeps primus centurio, cum " lam hoc et hie signifero signum ademisset, signum centurio" inquit "intra vallvmi hostium erit: hoste sunt." sequantur qui capi signum ab prohibituri Manipulares sui primum transcendentem fossam, et ad con- 8 dein legio tota secuta est. Iam consul, spectum transgredientium vallum mutato consilio, ab revocando ad incitandos hortandosque versus

1 legatis Alschefski : om. P(l). ^ castra Cramer : om. P{\). * forte hosti Madvig, Emend. : portae (-e) hostium P{1).

392 BOOK XXV. XIV. 2-8

men. Accordingly the consul called together his d.c. 212 lieutenants and tribunes of the soldiers and told them he must his rash that it give up undertaking ; seemed to him safer to lead the army back that day to Beneventum, and then on the following day to pitch camp close to that of the enemy, so that the Campanians might not be able to leave it nor Hanno to return. To accomplish that more readily, he would summon his colleague also and his army, and they would focus the entire war upon that point. These plans of the general were disrupted, when he was already sounding the recall, by the shouts of the soldiers an rejecting order so lacking in spirit. Nearest to the enemy happened to be a Paelignian cohort, whose prefect Vibius Accaus seized the banner and threw it over the enemy's earthwork. Then, with a curse upon himself and the cohort if the enemy should get possession of that banner, he was himself the first to dash over the trench and wall into the camp. And already the Paelignians were fighting inside the wall, when from the other side of the camp, while ^'alerius Flaccus, tribune of the soldiers of the third legion, was reproaching the Romans for their cowardice in yielding to allies the honour of capturing the camp, Titus Pedanius, fii'st centurion of the took a standard from piincipes, " away the standard-bearer and said This standard and this centurion will in a moment be inside the enemy's wall. Let those follow who are to prevent the standard from being captured by the enemy." First the men of his own maniple followed him as he crossed the trench, then the whole legion. And now the consul at the sight of men crossing the wall changed his plan, turned from recalling his soldiers to arousing 393 LIVY

A.U.C. milites, ostenderc in quanto discrimine ac pcriculo fortissinia cohors sociorum et civium legio essct. 9 Itaque pro se quisque omnes per aequa atque iniqua loca, cum undique tela conicerentur armaque et corpora hostes obicerent, pervadunt inrum- niulti volnerati ctiam vires et puntque ; quos sanguis desereret, ut intra vallum hostium caderent nite- 10 bantur. Capta itaque momento tcmporis velut in piano sita ncc permunita castra. Caedes inde, non iam pugna erat omnibus intra vallum permixtis. 11 Supra sex^ milia hostium occisa, supra septem milia capitimi cum frumentatoribus Campanis omnique plaustrorum et iumentorum apparatu capta; et alia ingcns pi-aeda fuit quam Hanno, populabundus passim cum isset, ex sociorum populi 12 Romani agris traxerat. Inde deletis hostium castris Beneventum reditum, praedamque ibi ambo consules—nam et Ap. Claudius eo post paucos dies 13 venit—vendiderunt diviseruntque. Et donati quorum opera castra hostium capta erant, ante alios Accaus Paelignus et T. Pedanius, princeps tertiae 14 legionis. Hanno ab Cominio Ocrito, quo nuntiata castrorum clades est, cum paucis frumentatoribus quos forte secum habuerat fugae magis quam itineris modo in Bruttios rediit. XV. Et Campani, audita sua pariter sociorumque clade, legatos ad

^ sex R'^Cl) : ex PB : x P^ : decern vulgate.

394 BOOK XXV. XIV. 8-xv. i and encoura<:fin

A^.c. Hannibalem miserunt, qui nuntiarent duos consules ad Beneventum esse, diei iter a Capua; tantum non ad et muros bellum esse ni portas ; propere subveniat, celerius Capuam quam Arpos in potesta- 2 tern hostium venturam. Ne Tarentum quidem, non modo arcem, tanti debere esse ut Capuam, quam Carthagini acquare sit solitus, desertam inde- 3 fensamque populo Romano tradat. Hannibal, curae sibi fore rem Campanam pollicitus, in praesentia duo milia equitum cum legatis mittit, quo praesidio agros populationibus possent prohibere. 4 Romanis interim, sicut aliarum rerum, arcis Tarentinae praesidiique quod ibi obsideretur cura est. C. Servilius legatus, ex auctoritate patrum a P. Cor- nelio praetore in Etruriam ad frumentum coemen- dum missus, cum aliquot navibus onustis in portum 5 Tarentinum inter hostium custodias pervenit. Cuius adventu qui ante in exigua spe vocati saepe ad trans- itionem ab hostibus per conloquia erant ultro ad transeundum hostis vocabant sollicitabantque. Et erat satis validum praesidium traductis ad arcem ^ Tarenti tuendam qui Metaponti erant militibus. 6 ItaqUe Metapontini extemplo metu quo tenebantur liberati ad Hannibalem defecere. 7 Hoc idem eadem ora maris et Thurini fecerunt. Movit eos non Tarentinorum magis defcctio Meta- ^ z : lost line. qui Metaponti erant om. P(l ), a

1 Cf. XXIV. xlvi f. BOOK XXV. XV. 1-7

Hannibal to report that the two consuls were at b.c. 212 Beneventum, a day's niai'ch from Capua; that all walls and the war was but at their gates and ; that, if he did not come to their aid in haste, Capua would fall into the power of the enemy more promptly than Arpi.^ They said that not even Tarentum, to say nothing of its citadel, ought to be of such importance that he should hand over to the Roman people the deserted and undefended Capua, which he had usually compared with Carthage. Hannibal, promising that the Campanian cause would be his concern, for the present sent two thousand hoi'semen with his lieutenants, that with this force they might be able to protect their farms from devastation. The Romans meantime were concerned among * other things for the citadel of Tarentum and the as garrison there besieged. Gains Servilius, who lieutenant had been sent by Publius Cornelius, the the senate to praetor, into Etruria by authority of the purchase grain, made his way through enemy's blockade into the harbour of Tarentum with a number of shiploads. Thanks to his coming, the men who until then in their faint hope had often been invited by the enemy in parleys to change to sides were actually inviting and urging the enemy change sides. And the garrison was in fact strong enough, now that soldiers who were at Metapontum had been transferred to defend the citadel of Taren- tum. Accordingly the Metapontines were at once relieved of the fear by which they were restrained, and went over to Hannibal. The Thurians also, on the same coast, did the same. What impelled them was not more the 397 1 LIVY

indideni ex Achaia oriundi ^642* pontinonimque, quibus etiani eognatione iuncti erant, qiiani ira in Romanos 8 propter obsides nuper interfectos. Eorum amici cognatique litteras ac nuntios ad Hannonem Mago- nemque, qui in propinquo in Bruttiis erant, miserunt, si excrcitimi ad mocnia admovissent, se in potestatem 9 eoi'um urbem tradituros esse. M. Atinius Thuriis cum modico praesidio praeerat, quern facile elici ad certamen temere ineundum rebantur posse, ^ non tarn niilitum, quos perpaucos liabebat, fiducia iuventutis Thurinae earn ex industria centuria- quam ; 10 verat armaveratque ad talis casus. Divisis copiis inter se duces Poeni cum agrum Thurinum ingressi essent, Hanno cum peditum agmine infestis signis ire ad urbem pergit, Mago cum equitatu tectus coUibus 11 apte ad tegendas insidias oppositis subsistit. Atinius peditum tantum agmine per exploratores comperto in aciem copias educit, et fraudis intestinae et hostium 12 insidiarum ignarus. Pedestre proelium fuit per- segne paucis in prima acie pugnantibus Romanis, Thurinis expectantibus magis quam adiuvantibus eventum et acies de industria ; Carthaginiensium pedem referebat, ut ad terga collis ab equite sue 13 insessi hostem incautum pertraheret. Quo ubi est ventum, coorti cum clamore equites prope inconditam Thurinorum turbam nee satis fido animo unde

^ tarn 2 : om. P(l).

1 xxi. 4. Not the brother of Hannibal ; xvi. 7 f., 24 ; xviii. 1; 2 ,Vo in mustering old men into the service in VI. ii. 0, and freedraen in X. xxi. 4. BOOK XXV. XV. 7-13 revolt of the Tarentines and that of tlie Meta- d.c. 212 pontines, with whom they were hnked by blood as well, being sprung from the same Achaia, than anger against the Romans on account of the recent execution of the hostages. Friends and relatives of these sent a letter and messengers to Hanno and Mago,i who were not far away in the land of the Bruttii, saying that, if they should bring up an army to their walls, they would themselves deliver the city into their power. Marcus Atinius was in command at Thurii with a garrison of moderate size, and they thought that he could easily be tempted to dash rashly into battle, from his confidence not so much in his soldiers, of whom he had very few, as in the young men of Thurii. He had purposely organized them in centuries - and armed them with a view to such emergencies. The Carthaginian generals divided their forces between them and, on entering the territory of Thurii, Hanno. with the infantry column to ready attack, proceeded to the city. Mago with the cavalry halted under cover of hills conveniently interposed to conceal an ambuscade. Atinius, informed of the infantry column alone by scouts, led his troops out into Une, he being unaware both of the conspiracy Avithin and of the enemy's ambuscade. The infantry battle was very lacking in spirit, for only a few Romans were fighting in the front line, and the men of Thurii were awaiting the outcome, rather than contributing to it. And the Cartha- ginian hne purposely retreated, in order to draw the heedless enemy to the other side of the hill occupied by their o-\\ia cavahy. When they reached the place,- the cavalry, suddenly attacking Avith a shout, at once put to flight the mass of the Thurians, which was 399 LIVY

A.U.C. pugnabat stantem extemplo in fugam averterunt. 14 Romani, quamquam circumventos hinc pedes, hinc traxere eques urgebat, tamen aliquanidiu pugnam ; postremo et ipsi terga vertunt atque ad urbem 15 fugiunt. Ibi proditores conglobati cum popularium agmen patentibus portis accepissent, ubi Romanos fusos ad urbem ferri viderunt, eonclamant instare Poenum, permixtosque et hostis urbem invasuros, ni propere portas claudant. Ita exclusos Romanos hcsti ad caedem Atinius tamen cum praebuere ; 16 paucis receptus. Seditio inde paulisper tenuit, cum ^ alii cedendum fortunae et tradendam urbem 17 victoribus censerent. Ceterum, ut plerumque, fortuna et consilia mala vicerunt: Atinio cum suis ad mare ac naves deducto, magis quia ipsi ob imperium in se mite ac iustum consultum volebant quam respectu Romanorum, Carthaginienses in urbem accipiunt. 18 Consules a Benevento in Campanum agrum legiones ducunt non ad frumenta modo, quae iam in herbis erant, corrumpenda, sed ad Capuam oppug- 19 nandam, nobilem se consulatum tam opulentae urbis excidio rati facturos, simul et ingens flagitium imperio dempturos, quod ui-bi tam propinquae 20 tertium annum inpunita defectio esset. Ceterum ne Beneventum sine praesidio esset, et ut ad subita

1 cum, P(l) add another inde, variotisly emended by those who require alii . . . alii.

1 In contrast with those who by admitting Atinius showed their preference for the Romans. 400 BOOK XXV. xv. 13-20

almost undisciplined and not entii-ely loyal to the side b.o. 212 on M-hicli they were fighting. The Romans, though surrounded and hard pressed on one side by the on infantry, the other by the cavalry, nevertheless on kept fighting for some time. Finally they also faced about fled and to the city. There the traitors massed together and admitted the column of their citizens through wide-open gates; but when they saw the routed Romans moving toward the city, they shouted that the Carthaginian was upon them, and unless they hastily closed the gates the enemy also, minghng with them, would make their way into the city. Thus they shut out the Romans and left them to be slain by the enemy. Atinius, however, with a few men was admitted. Then for a short time dis- ^ sension continued, the other party being of the opinion that they must yield to destiny and surrender the city to the victors. But, as usual, chance and bad advice prevailed. Atinius and his men were to the brought down sea and ships, more because they wished his personal safety, on account of his mild and just rule over them, than out of regard for the Romans, and then they admitted the Carthaginians to the city. The consuls led their legions from Beneventum into the Campanian territory, not merely to ruin the grain, which was by now green, but also to besiege Capua. They thought to make theirs a notable consulship by the destruction of so rich a city, and at the same time to remove a great disgrace from the in empire, that the revolt of a city so near had been unpunished for three years.2 But, not to leave Beneventum without a garrison, and, with a view to 2 It was really over three years, from 216 b.c. 401 VOL. VI. D D A.u.c. belli, si Hannibal, quod facturum baud dubitabant, ad opcin ferendam sociis Capuam venisset, equitis vim sustincre possent, Ti. Gracchum ex Lucanis cum cquitatu ac levi armatura Bencventum venire iubent ad res in ; Icgionibus stativisquc obtinendas laicanis aliquem praeficeret. X\'I. Graccho, priusquam ex Lucanis moveret, 2 sacrificanti triste prodigium factum est : ad exta sacrificio perpetrate angues duo ex occulto adlapsi adcdere iocur conspectique repente ex oculis abierunt. 3 Ideo ^ cum haruspicum monitu sacrificium instaurare- tur atque intentius exta reservarentur, iterum ac - tertium tradunt adlapsos libatoque iocinere intactos 4 angues abisse. Cum haruspices ad imperatorem id pertinere prodigium praemonuissent et ab occultis cavendum hominibus consultisque, nulla tanion 5 providentia fatum imminens moveri potuit. Flavus Lucanus fuit, caput partis eius Lucanorum, cum pars cum Romanis stabat ad Hannibalem defecisset, quae ; ^ * et iam altero anno in magistratu erat, ab iisdem G illis creatus praetor. Is mutata repente voluntate locum gratiae apud Poenum quaerens neque transire ipse neque trahere ad defectionem I.ucanos satis habuit, nisi imperatoris et eiusdem liospitis proditi capite ac sanguine foedus cum hostibus sanxisset.

^ Ideo Kohler : id P(l) : oh id Weissenborn : etCrdvier. 2 a(lIiii)sos \Veisse7iborn : o?ft. 7'(1). ^ altero Weissenborn : om. l'{l). * anno PCR: hanno RhMBDA : annuo Jac. Gronovius: altero anno Weif:senborn. 402 BOOK XXV. x^^ 20-xyi. 6 emergencies, if Hannibal should come to Capua, as b-c- 212 they had no doubt he would do, to lend aid to his allies, in order that they might be able to withstand the attack of his cavalry, they ordered Tiberius Gracchus to come from Lucania with his cavalry and light-armed troops to Beneventum. He was to put some one in command of the legions and permanent camps, in order to control the situation in Lucania.

X\'I. As Gracchus was sacrificing before leaving Lucania, an unfavourable portent occurred. After the slaying of the victim two snakes ghding stealthily up to the entrails ate part of the liver, and on being noticed vanished suddenly from sight. When for that reason the sacrifice was repeated on the advice of the soothsayers, and while the entrails were being kept Avith greater care, they relate that the snakes for the second and the third time gliding up tasted the liver and went away unharmed. Although the soothsayers had warned in advance that that portent applied to the general, and that he must beware of men in hiding and of covert plans, still the impending fate could not be averted by any foresight. There was a Lucanian, Flavus, head of that party of the Lucanians which remained on the Roman side, although the other party had revolted to Hannibal. And he was now in the second year of his office, having been elected praetor by that same party. He suddenly changed his intention and, seeking to find favour with the Carthaginian, was not satisfied to chanffe sides himself nor to draw the Lucanians into revolt without ratifying his agreement with the enemy by the life-blood of the general, betrayed though at the same time his guest-friend. He came 403 D D 2 LIVY

A.u.c. 7 Ad Magonem, qui in Bruttiis praeerat, clam in collo- quium venit fideque ab eo accepta, si Romanum iis imperatorcm tradidisset, libcros cum suis legibus ventures in amicitiam Lucanos, deducit Poenum in ^ locum quo ciun paucis Gracchum adducturum

8 ait : Mago ibi pedites equitesque armatos—et capere eas latebras ingentem numerum—occuleret. 9 Loco satis inspecto atque undique explorato dies composita gerendae rei est. Flavus ad Romanum 10 impei-atorem venit. Rem se ait magnam incohasse, ad quam perficiendam ipsius Gracchi opera opus

esse : omnium populorum praetoribus qui ad Poemmi in illo communi Italiae motu descissent, persuasisse ut redirent in amicitiam Romanorum, 11 quando res quoque Romana, quae prope exitium cladc Cannensi venisset, in dies melior atque auctiur fieret, Hannibalis vis senesceret ac prope ad nihilum 12 veteri delicto fore venisset ; haud inplacabilis Romanos nullam exorabilem ; umquam gentem magis veniae dandae fuisse re- promptioremque ; quotiens

13 bellioni etiam maiorum suorum ignotum ! Haec ab sese dicta ceterum ab Graccho eadem haec ; ipso audire malle cos praesentisque contingere dextram 14 et id pignus fidei secum ferre. Locum se concilio iis dixisse a conspectu amotum, haud procul castris Romanis ibi verbis rem ut ; paucis transigi posse

1 quo cvLTaGronoviV'S, Madvig : om. P(l) : illo cum J ^.

404 BOOK XXV. XVI. 7-14 to Mago, svho was in command in the country of the b.c. 213 Bruttii, for a secret conference, and received his promise that, if he should surrender the Roman commander into tlieir hands, the Lucanians as free men with their own laws would be accepted as friends. He then led the Carthaginian to a place to which he said he Mould bring Gracchus with a few there should conceal armed men ; Mago infantry and and the had he cavalry ; hiding-place room, said, for a very large number. After they had sufficiently examined the spot and reconnoitred all around, a day Avas settled upon for the execution of the plan. Flavus came to the Roman commander, saying that he had begun an important business for the completion of which he needed Gracchus' own that he had the of all help ; persuaded magistrates the peoples which in that general commotion in Italy had gone over to the Carthaginians, to return to the friendship of the Romans, since the Roman state also, which had been nearly desti'oyed by the disaster at Cannae, was daily improving and increasing, while Hannibal's power was growing feebler and had been reduced almost to nothing. To their old offence, he said, the Romans would not be implacable; no people had ever been more easily entreated and readier to grant foi-giveness. How often had a rebellion even of their own ancestors been pardoned ! These things he said he had told but that to hear these same them ; they preferred statements from Gracchus himself, and to take hold of his right hand there before them, and to carry with them that pledge of his honour. He had appointed for their council a place out of sight, not far from the there in a few words it could be Roman camp ; 405 LIVY

A.u.o. omnc nomcii Lucanum in fide ac societate Roniana 612 lo sit. Gracchus fraudeni et sermoni et rei abesse ratus ac similitudine veri captus cum lictoribus ac turma equituin e castris profectus ducc hospite in 16 insidias praecipitat.^ Hostes subito cxorti, et, ne dubia proditio esset, Flavus iis se adiungit. Tela undique in Gracchura atque equites coniciuntur. 17 ex desilit idem ceteros facere Gracchus equo ; iubet hortaturque ut, quod unum reliquum fortuna 18 fecerit, id cohonestent virtute : rchquum autem quid esse paucis a multitudine in valle silva ac montibus saepta circumventis praeter mortem? 19 Id refcrre, utrum praebentes corpora pecorum modo inulti trucidentur, an toti a patiendo expectandoque eventu in impetum atque iram versi, agentes auden- tesque. perfusi hostium cruore, inter exspirantium inimicorum cumulata ai-maque et corpoi-a cadant. ac omnes 20 Lucanum proditorcm transfugam peterent ; qui cam victimam prae se ad inferos misisset, eum decus eximium, egregium solacium suae morti 21 inventurum. Inter haec dicta paludamento circa laevum brachium intorto—nam ne scuta quidem 22 secum extulerant—in host is impetum fecit. Maior quam pro numero hominum editur pugna. laculis ^ maxime apcrta corpora Romanorum, cum undique ex altioribus locis in cavam vallem coniectus esset,

1 : : -tatur praecipitat Madvig {possibly P^) -tatus P(l) B rnarg. Gronovius. 2 cum Madvig, Conway : et cum P(l).

406 BOOK XXV. XVI. 14-22

settled that the whole Lucanian people should be n-c. 212 under the protection of the Romans and in alliance with them. Gracchus, thinking that both speech misled the and pi-oposal were free from guile, and by with his plausibility of it, set out from the camp lictors and a troop of cavalry, and Avith a guest- friend as his guide fell into the ambush. The enemy suddenly came out, and, to leave no doubt about his treachery, Flavus joined them. Javelins assail Grac- chus and his horsemen from every side. He springs from his horse, bids the rest to do the same and urges them to ennoble by courage the one thing fortune has left open to them. But to a few men surrounded by a multitude, in a valley hedged about by forest and mountains, what was left, he asked, but death? The one thing that mattered was whether they were to submit themselves like sheep to be slaughtered unavenged, or, far from calmly on awaiting the outcome, were to be altogether bent angry attack, and then, daring and doing, drenched by the blood of the enemy, among the heaps of arms and bodies of their dying foes, were to fall. They must all attack the Lucanian traitor and deserter. The man who sent that victim before him to the lower world would find great distinction and for his own death an extraordinary consolation. While cloak around thus speaking he wound his genei-al's his left arm—for they had not taken even shields with them—and attacked the enemy. The battle was out of all proportion to the mmiber of men engaged. The bodies of the Romans were especially unprotected against javelins, and were pierced by them, as they could be thrown from higher ground who all around into the hollow valley. Gracchus, 407 LIVY

23 Gracchum iam nudatum A^uc- transfiguntur. praesidio vivum capere Poeni nituntur; ceterum conspicatus Lucanuni hospitem inter hostis, adeo infcstus confertos invasit ut parci ei sine multorum pernicie 24 non posset. Exanimem eum Mago extemplo ad Hannibalem misit ponique cum captis simul fascibus ante tribunal imperatoris iussit. ^ Haec si vera fama est, Gracchus in Lucanis ad campos qui Veteres vocantur periit. XVII. Sunt qui in agro Beneventano prope Calorem fluvium contendant a castris cmn lictoribus ac tribus servis 2 lavandi causa progressum, cum forte inter salicta innata ripis laterent hostes, nudum atque inermem saxisque quae volvit amnis propugnantem inter- 3 fectum. Sunt qui haruspicum monitu quingentos passus a castris progressum, uti loco puro ea quae ante dicta prodigia sunt procuraret, ab insidentibus forte locum duabus turmis Numidarum circumventum scribant. Adeo nee locus nee ratio mortis in viro 4 tarn claro et insigni constat. Funeris quoque Gracchi varia est fama. Alii in castris Romanis

sepultum ab suis, alii ab Hannibale—et ea vulgatior fama est—tradunt in vestibulo Punicorum castrorum

5 rogum extructum esse, ai-matum exercitum decucur- risse cum tripudiis Hispanorum motibusque armorurii et corporum suae cuique genti adsuetis, ipso Hannibale

* si Madvig : om. P(l). 408 BOOK XXV. XVI. 22-x'\ii. 5 was by this time stripped of his defenders, the d.c. 212 Carthaginians strove to capture alive. But catching sight of his Lucanian guest-friend among the enemy, he dashed into tlie dense ranks with sucli animosity that he could not be spared without the loss of many lives. Mago at once sent the corpse to Hannibal and ordered it to be placed before the general's tribune together with the captured fasces. If tliis is the true report, Gracchus perished in Lucania, on the Old Plains, as they are called. XVII. There are some who maintain that in the region of Beneventum, by the river Calor, he had gone out of the camp with his lictors and three slaves to bathe, while enemies, as it happened, were hiding among the willows growing on the banks, and Avas slain, naked and miarmed and defending himself with stones which the river rolls along. There are some ANTiters who say that on the advice of the soothsayers he had gone five hundred paces from the camp to make atonement on an uncontaminated spot for the prodigies mentioned above, and was overpowered by two troops of Numidians who chanced to be in ambush there. So far are both the place and the manner of his death from being established, in spite of his eminence and distinction. In regard to Gracchus 's funeral also reports vary. Some relate that he was buried in the Roman camp by his own men, others—and this is the prevalent report —that by Hannibal's order a pyre was erected directly outside the gate of the Cai-thaginian camp, and that the army defiled under arms, with dances by the Spanish troops and such movements of weapons and bodies as were customary for each tribe, while Hannibal himself 409 LIVY

A.u.c. omni rcrum verborumque honore exequias cclebrante. liaec tradunt qui iii Lucanis rei gestae auctorcs sunt. Si illis qui ad Calorem fluvium interfectum memorant credere velis, capitis tantuin Gracchi 7 hostcs potiti sunt; eo delato ad Hannibalem, missus ab eo confestim Carthalo, qui in castra llomana ad Cn. Cornelium deferret is funus im- quaestorem ; peratoi-is in casti'is celebrantibus cum exercitu Beneventanis fecit. XVIII. Consules agrum Campanum ingressi cum passim popularentur, eruptione oppidanorum et Magonis cum equitatu territi et trepidi ad signa milites palatos passim revocarunt, et vixdum instructa aeie fusi supra m^ille et quingentos milites 2 amiserunt. Inde ingens ferocia superbae suopte ingenio genti crevit, multisque proeliis lacessebant

Romanes ; sed intentiores ad cavendum consules una pugna fecerat incaute atque inconsulte inita. 3 Rcstituit tamen his animos et illis minuit audaciam una res sed in bcUo nihil tam leve est parva ; quod non magnae interdum rei momentum faciat. 4 T. Quinctio Crispino Badius Campanus hospes erat, perfamiliari hospitio iunctus. Creverat consuetude, quod aeger Romae apud Crispinum Badius ante defectionem Campanam liberaliter comitenpie curatus ^ 5 fuerat. Is turn Badius, progressus ante stationes quae pro porta stabant, vocari Crispinum iussit.

1 Is turn Crdvier : stuP: tumP2(l).

1 Not to be confused with another man of the same name in xxvi. 4; XXIV. xxxix. 12; and frequently in XXVII. 410 BOOK XXV. xvii. 5-xviii. 5 honoured the obsequies with every tribute in actu.c. 213 and word. These arc the statements of those who vouch for its occurrence in I>ucania. If you incline to believe those who state that he was slain at the river Calor, the enemy gained possession of (}racchus' head only. This being brought to Hannibal, Carthalo was at once sent by him to bring it to the Roman camp and Gnaeus Cornelius the quaestor. He conducted the funeral of the general in the camp, while the people of Beneventum joined with the army in doing him honour. • X\ in. While the consuls, on entering the Cam- panian region, were devastating it far and wide, being alarmed and dismayed by a sally of the Capuans and of Mago with his cavalry, they recalled their widely scattered soldiers to the standards, and being routed almost before their line was formed, lost over fifteen hundred men. Upon this the great over- confidence of a people naturally proud was greatly increased, and they sought to provoke the Romans by many battles. But a single engagement in- made the cautiously and imprudently begun had consuls more careful to be on their guard. One small occurrence, however, restored the courage of one army and lessened the boldness of the other. But to in Avar nothing is so slight as not at times bring ^ about a great result. Titus Quinctius Crispinus had one Badius, a Campanian, as his guest-friend, linked to him by intimate hospitality. Friendship had grown because in an illness Badius had been the house of Cris- generously and kindly nursed at of pinus at Rome before the rebellion Campania. This Badius at the time came up to the outposts stationed before the gate and bade them call 411 LIVY

AU.O. Qu(»d ubi est Crispijio nuntiatuni, ratus conloquium amicum ac familiare quaeri, manente memoria etiam in discidio publicorum foederum privati iuris, paulum () a ceteris processit. Postquam in conspectum venere, " " " Provoco te inquit ad pugnam, Crispine," " Badiiis conscendamus aliis ; equos summotisque 7 uter bello melior sit decernamus." Ad ea Crispinus nee sibi nee illi ait hostes deesse in quibus virtutem ostendant; se, etiamsi in aeie occurrerit, declina- ne caede violet turum, hospitali dextram ; con- 8 versusque abibat. Enimvero ferocius turn Campanus inerepare mollitiam ignaviamque et se digna probra in insontem iaeere, hospitalem hostem appellans simulantemque parcere eui sciat parem se non esse. 9 Si parum publicis foederibus ruptis dirempta simul et privata iura esse putet, Badium Campanum T. Quinctio Crispino Romano palam duobus exerciti- 10 bus audientibus renuntiare hospitium. Nihil sibi cum eo consociatum, nihil foederatum, hosti cum

hoste, cuius patriam ac penates publicos privatosque oppugnatum venisset. Si vir esset, congrederetur. 11 Diu cunctantem Crispinum perpulere turmales ne 12 impune insultare Campanum pateretur. Itaque tantum mox*atus dum iniperatores consuleret per- mitterentne sibi extra ordinem in provocantem 412 BOOK XXV. xvni. 5-12

Crispinus. When this was reported to Crispinus, he b.c. 212 went a little beyond the others, thinking a friendly and intimate conversation was wanted, since the memory of a personal tie lingered in spite of the of treaties. Wlien had come rupture public " they in of each other, I to battle, sight " challenge you Crispinus," said Badius. Let us mount our horses and, with others kept at a distance, decide which is the better warrior." In reply Crispinus said that neither he nor Badius lacked enemies on whom to show his courage. For himself, even if he should meet the other in battle-line, he would avoid him, lest he stain his right hand with the blood of a guest- friend. And he turned and was walking away. Then in truth the Campaniau more fiercely reviled the effeminacy and cowardice of Crispinus and hurled reproaches which he himself deserved against an innocent man, calling him a guest-enemy and a man who pretended to spare one to whom he knew he was not equal. If he thought that with the rupture of public treaties private ties had not also been broken, then, he said, Badius the Campanian, openly in the hearing of two armies, renounced the guest- friendship of Titus Quinctius Crispinus the Roman. For himself, an enemy, nothing was hallowed by association, nothing by compact, with him, an enemy, since he had come to attack his native city and the Penates of the state and of the household. If he was a man, let him come on. Crispinus, after long hesitation, was prevailed upon by his comrades not to allow the Campanian to revile him with impunity. And so he delayed only long enough to consult the generals as to whether they permitted him to fight out of ranks against an enemy who challenged him. 413 LIVY

A.o.r. hostem pugnare, permissu eorum arma cepit equum- que conscendit et Badium nomine compellans ad 13 evocavit. Nulla mora a facta est pugnam Campano ; infestis equis concurrcrunt. Crispinus supra scutum sinistrum umerum Badio hasta transfixit, superque delapsum cum vulnere ex equo desiluit, ut pedes 14 iacentem conficeret. Badius, priusquam opprimere- relicto ad suos tnr, parma atque equo aufugit ; 15 Crispinus equum armaque capta et cruentam cuspi- dem insignis spoliis ostentans cum magna laude et gratulatione militum ad consules est deductus laudatusque ibi magnifice et donis donatus. XIX. Hannibal ex as^ro Beneventano castra ad Capuam cum movasset, tertio post die quam venit 2 copias in aciem eduxit, haudquaquam dubius, quod Campanis absente se paucos ante dies secunda fuisset pugna, quin multo minus se suumque totiens 3 victorem exereitum sustinere Romani possent. Ce- terum postquam pugnari coeptum est, equitum maxima incursu, cum iaculis obrueretur, laborabat Romana acies, donee signum equitibus datum est 4 ut in hostem admitterent equos. Ita equestre proelium erat, cum procul visus Sempronianus exercitus, cui Cn. Cornelius quaestor praeerat, utrique parti parem metum praebuit ne hostes novi adven- 5 tarent. Velut ex composito utrimque signum receptui datum, reductique in castra prope aequo Marte discesserunt tamen ab Romanis ; plures pi-imo

^ For the forces Gracchus had commanded cf. xv. 20. 414 BOOK XXV. xviu. I2-XIX-. 5

With their permission he took his arms and mounted b.c. 212 his horse, and addressing Badius by name called no him out to battle. The Campanian made delay ; riding directly at each other they clashed. Crispinus with his spear pierced Badius' left shoulder above the shield after he fell him ; and wounded, leaped upon from his horse, that, now dismounted, he might despatch the fallen. Badius, not to be overpowered, left shield and horse and fled to his own men. Crispinus, decked with spoils and displaying the horse and captured arms and his bloody spear, was conducted with much praise and congratulation on the part of the soldiers to the consuls, and there he was highly praised and rewarded with gifts. XIX. Hannibal, having moved his camp from the region of Beneventum to the vicinity of Capua, led his troops out into battle-line on the third day after his arrival. Since in his absence the Campanians had had a successful battle a few days before, he had no doubt whatever that the Romans would be much less able to withstand himself and his repeatedly victorious army. But once the battle had begun, the Roman hne was hard pressed, especially by the cavahy charge, being overwhelmed by their darts, their until the signal was given to the cavalry to urge horses against the enemy. Thus a cavalry battle was in progress when the distant sight of the Sem- the pronian army,^ commanded by Gnaeus Cornelius, that quaestor, inspired in both armies the same fear fresh enemies were approaching. As if by agreement the signal for recall was given on both sides, and marching back to the camp they separated on the almost even terms. Yet a larger number fell on 415 LIVY

AUG. 6 incursu equitum ceciderunt. Inde consules, ut averterent Capua Hannibalem, nocte quae secuta est diversi, Fulvius in agrum Cumanum, Claudius 7 in Lucanos abit. Postero die, cum vacua castra llomanorum esse nuntiatum Hannibali esset et duobus agminibus diversos abisse, incertus primo 8 utrum sequeretur, Appium institit sequi. Ille cir- cumducto lioste qua voluit alio itinere ad Capuarn redit. Hannibali alia in his locis bene gerendae rei for- 9 tuna oblata est. M. Centenius fuit coffnomine

Paenula, insignis inter primi pili centuriones et 10 magnitudine corporis et animo. Is, perfunctus rmlitia, per P. Cornelium Sullam^faetorem in senatum introductus petit a patribus uti sibi (^[uinque milia 1 1 militum darentur : se peritum et hostis et regionum brevi operae pretium facturum et, quibus artibus ad id locoruni nostri et duces et exercitus capti forent, 12 iis adversus inventorem usurum. Id non promissum magis stolide quam stolide creditum, tamquam 13 eaedem militares et imperatoriae artes essent. Data pro quinque octo milia militum, pars dimidia cives, pars socii. Et ipse aliquantum voluntariorum in ^ itinei*e ex agris concivit ac prope duplicate exercitu in Lucanos pervenit, ubi Hannibal nequiquam 14 secutus Claudium substiterat. Haud dubia res

^ ex Madvig : in P(l).

1 A primi pili ceniurio (or primufi pilus) was the ranking centurion of his legion, commanding the fust century of the first maniple of the triarii. 416 BOOK XXV. XIX. 5-14

Roman side because of the first charge of the horse- b.c. 212 men. Thereupon the consuls, in order to draw Hannibal away from Capua, marched off the following night in different directions, Fulvius into the region of Cumae, Claudius into Lucania. The next day Hannibal, on being informed that the Roman camp was empty and that they had marched away in diiferent directions in two columns, was at first uncertain which to follow, but pushed on in pursuit of Appius, who after leading the enemy around wherever he pleased, returned by a different road to Capua. Hannibal had another opportunity for success presented to him in this region. There was one Marcus Centenius, with the cognomen Paenula, conspicuous among the centurions of the highest ^ rank for his huge body and his courage. Having

• finished his military service, he_v\'as_hr.auglit intailie— senate by Publius Cornehus^^ulla, a praetor, and begged the fathers to give him five thousand soldiers. He, being well-acquainted, he said, both Avith""th:c enemy and the country, would soon accomplish somethingArVorth whi le, and~gs for the aris .by which both our generals and_QUiLai™,iesJhacLjilLiJi^^ ensnared, he would use them against their inventor. Tljis-M«i8--TTtTt~Tiioi'e--ftt«pidIyL^u:Qi^^ stupidly, .yc /S\ as^ i pc of snlrlie v Relieved, f^the qualiti arid gf^ripral^ w^c the same . Instead of five thousand, eigKF" thousand soldiers were given him, half of them citizens, half allies. And he himself on his march raised a considerable number of volunteers from the farms, and with his army nearly doubled reached Lucania, where Hannibal had halted after vainly pursuing Claudius. The result was never in doubt, 417 VOL. VT. E E LIVY

A.u.o. eratj quippe inter Hannibalem ducem et centurionem, exercitusque alterum vincendo veteranum, alterum novum totum, magna ex parte etiam tumultuarium 15 ac semermem. Ut conspecta inter se agmina sunt et neutra pars detrectavit pugnam, extemplo instructae acies. Pugnatum tanien ut in nulla pari re duas horas constitit ^ con- ; amplius pugna spe 10 citante,^ donee dux stetit, Romanam aciem.^ Post- quam is non pro vetere fama solum, sed etiam metu futuri dedeeoris, si sua temfiiiiate contractae cladi superesset, obiectans se hostium telis cecidit, fusa 17 est Romana acies sed adeo ne extemplo ; fugae quidem iter patuit omnibus viis ab equite insessis, ut ex tanta multitudine vix mille evaserint, ceteri passim alii alia peste absumpti sint. XX. Capua a consulibus iterum summa vi obsideri coepta est, quaeque in earn rem opus erant compor- 2 tabantur parabanturque. Casilinum frumentum con-

vectum ; ad Volturni ostium, ubi nunc urbs est, * castellum communitum ibique et Puteolis, quos iam ante Fabius Maximus munierat,praesidium impositum, 3 utmareproximumet flumeninpotestateessent. Inea duo maritima castella frumentum, quod ex Sardinia nuper missum erat quodque M. Junius praetor ex Etruria coemerat, ab Ostia convectum est, ut exerci- 4 tui per hiemem copia esset. Ceterum super earn cladem quae in Lucanis accepta erat volonum quo-

* -stitit pugna spe con- M. Milller : om. P{\), a lost line. * concitante Madvig : concitata et P(l) : -a.ta.e P^ ? : -ata Sigonius, Walters. ^ Romanam aciem P(l) : -a a.cie A^ Valla. * ibique . . . iam Comvay, a line om. by P(l).

1 Cf. XXIV. vii. 10. 418 BOOK XXV. XIX. 14-XX. 4 as between Hannibal as commander and a centurion, b.o. 212 and between armies one of which was a veteran in \ictory and the other altogether raw, in large part also irregular and half-armed. When the columns were in sight of each other and neither side refused battle, the hnes were immediately drawn up. They fought, however, as was to be expected where nothing was fairly matched. For more than two horn's the battle continued, since hope inspired the Roman line so \ona- as their commander held his ground. Not

in with his old r but also for . only keeping eputation , fpfljrjjf fiitiii-p^isgi-ace, if he should survive a disaster brought on by his own rashness, he threw^ himself upon the weapons of the eneniy arid fell, whereupon th/fTtrtmnn linp was at oncF routed. But, as all the roads were occupied by cavalry, so far were they from having any route open even for flight that out of so great a multitude barely a thousand escaped, while the rest scattering met death in various forms. XX, The siege of Capua was resumed with intensity by the consuls, and all that was needed for the pui*pose was being brought together and made ready. Casilinum was the depot for grain. At the mouth of the Volturnus, where there is now a city, a stronghold was fortified, and there and at Puteoli,^ which Fabius Maximus had previously fortified, a garrison was placed, that the sea in that neighbourhood and the river might be in their power. To these two strongholds by the sea the grain which had been sent recently from Sardinia and that which the praetor Marcus Junius had pm*chased in Etruria was transported from Ostia, so that the army might have a supply through the winter. But in addition to the disaster incurred in Lucania, the army of slave- 419 E E 2 LIVY

A..V.C. que exercitus, qui vivo Graccho summa fide stipendia fecerat, velut exauctoratus morte ducis ab signis discessit. 5 Hannibal non Capuam neglectam neque in tanto discrimine desertos volebat socios sed ; prospero ex temcritate unius Romani duois successu in alterius ducis ex^rcitusque oppvimendi occasionem immine- 6 bat. Cn. Fulvium praetorem Apuli legati nuntiabant primo, dum urbes quasdam Apulorum quae ad Hanni-

balem descivissent oppugnaret, intentius rem egisse : postea nimio successu et ipsum et niilites praeda inipletos in tantam licentiam socordiamque efFusos 7 ut nulla disciplina militiae esset. Cum saepe alias, turn paucis diebus ante expertus qualis sub inscio duce exercitus esset, in Apuliam castra movit. XXI. Circa Herdoneam Romanae legiones et praetor Fulvius erat. Quo ubi allatum est hostis adventare, prope est factum ut iniussu praetoris signis convulsis in exirent nee res ulla tenuit aciem ; magis quam spes baud dubia suo id arbitrio ubi vellent facturos. 2 Nocte insequenti Hannibal, cum tumultuatum in castris et plerosque ferociter, signum ut daret, 3 institisse duci ad arma vocantis sciret, baud dubius prosperae pugnae occasionem dari, tria milia expedi- torum militum in villis circa vepribusque et silvis disponit, qui signo dato simul omnes e latebris

1 Cf. XXIV. XX. 8. 420 BOOK XXV. XX. 4-xxi. 3

volunteers also, which had served with the utmost b.o. 212 loyalty while Gracchus lived, abandoned its standards, as if discharged by the death of the general. Hannibal did not wish that Capua should be neglected nor his allies abandoned in such a crisis. But in view of a success due to the rashness of one lloman general he was eager for an opportunity to surprise a second general and army. ApuUan legates were informing him that the praetor Gnaeus Fulvius had at first been very active while besieging to Hannibal some Apulian cities which had revolted ; but that later, owing to unmerited success, both he himself and his soldiers, who were loaded with booty, had ffone to such lens^ths in licence and indifference that there was no military discipline. Hannibal, who frequently at other times, and particularly within a few days, had discovered what an army is under an incompetent general, moved his camp into ^ Apulia. XXI. Near Herdonea were Roman legions and the praetor Fulvius. When the news reached them there that the enemy were approaching, they barely refrained from catching up their standards and going out into battle-line without orders from the praetor. And nothing restrained them more than the hope, now beyond question, that they would do so at their own discretion whenever they pleased. The following night Hannibal, knowing that there had been an uproar in the camp and that many, calling to ai-ms, had over-confidently pressed the commander to give the signal, had no doubt that an opportunity for a victory was offered. He accordingly posted three thousand lightly equipped soldiers in farmhouses near by and in the thickets and the woods, to come out of their hiding-places all at once, 421 LIVY

A.u.c. 4 cxistcrcnt, et Magonem ac duo ferme milia cquitum, ^ ^ qua fugam inclinaturam credcbat, omnia itinera insidere iubet. His nocte praeparatis, prima luce 5 in aciem educit nee Fulvius est copias ; cunctatus, non tarn sua ulla spe quam militum impetu fortuito tractus. Itaque eadem temeritate qua processum in aciem est instruitur ipsa acies ad libidinem militum forte procui'rentium consistcntium<|ue quo loco ipsorum tulisset animus, deinde per libidinem aut 6 metum deserentium locum. Prima legio et sinistra ala in primo instructae et in longitudinem porrecta 7 acies. Clamantibus tribunis nihil introrsus roboris ac virium esse et, quacumque impetum fccisset hostis, perrupturos, nihil quod salutare esset non modo ad animum sed ne ad aures quidem admittebat. 8 Et Hannibal haudquaquam similis dux neque simili exercitu neque ita instructo aderat. Ergo ne clamorem quidem atque impetum primum eorum 9 Romani siistinuere. Dux, stultitia et temeritate Centenio par, animo haudquaquam comparandus, ubi rem inclinatam ac trepidantis suos videt, equo ducentis fei*me arrepto cum equitibus effugit ; ^ 10 cetera a fronte pulsa, inde a tergo atque alis circumventa acies eo usque est caesa ut ex duodeviginti milibus hominum duo milia haud amplius evaserint. Castris hostes potiti sunt.

^ inde a Weissenborn : in P(l).

1 The alae were auxiliaries of the allies, each ala equal in strength to a legion (4200 men). When drawn up as here the second line would be made up of the other legion and the ala dextra. Such a formation was at times employed instead of the usual three lines, haslati, principes, triarii, of the legionaries. Cf. XXVII. i. 8; ii. 6. 422 BOOK XXV. x\i. 3-IO when the signal was given. And he ordered Mago n.c. 212 and about two tliousand hoi-semen to Ue in wait along all the roads in the direction wliich he believed the flight would take. After making these preparations at night, he led his troops out into line at daybreak. Nor did Fulvius hesitate, dragged into it not so much by any hope of his own as by the haphazard impulse of the soldiers. And so, ^^^th the same recklessness with which they went out to form, they drew up even the line of battle according to the whim of soldiers who happened to dash forward and take their stand wherever their omii fancy had carried them, and then capriciously or in fear abandoned their positions. The first legion and the left ala were placed in front,^ and the line was made very long. Although the tribunes shouted that in depth it had no power to resist, and that wherever the enemy should make their attack they would pierce it, the men in hne allowed no advice that was helpful to reach even their ears, not to say their attention. And there was Hannibal, surely not that sort of a general, nor with that sort of an army, drawn up in that fashion. Consequently the Romans did not withstand even their shout and the first onset. The general, a match for Centenius in folly and recklessness, but in courage by no means to be compared with him, seeing that the line was giving Avay and his own men in confusion, seized a horse and with about two hundred horsemen made his escape. The rest of the line, beaten back in front and then surrounded in the rear and on the wings, was so cut to pieces that out of eighteen thousand men not more than two thousand escaped. The camp was occupied by the enemy. 423 LIVY

A.u.o. XXII. Hae clades super aliam alia Romam cum essent nuntiatae, ingens quidem et hictus et pavor civitatem sed tamen ubi cepit ; quia consules, summa rerum esset, ad id locorum prospere rem 2 gererent, minus his cladibus commovebantur. Le- gates ad consules mittunt C. Laetorium M. Metilium qui nuntiarent ut reliquias duorum exercituum cum 3 cura colligerent darentque operam ne per metum ac desperationem hosti se dederent, id quod post Cannensem accidisset cladcm, et ut desertores de 4 exercitu volonum conquirerent. Idem negotii P.

Cornelio datum, cui et dilectus mandatus erat ; isque per fora conciliabulaque edixit ut conqui'^itio volonum fieret iique ad signa reducerentur. Haec omnia inteniissima cura acta. 5 Ap. Claudms consul D. lunio ad ostium Volturni, M. Aurelio Cotta Puteolis praeposito, qui, ut quaeque naves ex Etriu-ia ac Sardinia accessissent, 6 extemplo in castra mitterent frumentum, ipse ad Capuam regressus Q. Fulvium collegam invenit Casilino omnia deportantem molientemque ad 7 oppugnandam Capuam. Tum ambo circumsederunt urbem et Claudium Neronem praetorem ab Suessula 8 ex Claudianis castris exciverunt. Is quoque modico ibi pracsidio ad tenendmii locum relicto ceteris omnibus copiis ad Capuam descendit. Ita tria circa erecta tres et ^ exercitus praetoria Capuam ;

* et P(2) Conway : om. A Weissenborn, Walters.

^ I.e. the senate. * In XXII. XXV. 3 he was fribunus plebis. ' Cf. above, note on v. 6.

424 BOOK XXV. \.\ii. 1-8

XXII. When the news of these disasters one after u.c. 212 another had readied Rome, great sorrow and alarm, it is true, took possession of the state. Nevertheless because the consuls, to whom fell the supreme command, were up to that time successful, they were less disturbed by these disasters. They ^ sent Gaius ^ Laetoriu3 and Marcus Metilius as legates to the consuls, to inform them that they should carefully gather up the remnants of the two armies, and see to it that in fear and despair they did not surrender to the enemy, as had happened after the disaster at Cannae also that search for ; they should the deserters from the army of slave-volunteers. The same duty was given to Publius Cornelius, to whom the levy also had been assigned. And he issued an edict in the market-towns and local centres,^ that search should be made for the slave-volunteers, and that they be brought back to their standards. All these things were done with the utmost diligence. Appius Claudius, the consul, placed Decimus Junius in command at the mouth of the Volturnus and Marcus Aurelius Cotta at Puteoli, in order that, as fast as ships came in from Etruria and Sardinia, they should send the grain at once to the camps. He himself, on returning to Capua, found his colleague Quintus Fulvius transporting everything from Casi- linum and making every preparation for the siege of Capua. Then they both invested the city and summoned the praetor, Claudius Nero, from the Claudian camp at Suessula. He, leaving there only a garrison of moderate size to hold the place, likewise came down with all the rest of his forces to Capua. Thus three headquarters were set up around Capua. There were three armies too that, 425 LIVY

diversis fossa ^M^' partibus opus adgressi valloque circum- dare ur!)em parant et castella excitant modicis 9 intervallis multisque simul locis cum prohibentibus opera Campanis eo eventu pugnant ut postremo 10 portis nniroque se continerct Campanus. Prius tamen quam haec continuarentur opera, legati ad Hannibalem missi qui quererentur desertam ab eo Capuam ac prope redditam Romanis obtestarentur- que ut tunc saltern opem non circumsessis modo sed 11 etiam circumvallatis ferret. Consulibus litterae a P. Cornelio praetore missae ut, priusquam clauderent Capuam operibus, potestatem Campanis facerent ut qui eorum vellent exirent a Capua suasque res ^ 12 secum ferrent : liberos fore suaque omnia habituros ante idus Martias exissent eam diem qui ; post quique exissent quique ibi mansissent, hostium 13 futuros numero. Ea pronuntiata Campanis atque ita spreta ut ultro contumelias dicerent minaren- turque. 14 Hannibal ab Herdonea Tarentum duxerat legiones, vi dolo arcis Tarentinae spe aut aut potiundae ; quod ubi parum processit, ad Brundisium flexit 15 iter, prodi id oppidum ratus. Ibi quoque cum frustra tereret tempus, legati Campani ad eum venerunt simul Hannibal querentes orantescjue ; quibus magnifice respondit et antea se solvisse obsidionem et nunc adventum suum consules non laturos.

1 fervent M*? Madvig: inferrent P(6)J/? : an- M?Ax: inde ferrent Weissenborn.

1 In the name of the senate. 426 BOOK XXV. XXII. 8-15 fell to work on different sides, made ready to encircle b.c. 212 the city with a ditch and an earthwork, and erected redoubts at moderate intervals and at ; many points at the same time they fought with such success against the Campanians who endeavoured to hinder the works that finally the Campanians remained inside the gates and the wall. But before these siege- works could be made continuous, legates were sent to Hannibal, to complain that Capua had been deserted by him and almost given back to the Romans, and to implore him to bring aid, then at least, to men not only besieged but also encircled by entrench- ments. The consuls received a letter from Publius 1 Cornelius, the praetor, ordering that, before enclosing Capua with their works, they should permit such of the Campanians as wished to do so to leave Capua and carry their possessions with them. Those who should leave before the fifteenth of March were to be free and to all their those men keep property ; who left after that date and those who remained there were to be reckoned enemies. These terms were published to the Campanians, and were received with such contempt by them that they were actually insulting and made threats. Hannibal had led his legions from Herdonea to Tarentum in the hope of getting possession of the citadel of Tarentum either by force or by ruse. When this did not succeed, he turned aside to Brundisium, thinking that town would certainly be betrayed. While there also he was wasting time, the Campanian legates came to him with complaints and at the same time entreaties. Hannibal replied to them grandly that he had previously raised a siege, and that now also the consuls would not with- 427 LIVY

A.u.c. 16 Cum hac spe dimissi legati vix regredi Capuam iam duplici fossa valloque cinctam potuerunt. XXIII. Cum maxume Capua circumvallaretur, Syracusarum oppugnatio ad finem venit, praeterquam vi ac virtute ducis exercitusque, intestina 2 etiam proditione adiuta. Namque Marcellus initio veris incertus utrum Agrigentum ad Himilconem et Hippocraten verteret bellum an obsidione Syra- 3 cusas premeret, quamquam nee vi capi videbat posse inexpugnabilem terrestri ac maritimo situ urbem nee fame, ut quam prope liberi a Carthagine eom- 4 meatus alerent, tamen, ne quid inexpertum relinqueret, transfugas Syracusanos—erant autem apud Romanos aliqui nobilissimi viri, inter defectionem ab Romanis, quia ab novis consiliis abliorrebant, pulsi—conloquiis suae partis temptare hominum animos iussit et fidem dare, si traditae forent Syra- 5 cusae, liberos eos ae suis legibus victuros esse. Non erat conloquii copia, quia multorum animi suspecti ^ omnium curam oculosque eo converterant ne quid 6 falleret tale admissum. Servus unus exulum, pro transfuga intromissus in urbem, conventis paucis ^ initium conloquendi de tali re fecit. Deinde in piscatoria quidam nave retibus operti circumvectique ita ad castra Romana conlocutique cum transfugis, ^ eo B Riemann : am. P(l). * Deinde in z : dein P(l) : deinde A^.

^ Beyond the northern Wall of Dionysius, not far from the Hexapylon. 428 BOOK XXV. XXII. 16-XXI11. 6 stand his coming. With this hope the legates were b.c. 212 sent away, and it was with difficulty that they were able to return to Capua, now surrounded by two trenches and a double earthwork. XXIII. Just as Capua was being encircled the siege of Syracuse came to an end, expedited not only by the vigour and valour of the general and the army but also by treachery within. For Marcellus, who at the beginning of the spring had been uncertain whether to shift the war to Agrigentum against Himilco and Hippocrates, or to press the siege of Syracuse, saw indeed that the city, impregnable in its position both on the landward and the seawai-d side, could not be taken by assault, nor by starvation, inasmuch as it was sustained by almost unhampered supplies from Carthage. Nevertheless, to leave nothing untried, deserters from Syracuse—and there were in the Roman lines some men of highest rank who during the estrangement from the Romans had been driven out because they were averse to a change of policy—were ordered by him to sound men of their faction in conferences, and to give them a pledge that, if Syracuse should be surrendered, they should live as free men and under their own laws. For a conference there was no opportunity, because the suspicious attitude of many men had attracted the attention and the eyes of all, to prevent such an offence from passing unnoticed. A single slave belonging to the exiles was admitted to the city as a deserter and by meeting a few men made a beginning of parleys on a matter of such moment. Then some men were hidden under nets on a fishing vessel, and thus sailed around to the Roman camp ^ and talked with the deserters. And 429 LIVT

A.u.c. et iidem saepius eodem modo et alii atque alii; 7 postremo ad octoginta facti. Et cum iam composita omnia ad proditionem essent, indicio delato ad Epi- cyden per Attalum quendam, indignantem sibi rem creditam non esse, necati omnes cum cruciatu sunt.

8 Alia subinde spes, postquam hacc vana evaserat, excepit. Damippus quidani Lacedaemonius, missus ab Syracusis ad Philippum regeni,captusab Romanis 9 navibus erat. Huius utique redimendi et E.picydae cura erat ingens, nee abnuit Marcellus, iam turn Aetolorum, quibus socii Lacedaemonii erant, amicitiam 10 adfectantibus Romanis. Ad conloquium de redemptione eius missis medius maxime atque utrisque opportunus locus ad portum Trogilorum, propter 11 turrim quam vocant Galeagram, est visus. Quo cum saepius commearent, unus ex Romanis ex propinquo murum contemplans, numerando lapides aestimandoque ipse secum quid in fronte paterent 12 singuli, altitudinem muri, quantum proxime coniectura poterat, permensus humilioremque aliquanto pristina opinione sua et ceterorum omnium ratus esse et vel mediocribus scalis superabilem, ad Marcellum rem 13 defert. Haud spernenda visa; sed cum adiri locus, quia ob id ipsum intentius custodiebatur, non posset, 14 occasio quaerebatur; quam obtulit transfuga nun- tians diem festum Dianae per triduum agi et, quia alia in obsidione desint, vino largius epulas celebrari

^ Jleiely a small bay, of no value for large vessels. * The tower was probably beyond the wall in the open country. 43° BOOK XXV. XXIII. 6-14 the same men did this repeatedly in the same way, b.c. 212 also others and again others. Finally they amounted to about eighty. And when now everytliing had been arranged for the betrayal, information was brought to Epicydes by one Attalus, who was outraged that the matter had not been confided to him, and they were all put to death with torture. This hope having proved false, another at once took its place. Damippus a Lacedaemonian, who had been sent from Syracuse to King Philip, had been captured by Roman ships. Epicydes was very much concerned to ransom him at any cost, and Marcellus also was not averse, since the Romans were already courting the friendship of the Aetolians, whose allies the Lacedaemonians were. The men sent to confer in regard to the man's ransom thought that the most convenient place for both sides, and just half-way, was at the Trogili Harbour,^ near the tower called Gale- agra.2 As they came there repeatedly, one of the Romans, observing the wall from near at hand, by countirtg the courses and making his own estimate of the height of each on its face, measured the height of the Avail as nearly as he could by guesswork. And thinking it considerably lower than his own previous estimate of it and that of all the rest, and that it could be scaled by ladders even of moderate length, he reported to Marcellus. It did not seem a matter to be. despised. But since the place, being more closely guarded for the very reason mentioned, could not be approached, they cast about for an opportunity. And this was offered by a deserter, reporting that the feast of Diana was being observed for three days, and that, since other things were lacking during the siege, it was with wine that the 431 LIVY

A.u.c. et ab Epicyde praebito universae plebei et per tribus a principibus diviso. ^ 15 Quod ubi accepit Marcellus, cum paucis tribunorum militum conlocutus, electisque per eos ad rem tantam agendam audcndamque idoneis cen- turionibus militibusque et scalis in occulto comparatis, ceteris signum dari iubet ut mature corpora curarent quietique darent : nocte in expcditioncm eundum 16 esse. Inde ubi id temporis visum quo de die epulatis iam vini satias principiumque somni esset, signi

unius milites ferre scalas iussit ; et ad mille fere 17 armati tenui agmine per silentium eo deducti. Ubi sine strepitu ac tumultu primi evaserunt in murum, secuti ordine alii, cum priorum audacia dubiis etiam animum faceret. XXI\\ lam mille armatorum muri - ^ ceperant partem, cum ceterae admotae sunt copiae pluribusque scalis in murum evadebant signo ab 2 Hexapylo dato, quo per ingentem solitudinem erat perventum, quia magna pars in turribus epulati aut vino erant aut sopiti semigraves potabant ; ^ paucos tamen eorum inproviso oppressos in cubilibus 3 interfecerunt. Prope Hexapylon est portula; ea magna vi refringi coepta et e muro ex composite tuba datum signum erat et iam undique non furtim, ^ 4 sed vi aperta gerebatur res. Quippe ad Epipolas,

1 . quodubiJ/i; id ubiJ^ dubia P(l). ^ muri Madvig : om. P(l) : earn Ilarant. ' sunt copiae Weissenborn : om. P{\). * inproviso oppresses Ilerlz : inpressos P(l) : oppressos xz. ^ aperta Gronovius : aperte P(l).

^ I.e. the (f>vXaL, corresponding in a way to the Roman tribes. * For this, the most important gate to the north, cf. XXIV. xxi. 7; xxxii. 5, etc. BOOK XXV. xxiii. 14-XXIV. 4

212 banquets were more lavishly provided, this being b.c. furnished to the entire populace by Epicydes and ^ citizens. distributed among the tribes bj^ leading On learning of this, Marcellus conferred with a few tribunes of the soldiers, and after these had chosen centurions and soldiers able to dare and do a thing of such importance, and after ladders had been secretly the made ready, he ordered the signal to be given to he others to eat early and then rest. In the night, said, they must go on a raid. Then, when it seemed to be late enough for those who had begun their feast their wine during the day to be sated,he thought, with of and now to be falling asleep, he ordered the soldiers one maniple to carry the ladders. And about a thousand armed men were led in a thin column to the place in silence. When the first men without noise and confusion had made their way to the top of the wall, the others followed one after another, since the boldness of those ahead of them gave courage even to the men had wavering. XXI\'. The thousand armed of already taken a part of the wall, when the rest the forces were brought up, and on more ladders they were making their way to the top of the wall, a signal To that having been given from the Hexapylon.^ without a soul, point they had advanced encountering since many of the enemy, after feasting in the towers, while either had been put to sleep by their wine or, half-intoxicated, w^ere still drinking. A few of them, however, they surprised and slew in their beds. Near the Hexapylon there is a postern. This they had begun to break open -with great force, and from a the wall the signal had been given by trumpet, and now the was from side, as agreed ; fighting every For no longer by stealth, but with open violence. 433 VOL. VI. F F LIVY

A.U.C. custodiis terren- 645 fi'equcntem locum, perventum erat, dique magis hostes erant quam fallendi, sicut territi 5 sunt. Nam simulac tubarum est auditus cantus clamorque tenentium muros partemque urbis, omnia ^ teneri custodes rati alii per murum fugere, alii salire de muro praecipitarique turba paventium. C Magna pars tamen ignara tanti mali erat et gravatis omnibus vino somnoque et in vastae magnitudinis urbe partium sensu non satis pertinente in omnia. 7 Sub lucem Hexapylo effracto Marcellus omnibus copiis urbem ingressus excitavit convertitque omnes ad arma capienda opemque, si quam possent, iam captae prope urbi ferendam. 8 Epicydes ab Insula, quam ipsi Nason vocant, citato profectus agmine, baud dubius quin paucos, per neglegentiam custodum transgressos murum, 9 expulsurus foret, occurrentibus pavidis tumultum augere eos dictitans et maiora ac terribiliora vero adferre, postquam conspexit omnia circa Epipolas armis conpleta, lacessito tantum hoste paucis missili- 10 bus retro in Achradinam agmen convertit, non tam vim multitudinemque hostium metuens quam ne qua intestina fraus per occasionem oreretur clausasque inter tumultum Achradinae atque Insulae inveniret 11 portas. Marcellus ut moenia ingressus ex superiori- bus locis lu'bem omnium ferme ilia tempestate 1 TBiiiA^: om.P(l)N.

^ Doric for N^ao?, Insula. 2 Timacus, the historian of Sicily, had called Syracuse the greatest of Greek cities, the most beautiful of all cities; Cicero, de Re Publica III. 43; in Verrem IV. 117. 434 • BOOK XXV. XXIV. 4-1 1 they had reached Epipolae, a well-guarded i-egion, b.c. 212 and the enemy liad rather to be terrified than de- ceived, as they were in fact terrified. For as soon as they heard the notes of the trumpet and the shouting of the men holding the Malls and a part of the city, the guards, thinking the whole city was occupied, some of them the wall others from fled, along ; leaped the wall or were pushed over by the panic-stricken crowd. A large part of the people, however, were unaware of the for all were great danger ; heavy with wine and sleep, and in a city of immense size knowledge concerning its quarters failed to reach the whole. At daybreak Marcellus burst open the Hexapylon, and entering the city with his entire force awakened everj-body and set them to arming themselves and bringing aid, if possible, to a city now all but captured. Epicydes came out from the Island, which they themselves call Nasos,^ with a quickly moving column, not doubting that he would drive out a few men who, owing to the carelessness of the guards had got over the wall. When men met him in alarm, he would say that they were adding to the confusion and bringing exaggerated and unduly alarming news. On discovering that in and near Epipolae armed men were everj-^vhere, he merely challenged the enemy by a few missiles and then marched his column back into Achradina. He feared, not so much the attack of the enemy and their great numbers, as that some treachery within the city might have opportunity to break out, and he might findthe gates of Achradina and the Island closed during the disturbance. Marcellus, on entering the walls and from the higher ground ^ viewing one of the most beautiful of all cities in 435 F F 2 LIVY

540 piilcherrimam subieclam oculis vidit, inlacrimasse dicitur partim gaudio tantae pcrpetratae rei, partim 12 vetusta gloria iirbis. Atheniensium classes demersae et duo ingcntes exercitus cum duobus clarissimis ducibus dclcti occurrebant ct tot bella cum Cartha- 13 ginieiibibus tanto cum discrimine gesta, tot tam opulenti tyranni regesque, praetei* ceteros Hiero cum recentissimae memoriae rex, turn ante omnia quae virtus ei fortunaque sua dederat beneficiis 14 in populum Romanum insignis. Ea cum universa occurrerent aiiimo subiretque cogitatio, iam ilia momento horae arsura omnia et ad cineres reditura, 15 priusquam signa Achradinam admoveret, praemittit Syracusanos qui intra praesidia Romana, ut ante ^ dictum est, fuerant, ut adloquio loni pellicerent liostis ad dedendam urbem. XX\\ Tenebant Achradinae portas murosque maxume transfugae, quibus nulla erat per condiciones veniae ei nee adire nee spes ; muros adloqui quem- 2 quam passi. Itaque Marcellus, postquam id inceptum inritum fuit, ad Euryalum signa referri iussit. Tumulus est in extrema parte urbis aversus a mari viaeque imminens ferenti in agros mediterraneaque insulae, percommode situs ad commeatus excipiendos. '^ Praeerat huic arci Philodemus Argivus ab Epicyde ad missus a Marcello unus impositus ; quem Sosis,

^ pellicerent 31^?A^ : pellerent P(l) : im- Weissenborn.

^ I.e. Nicias and Demosthenes. 2 At the western apex of the triangle; a narrow ridge nearly 500 feet above the sea, with a commanding view. 436 BOOK XXV. XXIV. ii-xx-\'. 3

that age lying before his eyes, is said to have wept, b.c. 212 partly for joy over his great achievement, partly for the ancient glory of the city. The sinking of the fleets of the Athenians and the destruction of two mighty ^ armies along with two very distinguished generals came to his mind, and so many wars waged with so a risk the great against Carthaginians ; tyrants and kings, so many and so wealthy, above all Iliero, a king vividly remembered and also, above all that his own merit and success had given him, conspicuous for his favours to the Roman people. Since all that came to mind and the thought suggested itself that now in the course of an hour everything there would be in flames and reduced to ashes, before advancing his standards into Achradina, he sent forward the Syracusans who had been within the Roman lines, as has been said before, in order to entice the enemy by mild words to surrender the city. XXV. Holding the gates and Avails of Achradina were chiefly deserters, who had no hope of pardon if terms were made. They did not allow the men either to approach the walls or to speak to any one. And so Marcellus,now that this attempt Avas fruitless, oi-dered the standards to be carried back to Euryalus. This is a hill- in the most distant pai-t of the city, facing away from the sea, and commanding the road Avhich leads to the country and the interior of the island, very conveniently placed for receiving supplies. In command of this citadel^ Avas Philodemus the Argive, posted there by Epicydes. Sosis, one of the slayers

^ The crowning point of Dionysius' great fortifications, and still accounted the strongest of Greek fortresses, with its tliree fosses, its towers, and a compUcated system of tunnels cut through solid rock. 437 LIVY

A.u.c. ex iiitcM-fectoribus tyranni, cum longo sermone habito dilatus per frustrationem esset, rettulit Marcello tempus eum ad deliberandum siimpsisse. •1 Cum is diem de die difFerret, dum Hippocrates atque Himilco admoverent castra legionesque,'^ baud dubius, si in arcem accepisset eos, deleri 5 Romanum exercituminclusum muris posse, Marcellus, ut Euryalum ncque tradi neque capi vidit posse, inter Neapolim et Tycham—nomina ea partium urbis et instar urbium sunt—posuit castra, timens ne, si frequentia intrasset loca, contineri ab discursu miles 6 avidus praedae non posset. Legati eo ab Tycha et Neapoli cum infulis et velamentis venerunt, precantes 7 ut a caedibus et ab incendiis parceretur. De quorum precibus quam postulatis magis consilio habito Marcellus ex omnium sententia edixit militi-

bus ne quis liberum corpus violaret : cetera praedae ^ 8 futura. Castra testis parietum pro mure saepta; portis regione platearum patentibus stationes praesidiaque disposuit, ne quis in discursu militum 9 impetus in castra fieri posset. Inde signo date milites discurrerunt foribus omnia ; refi-actisque cum terrore ac tumultu streperent, a caedibus tamen est nullus ante modus fuit temperatum ; rapinis quam omnia diuturna felicitate cumulata bona

1 -que CU2 : om. P(l). ^ testis 31. MuUer {after -que testis Rohl, Riemann) : -que teetis P(l) : obiectu Strotk, Madvig^, Walters: contextu Madvig* {praef.), Luchs : contextis Heusinger.

1 Cf. XXIV. XXX. 14. * Here the text is \Qiy uncertain, but most of the emendations are open to serious objections, as involving Marcellus' use of more or less continuous house-waUs—a feeble defence, and not easily to be reconciled with the idea of an open space lying between two built-up quarters of the city. 438 .»'• :V'^>, BOOK XXV. XXV. 3-9 of the tyrant, was sent to him by Mareellus, and after b.c. 212 being balked and put off by the deHvery of a long speech, he reported to Mareellus that Philodenius had taken time to consider. Philodemus Avas postponing from day to day, waiting for Hippocrates and Himilco to move up their camp and legions, and not doubting that, if he should get them into the citadel, the Roman army, shut up within the city Avails, could be destroyed. Consequently Mareellus, seeing that Euryalus could neither be won by surrender nor by assault, pitched his camp between Neapolis and Tycha, these being the names of quarters of the city, virtually cities in themselves. For he feared that, if he should enter thickly settled parts, the soldiers in their eagerness for booty could not be restrained from scattei'ing. To this camp came legates from Tycha and Neapolis with fillets and woollen bands,^ praying that they be spared bloodshed and fires. Mareellus held a council in regard to their prayers—such they were rather than demands— and with the approval of all gave an order to the soldiers no a free that one should injure person ; everything else would be spoil. The camp Avas enclosed by bricks from house-Avalls ^ to serve as a wall of defence. At those camp gates Avhich opened toAvard the streets outposts and detachments AAêre stationed by Mareellus, that no attack upon the camp might occur Avhile the soldiers Avere dispersed. Then at a given signal the soldiers scattered. And although doors Avere forced and everyAvhere Avere the sounds of panic and uproar, they nevertheless refrained from bloodshed. To plundering there Avas no limit until they had carried aAAây all the possessions accumulated in a long-continued proôer^K. 439 LIVY

A.U.C. 10 Inter haec et 012 egesserunt. Philodemus, cum spes auxilii nulla esset, fide accepta ut inviolatus ad Epicydcn rediret, deducto praesidio tradidit tunuilum 11 Ronianis. Aversis omnibus ad tumultum ex parte captae urbis Bomilcar noctem eam nactus qua propter vim tempestatis stare ad ancoram in salo Romana 12 classis non posset, cum triginta quinque navibus ex portu Syracusano profectus libero mari vela in altum dedit quinque et quinquaginta navibus Epicydae 13 et relictis Syracusanis ; edoctisque Carthaginiensibus in quanto res Syracusana discrimine esset, cum centum navibus post paucos dies redit, multis, ut fama est, donis ex Hieronis gaza ab Epicyde donatus. XXVI. Marcellus Euryalo recepto praesidioque addito una cura erat liber, ne qua ab tergo vis hostium in arcem accepta inclusos impeditosque moe- 2 nibus suos tui'baret. Achradinam inde trinis castris

per idonea dispositis loca spe ad inopiam omnium 3 rerum inclusos redacturum, circumsedit. Cum per aliquot dies quietae stationes utrimque fuissent, repente adventus Hippocratis et Himilconis ut ultro 4 undique oppugnarentur Romani fecit. Nam et Hippocrates castris ad magnum portum comnuniitis signoque iis dato qui Achradinam tenebant castra Vetera Romanorum adortus est, quibus Crispinus praeerat, et Epicydes eruptionem in stationes Mar- celli fecit, et classis Punica litori quod inter urbem

1 Cf. XXIV. xxxiii. 3; xxxix. 12. 440 BOOK XXV. .\xv. 9-x\vi. 4

prosperity. Meanwliile even Philodemus, having b.o. 212 no hope of assistance and receiving assurance that he might I'eturn unharmed to Epicydes, led his garrison out and surrendered the hill to the Romans. While the attention of all was diverted in the direction of the uproar of a city in part captured, Bomilcar, favoured by such a night that on account of a violent storm the Roman fleet could not ride at anchor in open water, came out of the harbour of Syracuse with thirty-five ships, and with no enemy to prevent, put to sea, leaving fifty-five ships to Epicydes and the Syracusans. And after informing the Carthaginians how critical was the situation at Syracuse, he returned after a few days with a hundred ships. He was presented with many gifts, it is reported, by Epicydes out of the royal treasures of Hiero. XXVI. Marcellus, after getting possession of Euryalus and gai-risoning it, was relieved of one fear, that some troops of the enemy in the rear might be admitted to the citadel and embarrass his men, hemmed in and hampered by the walls. He thereupon laid siege to Achradina with three camps placed in suitable positions, in the hope of reducing the be- leaguered to absolute want. When the outposts on both sides had been inactive for some days, suddenly the arrival of Hippocrates and Himilco had the effect that the Romans were actually besieged on all sides. For Hippocrates, after fortifying a camp by the Great Harbour and giving the signal to the forces occupying Achradina, attacked the old Roman camp,^ which was commanded by Crispinus, at the same time that Epicydes made a sally against Marcellus' outposts, and just when the Carthaginian fleet put in to the shore lying between the city and 441 LIVY

A-u-c- et Ctosti-a Romana cx-at adpulsa est, ne quid praesidii 5 Crispino submitti a Marcello posset. Tumultum tamen maiorern hostes certamen praebuerunt qiiam ; nam et Crispinus Hippocraten non reppulit tantum munimentis, sed insecutus etiam est trepide fugien- 6 et Marcellus in satis- tern, Epicyden urbem conipvilit ; que iani etiam in posterum videbatur provisum ne quid ab repentinis eorum excursionibus pcriculi foret. ^ 7 Acoessit et ab pestilentia commune malum quod facile utrorumque animos averteret a belli consiliis. Nam tempore autumni et locis natura gravibus, multo tamen magis extra urbem quam in urbe, in- toleranda vis aestus per utraque castra omnium 8 ferme corpora movit. Ac primo temporis ac loci vitio et erant et moriebantur curatio aegri ; postea ipsa et contactus aegrorum volgabat morbos, ut aut neglecti desertique qui incidissent morerentur, aut adsidcntis curantisque eadem vi morbi repletos 9 secum traherent, cotidianaque funera et mors ob oculos esset et undique dies noctesque ploratus 10 audirentur. Postremo ita adsuetudine mali efFera- verant animos ut non modo lacrimis iustoque conplora- tu prosequerentiu- mortuos, sed ne efFerrent quidem aut sepelirent, iacerentque strata exanima corpora 1 1 in conspectu similem mortem expectantium, mortuique aegrosj aegri validos cum metu, turn tabe ac pestifei'o odore conficerent et ut ferro more- corporum ; potius rentur, quidam invadebant soli hostium stationes.

^ ab Salvinius: ad P(l): ad haec J» Walters: om. C^ Conway. 442 BOOK XXV. XXVI. 4-1 1 the Roman camp, to make it impossible for any force c.c. 212 to be sent to the aid of Crispinus by Marcelkis. However, it was more of an uproar than a battle that the enemy offered. For Crispinus not only drove Hippocrates back from his fortifications, but also pursued him as he fled in disorder, and Marcellus likewise forced Epicydes into the city. And now, even for the future, he seemed to have sufficiently insured that there should be no danger from their sudden raids. And in addition pestilence brought to both sides a calamity which forthwith diverted the attention of the two armies from strategy. For owing to the autumn season and places naturally unhealthy, unendurable heat affected the health of nearly all the men in both camps, but much more outside the city than within. And at first they sickened and died owing to the season and their position. Later the mere care of the ill and contagion spread the disease, so that those who had fallen ill died neglected and abandoned, or else they carried off \vith them those who sat by them and those who nursed, having caught the same malignant disease. And so everj' day funerals and death were before their eyes, and wailings were heard on all sides day and night. Finally, from habituation to misery they had so lost their humane feelings that, so far from escorting the dead with tears and the wailing that was their due, thev did not even carry them out and and dead bodies strewn bury them ; lay about before the eyes of men awaiting a like death, and the dead seriously affected the ill, the ill the sound, not only through fear, but also by putrefaction and the pestilent odour of corpses. And some, to die by the sword instead, would dash into the outposts of 443 LIVY

Au.c. 12 Multo tamen vis maior pestis Poenorum castra quam ^ Romana invaserat ; nam Romani diu circumsedendo 13 Syvacusas caclo aciuisque adsucrant magis. Ex hostium exercitu Siculi, ut primuni vidcre ex gravitate loci volgari morbus, in suas quisque propinquas 14 ur])cs et dilapsi sunt ; Carthaginienses, quibus nus(juam receptus crat, cum ipsis ducibus Ilippo- crate atque Himilcone ad intcrnecionem omnes 15 perierunt. Marcellus, ut tanta vis ingruebat mali, traduxerat in urbem suos infirmaque corpora tecta

et umbrae recreaverant ; multi tamen ex Romano exercitu eadem peste absumpti sunt. XXVII. Deleto terrestri Punico exercitu Siculi qui Hippocratis milites fuerant ... ,2 haud magna et situ et munimentis tuta tria oppida, ceterum ; milia alterum ab Syracusis, alterum quindecim abest eo et e civitatibus suis ; commeatus comporta- 2 bant et auxilia accersebant. Interea Bomilcar iterum cum classe profectus Carthaginem, ita exposita fortuna sociorum ut spem faceret non ipsis mode salutarem opem ferri posse, sed Romanes quoque in 3 capta quodam modo urbe capi, perpulit ut onerarias naves quam plurumas omni copia rerum onustas 4 secum mitterent classemque suam augerent. Igitur centum triginta navibus longis, septingentis onerariis profectus a Carthagine satis prosperos

^ invaserat; nam Romani H. J. MiiUer : om. P{\), a lost line. * Missing are two toivn names and perhaps ceperant, in an omitted line.

^ One of the two omitted towns was perhaps Bidis, mentioned by Cicero in Verrevi II. 53. Rossbach and Conway thought that the other might be Dascon (Thucydides and Diodorus). 444 BOOK XXV. XXVI. i2-xxvn. 4 the enemy single-handed. A much more violent b.c. 212 epidemic, however, had attacked the Carthaginian camp than the Roman. For the Romans in their long blockade of Svracuse had erown more accus- tomedto the climate and the water. Of the enemy's army, the Sicilians scattered, each to his own neighbouring city, as soon as they saw that the disease was spreading owing to the unwholesomeness of the place, while the Carthaginians, who had no refuge anywhere, with even their generals, Hippocrates and Himilco, perished to the last man. Marcellus, as soon as the pestilence began to be so serious, his had transferred soldiers into the city, and shelter and shade had revived the invalids. Nevertheless many in the Roman army were carried off by the same pestilence. XX\'II. The Carthaginian land-army having been destroyed, the Sicilians who had been Hippocrates'

soldiers . . had occupied .,^ not large towns, but defended both by situation and fortifications. One of them is three miles from Syracuse, the other fifteen miles. To these they were bringing supplies from their own communities and also summoning auxiliaries. Meanwhile Bomilcar left for Carthage a second time with his fleet, and he set forth the situation of their allies in such terms as to inspire hope, not only that effectual aid could be lent to them, but also that the Romans could be captured in the virtually captured city. He thus pi-cvailed upon them to send with him as many transports as possible, laden with all kinds of supplies, and to enlarge his fleet. Accordingly, setting out from Carthage M'ith a hundred and thirty warships and seven hundred transports, he had winds quite favourable for the 445 LIVY

ventos ad traiciendum in Sicilian! habuit sed iidem ^•^^' ; 5 venti superare cum Pachynum prohibebant. Bomil- caris adventus fama primo, dein praeter spem mora cum gaudium et metum in vicem Romanis Syra- 6 cusanisque praebuisset, Epicydes metuens ne, si pergerent iidem qui tum tenebant ab ortu solis flai*e per dies plures venti, classis Punica Africam 7 repcteret, tradita Achradina mercennariorum mili- 8 tum ducibus ad Bomilcavem navigat. Classem in statione versa in Africam habentem atque timentem navale proelium, non tam quod impar viribus aut numero navium esset—quippe etiam plures habebat —quam quod venti aptiores Romanae quam suae classi flarent, perpulit tamen ut fortunam navalis 9 ccrtaminis experiri vellet. Et Marcellus, cum et Siculum exercitum ex tota insula conciri videret et

cum ingenti commeatu classem Punicam adventare, ne simul terra marique inclusus ui'be hostium urgere- tur, quamquam impar numero navium erat, prohibere aditu Syracusarum Bomilcarem constituit. 10 Duae classes infestae circa promunturium Pachynum stabant, ubi prima tranquillitas maris in altum 11 evexisset, concursurae. Itaque cadente iam Euro, dies Bomilcar movit qui per aliquot saevierat, prior ; cuius primo classis petere altum visa est, quo facilius 12 sup eraret promunturium; ceterum postquam tendere ad se Romanas naves vidit, incertum qua subita 446 BOOK XXV. XXVII. 4-12

allow b.c 212 crossing to Sicily. But the same winds did not him to round Pachynum. The report at first of Bomilcar's coming, and then its unexpected delay, brought rejoicing and fear by turns to Romans and Syracusans. Upon that Epicydes, fearing that, if the same winds which were then holding should continue to blow from the east for several days, the Carthaginian fleet would make for Africa again, turned over Achradina to the commanders of the mercenaries and sailed to meet Bomilcar. who was keeping his fleet in a roadstead facing Africa. He feared a naval battle, not so much because he was inferior in his forces and the number of his ships —in fact he had even more—as because the winds then blowing were more favourable to the Roman fleet than to his own. Nevertheless Epicydes gained his consent to try the fortune of a naval engagement. And Marcellus too, seeing that a Sicilian army was being brought together from the entire island and at the same time a Carthaginian fleet was approaching with unlimited supplies, and fearing that he might be hard pressed by land and sea, being shut up -svithin the enemies' city, decided, although he was inferior in the number of his ships, to prevent Bomilcar from reaching Syracuse. The two opposing fleets lay on this side and that of the promontory' of Pachynum, ready to engage as soon as calm weather should enable them to put to sea. And so, as the southeast wind, which had been blowing hard for some days, was now dropping, Bomilcar was the first to get under weigh. And at first his fleet appeared to be heading out to sea, the more readily to round the promontoiy. But on seeing that the Roman ships were steering towards 447 LIVY

A U.C. territus Bomilcar vela in altum dedit 642 re, missisque nuntiis Heracleam qui onerarias retro inde Africam repetere iuberent, ipse Sicilian! praetervectus Taren- 13 turn petit. Epicydes, a tanta repente destitutus spe, ne in obsidionem magna ex parte captae urbis rediret, Agrigentum navigat, expectaturus niagis eventum quam inde quicquam moturus. XX\'III. Quae ubi in castra Siculorum sunt nuntiata, Epicyden Syracusis excessisse, a Carthagi- niensibus relictam insulam et prope iterum traditam 2 Romanis, legates de condicionibus dedendae urbis explorata prius per conloquia voluntate eorum qui 3 obsidebantur ad Marcellum mittunt. Cum baud ferme discreparet quin quae ubique regum fuissent Romanorum essent, Sieulis cetera cum libertate ac legibus suis servarentur, evocatis ad conloquium iis 4 quibus ab Epicyde creditae res erant, missos se simul ad Marcellum, simul ad eos ab exercitu Siculorum aiunt, ut una omnium qui obsiderentur quique extra obsidionem fuissent fortuna esset neve alteri proprie 5 sibi paciscerentur quicquam. Recepti deinde ab iis, ut necessarios hospitesque adloqucrentur. expositis quae pacta iam cum Marcello haberent, oblata spe salutis pei-pulere eos ut secum praefectos Epicydis Polyclitum et Philistionem et Epicyden, cui Sindon cognomen erat, adgrederentur. Interfectis iis et

1 Cf. XXIV. XXXV. 3. 448 BOOK XX\'. xxvii. I2-XXVIII. 6

him, Boniilcar, alarmed by something unforeseen, b.c. 212 made sail for open water, and after sending messengers ^ to Heraclea to command the transports to return thence to Africa, he himself sailed along the coast of Sicily and made for Tarentum. Epicydes, suddenly bereft of a hope so high, in order not to return, to share only the siege of a city in large part captured, sailed to Agrigentum, intending to await the outcome, rather than to set anytiling in motion from there. XX\ III. When these things were reported to the of the camp Sicilians, that Epicydes had left Syracuse, that the island had been abandoned by the Cartha- ginians and almost handed over a second time to the Romans, after first ascertaining by conferences the wish of the besieged, they sent legates to Mai-cellus to make terms for the surrender of the city. It was virtually agreed that all that had anywhere belonged to the kings should belong to the Romans, that everything else should be secured to the Sicilians along with freedom and their own laws. Accordingly the legates summoned to a conference the men to whom power had been entrusted by Epicydes, and said that they had been sent by the army of the Sicihans at the same time to Marcellus and to them, in order that all, the besieged and those who had been outside of the operations, might share the same lot and neither party make any special terms for itself. And then, being admitted by them, that they might speak with their relatives and guest-friends, they explained the terms which they had already settled with Marcellus, and by holding out assurances of safety prevailed upon them to join with themselves in an attack upon Epicydes' prefects, Polyclitus and Philistion and an Epicydes surnamed Sindon. After slaying them and 449 VOL. vr. G G LIVY

A.u.o. multitudine ad contionem vocata, inopiam quaeque ^'* ^ ipsi inter se fx'emere occulti soliti erant conquesti, quamquam tot mala urgerent, negarunt fortunam accusandam esse, quod in ipsorum esset potestate 7 quamdiii ea paterentur. Romanis causam oppugnandi Syracusas fuisse caritatem Syracusanorum, non odium ut res satellitibus ; nam occupatas ab Hannibalis, deinde Hieronymi, Hippoci'ate atque Epicyde, audierint, turn bellum movisse et obsidere urbem coepisse, ut crudelis tyrannos eius, non ut 8 ipsam urbem expugnarent. Hippocrate vero inter- empto, Epicyde intercluso ab Syracusis et praefectis eius oecisis, Carthaginiensibus omni possessione Siciliae terra marique pulsis, quam superesse causam Romanis cur non, perinde ac si Hiero ipse viveret, unicus Romanae amicitiae cultor, incolumis Syracusas 9 esse velint ? Itaque nee urbi nee hominibus aliud periculum quam ab scmet ipsis esse, si occasionem reconciliandi se Romanis earn praetermisissent ; autem, qualis illo momento horae sit, nullam deinde fore, si simul liberatas ab impotentibus tyrannis . . .^ apparuisset. XXIX. Omnium ingenti adsensu audita ea oratio est. Praetores tamen prius creari quam legates nominari ex deinde placuit ; ipsorum praetorum

^ occulti P(2) : occulte A. ^ A lactma variously supplied, e.g. Syracusas esse et appll- care se Romanis Madvig {two lines) : accipere noluissent Walters {one line after apparuisset).

^ Madvig's restoration is based upon the idea of an immediate return to their former friendship ("and was taking the Roman side"). Walters supphed the thought that the Romans might even reject such advances. 45° BOOK XXV. XXVIII. 6-xxix. i calling the populace to an assembly, they complained b.c. 212 of privation and other things at wliich among themselves they had been in the habit of mm-mm*ing in secret. And they said that, although so many hardships were a burden to them, they ought not to blame fortune, because it was in their own power to say how long they would endure them. The Romans, they said, had had as their ground for besieging S}Tacuse their love, not hatred, of the Syracusans. For on learning that the power had been seized by Hippocrates and Epicydes, minions of Hannibal and later of Hieronymus, it was then that thev had made Avar and had beffun to besiege the city, in order to capture, not the city itself, but its cruel tyrants. But now that Hippocrates had perished, that Epicydes had been cut off from Syracuse and his prefects slain, now that the Cartha- ginians had everywhere been driven by land and sea from their occupation fSicily, what reason remained for the Romans not to wish Syracuse to be preserved, just as if Hiero himself, who was unrivalled in maintaining friendship with Rome, were still alive ? Accordingly both for the city and for individuals there was no other danger than from themselves, if they should let slip the opportunity of a reconciliation with the Romans. Moreover so favourable an opportunity as there was at that moment, if it should be evident that Syracuse, once it had been freed from insolent tyrants, . . . ,^ would never come again. XXIX. The speech was heard with great and unanimous approval. It was decided, however, to elect magistrates before naming legates. Then out of the number of these magistrates' representatives 451 o o 2 LIVY

A.u.c. 2 numero missi oratores ad Marcellum, (luorum " " " princeps Neque primo inquit Syracusani a vobis defecimus, sed Hieronymus, nequaquam tarn 3 in vos impius quam in nos, nee postea pacem tyranni caede compositam Syracusanus quisquam, sed satellites regii Hippocrates atque Epicydes oppressis nobis hinc metu, hinc fraude turbaverunt. Nee tjuisquam dicere potest aliquando nobis libertatis tempus fuisse quod pacis vobiscum non fuerit. 4 Nunc certe caede eorum qui oppressas tenebant Syracusas cum primum nostri arbitrii esse coepimus, extemplo venimus ad tradenda arma, dedendos nos, urbem, moenia, nullam recusandam fortunam quae 5 iniposita a vobis fuerit. Gloriam captae nobilissi- mae pulcherrimaeque urbis Graecarum dei tibi dederunt, Marcelle. Quidquid umquam terra marique memorandum gessimus, id tui triumphi titulo accedit. Famaene credi velis quanta urbs a te capta sit, quam posteris quoque cam spectaculo esse, quo quisquis terra, quisquis mari venerit, nunc nostra de Atheniensibus Carthaginiensibusque tropaea, nunc tua de nobis ostendat, incolumesque Syracusas familiae vestrae sub clientela nominis Marcellorum

7 tutelaque habendas tradas ? Ne plus apud vos Hieronymi quam Hieronis memoria momenti faciat. Diutius ille multo amicus fuit quam hie hostis, et 452 BOOK XXV. XXIX. 1-7 were sent to Marcellus. The foremost of these said : b.c. 212 " In the beginning it was not we Syracusans who forsook your friendship, but Hieronymus, who was by no means so conscienceless toward you as toward us. And later the peace concluded on the assassination of the tyrant was broken, not by any Syracusan, but by the king's minions, Hippocrates and Epicydes, after they had subdued us, now by terrorizing, now by treason. Nor can any man say that there has ever been any time of freedom for us that was not a time of peace with you. Certain it is that now, when through the slaying of those Avho were holding Syracuse in subjection we have begun for the first time to be our own masters, we have come forthwith to give up our arms, to surrender ourselves, shall the city, the walls, to reject no lot which be imposed by you Romans. The glory of capturing the most notable and most beautiful of Greek cities the gods have given to you, Marcellus. All that we have ever accomplished on land and sea that is worthy of record is added to the distinction of your triumph. Would you wish men merely to believe tradition as to the greatness of the city you have captured, rather than that it be a sight even to posterity, a city which shall show to every man who comes by land or by sea, at one spot our trophies won from the Athenians and the Carthaginians, at another your trophies won from us, and that you hand over Syracuse intact to your house, to be kept under the clientship and tutelage of those who bear the name Marcellus ? Let not the memory of Hieronymus have more weight with you Romans than that of Hiero. The latter was much longer friend than the and your former your enemy ; you 453 LIVY

^ A.TJ.C. illius benefacta etiam re sensistis, huius amentia 8 ad perniciem tantum ipsius valuit." Omnia et et impetrabilia tuta erant apud Romanes : inter ipsos plus belli ac periculi erat. Namque transfugae, tradi se Romanis rati, mercennariorum quoque militum auxilia in eundem compulere metum; 9 arreptisque armis praetores primum obtruncant, inde ad caedem Syracusanorum discurrunt quosque fors obtulit irati interfecere atque omnia quae in promptu 10 erant diripuerunt. Tum, ne sine ducibus essent, sex praefectos creavere, ut terni Achradinae ac Naso praeessent. Sedate tandem txmiultu exequentibus sciscitando quae acta cum Romanis essent, dilucere id quod erat coepit, aliam suam ac perfugarum causam esse. XXX. In tempore legati a Marcello redierunt, falsa eos suspicione incitatos memorantes nee causam expetendae poenae eorum ullam Romanis esse. 2 Erat e tribus Achradinae praefectis Hispanus, Moericus nomine. Ad eum inter comites legatorum de industria unus ex Hispanorum auxiliaribus est missus, qui sine arbitris Moericum nanctus primum in statu — quo — reliquisset Hispaniam et nuper inde venerat exponit : omnia Romanis ibi obtineri armis. 3 Posse eum, si operae pretium faciat, principem popularium esse, seu militare cum Romanis seu in reverti libeat si patriam ; contra, malle obsideri

^ re : : PC pre P-?{10) recentia 31. Muller : rebus adversis Lucks.

1 I .e. the mercenaries. * We learn from XXVI. xxi. 13 that his name was Belligenes. 454 BOOK XXV. XXIX. 7-xxx. 3

have had positive experience of the good deeds of b.c. 212 the one, while the other's folly resulted only in his own destruction." Everything could be obtained from the Romans and was already assured. It was among the Sicilians themselves that war and danger chiefly lay. For the deserters, thinking that they would surely be handed over to the Romans, aroused the mercenary auxiliaries also to the same fear. And seizing arms they^ first slew the magistrates and then dispersed to massacre the Syracusans, and in anger they slew all whom chance threw in their way and carried off everything on which they could lay hands. Then, not to be without commanders, they chose six prefects, three to be in charge of Achradina and three of Nasus. When the uproar was at last stilled and they were diligently enquiring what terms had been made with the Romans, the truth began to dawn upon them, that their case was different from that of the deserters. XXX. Just at the right moment the legates returned from Marcellus, stating that the mercenaries had been aroused by an unfounded suspicion, and that the Romans had no reason for demanding their punishment. One of the three prefects of Achradina was a Spaniard, Moericus by name. To him, among ^ the retinue of the legates, one of the Spanish auxiliaries was sent on purpose. Finding Moericus alone, he first explained the condition in which he had left Spain, from which he had recently come. The whole of that country, he said, was held by Roman arms. If he should do something worth while, he could be a chief among his own people, whether he preferred to serve on the Roman side or to return to his native town. On the other hand, if he 455 Ln-Y

A.u.c. pergat, quam spem esse terra marique clauso ? 4 Motus his Moericus, cum legates ad Marcellum mitti placuisset, fratrem inter eos mittit, qui per eundem ilium Hispanum secretus ab aliis ad Marcellum deductus, cum fidem accepisset composuissetque 5 agendae ordinem rei, Achradinam redit. Turn Moericus, ut ab suspicione proditionis averteret omnium animos, negat sibi placere legatos commeare ultro citroque : neque recipiendum quemquam neque mittendum et, quo intentius custodiae serventur, opportuna dividenda praefectis esse, ut suae quisque partis tutandae reus sit. Omnes G adsensi sunt. Partibus dividendis ipsi regio evenit ab Arethusa fonte ad ostium usque magni portus ; 7 id ut scirent Romani fecit. Itaque Marcellus nocte navem onerariam cum armatis remulco quadriremis trahi ad ^ Achradinam iussit exponique milites regione 8 portae quae prope fontem Arethusam est. Hoc cum quarta Aagilia factum asset expositosque milites porta, ut convenerat, recepisset Moericus, luce prima Marcellus omnibus copiis moenia Achradinae adgre- 9 ditur, ita ut non eos solum qui Achradinam tenebant in se converteret, sed ab Naso etiam agmina armatorum concurrerent relictis stationibus suis ad vim 10 et impetum Romanorum arcendum. In hoc tumultu actuariae naves instructae iam ante circumvectaeque ad Nasum armatos exponunt, qui inpro\'iso adorti

1 Achradinam P(l) : 'i:iasum H. J. Midler.

^ An evident error for the Island (Nasiis), due possibly to Livy's attempt to combine several different accoimts. There is further confusion in the passage which follows.* BOOK XXV. XXX. 3-10 continued to prefer to be besieged, what hope was b.c. 212 there for a man shut in by land and sea ? Moericus was impressed by these words, and when it was decided to send legates to Marcellus, sent his brother as one of them. He was escorted separately from the rest to Marcellus by that same Spaniard, and after receiving a promise and arranging the steps to be taken, returned to Achradina. Then Moericus, to divert the attention of everybody from the suspicion of treason, said he did not approve of having back and forth that none should be legates going ; admitted or sent and in order to a closer ; that, keep guard, suitable positions should be di\dded among the prefects, so that each should be responsible for the defence of his own section. All agreed. In the assignment of sections the region extending from the Fountain of Arethusa to the entrance of the Great Harbour fell to Moericus himself. He saw to it that the Romans knew that. Accordingly Marcellus ordered a transport with armed men to be towed at night by a four-banker to Achradina, '^ and the soldiers to be landed near the gate which is by the P'ountain of Arethusa. This done at the fourth watch, and the soldiers landed there having been admitted according to agreement by Moericus through the gate, Marcellus at daybreak with all his forces assailed the walls of Achradina. The result was that not only did he turn the attention of the defenders of Achradina to himself, but from Nasus also columns of armed men, leaving their posts, united in haste, to ward off the violent attack of the Romans. During this confusion light vessels, previously equipped, sailed around to Nasus and landed their troops. These made an unexpected attack upon 457

i LIVY

stationes et fores ^'^If' semiplenas adapertas portae, qua paulo ante excurrerant armati, baud magno certa- minc Nasum cepere desertam trepidatione et fuga 11 custodum. Neque in uUis minus praesidii aut pertinaciae ad manendum quam in transfugis fuit, quia ne suis quidem satis credentes e medio certa- 12 mine efFugerunt. Marcellus, ut captam esse Nasum ^ comperit et Achradinae regionem unam teneri Moericumque cum praesidio suis adiunctum, receptui cecinit, ne regiae opes, quarum fama maior quam res erat, diriperentur. XXXI. Suppresso impetu militum ut iis qui in Achradina ei'ant transfugis spatium locusque fugae 2 datus est, Syracusani tandem liberi metu portis Achradinae apertis oratores ad Marcellum mittunt, nihil petentis aliud quam incolumitatem sibi hberis- 3 que suis. Marcellus consilio advocate et adhibitis etiam Syracusanis qui per seditiones pulsi ab domo -I intra praesidia Romana fuerant, respondit non plura per annos quinquaginta benefacta Hieronis quam paucis his annis maleficia eorum qui Syracusas tenuerint esse sed erga populum Romanum ; pleraque eorum quo debuerint reccidisse, foederumque ruptorum ipsos ab se graviores multo quam populus 5 Romanus voluerit poenas exegisse. Se qmdem tertium annum circumsedere Syracusas, non ut ^ populus Romanus servam civitatem haberet, sed

^ comperit Weissenborn : oin. P(l) : vidit {after ut) Walters^alters. 2 Romamis (i.e. R.) servam x Sigonius : reservatam P(10))): -taC. 458 BOOK XXV. XXX. lo-xxxi. 5

the half-manned outposts and the open doors of the b.o. 212 gate through which the armed men had dashed out a little while before, and with no great resistance captured Nasus, deserted by the excitement and flight of the guards. And no others showed less capacity to defend or determination to hold out than the deserters, since they did not quite trust even their own men and fled out of the midst of the conflict. Marcellus, on learning that Nasus had been captured and one section of Achradina occupied, also that Moericus with his force had joined the Romans, sounded the recall, to prevent the royal treasures, which were reported to be larger than they really were, from being plundered. XXXI. The onslaught of the soldiers being checked and time and place for their flight given to the deserters who were in Achradina, the Syracusans, at last relieved of their fear, open the gates of Achradina and send representatives to Marcellus, asking nothing else than their own lives and those of their children. Marcellus, calling a council and admitting also those Syracusans who, after being driven from home during the uprisings, had been inside the Roman lines, replied that the good acts of Hiero toward the Roman people during fifty years had not been more numerous than the evil deeds done in the last few years by those who held Syracuse. But most of the misdeeds, he said, had reacted just as they should, and the men had exacted from themselves much more serious penalties for the broken treaties than the Roman people wished. For his part, he -was besieging Syracuse for the third year, not that the Roman people might keep the city enslaved, but to prevent the commanders of deserters 459 ^ A.u.o. ne transfugarum alienigenarumcjue duces ^*' captam 6 et oppressam tenerent. Quid potuerint Syracusani facere, exemplo vel eos esse Syracusanorum qui intra praesidia Romana fuerint, vel Hispanum ducem Moericuni, qui praesidium tradiderit, vel ipsorum Syracusanorum postremo serum quidem, sed forte 7 consilium. Sibi omnium laborum periculorumque circa moenia Syracusana terra marique tam diu exhaustorum nequaquam tanti eum ^ fructum esse ^ 8 quod capere Syracusas potuisset. Inde quaestor * cum praesidio ah Naso ad accipiendam pecuniam ^ regiam custodiendamque missus. Urbs diripienda militi data est custodibus divisis per domos eorum 9 qui intra praesidia Romana fuerant. Cum multa irae, multa avaritiae foeda exempla ederentur, Archimeden memoriae proditum est in tanto tumultu, ^ quantum captae terror urbis in discursu diripientium militum ciere poterat, intentum formis quas in pulvere descripserat, ab ignaro militfe quis esset 10 interfectum id tulisse ; aegre Marcellum scpulturae- que curam habitam, et propinquis etiam inquisitis honori praesidioque nomen ac memoriam eius 1 1 fuisse. Hoc maxume modo in Syracusae captae ; quibus praedae tantum fuit, quantum vix capta

^ alienigenarum Hertz : mercennariorum Gerlach : om. P{1) Walters {also the -que of PC). ^ tanti eum Harmit (without assuming a lacuna below) : tantum P(l) Madvig, Conway. ^ Here Madvig inserted potuerit, quantum, si servare : Conway (after capere), sibi contigerit, quantum si servare (two lines): Oronovius conj. quam si parcere Syracusis /or quod capere Syracusas. * ab Naso ad Geyer : ab nassum et P(4) : ad nassum et CHPBDA : ad Nassum ad z Walters. 8 Urbs X Walters : om. P(l) : Achradina Weissenborn. 460 BOOK XXV. XXXI. 5-1 1

and foreigners from holding it in captivity and sub- b.o. 212 jection. What the Syracusans could have done was shown by the example either of those Syracusans inside the Roman lines, or of the Spanish commander Moericus, who surrendered his post, or finally of the belated but courageous resolution of the Syracusans themselves. To his mind it was by no means a sufficient reward for all the hardships and dangers, so long endured on land and sea about the Syracusan walls, that he had been able to capture Syracuse. Thereupon the quaestor was sent from Nasus with a force to receive and guard the royal funds. The city was given over to the soldiers to plunder, guards being first assigned to the houses of the men who had been inside the Roman lines. While many shameful examples of anger and many of greed were being given, the tradition is that Archimedes, in all the uproar which the alarm of a captured city could produce in the midst of plundering soldiers dashing about, was intent upon the figures which he had traced in the dust and was slain a not who he was ^ that by soldier, knowing ; Marcellus was grieved at this, and his burial duly for and that his name and were pi'ovided ; memory an honour and a protection to his relatives, search even being made for them. Such in the main was the captm-e of Syracuse,^ in which there was booty in such quantity as there would scarcely have been

^ Cf. Plutarch's account, Marcellus 19 ; Valerius Maximus

VIII. 7. Ext. 7 ; Cicero de Finibus V. 50. 2 Actually the fall of Syracuse appears to have taken place in the following year, 211 b.c.

* terror Bottcher : om. P(l) : pavor Weissenborn. 461 LIVY

A.u.c. turn fuisset, cum ^ viribus ^^ Carthagine qua acquis certabatur. 12 Paucis ante diebus quam Syracusac capcrentur, T. Otacilius cum quinqueremibus octoginta Uticam 13 ab Lilybaco transmisit, at cum ante lucem portum onerarias intrasset, frumento onustas cepit, egressus- in terram que depopulatus est aliquantum agri circa Uticam praedamque omnis generis retro ad navis 14 egit. Lilybaeum tertio die quam inde profectus erat cum centum triginta onerariis navibus frumento praedaque onustis rediit idque frimientimi extemplo 15 misit ni in Syracusas ; quod tam tempore subve- nisset, victoribus \-ictisque pariter perniciosa fames instabat. XXXII, Eadem aestate ir Hispania, cimi biennio ferme nihil admodum memorabile factum esset con- siliisque magis quam armis bellum gereretur, Romani imperatores egressi hibernis copias coniunxerunt. 2 Ibi consilium advocatum omniimique in unum con- gruerunt sententiae, quando ad id locorvmi id modo actum esset ut Hasdrubalem tendentem in Italiam retinerent, tempus esse id iam agi ut bellum in 3 Hispania finiretm*. Et satis ad id virium credebant accessisse viginti milia Celtiberorum ea hieme ad arma excita. 2 Hostium tres exercitus erant : 4 Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius et Mago coniunctis castris ferme dierum iter ab quinque Romanis aberant ; 5 propior erat Hamilcaris filius Hasdrubal, vetus in Hispania imperator; ad urbem nomine Amtorgim 6 exercitum habebat. Eum volebant prius opprimi

^ cum qua P(l) : cum (quum) Madvig. ^ excita. Hostium AUchefski: excitatum PRM : -ta Cz: -ti DA : excitorum Gronovixis,

462 BOOK XXV. XXXI. ii-xxxii. 6 if Carthage, with which the conflict was on even b.o. 212 terms, had at that time been captured. A few days before Syracuse was taken, Titus OtaciUus with eighty five-bankers crossed over from Lilybaeum to Utica. And having entered the harbour before dayHght, he captured cargo- ships laden with grain, and disembarking ravaged a considerable area around Utica and drove booty of every kind back to the ships. On the third day after he had left Lilybaeum he returned thither with a hundred and thirty cargo-ships laden with grain and booty, and sent the grain at once to Syracuse. Had it not arrived so opportunely, a famine equally destructive to victors and vanquished was impending. XXXII. In Spain in the same summer, when for ^ about two years nothing very notable had occurred and the war was being waged more by diplomacy than by arms, the Roman generals, on leaving their winter-quarters, united their forces. Thereupon a council was called and all were of one mind, that, since up to that time they had accomplished nothing except to hold Hasdrubal back from pushing on into Italy, it was time that their task should now be to end the war in Spain. And they believed they had sufficient reinforcements for that pui-pose in twenty thousand Celtiberians who had been called to arms that winter. The enemy had three armies. Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo, and Mago with adjoining camps were about five days' march from the Romans. Nearer was Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, a veteran commander in Spain. He had his army near a city called Amtorgis. It was he that the ^ This apparently from a source which placed the defeat and death of the Scipios in 211 B.C.; cf. note on xxxvi. 14. 463 LIVY

A.u.o. duces Romani; et spes erat satis superque ad id ^*^ ilia ne fuso eo virium esse ; restabat cura, perculsi alter Hasdrubal et Mago in avios saltus montesque 7 recipientes sese bellum extraherent. Optimum totius simul igitur rati divisis bifariam copiis Hispa- P. niae amplecti bellum, ita inter se diviserunt ut Cornelius duas partes exercitus Romanorum sociorumque adversus Magonem duceret atque Hasdru- 8 balem, Cn. Cornelius cum tcrtia parte veteris exercitus Celtiberis adiunctis cum Hasdrubale Barcino exercitus- 9 bellum gereret. Una profecti ambo duces que Celtiberis praegredientibus ad urbem Amtorgim in conspectu hostium dirimente amni ponunt castra. est 10 Ibi Cn. Scipio cum quibus ante dictum copiis substitit; P. Scipio profectus ad destinatam belli partem. XXXIII. Hasdrubal postquam animadvertit exiguum Romanum exercitum in castris et spem omnem 2 in Celtiberorum auxiliis esse, peritus omnis barbaricae ^ et praecipue earum gentium in quibus per tot 3 annos militabat perfidiae, facili linguae commercio,^ cum utraque castra plena Hispanorum essent, per occulta conloquia paciscitur magna mercede cum Celtiberorum principibus ut copias inde abducant. 4 Nee atrox visum facinus—non enim ut in Romanos verterent arma agebatur—et merces quanta vel

1 earum Gronovius : omnium earum P(l). ^ commeTcio z CoJiway : om.P{l).

1 Probably the Baetis, as Iliturgi was not far away; cf. XXVIII. xix. 2. 464 BOOK XX\'. xxxii. 6-xxxiii. 4

Koman wished first to and b.o. 212 generals overpower ; they hoped tliey had quite ample forces for that end. The one remaining concern was the fear that, if he was defeated, the other Hasdrubal and Mago might in alarm withdraw to pathless forests and momitains and prolong the war. They thought it best therefore to divide their forces into two armies and include the whole of Spain in their plan of operations. And they divided in such manner that Publius Cornelius should lead two-thirds of the army of Romans and allies against Mago and Hasdrubal, and that Gnaeus Cornelius with one-third of the old army and the Celtiberians in addition should carry on the war with Hasdrubal Barca. Setting out together, with the Celtiberians in the van, both generals and armies pitched camp near the city of Amtorgis, in sight of the enemy, but separated by a river.i There Gnaeus Scipio remained with the above-mentioned forces, while Publius Scipio set out for his previously appointed share of the war. XXXHI. Hasdrubal first noted that there was only a small army of Romans in the camp and that all their hope was in the Celtiberian auxiliaries. Then, as he was well acquainted with every form of treachery practised by barbarians and particularly by those tribes among which he had been campaigning for so many years, and as oral communication was easy, since both camps were full of Spaniards, by means of secret conferences he made an ag-reement with the chief men of the Celtiberians at a high price that they should withdraw their troops. Nor did it seem an outrageous act—for it was not urged that they should turn their arms against the Romans—and a price which would have been ample even for engaging 465 VOL. VI. H H LIVY

A.U.C. bello satis esset dabatur ne bellum et 512 pro gererent, cum quies ipsa, turn reditus domum fructusque 5 videndi suos suaque grata vulgo erant. Itaque non ducibus facilius quam multitudiiii persuasum est. Simul ne nietus quideni ab Romanis ei'at, quippe G tarn paucis, si vi retinerent. Id quidem cavendum semper Romanis ducibus erit exemplaque haec vera pro documentis habenda, ne ita externis credant auxiliis ut non plus sui roboris suarumque propria 7 virium in castris habeant. Signis repente sublatis Celtiberi abeunt, nihil aliud quaerentibus causam obtestantibusque ut manerent Romanis respondentes 8 quam domestico se avocari bello. Scipio, postquam socii nee precibus nee vi retineri poterant, nee se aut parem sine illis hosti esse aut fratri rursus coniungi vidit posse, nee ullum aliud salutare consilium in 9 promptu esse, retro quantum posset cedere statuit, in id omni cura intentus necubi hosti aequo se committeret loco, qui transgressus flumen prope

vestigiis abeuntium insistebat. XXXIV. Per eosdem dies P. Scipionem par terror, 2 periculum maius ab novo hoste urgebat. Masinissa erat iuvenis, eo tempore socius Carthaginiensium, quem deinde clarum potentemque Romana fecit 3 amicitia. Is turn cum equitatu Numidarum et advenienti P. Scipioni occm*rit et deinde adsidue 466 BOOK XXV. XXXIII. 4-xxxiv. 3 in the war was offered them not to wage war. Again, b.o. 213 not only peace itself, but also a return home and the advantage of seeing their families and their property were attractions to the mass of them. Accordingly their leaders were not more easily persuaded than the rank and file. At the same time they had no fear from the Romans either, if they, being so few in number, should try to hold them by force. It will always be a necessary precaution for Roman generals, and these instances must really be accounted warn- ings, not so to trust their foreign auxiliaries as not to have in camp more of their own strength and offerees that are absolutely their own. The Celtiberians suddenly took up their standards and departed, and when Romans asked the reason and implored them to remain, they gave no other answer than that they were called away by a war at home. Scipio, now that his allies could not be held either by entreaties or by force, saw that he could neither be a match for the enemy without them nor rejoin his brother, and that no other promising plan was available. Thereupon he decided to retire as far as possible, taking every care and being on the alert not to expose himself anywhere on level ground to the enemy, who crossed the river and kept almost at their heels as they withdrew. XXXIV. About the same time Publius Scipio was beset by a fear no less grave and a danger that was greater from a new enemy. There was the young Masinissa, at that time an ally of the Carthaginians, a man whom friendship with the Romans later made famous and powerful. With his Numidian cavalry he now encountered Publius Scipio on his advance, and also was continually at hand day and night, ready 467 H H 2 LIVY

* ^^^^ tantum ^Mo' noctesque infestus aderat, ut non vagos procul a casti'is lignatum pabulatumque progresses exciperet, sed ipsis obcquitaret castris invectusque in medias saepe stationes omnia ingenti tumultu 5 turbaret. Noctibus quoque saepe incursu repentino in portis valloque trepidatum est, nee aut locus aut tempus ullum vacuum a metu ac sollicitudine erat 6 Romanis, compulsique intra vallum adempto rerum omnium usu. Cum prope iusta obsidio esset futuram- que artiorem eam appareret, si se Indibilis, quem cum septem milibus et cjuingentis Suessetanorum 7 adventare fama erat, Poenis coniunxisset, dux cautus et providens Scipio victus necessitatibus temerarium capit consilium, ut nocte Indibili obviam iret et, quocumque occurrisset loco, proelium 8 consereret. Relicto igitur modico praesidio in castris praepositoque Ti. Fonteio legato media nocte pro- 9 fectus cum obviis hostibus manus conseruit. Agmina acies ut in magis quam pugnabant ; superior tamen, tumultuaria pugna, Romanus erat. Ceterum et equites Numidae repente, quos fefellisse se dux ratus erat, ab lateribus circumfusi magnum terrorem ^ 10 intulere, et contracto adversus Numidas certamine novo tertius insuper advenit hostis, duces Poeni adsecuti ab iam tergo pugnantis ; ancepsque proelium Romanos circumsteterat incertos in quem potissimum hostem quamve in partem conferti 11 eruptionem facerent. Pugnanti hortantique impera-

1 et Crevier : om. P{1). 468 BOOK XXV. XXXIV. 3-1 1 to attack, so that he not only captured soldiers b.c. 212 who had wandered far from the camp in search of wood and fodder, but also rode up to the camp itself, and often dashing into the midst of the outposts threw everything into great confusion. By night also there was often alarm at the gates and on the earthwork owing to a sudden attack, nor was any place or time free from fear and anxiety for the Romans, and they were confined within their earthwork, unable to obtain anything. It was almost a regular blockade, and this would evidently be stricter if Indibilis, who was reported as approaching with seven thousand five hundred Suessetani, should join the Carthaginians. Consequently Scipio, though a general marked by caution and foresight, being forced by his straits, adopted the rash plan of going by night to meet Indibilis and giving battle wherever he should encounter him. Therefore, leaving a moderate garrison at the camp and putting his lieutenant, Tiberius Fonteius, in command of it, he set out at midnight, and on meeting the enemy engaged them. It was a battle of columns rather lines so far as could be in an than ; yet, engagement without order, the Roman had the advantage. But the Numidian cavalry, whose notice the general had thought he had escaped, by outflanking them inspired great alarm, and in addition, when they had entered a fresh battle with the Numidians, a third enemy also arrived, the Carthaginian generals, who from the rear overtook them when already engaged. And the Romans found themselves between two battles, uncertain against Avhich enemy and in which direction they should choose to break through in a mass. As the general was fighting and exhorting, 469 LIVY

A.TJ.O. tori et ofFerenti se ubi plurimus labor erat latus 642 ^ dextrum lancea traicitur is hostium ; cuneusque qui in confertos circa ducem impetum fecerat, ut exanimem labentem ex equo Scipionem vidit, alacres gaudio cixm clamore per totam aciem nuntiantes 12 discurrunt imperatorem Romanura cecidisse. Ea pervagata passim vox ut et hostes haud dubie pro 13 %ictoribus et Romani pro \-ictis essent fecit. Fuga confestim ex acie duce amisso fieri coepta est; ceterum ut ad erumpendum inter Numidas levium- 14 que armorum alia auxilia haud difficilis erat, ita efFugere tantum equitum aequantiumque equos velocitate peditum vix poterant, caesique prope in in sunt nee plures fuga quam pugna ; superfuisset quisquam, ni praecipiti iam ad vesperum die nox intervenisset.

XXXV. Haud segniter inde duces Poeni fortuna usi confestim e proelio vix necessaria quiete data militibus ad Hasdrubalem Hamilcaris citatum agmen ^ ^ rapiunt non dubia spe, cum se coniunxissent, 2 debellari posse. Quo ubi est ventum, inter exercitus ducesque victoria recenti laetos gratulatio ingens facta, imperatore tanto cum omni exercitu deleto et alteram pro haud dubia parem victoriam expectantes. 3 Ad Romanos nondum qiiidem fama tantae cladis pervenerat, sed maestum quoddam silentium erat et

^ cum Ax : om. P(2). '^ se a; : om. P(l). 470 BOOK XXV. XXXIV. ii-xxxv. 3

and exposing himself where there was most to be b.c. 212 done, his right side was pierced by a lance. And those of the enemy who in a wedge had made an attack upon the men pressing close about the general, on seeing the dying Scipio slipping from his horse, dashed eveiyvvhere along the line, wild with delight, shouting and announcing that the Roman commander had fallen. The broadcasting of that announcement far and wide made the enemy as good as victors beyond a doubt and the Romans as good as vanquished. Flight directly from the battle-line began, once they had lost their general. But while, so far as bursting through the Numidians and the light-armed auxiliaries as well was concerned, flight was not difficult, yet it was hardly possible for them to escape such numbers of horsemen and infantry who by their speed kept up with the horses. And almost more were slain in flight than in battle, nor would anyone have survived but for the coming on of night, as the day was now rapidly drawing to a close. XXXV. Then the Carthaginian generals directly after the battle, making no indifferent use of their success, barely allowed their soldiers necessary rest, and rushed their column with all speed in the direction of Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, with the certain hope that, when they should unite with him, the war could be finished. Upon their arrival there was great congratulation between the ai-mies and generals rejoicing in the recent victory, since so great a general and his entire army had been destroyed, and they were looking for just such another victory as beyond question. As for the Romans, not yet indeed had a report of the great disaster reached them, but there was a gloomy silence and an unexpressed foreboding, 471 LIVY

A.u.o. tacita divinatio, qualis iam praesagientibus animis 4 inminentis mali esse solet. Imperator ipse, prae- terquani quod ab sociis se desertum, hostium tantum auctas copias sentiebat, coniectura etiam et ratione ad suspicionem acceptae cladis quam ad ullam bonam

5 speni pronior erat : quonam modo enim Hasdrubalem ac Magonem, nisi dcfunctos suo bello, sine certamine 6 adducere exercituni potuisse ? Quo modo autem non obstitisse aut ab tergo secutum fratrem, ut, si prohibere quo minus in unum coirent et duces et exercitus hostium non posset, ipse eerte cum fratre 7 coniungeret copias ? His anxius curis id modo esse salutare in praesens credebat, cedere inde quantum exinde ^ una nocte hostibus et ob posset ; ignaris 8 id quietis aliquantum emensus est iter. Luce ut senserunt profectos, hostes praemissis Numidis quam poterant maxime citato agmine sequi coeperunt. Ante noctem adsecuti Numidae, nunc ab tergo, nunc in latera incursantes, consistere coegerunt ac tutari 9 tamen ut simul agmen ; quantum possent tuto, pugnarent procederentque Scipio hortabatur, priusquam pedestres copiae adsequerentur. XXXVI. Ceterum nunc agendo, nunc sustinendo agmen cum aliquamdiu haud multum procederetur et nox iam 2 instaret, revocat e proelio suos Scipio et conlectos in tumulum quendam non quidem satis tutum, prae-

^ exinde Conway : et inde P(l) : et Gronovius.

472 BOOK XXV. XXXV. 3-xx.\vi. 2 such as is usually the forecast of impending misfor- b.c. 212 tune when men already have presentiments. The general himself, in addition to the knowledge that he had been deserted by his allies and that the enemy's forces had been so greatly inci-eased, was more inclined bv logical inference to suspect that a disaster had occurred than to entertain any good hope. For how, he thought, could Hasdrubal and Mago, unless they had quite finished their ovm war, have been able to bring up their army without an engagement ? And how had his brother failed to confront them or to follow in their rear, so that, if unable to prevent the generals and armies ofthe enemy from uniting, he might himself at least combine his forces with those of his brother ? Troubled by these anxieties, he believed that the one safe course at present was to retreat as far away as possible. Then in one night, while the enemy were unaware of it and hence made no move, he marched a considerable distance. In the morning the enem}^ on discovering that they had gone, sent the Numidians in advance and began to follow them in a column at its utmost speed. Before night the Numidians had overtaken them, and charging now in the rear, now on the flanks, compelled them to halt and defend their column. Scipio kept encouraging them to fight and advance at the same time, so far, that is, as they could do so with safetA*. before the infantry forces should overtake them. XXXVI. But while he now urged his column forward, now ordered it to halt, for a long time little progress was being made and night was now at hand. Scipio therefore i-ecalled his men from battle, concentrated them and led them up a hill that was not indeed quite safe, especially 473 LIVY

A.u.o sertim agmini perculso, editiorem tamen quam 3 cetera circa erant, subducit. Ibi primo impedimentis et equitatu in medium receptis circumdati pedites haud difficulter impetus incursantium Numi- 4 darum arcebant; dein, postquam toto agmine tres imperatores cum tribus iustis exercitibus aderant apparebatque parum armis ad tuendum locum sine 5 munimento valituros esse, circumspectare atque agi- tare dux coepit, si quo modo posset vallum circum- icere. Sed erat adeo nudus tumulus et asperi soli ut nee wgulta vallo caedendo nee terra caespiti faciendo aut ducendae fossae aliive ulli operi apta inveniri 6 nee natura satis arduum aut absci- posset ; quicquam svun erat quod hosti aditum ascensimnve difficilem 7 omnia leni subvexa. Ut tamen praeberet ; fastigio aliquam imaginem valli obicerent, clitellas inligatas oneribus velut struentes ad altitudinem solitam cir- cumdabant, cumulo sarcinarum omnis generis obiecto, ubi ad moliendum clitellae defuerant. 8 Punici exercitus postquam advenere, in tumulum erexere munitionis facies quidem perfacile agmen ; 9 nova primo eos velut miraculo quodam tenuit, cum duces undique vociferarentur quid starent et non ludibrium illud, vix feminis puerisve morandis satis validum, distraherent diriperentque ? Captum 10 hostem teneri, latentem post sarcinas. Haec con- duces ceterum transi- temptim increpabant ; neque lire nee moliri onera obiecta nee caedere stipatas 11 clitellas ipsisque obrutas sarcinis facile erat. At

474 BOOK XXV. XXXVI. 2-1 1

for a terrified column, but still was higher than the b.c. 21 country around it. There the infantry, surrounding the baggage and cavalry placed in the centre, at first kept off the charges of the Numidians without difficulty. Then, when three generals arrived in full force with three regular armies, and it was evident that they would be unable by arms to defend an unfortified position, the general began to cast about and consider whether he could in some way surround it with an earthwork. But the hill was so bare and rocky that neither could thickets be found for the cutting of stakes nor ground such that they could get turf or carry a trench in it or any other earthwork. And yet no spot Avas naturally so elevated or rugged as to make approach or ascent difficult for the enemy. Everywhere the ground rose at a gentle slope. How- ever, in order to interpose some semblance of an earthwork, they laid up, as it were, to the usual height all around them, pack-saddles still tied to their loads, while, wherever the pack-saddles failed to make a barricade, they piled on top lighter baggage of every kind. The Carthaginian armies, on arriving, very easily hill marched in column up the ; but the strange appearance of the defences at fii'st checked them in a certain amazement, while their commanders kept shouting from all sides, asking why they stood still and did not pull apart and scatter that pretence, hardly strong enough to delay Avomen or children. The enemy, they said, was held captive, lurking behind his baggage. Such were the scornful taunts of the commanders. But it was not easy to leap over or clear away the baggage in front of them, nor to cut apart the mass of pack-saddles, buried under 475 LIVY

trudibus ^ cum amoliti obiecta onera armatis dedissent ^'^r?' viani pluribusque idem partibus fieret, capta iam 12 castra undique crant. Pauci a multis perculsique a victoribus passim eaedebantur; magna pars tamen militimi, cum in propinquas refugisset silvas, in castra P. Scipionis. cpiibus Ti. Fonteius legatus prae- 13 erat, perfugcrunt. Cn. Seipionem alii in tumulo primo impetu hostium caesum tradunt, alii cum in castris turrim paucis propinquam perfugisse ; hanc igni circumdatam atque ita exustis foribus, quas nulla moliri potuerant vi, captam omnisque intus cum ipso imperatore occisos. 14 Anno octavo postquam in Hispaniam venerat Cn. Scipio, undetricensimo die post frati-is mortem, est interfectus. Luctus ex morte eorum non Romae 15 maior totam quam per Hispaniam fuit : quin apud civis partem doloris et exercitus amissi et alienata IG et trahebat clades provincia publica ; Hispaniae ipsos lugebant desiderabantque duces, Gnaeura magis, quod diutius praefuerat iis priorque et favorem occupaverat et specimen iustitiae tempe- rantiaeque Romanae primus dederat. XXX\"II. Cum deleti exercitus amissaeque Hispa- 2 niae viderentur, vir unus res perditas restituit. Erat in exercitu L. Marcius Septimi filius, eques Romanus,

1 At trudibus II'. Heraeus, Walters : traditisdibi PB (divi

: ibi : R^ GB-'Jl dibu BD : diu A): trudentes sudibus lladvig.

1 Correct, though inconsistent with Livy's general chrono- which would make it the seventh cf. log3% year ; XXI. xxxii. 3. In xxxviii. 6 also Livy has followed an authority who placed the disasters in Spain in 211 B.C.; cf. note on xxxii. 1. 476 BOOK XXV. xx.Y\'i. ii-xxwii. 2

the added loads. But after they had cleared away b.o. 212 the baggage in front of them with hooked poles and made a way for the armed men, and the same thing was being done in different places, the camp had by this time been captured from all sides. Everywhere there was slaughter of the few by the many, of the panic-stricken by the victorious. A large part of the soldiers, however, after fleeing into the neighbouring forest, made their escape to Publius Scipio's camp, of which Tiberius I'onteius, his lieutenant, was commander. As for Gnaeus Scipio, some relate that he was slain on the hill in the first onset of the enemy, others that with a few men he made his escape to a tower near the camp : that fire was lighted around this, and so, by burning the doors which they had been unable to force in any way, they captui*ed the tower and all were slain in it alonsr with the commander himself. ^ In the eighth year after his arrival in Spain Gnaeus Scipio was killed, on the twenty-ninth day after the death of his brother. Grief for their deaths was not greater in Home than throughout in fact the citizens the destruction of Spain ; among armies and the loss of a province and the national disaster claimed a part in their sorrow, while all Spain mourned for the generals themselves and missed them, Gnaeus more than Publius, because he had been longer in command and had earlier won their favour, and had given for the first time an example of Roman justice and self-control. XXXVII. While it seemedthat the ai-mies had been wiped out and all Spain lost, a single man repaired their shattered fortunes. In the army was Lucius Marcius, son of Septimus, a Roman knight, an active 477 UVY

iuvenis et *642'* impiger animique ingenii aliquanto quam 3 pro fortuna in qua erat natus maioris. Ad summam indolcm accesserat Cn. Scipionis disciplina, sub qua 4 per tot annos omnis militiae artis edoctus fuerat. Is ^ et ex fuga collectis militibus et quibusdam de praesidiis deductis baud contemnendum exercitum fecerat

iunxeratque cum Ti. Fonteio, P. Scipionis legato. • 5 Sed tantum praestitit eques Romanus auctoritate inter militcs atque honore ut, castris citra Hiberum communitis, cum ducem exercitus comitiis militari-

6 bus creari placuisset, subeuntes alii aliis in custodiam valli stationesque, donee per omnis sufFragium iret, ad L. Marcium cuncti summam imperii detule- 7 rint, Omne inde tempus—exiguum id fuit—muniendis castris convehendisque commeatibus consumpsit, et omnia imperia milites cum inpigre, turn 8 haudquaquam abiecto animo exequebantur. Cete- rum postquam Hasdrubalem Gisgonis venientem ad reliquias belli delendas transisse Hiberum et adpro- pinquai-e adlatum est, signumque pugnae propositum 9 ab novo duce milites viderunt, recordati quos paulo ante imperatores habuissent quibusque et ducibus et copiis freti prodire in pugnam soliti essent, flere omnes repente et ofFensare capita et alii manus ad caelum tendere deos incusantes, alii strati humi 10 suum quisque nominatim ducem implorare. Neque

^ Is Weisseiiborn : hie M'A^ : om. P{\).

478 BOOK XXV. XXXVII. 2-10

young man of much more spirit and talent than was u.c. 212 to be expected in the station in which he had been born. In addition to his high promise he had had the training of Gnaeus Scipio, in which during so many- years he had mastered all the arts of the soldier. This man had made an army that was not to be despised out of soldiers gathered up from the flight and in part withdrawn fi'om garrison towns, and he had united it with that of Tiberius Fonteius, the lieutenant of Publius Scipio. But so preeminent was a mere Roman knight in his personal influence with the soldiers and in the respect they paid him that, after they had fortified a camp on this side of the Hiberus and decided that a commander of the army should be chosen in an election by the soldiers, relieving each other as sentries on the wall and in outpost duty until all had cast their votes, they unanimously conferred the high command upon Lucius Marcius. He then spent the whole time—and it was very short—in fortifying the camp and bringing up supplies. And the soldiers carried out all his commands, not only with energy, but also in no dejected spirit. But when the news came that Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo, on his way to wipe out the last remains of the war, had crossed the Hiberus and was approaching, and the soldiers saw the signal for battle raised by a new general, they remembered what commanders they had had a short time before, and upon what generals and forces they had usually relied as they went into battle. Suddenly they all were weeping and dashing their heads against obstacles ; and some raised their hands to heaven, blaming the gods, others lying on the ground invoked their respective generals by name. And the wailing 479 LIVY

sedari lamentatio excitantibus centurioni ^542'' poterat bus manipulares et ipso nmlcente et increpante Marcio, quod in muliebris et inutiles se proiecissent fletus potius quam ad tutandos semet ipsos et rem publicam secum acucrent animos, et ne inultos 11 imperatores suos iacere sinerent, cum subito clamor tubarumque sonus—iam enim prope vallum hostes erant—exauditur. Inde verso repente in iram luctu discun-unt ^ ad arma ac velut accensi rabie discurrunt ^ ad portas et in hostem neglegenter atque incom- 12 posite venientem incurrunt. Extemplo inprovisa res pavorem incutit Poenis, mirabundique unde tot hostes subito exorti prope deleto exercitu forent, unde tanta audacia, tanta fiducia sui victis ac fugatis, quis imperator duobus Scipionibus caesis exstitisset, quis castris praeesset, quis signum dedisset pugnae— 13 ad haec tot tarn necopinata primo omnium incerti stupentesque referunt pedem, dein valida inpressione 14 pulsi terga vertunt. Et aut fugientium caedes foeda fuisset aut temerarius periculosusque se- quentium impetus, ni Marcius propere receptui dedisset signum obsistensque ad prima signa et quosdam ipse retinens concitatam repressisset aciem. Inde in castra avidos adhuc caedisque et sanguinis 15 reduxit. Carthaginienses trepide primo ab hostium vallo acti, postquam neminem insequi viderunt, metu

' discurrunt P(3) : om. Crivier, Jac. Gronovius. ^ discurrunt P(l) Comray : concurrunt 6Voworm5 : Madvig rejected disciurunt ad portas et. 480 BOOK XXV. XXXVII. 10-15

could not be stilled, although the centurions tried to b.c. 2J2 arouse the men of their maniples and Marcius himself to calm them and upbraided them for having given themselves up to womanish and useless weeping, instead of whetting their courage to defend themselves and with them the state, and begged them not to let their commanders lie unavenged, when suddenly—for the enemy were now near the earthwork—a shout and the sound of trumpets were heard. Upon that, their grief instantly changing to anger, they scatter to arms, and as if fired by frenzy, to the different gates, and dash into the enemy coming on carelessly and in disorder. At once the unexpected act inspired alarm among the Carthaginians, and they wondered whence so many enemies had suddenly appeared after the army had been almost wiped out, whence came such boldness and self-confidence so great in men beaten and put to flight, what commander had arisen after the two Scipios had been slain, who was in command of the camp, who had given the signal for battle. In the face of all that— so many things so unexpected—they at first retreated, at a loss and then beaten completely dumbfounded ; back by the strength of the attack they took to flight. And there would have been either a terrible slaughter of the fleeing or a reckless and dangerous attack on the part of the pursuers, had not Marcius promptly given the signal for the recall and kept back his own excited line, facing his men in the front line and laying hold of some with his o^vn hands. He then led them back to camp still thirsting for slaughter and bloodshed. The Carthaginians were at first forced away in confusion from the enemies' earthwork when saw that no one was ; then, they pursuing, 481 VOL. VI. II I.IVY

A.U.C. substitisse rati, contemptim rursus et sedato ffradu in castra abeunt.

1(1 Par in castris custodiendis fuit neglegentia ; nam etsi propinquus hostis erat, tamen reliquias eum esse duoi-um exercituum ante paucos dies deletorum suc- 17 currebat. Ob hoc cum omnia neglecta apud hostis assent, exploratis iis Marcius ad consilium prima specie temerarium magis quam audax animum adie- 18 cit, ut ultro castra hostium oppugnaret, faciHus esse ratus unius Hasdrubahs expugnari castra quam, si se rursus tres exercitus ac tres duces iunxissent, sua

19 defendi simul si successisset erectu- ; aut, coeptis, rum se adflictas res aut, si pulsus esset, tamen ultro inferendo arma contemptum sui dempturum. XXXVIII. Ne tamen subita res et nocturnus terror et iam non suae fortunae consilium perturbaret, adloquendos adhortandosque sibi milites ratus, " 2 contione advocata ita disseruit : Vel mea erga imperatores nostros vivos mortuosque pietas vel praesens omnium nostrum, milites, fortuna fidem cuivis facere potest mihi hoc imperium, ut amplum iudicio vestro, ita i*e ipsa grave ac sollicitum esse. 3 Quo enim tempore, nisi metus maerorem obstupe- faceret, vix ita compos mei essem ut aliqua solacia invenire aegro animo possem, cogor vestram omnium vicem, quod difficillimum in luctu est, unus consulere. 4 Et ne turn quidem, ubi quonam modo has reliquias duorum exei'cituum patriae consei'vare possim cogi-

482 BOOK XXV. xxwii. 15-XXXV111. 4 they thought they hiid halted for fear, and with fresh b.o. 212 contempt and at a slow pace they retired to their camp. There was just as much carelessness in guarding the camp. For, although the enemy was near, still they kept reflecting that it was only a remnant of the two armies wiped out a few days before. Since for this reason every precaution had been omitted on the enemy's side, JMarcius, informed of the facts, turned his attention to a plan at first sight reckless rather than bold, actually to attack the camp of the enemy, in the belief that it was easier to storm the camp of Hasdrubal alone than to defend his own, if the three armies and three generals should again unite. At the same time he thought that, if his efforts should prove successful, he would relieve his critical situation or, even if defeated, by venturing to attack he would at least take awav their contempt for himself. XXXMII. But for fear an unexpected action, and alarm in the night and a plan no longer in keeping with his present situation, might bring confusion, he thought he must address his soldiers and them, called an and encourage" assembly spoke as follows : Either my devotion to our commanders, living and dead, or the present situation of us all, soldiers, can convince any one that this high command, though a great honour as your tribute, is yet in fact a burden to me and an anxious cai'e. For at a time when,if fear did not paralyse grief, I should scarcely have such self-control as would enable me to find some comfort for distress of mind, I am compelled —a most difficult thing in sorroAv—alone to plan for all of you. And even when I must consider how I may be able to save these remnants of two armies

II 2 LIVY

A.u.o. tandum est, avertere animum ab assiduo maerore 5 licet.^ Praestoestenimacerbamemoria,etScipiones me ambo dies noctesque curis insomniisque agitant () et excitant saepe somno, neu se neu invictos per octo annos in his terris militcs suos, commilitones vestros,

neu rem publicam patiar inultam, et suam discipli- T nam suaque instituta sequi iubent et, ut imperiis vivorum nemo oboedientior me uno fuerit, ita post mortem suam, quod in quaque re facturos illos fuisse 8 maxime censeam, id optimum ducere. Vos quoque velim, milites, non lamentis lacrimisque tamquam extinctos prosequi—vivunt vigentque fama rerum — occurret memoria gestarum , sed, quotienscumque illorum, velut si adhoi'tantis signumque dantis 9 videatis eos, ita proelia inire. Nee alia profecto species hesterno die oblata oculis animisque vestris memorabile illud edidit proelium, quo documentum dedistis hostibus non cum Scipionibus extinctum esse 10 nomen Romanum et, cuius populi vis atque virtus non obruta sit Cannensi clade, ex omni profecto saevitia fortunae emersurum ^ esse. " 11 Nunc, quia tantum ausi estis sponte vestra,experiri -ibet quantum audeatis duce vestro auctore. Non enim hesterno die, cum signum receptui dedi sequenti- bus effuse vobis turbatum hostem, frangere audaciam vestram, sed differre in maiorem gloriam atque

licet Gronovius : libet P(l) Siemann. emeraurum xz : -akiii P(l) Madvig. 484 BOOK XXV. xxxviii. 4-1 1 for our country, I may not turn my thoughts away b.c. 212 from unremitting grief. For a bitter memory is present with me, and both Scipios trouble me all day and all night Avith anxiety and loss of sleep, and often arouse me from slumber, bidding me not to allow either themselves or their soldiers, your comrades, undefeated in this land for eight years,^ or the state, to go unavenged. And they command me to follow their teachings and their methods, and, just as Avhile they lived not a man was more obedient to their orders than I, so after their death to hold that to be the best course which in each case I am confident they would have done. As for you, soldiers, I would have you also honour them, not with lamenta- tions and tears as though dead. They live and work by the glory of their achievements. But whenever you shall remember them, just as if —you saAv them encouraging you and giving the signal, in that spirit would I have you go into battle. It was surely no other image which presented itself yesterday to your eyes and minds and brought about that notable battle, by which you gave the enemy proof that the Roman name has not been extinguished with the Scipios, and that the people whose might and courage were not overwhelmed by the disaster at Cannae will surely survive any cruelty of Fortune. " At pi'esent, because you have of your oaati accord shown such daring, I should like to find how much you have when your general gives the command. For yesterday, when I sounded the recall, as you in disorder were pursuing the routed enemy, it was not my wish to crush your boldness, but to reserve it for higher fame and a more favourable situation, that ^ Cf. xxxvi. 14 and note. 485 A.u.c. 12 opportunitatem volui, ut postmodo praeparati incautos, armati inermes atque etiam sopitos per ocoa- sionem adgrcdi possetis. Nee huius occasionis spem, milites, forte temere, sed ex re ipsa conceptam 13 habeo. A vobis quoque profecto si quis quaerat quonani modo pauci a multis, victi a victoribus castra tutati sitis, nihil aliud respondeatis quam id ipsum timentis vos omnia et operibus firmata habuisse et fuisse. Et ita se res 14 ipsos paratos instructosque facit minime habet : ad id quod ne timeatur fortuna tuti sunt homines, quia quod neglexeris incautum minus 15 atque apertum habeas. Nihil omnium nunc metuunt hostes quam ne, obsessi modo ipsi atque Audea- oppugnati. castra sua ulti'o oppugnemus. ausuros nos eo mus quod credi non potest ; ipso quod 16 difficillimum videtur facilius erit. Tertia vigilia noctis silenti agmine ducam vos. Exploratum habeo non vigiliarum ordinem, non stationes iustas 17 esse. Clamor in portis auditus et primus impetus somno castra ceperit. Tum inter torpidos paventis- que ad necopinatum tumultum et inermis in cubilibus vos hesterno suis oppressos ilia caedes edatur a qua 18 die revocatos aegre ferebatis. Scio audax videri et tenui fortissima consilium : sed in rebus asperis spe quaeque consilia tutissima sunt, quia, si in occasionis momento cuius praetervolat opportunitas cunctatus paulum fueris, nequiquam mox omissam quaeras. 19 Unus exercitus in propinquo est, duo haud procul

486 BOOK XXV. XXXVIII. 11-19 later, being well prepared and armed, you might be n.c. 212 able, as opportmiity offered, to attack the unprepared and unarmed, and even the sleeping. And not haphazard or at random do I cherish a hope of this oppor- tunitv, soldiers, but from the actual situation. You too, if someone should ask how you, a few men, have defended your camp against many, the vanquished against the victors, would surely give no other answer than that, feai-ing just that, you had kept everything in a state of defence and also had been in readiness yourselves and in line. And the fact is this : men are least protected against the thing which success leads them not to fear, since what one has made light of remains unguarded and uncovered. There is nothing in the world which the enemy now fear less than that we, who have ourselves just been beset and attacked, may venture to attack their camp. Let us dare what it is incredible that we should dare ; for the very reason that it appeal's most difficult it will be easier. In the third watch of the night I shall lead you in a silent column. I am assured that there is no relieving of sentries, no regular outposts. The sound of a shout at the gate and a first assault will at once capture the camp. Then, among men dazed with sleep and alarmed at the unexpected uproar and surprised unarmed in their beds, let there be the slaughter from which you were recalled yesterday under protest. I know it seems a bold plan. But in dangerous and desperate situations the bravest decisions are always the safest. For if at the opportune moment, whose advantage swiftly passes, one hesitates even a little, it is vain for one to look later for the neglected opportunity. One army is near, two not far away. If we attack now there is

487 LIVY

A.U.C. absunt. Nunc adgredientibus spes aliqua est, et 20 iam vestras temptastis atque illorum vires : si diem proferimus et hesternae eruptionis fama contemni desierimus, periculum est ne omnes duces, omnes copiae conveniant. Tres deinde duces, tres exercitus sustinebimus hostium quos Cn. Scipio incolumi 21 exercitu non sustinuit ? Ut dividendo copias periere duces nostri, ita separatim ac divisi opprimi possunt hostes. Alia belli gerendi via nulla est. Proinde nihil praeter noctis proximae opportunitatem 22 expectemus. Ite deis bene iuvantibus, corpora curate, ut integri vigentesque eodem animo in castra hostium inrumpatis quo vestra tutati estis." 23 Laeti et audiere ab novo duce novum consilium, et quo audacius erat magis placebat. Reliquum diei expediendis armis et curatione corporum con- et sumptum maior pars noctis quieti data est. Quarta vigilia movere. XXXIX. Erant ultra proxu- ma castra sex milium intervallo distantes ahae copiae Poenorum. \'alles cava intererat, condensa arbori- bus in huius ; silvae medio ferme spatio cohors 2 Romana arte Punica abditur et equites. Ita medio itinere intercepto ceterae copiae silenti agmine ad proximos hostis ductae et, cum statio nulla pro portis neque in vallo custodiae essent, velut in sua 3 castra nullo usquam obsistente penetravere. Inde signa canunt et tollitur clamor. Pars semisomnos 488 BOOK XXV. xxxviii. 19-XXXIX, 3 no little hope, and already you have tried your strength b.c. 212 and theirs. If we put off the day and owing to the report of yesterday's sally come to be no longer despised, there is danger that all the generals and all the forces may combine. Shall we then withstand the enemy's three generals, three armies, which Gnaeus Scipio with his army still undiminished did not withstand? Just as through dividing their forces our generals perished, so the enemy, if divided and in different places, can be overpowered. There is no other way of conducting the war. There- fore let us wait for nothing beyond the favourable moment to-night. Go with the kind aid of the gods, put yourselves in condition, that, sound and strong, you may burst into the camp of the enemy with the same spirit with which you defended yours." With joy they heard of the new plan from their new commander, and the bolder it was the more it pleased them. The rest of the day was spent in putting their arms in order and themselves in con- the of the was dition ; and larger part night given to rest. At the fourth watch they started. XXXIX. Beyond the nearest camp and at a distance of six miles from it were other forces of the Carthaginians. Between them there was a deep valley, densely wooded. About the middle of this wood a Roman cohort and cavalry were concealed after the Punic method. The road being thus cut off at the half-way, the rest of the forces were led in a silent column to the nearest enemy. And as there was no outpost before the gates nor sentinels on the earthwork, and no one anywhere opposed them, they made their way into the camp as if it were their own. Then the trumpets sound and a shout is raised. Some slay 489 LIVY

A-w-o- hostis caedunt, pars ignes casis stramento arido tectis iniciunt, pars portas occupant, ut fugam intercludant.

4 Hostes simul ignis, clamor, caedes velut alienatos sensibus nee audire nee providere quicquam sinunt. 5 Incidunt inermes inter catervas armatorum. Alii

ruunt ad portas, alii obsaeptis itineribus super vallum 6 saliunt ut ; et, quisque evaserat, protinus ad castra altera fugiunt, ubi ab cohorte et equitibus ex occulto procurrentibus circumventi caesique ad unum omnes 7 sunt etiamsi ex ea caede ; quamquam, quis efFugisset, adeo raptim a captis propioribus castris in altera transcursum castra ab Romanis est, ut praevenire 8 nuntius cladis non posset. Ibi vero, quo longius ab hoste aberant et quia sub lucem pabulatum liguatumque et praedatum quidam dilapsi fuerant, neglecta magis omnia ac soluta invenere, arma tantum in stationibus posita, milites inermes aut humi sedentes accubantesque aut obambulantes ante 9 vallum portasque. Cum his tarn securis solutisque Romani calentes adhuc ab recenti pugna ferocesque victoria proelium ineuiit. Itaque nequaquam resisti in intra concursu ex totis castris portis potuit ; portas ad primum clamorem et tumultum facto atrox proe- oritur ni cruenta scuta 10 lium ; diuque tenuisset, Romanorum visa indicium alterius cladis^ Poenis 11 atque inde pavorem iniecissent. Hie terror in fugam avertit omnis, effusique qua iter est, nisi quos 490 BOOK XXV. XXXIX. 3-1 1 the enemy half-asleep, some throw firebrands on b.c. 212 the dry, thatched huts, some seize the gates, to block escape. As for the enemy, fire, shouting andslaughter, all at once, make them virtually senseless and do not allow them to hear any orders or to look out for themselves. Unharmed they encounter bodies of armed men. Some rush to the gates, othei-s, since the roads are blocked, leap over the earthwork. And everyone who escaped fled at once in the direction of the other were surrounded camp ; whereupon they by the cohort and cavalry dashing out of their hiding- place and were slain to the last man. Yet, even if a man had escaped from that slaughter, so swiftly did the Romans hasten from the captured nearer camp to the other camp that news of the disaster could not anticipate them. But there, the farther it was from their enemy, and since some had scattered just before daylight to bring in fodder and firewood and booty, the more neglect and disorder did they find stacked arms at the everywhere ; only outposts, the soldiers unarmed, either sitting and lying on the ground or strolling outside the Avail and the gates. Against these men, so care-fi-ee and regardless of order, the Romans, who were still fired by their recent battle and made confident by victory, went into battle. And so no resistance whatever could be offered at the gates. Inside the gates there was a rush from every part of the camp at the first shouting and commotion, and a fierce battle began. It would have lasted long too, had not the sight of the Romans' bloody shields given the Carthaginians evidence of the other disaster and consequently inspired alarm. This terror made them all take to flight, and pouring out wherever a way could be found 491 LIVY

A.u.o. caedes oppressit, exuuntur castris. Ita nocte ac die bina castra hostium expugnata ^ ductu L. Marcii. 12 Ad triginta septem milia hostium caesa auctor est Claudius, qui annales Acilianos ex Graeco in Latinum sermonom vertit, captos ad mille octingentos triginta, 13 in ea fuisse praedam ingentem partam ; clipeum argenteum pondo centum triginta septem cum 14 imagine Barcini Hasdrubalis. Valerius Antias una castra Magonis capta tradit, septem milia caesa hostium altero ; proelio eruptione pugnatum cum Hasdrubale, decem milia occisa, quattuor milia 15 trecentos triginta captos. Piso quinque milia hominum, cum Mago cedentis nostros effuse sequeretur, 16 caesa ex insidiis scribit. Apud omnis magnum nomen Marcii ducis est et eius ; verae gloriae etiam miracula addunt, flammam ei contionanti fusam e capite sine ipsius sensu cum magno pavore circum- 17 stantium militum \ictoriae eius ; monimentumque de Poenis usque ad incensum Capitolium fuisse in templo clipeum, Marcium appellatum, cum imagine 18 Hasdrubalis.—Quietae deinde aliquamdiu in Hispa- nia res fuere, utrisque post tantas in vicem acceptas

^ exT^ngnata, z Conway : oppugnataP(l).

^ I.e. Q. Claudius Quadrigarius, who wrote in the time of Sulla. His history, in at least 23 books, began with the capture of the city by the Gauls. Acilius' Greek history of Rome had begun with the founding of the city. In 155 B.C. Acilius acted as interpreter when the three Greek philosophers, Carneades among them, appeared before the senate. 2 Valerius, a contemporary of Claudius, wrote a voluminous history from the founding of Rome in upwards of 75 books. Here bj- exception his figures for the enemy slain are very moderate, ^ L. Calpumius Piso Frugi, the annalist, was consul in 133 B.C. His work, here cited for the last time in the extant Livy, 492 BOOK XXV. xvxix. 11-18

—except those overtaken by the sword—they lost b.o. 212 possession of the camp. Thus in a night and a day two camps of the enemy were taken by assault under the command of Lucius Marcius. That about thirty-seven thousand of the enemy were slain is the statement of Claudius, '^ who translated Acilius' annals out of Greek into the Latin that language ; about one thousand eight hundred and thirty were captured and a vast amount of booty taken. And in this he says that there was a silver shield weighing a hundred and thirty-seven pounds, bearing the likeness of Hasdrubal Barca. \^alex-ius of Antium ^ relates that one camp was captured, that of Mago, and seven thousand of the enemy slain : that in a second battle they sallied out and fought with

Hasdrubal ; that ten thousand were slain, four ^ thousand three hundred and thirty captured. Piso states that five thousand men Avere slain from an ambush, while Mago was pursuing in disorder our retreating men. In all of them great is the name of Marcius the general. And to his real fame they add even marvels : that as he was speaking a flame burst from his head without his knowledge, causing great alarm among the soldiers who stood around him. They say that as a memorial of his victory over the Carthaginians, down to the burning of the Capitol there was in the temple a shield called the Marcian, bearing a likeness of Hasdrubal.'*—Thereafter the situation in Spain was quiet for a long time, since both sides, after receiving and inflicting such losses

probably consisted of seven books, beginning with the founding of the city. * PUny (X.H. XXXV. 14) says this shield hung above the door of the Capitoline temple until the fire of 84 B.C. 493 LIVY

A.u.c. inlatas(|ue clades cunctantibus periculum summae reruni lacei'e. XL. Dum haec in Hispania gerunlur, Marcellus captis Syracusis, cum cetera in Sicilia tanta fide atcpio intcgritate composuisset ut non modo suam gloriam sed etiam niaiestatem populi llomani augeret, ox-namenta urbis, signa tabulasque quibus abundabant Syracusae, Romam devexit, hostium 2 ilia et belli quidem spolia parta iure ; cetenim inde primum initium mirandi Graecarum artium opera ^ licentiaeque huius sacra profanaque omnia vulgo spoliandi factum est, quae postremo in Romanos deos, templum id ipsum primum quod a Marcello 3 eximie ornatum est, vertit. Visebantur enim ab externis ad portam Capenam dedicata a M. Mar- cello templa propter excellentia eius generis orna- menta, quorum perexigua pars comparet. 4 Legationes omnium ferme civitatium Siciliae ad eum conveniebant. Dispar ut causa earum, ita condicio erat. Qui ante captas Syracusas aut non desciverant aut redierant in amicitiam, ut socii ndeles accepti cultique ; quos metus post captas Syracusas dediderat, ut victi a victore leges accepe- 5 runt. Erant tamen haud parvae reliquiae belli circa Agrigentum Romanis, Epicydes et Hanno, duces reliqui prioris belli, et tertius novus ab Hanni-

* huius Ussing, Conway : huic P(2) : hinc A Walters.

1 The Temples of Honos and Virtus were outside the gate, on the Appian Way; XXVI. xxxii. 4; XXVII. xxv. 7-9; Plutarch, Marcellus 28. Dedicated in 205 B.C. by Marcellus' son XXIX. xi. 13. In the of ; Temple Virtus stood the famous sphaera (orrery) of Archimedes; Cicero de Be Publica I. 21. 494 BOOK XXV. XXXIX. 18-XL. 5 upon each other, hesitated to risk a decisive engage- bc. 212 ment. XL. While these things were being done in Spain, it is true that Marcellus, after the capture of Syracuse, had settled matters in general in Sicily with such conscientiousness and honesty that he added not only to his own fame, but also to the dignity of the Roman people. But as regards the adornments of the city, the statues and paintings which Syracuse possessed in abundance, he carried them away to Rome. They were spoils of the enemy, to be sure, and acquired by right of war. Yet from that came the very beginning of enthusiasm for Greek works of art and consequently of this general licence to despoil all kinds of buildings, sacred and profane, a licence which finally turned against Roman gods, and first of all against the very temple which was magnificently adorned by Marcellus. For temples dedicated by Marcus Marcellus near the Porta Capena ^ used to be visited by foreigners on account of their remarkable adornments of that kind ; but of these a very small part is still to be seen. Embassies from nearly all the states in Sicily kept coming to him. As their pleas were different, so was their status. Those who before the capture of Syracuse either had not rebelled or had returned to friendly relations were admitted and honoiu*ed as faithful allies. Those whom fear had led to surrender after the capture of Syracuse, as vanquished received terms from the victor. There was left to the Romans, however, no small remainder of the war around Agrigentum, namely, Epicydes and Hanno, the sur\iving commanders in the previous war, and a third new general sent by Hannibal in place of 495 LIVY

^^^^ "^ locum ^542'* Hippocratis missus, Libyphoenicum generis Hippacritanus—Muttinen populares vocabant— vir ct , inpiger sub Hannibale magistro omnis 6 belli artes edoctus. Huic ab Epicyde et Hannone Numidae dati auxiliares, cum quibus ita pervagatus est hostium agros, ita socios ad x'etinendos in fide animos eorum ferendo in tempore cuique auxilium 7 adiit ut brevi tempore totam Siciliam impleret nominis sui, nee spes alia maior apud faventis rebus 8 Carthaginiensium esset. Itaque inclusi ad id tempus moenibus Agrigenti dux Poenus Syracusanus- que, non consilio Muttinis quam fiducia magis ausi egredi extra muros ad Himeram amnem posuerunt 9 castra. Quod ubi perlatum ad Marcellum est, extemplo copias movit et ab hoste quattuor ferme milium intervallo consedit, quid agerent pararentve 10 expectaturus. Sed nullum neque locum neque tempus cunctationi consiliove dedit Muttines, transgressus amnem ac stationibus hostium cum ingenti 11 terrore ac tumultu invectus. Postero die prope iusto proelio compulit hostis intra munimenta. Inde revocatus seditione Numidarum in castris facta, cum trecenti ferme eorum Heracleam Minoam con- cessissent, ad mitigandos revocandosque eos profectus magno opere monuisse duces dicitur ne 12 absente se cum hoste manus consererent. Id ambo aegre passi duces, magis Hanno, iam ante anxius gloria eius : Muttinem sibi modum facere, degene-

^ I.e. Hippo Diarrhytus, northwest of Utica, on the coast. 496 BOOK XXV. XL. 5-12

Hippocrates. He was of Libyphoenician race, from b.o. 212 Hippacra,^ and called Muttines by his countrymen, a man of energy who under Hannibal's teaching had mastered all the arts of war. He was furnished by Epicydes and Hanno with Niunidian auxiliaries, with which he so thoroughly scoured the enemy's lands and sought out allies, in order to retain their loyalty by lending aid to each man at the right moment, that in a short time he filled all Sicily with his name and was the highest hope of those support- ing the Carthaginian cause. And so, after being confined until then within the walls of Agrigentum, the Carthaginian general and the Syracusan, em- boldened not more by the advice of Muttines than by their confidence in him to go outside the walls, pitched their camp by the river Himera. When news of this reached Marcellus, he at once set his troops in motion and established himself at a distance of about four miles from the enemy, to wait and see what they were doing or intending. But Muttines gave no occasion or time for hesitation, or for a plan of action ; for he crossed the river and attacked the outposts of the enemy, causing great alarm and confusion. The next day by an engagement almost in regular form he drove the enemy inside their fortifications. Then he Avas recalled by a mutiny of the Numidians breaking out in the camp, after about three hundred of them had retired to Heraclea Minoa. On leaving, to pacify and recall these men, he is said to have expressly warned the generals not to engage the enemy in his absence. At that both generals were indignant, especially Hanno, already uneasy because of the man's fame. To think that Muttines, a degenerate African, should set a limit 497 VOL. VT. K K I.IVY

A.u.c. rem Afrum imperatori Carthaginiensi misso ab

13 senatu populoque ! Is pei-pulit cunctantem Epi-

exirent : nam cyden iit transgressi flunien in aciem si Muttinem opperirentur. et secunda pugnae fortuna evenisset, hand dubie Muttinis gloriam fore. XLI. Enimvcro indignuni ratus Marcellus se, qui Hannibalem subnixum victoria Cannensi ab Nola se hostibus reppulisset, his terra marique victis ab cedei-e, arma propere capere milites et efFerri signa 2 iubet. Instruenti ^ exercitum decern efFusis equis advolant ex hostium acie Numidae nuntiantes populares suos, primum ea seditione motos qua 3 trecenti ex numei'o sue concesserint Heracleam, dein quod praefectum suum ab obtrectantibus ducibus gloriae eius sub ipsam certaminis diem ablegatum 4 videant, quieturos in pugna. Gens fallax promissi crevit animus fidem praestitit. Itaque et Romanis nuntio celeri per ordines misso, destitutum ab equite 5 hostem esse, quem maxime timuerant, et territi hostes, praeterquam quod maxima parte virium suarum non iuvabantur, timore etiam incusso, ne

6 ab suomet ipsi equite oppugnarentur. Itaque baud res ^ fuit clamor magni certaminis ; primus atque inpetus rem decrevit. Numidae cum in concui'su dantis suos quieti stetissent in cornibus, ut terga viderunt, fugae tantum parumper comites facti,

^ instruenti 6Vonoi;ms : -te P{1). 2 res Conway: om. P{\) : proclium or res [after fuit) Weissenborn.

498 BOOK XXV. XL. i2-.\Li. 6 for liim, a Carthaginian commander, sent by senate b.o. 212 and people ! He prevailed upon the hesitating Epicydes to cross the river and form their battle- line. For if they should wait for Muttines and the fortune of battle should favour, the glory, he said, would unquestionably f;ill to Muttines. XLI. Marcellus, thinking it was a veritable out- rage for him, a man who had driven Hannibal, backed by his victory at Cannae, from Nola, to yield to these enemies whom he had himself defeated on land and sea, ordered his soldiers to take up their arms in haste and the standard-bearers to set out. As he was drawing up his army, ten Numidians rode out of the enemy's ranks and at full speed up to him, reporting that their countrymen were aroused, first by the mutiny in which three himdred of their number had retired to Heraclea, and then by seeing their commander sent away just on the eve of battle by generals who belittled his reputation, and that in the fight they would remain inactive. A deceitful race kept its promise faithfully. And so the Romans' spirits rose when the message was sent swiftly through the ranks that the enemy had been deserted by his cavalry, which they had particularly dreaded; at the same time the enemy were terrified not only because they were having no help from the largest part of their forces, but also by the fear thus aroused that they might themselves be attacked by their own it was cavalry. Accordingly no great struggle ; the first shout, the first onset, decided the matter. The Numidians, having remained motionless on the wings at the beginning of the battle, seeing their men retreating, shared only the flight with them for a short time. When they saw them all making for 499 K k2 LIVY (

"^ omnes ^ut postquam Agrigentum trepido agmine petentes viderunt, ipsi metu obsidionis passim in civitatis proxumas dilapsi. Multa milia hominum caesa, capta . . .^ et octo elephanti. Haec ultima in Sicilia Marcelli fuit victor inde pugna ; Syracusas rediit. 8 lam ferme in exitu annus erat ; itaque senatus Romae decrevit ut P. Cornelius praetor litteras Ca- 9 ad eonsules puam mitteret, dum Hannibal procul abesset nee ulla magni discriminis res ad Capuam gereretur, alter eorum, si ita videretur, ad magistratus 10 subrogandos Romam veniret. Litteris acceptis inter se eonsules compararunt ut Claudius comitia per- il ficeret, Fulvius ad Capuam maneret. Consules Claudius creavit Cn. Fulvium Centumalum et P. Sulpicium Servii filium Galbam, qui nullum antea 12 curulem magistratum gessisset. Praetores deinde creati L. Cornelius Lentulus, M. Cornelius Cethegus, 13 C. Sulpicius, C. Calpurnius Piso.^ Pisoni iuris dictio urbana, Sulpicio Sicilia, Cethego Apulia, Lentulo Sardinia evenit. Consulibus prorogatum in annum imperium est.

^ Perhaps sex milia {i.e. vi) Madvig. ^ Names in this sentence are in part restored by Aldus and Sigonius. P(\) omit L. Cornelius Lentulus (13 and XXVI. i. and M. 11) (ii. 2), also C, Calpurnius (XXVI. iii. 9).

500 BOOK XXV. xLi. 7-13

Agrigentum in a panic-stricken column, they them- b.o. 212 selves scattered in every direction to the neighbouring cities, fearing a siege. Many thousand men were slain . . . thousand captured, also eight elephants. last battle in from it he This was Marcellus' Sicily ; returned as victor to Syracuse. ^y this time the year was neai-ly at an end. Accord- ingly the senate at Rome decreed that Publius Cornelius, the praetor, should send a letter to the consuls at Capua, saying that, while Hannibal was far away and there was no decisive action around Capua, one of them, if they thought it best, should come to Rome for the replacement of magistrates. On receiving the letter the consuls an-anged between them that Claudius should conduct the elections, and Fulvius remain near Capua. For the consulship Claudius announced the election of Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus and Publius Sulpicius Galba, son of Servius, although he had previously held no curule office. As praetors the following were then elected : Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, Marcus Cornelius Ce- thegus, Gaius Sulpicius, Gaius Calpurnius Piso. The duties of the city praetor fell to Piso,^ Sicily to Sulpicius, Apulia to Cethegus, Sardinia to Lentulus. As for the consuls, their military authority was continued for one year.

^ Evidently the duties of the praetor peregrinus also were assigned to the praetor urbanus, as for the two preceding years ; cf. notes on i. 11 and iii. 2.

f SOX LIBRI XXV PERIOCHA

P. CoRXELius SciPio, postca Africanus, ante annos aedilis factus. Hannibal urbcm Tarenton praeter arcem, in quam praesidium Roraanorum fugerat, per Tarentinos iuvencs, qui se noctu venatum ire simulaverant, cepit. Ludi ApoUinarcs ex Marcii carminibus, quibus Cannensis clades praedicta fuerat, instituti sunt. A Q. Fulvio et Ap. Claudio consulibus adversus Hannonem Poenorum ducem prospere pugnatum est. Tib. Sempronius Gracchus proconsul, ab hospite suo Lucano in insidias dcductus, a Magone interfectus est. Centenius Paenula, qui centurio rnilitaverat, cum petisset a senatu ut sibi exercitus daretur, pollicitusque esset, si hoc impetrasset, de Hannibale victoriam, VIII acceptis militum dux factus conflixit acie cum Hannibale et cum exercitu caesus est. Capua obsessa est a Q. Fulvio et Ap. Claudio consulibus. Cn. Fulvius praetor male adversus Hannibalem pugnavit, in ^ quo proelio XX hominum ceciderunt; ipse cum equitibus ducentis effugit. Claudius Marcellus Syracusas expugnavit tertio amio et ingentem se virura gessit. In eo tumultu captae urbis Archimedes intentus formis quas in pulvere descripserat interfectus est. P. et Cn. Scipiones in Hispania tot rerum feliciter gestarum tristem exituni tulerunt, prope cum totis exercitibus caesi anno octavo cjuam in Hispaniam ierunt. Amissaque eius provinciae possessio foret, nisi L. Marcii equitis Romani virtute et industria contractis exercituum reliquiis eiusdem hortatu bina castra hostium expugnata essent. Ad XXVII - caesa, ad^ miUe octingentos, praeda ingens capta. Dux Marcius appellatus est.

^ This should be XVI : c/. xxi. 10. ^ An error for XXXVII • c/. xxxix. 12. ^ For ad {Sigonius) the MSS. have ex.

502 SUMMARY OF BOOK XXV

PuBLius Cornelius Scirio, later Africanus, was made aedile before the legal age. Hannibal, with the aid of young Tarentines who had pretended that they were going hunting at night, captured the city of Tarentum, except the citadel, to which the Roman garrison had fled. The Ludi ApoUinares were established in accordance with the oracles of Marcius, in which the disaster at Cannae had been predicted. A successful battle was fought by Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, the consuls, against Hanno, a general of the Carthaginians. Tiberius Serapronius Gracchus, the proconsul, was led into an ambuscade by his Lucanian guest-friend and slain by Mago. Centenius Paenula. who had served as a centurion, after begging the senate to give him an army and promising a victory over Hannibal if he gamed his request, received eight thousand soldiers, was made commander, engaged Hannibal in battle-line, and with his army was slain. Capua was besieged by Quint us Fulvius and Appius Claudius, the consuls. Gnaeus Fulvius, a praetor, was defeated in a battle with Hannibal in which twenty thousand men fell. Fulvius himself escaped with two hundred horsemen. Claudius Marcellus took Syracuse after two years and bore himself as a great man. In that uproar of the captured city Archimedes, while intent upon the figures he had traced in the dust, Avas slain. Publius and Gnaeus Scipio in Spain met with an uiihappy end of their many successes, being slain with almost their entire armies in the eighth year after they went to Spain. And possession of that province would have been lost, had not the remnants of the armies been brought together by the bravery and activity of Lucius Marcius, a Roman knight, and with his encouragement two camps of the enemy been taken by storm. About twenty-seven thousand were slain, about one thousand eight hundred men and vast booty captured. Marcius was named commander.

APPENDIX

THE TOPOGRAPHY OF SYRACUSE

Syracuse is the extreme example of a Greek city walls for whose military reasons, and probably for" I ' no other reasons, enclosed a vastly larger space than was required by the actual size of the city. Other were Croton examples Priene, Ephesus, Samos, ; also a number of small and little-known cities in Aetolia and Acarnania.^ In such cases the desire to include some commanding height or heights in dangerous proximity to the city led to a conspicuous enlargement of the walled circuit. For Syracuse no other motive accounts for the Wall of Dionysius, enclosing the great triangular plateau to the north and northwest of the city. Military operations on this elevation during the siege by the Athenian army the (414-413 B.C.) had only confirmed obvious, that it was essential to prevent any invader from estab- lishing himself on heights so near the city. Diony- sius accordingly extended the city walls so as to enclose the entire triangle, from its apex to the west, at his fortress of Euryalus, all the way to its M-ide base close to the Ionian Sea, i.e. a distance of 3| miles.

^ Cf. von Gerkan, Griechische Stadteanlagen, 1924, ]}. 110; Noack, in Archdologischer Anzeiger, 1916, 215 f. APPENDIX

Thenceforward the entire circuit of the walls of Syracuse amounted to 17 miles (English) or 27 km., about 7 km. (4i miles) more than the Walls of Aurelian at or Rome, about 9 km. (5| miles) more than the walls of Alexandria. No one now believes that at Syracuse the height of its prosperity had so immense a population. The tendency of recent estimates is in the opposite direction, due account being taken of the agricultural basis on which that prosperity rested, and of the constant practice of employing mercenaries, so that previous estimates based upon the strength of the army are to be discarded.^ Maps produced at the beginning of the XVIIth show the century entire plateau occupied by streets, houses and other buildings, of which no trace can be found. They make Epipolae, the Heights, an inhabited quarter, though nowhere mentioned as such in our sources. They have Achradina stretch- to the ing away northern Wall of Dionysius, quite three miles from the southern limit of the same on the Porto Grande and quarter ; Tycha just inside the same north wall and near the Hexapylon. In these also are they unsupported by ancient authority. From these highly imaginative sheets of Mirabella and Cluver have descended the maps in all of our in histories atlases, (e.g. Freeman), in special works on Syracuse, in editions of Thucydides, Cicero's J errifles and " Livy. There is no doubt that the population of Syracuse never filled up anything like the whole space enclosed by the walls of Dionj'sius." So wcote Haver- ^ Cf. von Gerkan in Deutsche Litteraturzeitunq, 1933, Sp.^ 1403. 506 APPENDIX field fifty years ago.^ Visitors, more and more numerous, have had steadily increasing doubts with regard to the possibiUty that Epipolae could ever have been more than very sparsely inhabited. No one who stands on the ruins of Euryalus and looks down the length and breadth of that vast isosceles triangle, with its base (two miles long from north to south) almost reaching the sea, will be easily persuaded that even scattered villas occupied so barren and rockv a soil. This scepticism, shared by such a master as Orsi, has culminated in the studies of the historian, Pro- fessor Knud Fabricius, of the University of Copen- hagen, pul)lished in his Das antike Si/rakus (Klio, Beiheft XXVIII. 1932), with illustrations and a map. A model of clear-cut method, this work shows con- clusively that Epipolae was never in ancient times reckoned one of the of the that the quarters city ; real to the south of the that the city lay plateau ; latter was fortified, not for its own sake, but to ensure the city against attack from higher ground near that it becomes to dangei'ouslv ; necessary revise our maps, to show Tycha and Achradina on the lower level south of the quarries. Epipolae, frequently mentioned by Thucydides, was to his mind a VI. xcvi f. simply" height" (e.g. ; VII. and his outer VI. cer- iv), city (?; Ifw, iii) tainly did not extend so far from Ortygia. Livy mentions Epipolae in a single chapter (XXW xxiv), calling it at first merely a locus (§ 4), then a pars urhis but this does not that he classed (§ 5) ; prove it vdth the quarters named, probably after Timaeus, by Cicero in his list of four tirbes (Insula, Achradina,

^ Classical Reimiv, 1889, p. 111. f, APPENDIX

Tycha, Neapolis—in Verrem IV. 119).^ For as the walls belong to Syracuse, any place inside the walls is in a loose sense a pars urbis.^ To be sure, when Marcellus has forced the Hexapylon (xxiv. § 7), we read ovmihus copiis urhem ingressus, but only the outer works can be meant, for it is from the high ground of Epipolae that he has an unobstructed view of the city itself in the distance (§ 11; of. Plutarch, Marcellus 19. 1). Fabricius's demonstration that the heights were almost unoccupied has been completely approved by such competent authorities as von Gerkan (in Deutsche Litteraturzeitung, 1933, Sp. 1404-07) and

Ian Richmond {Classical Review, 1933, pp. 16 f.), both of whom are experts on city walls in ancient times also Libertini Mondo ; by (Jl Classico, 1934, pp. 29 ff.). If, then, there were no inhabited quarters on the plateau it becomes necessary to remove Tycha from a position near the Hexapylon assigned to it by tradition since the Renaissance. The topographers have thought that that gate admitted one directly to this quarter, and hence placed Tycha just inside the northern Wall of Dionysius, adjoining Achradina, as they believed, on the east and Epipolae on the south and west. If Livy, however, is correct (XXV. xxiv. 4) the six-fold gate did not give entrance to Tycha but to Epipolae, and nothing proves that Tycha

1 Strabo's nevTairoXis (VI. ii. 4) does not necessarily include Epipolae, for he may have listed Teraenites in addition to Neapolis. If he did mean Epipolae it does not follow that he really thought of it as a built-up quarter. ^ Cf. XXV. XXV. 2, where Euryalus is in extrema parte urbis—too literally interpreted by tlie mapmakers. 508 APPENDIX was anywhere near the gate. No archaeological evidence supports the supposition that this quarter (a populous section according to Cicero, I.e., with several temples and a gymnasium) was more than two miles from the centre of the city, or even on the plateau at all. The most that we can be said to know is that those who entered Dionysius' Hexa- pylon came to Tycha before they could reach the gates of Achradina (XXIV. xxi. 7). No clue is given as to the distance, nor does Thucydides even mention Tycha. A further consequence of Fabricius's demonstration that no quarters of the city were on the plateau is the necessary reduction—a great reduction—in the area assigned to Achradina. Haverfield seems to have been the first to that Achradina was " suggest the lower between and merely " ground Ortygia" This view abandoned Epipolae " (I.e.). upper Achradina (a modern term), extending northward to the sea near Livy's Portus Trogilorum (Trogilos), and no opinion was expressed as to the situation of a northern wall for the diminished quarter. Prob- ably Haverfield would have looked for such a line of defence just above the series of quarries (Q, Q on our map). Fabricius accepts this reduction in principle, but brings the northern limit of Achradina still further south. For it is to the 7iorth of Achradina, and extending only as far as the quarries, that he finds a place for Tycha, thus made to adjoin NeapoUs on the west. Both of these quarters directly adjoined" Achradina, which Plutarch describes as the most beautiful and -. strongest," largest part," adding that it had been fortified on the side towards the I 509 APPENDIX outer one of which call and city, "part they Neapolis, another Tyche [Marcellus, L.C.L., by Pen-in, 18. 4). This wall the named has separating quarters just " been understood to mean the so-called Wall of " Gelon (this unwarranted name only since 1839). Fabricius has that it is not a wall But (p. 14) shown ; that it shows no signs of ever having been prolonged its to north or south of 700 metres ; that it was, in fact, a quarry. Hence nothing survives to indicate that Achradina was vastly larger than the three other quarters, or that Tycha lay to the tvest of any pai't of it. The new position assigned by the Danish scholar to Tycha, i.e. directly north of a much-diminished Achradina, has been accepted on our map, not without some hesitation. Difficulties remain in account- ing for the complete disappearance both of the north wall of Tycha, perhaps just above the latomie, and of another more or less parallel wall, still stronger, which separated these two quarters from each other, at a distance of perhaps half a mile south of the quarries. But any other position for Tycha involves greater difficulties. Further studies will probably bring confii-mation of the main proposition, and it must be at once granted that a long step in advance has been taken by Professor Fabricius.^

^ Hochholzer's Zur Geographie des antiken Syrakus {Klio, 1936, pp. 164 fF.) agrees substantially with Fabricius, not without some confusion, and adds little to our purpose.

510 INDEX OF NAMES

{TIte References are to Pages)

464 ACERRAE, 54, 56 (bis) ; Acerrani, 56, 64 Amtorgis, 462, Achaia, 39S Anapus, 290 Achradiiia (Syracuse), 242, 244 (bis), Anicius, JI., 68 246, 248, 256, 278 (bis), 282 (bis), Aniu, 198; Aniensis tribus, 190, 202 434 (bis), 436 (bis), 440 (bis), 446, Antistius, L., 134 454 (bis), 456 (ler), 458 (ter) Apollo, 384, 386 (ter); Pythius, 32; 34 ludi Aciliani anuales, 492 ara Apollinis, ; Apollinares, Acrae, 288 386 302 306 Acrillae, 288 Apollonia, (bis), ; Apollouiates Acuca, 238 (-tae), 304 (bis) Adranodoras, 186, 188 (bis), 190, 194, ApoUonides, 264 242 (his), 244 (ter), 246, 248, 252 Apulia, 2, 76. 84, 86, 112, 114, 1.5(5, (bis), 254 (ter), 256, 258, 260 158, 162, 184, 206, 208, 240, 316, Aecae, 236 326, 346, 420, 500; Apuli, 34, 236, Aegates insulae, 40 420 Aclius Paetus, Q. (pontifex), 72 Apustius, L., 132 (bis) Aeniilius, M. (praetor, 216 B.C.), 68 Archimedes, 282, 284, 286, 460 Aemilius Lepidus, M. (consul, 232 B.C. Ardaneae, 238 456 and about 220), 102 ; his sons, Arethusa fons, (bis)

ibid. ; Aemilius Lepidus, M. (praetor, Argivus, 384, 436 213 B.C.), 314 (bis), 342, 346, 348, Aricia, 316 384 Ariminum, 314 B.C. Aemilius Papus, L. (consul, 225 ; Aristo, 252 censor, 220 B.C.), 72 Aristomachus, 180 (bis), 184 (bis) Aemilius Paulus, L. (consul, 219 and Arpi, 156, 184, 212 (bis), 318 (bis), 320, 216 B.C.), 72 (bis), 76 (bis), 154, 210 322, 326, 396: Arpiai. 324 Aemilius 198 324 Regillus, M., 196, (quinqiiies) ; praetor Arpinus, Aequimaelium, 328 Ascua, 90 Aetoli, 430 Atellanus, 232 Africa, 14, 16 (bis), 46, 70, 86, 102, Atbenienses, 436, 452 140 (bis), 156, 200 (bis), 290, 324, Atilius, C, 72; Atilius, L., 176; 328, 332 (bis), 340, 446 (bis), Atilius, M., 72 448; Airi, 96 (bis); Afer, 498; Atilius Regulus, M. (consul, 227 and 217 censor 214 collective, 98 ; Alricanus (Scipio), B.C.; B.C.), 72, 210, 344 312 (bis); Atilius Regulus, M. Agrigeutum, 288 (bis), 300, 42», 448, (praetor, 213 B.C.), 314 (bis) 494, 496, 500 Atinius, M, 398 (bis), 400 (bis) Albanus mons, 364 Atrinum, 326 Alexandria, 32, 258 Attalus, 430 Allia, 360 (bis) Aurelius, C, 54 Alpes, 94, 114, 152 Aurelius Cotta, M. (aedile, 216 B.C.), 316 424 Amitemum, 102, f INDEX OF NAMES

Aurini, 310 410; luxuria, -^qfl- Austicula, 134 152; res ' equit^s 106 Aventinus, 226 Campani. ;' castra Averui 212 Campana, 124 lacus, (bis), 238 Canna amnis, 384 (bis) Canaae, 14, 34, Badius, 410 (tcr), 412 414 40, 48, 60, 104 144 (bis), (ler) 154 Baleares 146, 148, (ter), 164 192 202 insulao, 120. 138 ' 140 Bautius, L., 48 Barciua db4 d76 Cannenais factio, 36; familia, 42- aciea, 62, 360; Barcinus, 464, 492 ^^tl'J\Y\^^' ^^2, 104 318 Beneventum, 212, 21C, 224 226 2^2 in!" o.?n' ,^?'' ''24. 484; excrcitus (*")• 392!' 394,' 36 ^"^.=''«-': P^^^'^.Z 400400- rl'\' fa'o 396.' 58 ?2'o;'j'^^*'= (bis), 402; Beneventani, 224 498fqs-V '^"a.84; victoria dSb, 410; Beneventanus , Oamiense proelium, 50 agcr, 408, Canusuun, 12 Bigerra, 308 Capena porta, 110, 494 Capitolium, 74, 104. 106 119 '>c\± Blanda, 236 ' 206, ' "'*' Blossius, Marius, 20. 22 ^ 342,'350; 364,'492 Boii, 82 Capua, 4, 6, 18, 22, 28 (bis) 30 (ter^ 290 M, 44, 48, 56 Is, 60,^^' ^°Â''fA}^^ ^'''*>' (bis), 440, Alibis), 444, 446 (quater), 448 Bostar, 116 }^K^''i-^^ 1^*^' "«' 210 (6w) 212 Bovianum, 390 326 (6t.), 388 ?qo^'390 396-fcf^^V^ê. a^), («^), 400, 402, 416 208, 214, 414, ^T3"8'*'3oT'42?'' r''- ?-°^ (bis), 418, 420, 424 (Quater'\ 42fi 302, 42G ; ^^^ Brundislnus portus, 428 '^^^ ^d8, 0^), (6t.), 500 («^{' Carales, 136, 138 (6u), 140 142 Oarmentalis 364 146, 156, 174 (qualer),n% 178 porta, 326, ISO 30, 92 (bis), (ter), U2(bis),lAis) ^^<^^^?i.^^' 34, (bis), 110 120, 138, 142, 146, 192 (6i/V 200 286 404, oruttius 396, 428, 444 (tu)!' l^\ (collective), 178, 220-' ager Bruttius, 340 Oartbagimenses, 38, 68, 84 88 94 f*"). 116. 128, 166, 174, 188,206,264 Oaeotjus 290. 296, Metellus, M. (tribune, ?0?V.^•^^'308 If?' 298, SOe! 312, 326, 328 330 Mpti^^-Â P^^ 2^2; Caecilius (6j;s),332 (bis), Metellus, Q. 206 (bis), (bis), 348 368 (bisi 3qs (consul, B.C.),'' 72 Caiatia, 46 466 480 Caieta (possibly), 316 496; Carthagiii-ensis Calabria, 116, 210, 302 (collective), 326; ager Oartha-

• gimensis, 140; Calavius, Pacuvius, 4, 8, 10, 22 24 hostis, 330- his 24 '>>>*, imperator, 498; son, populus, 192, 196;'' Cales 104 Oarthagimenses (bis), 126, 206, « " legiones,,00-,332 216,» 320;1 nobiles, 138 Caleni legati, 320 42 Callo, 190 Carthalo, (possibly), 410 Calor, 216, 408, 410 %''^o"'^^^- .("*«"^. 212 B.C.), 350, Calpurnius Piso, G. 211 'p- ^"^•''""^' 212 (praetor, B.C.), Bx.j, 500; Calpurnius Piso 3^o':rir' Prugi L ' Carvilius (historian; 133 B.c Maximua, Sp. (cotw;/?, 293 co?wu/, ) 49'' and -272 2*5' B.C.), 204; CarVilius i^r^l^; i'^' ^«> 56, 106, 114, 118, 174, 212, x™*^' ^P- (con««/, 234 and. 228 390; Campaiii, 6, 12 B C (et passim) ; Campanus (collective), Casilinum 46 (bis), 56 58 Inn' Campanus, 2, 158, 162 (quater), 400 nf" 62, 64 (f«-), 68 410; c.vis 18, 20; exercitus (ifT), 66, (bis), 74 122 populus, 106 12, ; praetor, 20 216,232,234(j^/er),'236(6w),4li; senatus, 120; defectio Campana; Castrum 306 5" Album, INDEX OF NAMES

Castulo, 308 Cornelius Lentulus, L. praetor, Caudinae Furculac, 360; Caudinac 211 B.C.), 344, 500; Cornelius legiones, 360 Lentukzs, P. (praetor, 214 B.C.), 202, Caudini, v. Samnites 206, 212, 316, .348, 356 (bis) Celtiberi, 334 (ftii), 462, 464 ('jualer) Cornelius JIammula, A. (propraetor, Centenius Paenula, M., 416, 422 216 B.C.), 70, 72, 110, 118 Ceres, 296 Cornelius Scipio Calvus, Cn. (consul, Clialbus, 88 222 B.C.), 86, 100, 162, .306, 308 (ter), Claudiana Castra, 104 (bis), 136, 162, 310, 328, 348, 464 (bis), 466, 472 424 (bis), 476 (ter), 478, 488 Claudius Asellus, 158 (fer), 160 {ter), Cornelius Scipio, P. (consul, 218 B.C.), 198 86, 100, 162, 306, 308, 328, SiH, Claudius Cento, C. (consul, 240 B.C.; 464 (bis), 466 (bis), 468, 470, 476, censor, 225), 344 478 ; Cornelius Selpio (Africanus), P. Claudius Marcellus, M. (consul, 222, (consul, 205, 194 B.C. ; censor, 214, 210, 208 B.C.), 44, 46, 48, 50 199), 344 (bis), 52 (bis), 54 (bis), 64, 78, 84 Cornelius Sulla, P. (praetor, 212 B.C.), (bis), 104 (bis), 106 (qmter), 108 344, 346, 384, 396, 416, 424, 426, (fer), 136, 142, 144, 148 (bis), 218, 500 228, 234 (ler), 236, 238, 240, 262 (bis), Cornus, 136. 140 266, 26S, 274, 282, 286, 288, 290 Oretenses, 272, 274 (bis), 294, 300 (bis), 312, 314, 348, Grito, 134 356 (ter), 358, 362, 364, 428, 430 Croto(n), 100, 178 (ler), 180 (bis), 182, (bis), 432, 434 (bis), 436 (bis), 438 184; Crotouiatae (-tes), 182 (bis), (ter), 440 (bis), 442 (bis), 444, 446, 184 448 (ter), 452 (bis), 454, 456 (qualer), Cumae, 48, 124, 126 (quater), 130 (ter), 458 (ter), 460, 494 (ter), 498, 500; 152, 162, 364; Cumani, 106, 120 Claudius Marcellus, M. (aedile (bis), 122 (bis); ager Cumanus, 216 B.C.), 102 126, 214, 416; res Oumaua, 120; 2o7 B.C. Claudius Nero, C. (consul, ; Cumanus senatus, 120 censor, 204), 226 (bis), 228, 344, Cyrenae, 30 346 (bis), 424 Claudius Pulcher, Ap. (consul, 212 Dam A RATA, 246, 256 B.C.), 6, 80, 104 (bis), 142 (bis), 178, Damipnus, 430 192, 196, 262 (ter), 266, 270, 280, Dasius Altinius, 318, 320, 322 290, 300, 344, 346, 394, 416 (ter), Decius, V. Magius 424, 500 (bis) Decius Mus, P. (consul IV, 295 B.C.), Claudius Quadrigarius, Q. (historian), 204 492 Delphi, 32 Coelius Antipater (historian), 18 Diana, 430 Combulteria, 134 Dinomenes, 194 (ter), 248, 270 Comlnium Ocritum. 394 Diomedis campus, 384 (bis) Compsa, 2, 236 DionTsius, tyrant of Syracuse, 182, Concordia, temple of (Rome, in arce), 188, 246

72 ; altar of (Syracuse), 244, 246 Conpulteria, 236 EpICYDES, 190, 194, 250, 252, 260, 266 272 Consentia, 100 ; Consentini, 340 262, (bis), 268, 270, (ter), Cornelius Calussa, P. (pontijex maximus 276, 278 (bis), 280 (bis), 288, 430 before 304 B.C.), 354 (bis), 432, 434, 436, 440 (quater), Cornelius Cethegus, M. (censor, 209 442, 446, 448 (quater), 450 (bis), B.C.; consul, 204), 344 (bis), 354, 452, 494, 496; Epicydes Sindon, 500 448 Cornelius Lentulus, Cn. (co7isul, 201 Epipolae (Syracuse), 432, 434 v. Teuus B.C.), 410, 414 ; Cornelius Lentulus, Erycina, L. 344 424 14 (pontifex maximus), ; Etruria, 396, 418, ; Etruscus, 5^3 VOL. VI. L L INDEX OF NAMES

Euros, 44G Gelo, 102, 188, 252 (bis) 256 (bis), 258 Euryalus (Syracuse), 436, 438, 440 Gisgo, 116 (v. Hasdrubal) Graecia, 116, 316, 348; Graeci, 252 374 374 386 Fabius Buteo, M. (consul, 245 B.C.; ; Graecus, ; ritus, (bis) 492 32 censor, 241), 76 sermo, ; Graecum carmen, Fabiiis Masimus Kullus, Q. (consul V, Graeca urbs, 100, 178, 452 295 B.C.), 204 Graecae artes, 494 Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, Q, Grumentum, 130 (consul, 233, 228, 215, 214, 209 B.C.; dictator, 217), 72, 71, 102 (bU), 106, HADUIA, 208 108, 112, 126, 128, 1.34 (bis), 136; Hamae, 120, 124 (bis), 126 (bis) 156, 196 (bis), 202, 204 (bis), 210, Hamilcar, 174, 176 212, 216, 232, 234 (ter), 236 (bis), Hamilcar Barca, 34, 306, 462, 470 238, 312 (bis), 314, 318, 320, 418; Hampsicora, 110, 136, 138 (bis), 140 his son Q. (consul, 213 B.C.), 202, (ter) 208, 212, 238, 312, 314, 316, 318, Hamiibal, 2 (bis), 4 (et passim); his 308 son of 166 322, 346 wife, ; the Bomilcar, ; Fabius Pictor, Q. (historian), 32 another Hannibal, 190 Falerii„318 Hanno (opponent of Hannibal), 36, Flaminius, C. (consul, 223, 217 B.C.; 38, 42; a general, 130 (6m), 138 censor, 220), 44, 72, 76 (bis), 154, (bis), 142, 146, 148, 156, 174, 178, 210 182, 184, 216 (bis), 236, 340, 348, Flavus, 402, 404, 406 388 (ter), 390, 392, 394 (bis), 398 Fonteius, Ti., 468, 476, 478 (bis); another Hanno, 494, 496

Fortuna (Praenes te),68 ; (Rome), (bis) 328, 364 Harmonia, 252, 256 Fugifulae, 236 Hasdrubal (brother of Hannibal), 86, Fulvius Centumaliis, Cii. (consul, 211 88 (bis), 90 (bis), 92 (ter), 94 (i/uin- B.C.), 314 (bis), 326, 346, 500 quies), 96 (bis), 98 (bis), 100, 166 Fulvius Flaccus, Cn. (praetor, 212 B.C.), (bis), 306, 462 (bis), 464 (bis), 470, 344, 346 (bis), 420 (bis), 422; 492 (ter); the son of Gisgo, 306, Fulvius Flaccus, Q. (consul, 237, 462, 464 (bis), 472, 478, 482; 224, 212, 209 B.C.), 72, 80, 104, 112, Hasdrubal Calvus, 112, 120, 138 118, 140, 164, 202, 344, 346, 350, (ter), 140 354, 390, 416, 424, 500 Hegeas, 4 Fundanius Fundulus, M. (aedile, 213 Helorus, 286 B.C.), 346 Henna, 292, 296 (bis), 300 (bis); Furculae Caudinae, 360 Hennenses, 292, 294, 296, 298, 300 Furius Camillu,s, M. (consul, 403 B.C.; Heraclea (Lucania), 358; ager Hera- dictator, 396), 352 cleensis, 240 Furius Philus, P. (consul, 223 B.C.; Heraclea Minoa, 286, 288, 448, 496, cerisor, 214), 70, 210, 312 (bis), 344 498 Heraclia, 256 GABn, 206 Heraclitus, 134 Gades, 332 Herbesus, 270, 272 (bis), 286 Gaetuli, 58 Herculis columjiae, 14 Gala, 332 (quater) Herdonea, 420, 426 Galaesus, 378 Herennius Bassus, 148, 150 Galeagra turris, 430 Herius, v. Pettius Gallia, 80, 84, 208, 348; Galli, 80 Hexapylon (Syracuse), 242, 276, 278 (ter), 82 (bis), 242, 310 (bis), 374; (bis), 282, 300, 432 (bis), 434 Gallus, 198 (bis); Gallicus ager, Hibera, 94 204 94 306 42, 206 ; Gallicum bellum, 84, ; Hiberas, 86, 92, (bis), (bis), Gallica arma, 374; auxilia, 94; 478 (bis) spolia, 44, 310 Hiero II, king of Syracuse, 72, 102, 134 5H INDEX OF NAMES

(bis), 184, 186, 188 (<«•), 192, 242, LACEDAKMONII, 430 244, 246, 254, 256 (ter), 264, 286, Lacinia, v. Juno 316, 348, 436, 440, 450, 452, 458 Laetorius, (J. (aedile, 216 B.C.), 102, Hieronvmus, tlo., 184, 188, 190, 192 424 iter), 240, 244, 250, 254 (qtialer), 256, Lanurium, 108, 206 258 (ter), 264, 272, 450, 452 Latini, 18, 74 (bis), 350; Latinus, 74; Himera (the southern), 192, 496 lyatinum nomen, 40, 56, 74;

Himilco, 36, 38 {bis), 40 ; another, 92 ; Latinae (feriae), 382 ; Latinus another, 100; another (a general) sermo, 492 286, 2SS (bis), 290 (ler), 292, 298, Latona, 386 300, 428, 438, 440, 444 Leon, 300 Hippacritanus, 496 Leontini, 194, 240, 246, 248, 266 (bis), Hippocrates, 190, 194, 250, 260, 262, 268 (bis), 270 (ter), 274, 276 (bis), 266 (ler), 268, 270, 272 (ter), 274 278, 282 (bis), 300

(bis), 276 (bis), 278, 280, 286 (bis), Libertas, temple of, 226 ; atrium of, 288 (bis), 290, 300, 428, 438, 440 366 (bis), 442, 444 (bis), 450 (bis), 452, 496 Libyphoenices, 496 Licinius P. Hirpini, 2, 130 (bis), 146 ; ager Hir- Crassus, (co7isul, 205 B.C.), pinus, 142, 146 354 Hispania, 42 (bis), 86, 92 (qmter), 94, Lilybaeum, 70, 140, 462 (bis) 98 (ter), 100, 102, 110 (bis), 112, 156, Litana silva, 80 162, 168, 306 (bis), 308, 312 (bis), Liternum, 122 328, 330 (bis), 332 (bis), 334 (bis), Livius llacatus, M., 238 340, 454, 462 (ter), 464, 476 (bis), Livius Salinator, M. (consul, 219, 207 B.C. 492, 494; Hispaniae, 348, 476 (bis); ; censor, 204), 6 HJspani, 96, 98 (bis), 156 (bis), 162, Locri, 142 (bis), 178 (bis), 184 (bis),

212, 252, 306, 326 (bis), 334, 408, 250, 268 ; Locrenses, 100, 142, 174, 176 178 184 454, 464 ; Hispaiius, 454, 456 ; dux, (bis), (ter), 460 88 130 236 ; eques, ; Ilispaniensis Lucani, 34, (bis), 218, (bis), exercitus, 94, 164 316, 326, 340 (bis), 348 (bis), 402

nostus, 136, 140 (quinquies), 410, 416 (bis), 418 ; lAicanus (collective), 220; hospes,

lANICTJLUM, 208 408 ; populus, 204 ; proditor, 406 ;

Iliturgi(s), 166 (bis), 308 (bis) nomen Lucanum, 406 ; Lucani Illyrii, 242 fines, 130 Indibilis, 468 (bis) Luceria, 114, 130, 162, 184, 208, 212, Insteius vicus, 206 216, 238, 314, 346 Insula (STracuse), 242, 244, 246 (bis), Lutatius Catulus, U. (consul, 241 B.C.), 248, 254 (ter), 434 (Ms); v. Nasos 40 Intibili, 166 316 Ionium mare, 114 Macedonia, 116, 132, 214, 306, ; Isalcas, 58 Macedones, 114, 116, 118, 130, 206, Italia, 14, 16 (et passim); Italic!, 46, 302; Macedouicum bellum, 132 218,324; Italicum nomen, 148 (ter), 162, 164 lugarius vicus, 328 Maecilius Croto, Ti., 104 lunius, D., 424 Maesuli, 332 B.C. 20 lunius Pera, M. (consul, 230 ; Magius, On., 232 ; Magius, Decius, dictator, 216), 42, 108 (bis), 22 (bis), 28, 30 (his), 32 lunius Silanus, M. (praetor, 212 B.C.), Mago, brother of Hannibal, 2, 34, 36, 46, 344, 346 (bis), 418 38, 40 (quater), 110 (his), 112 (bis),

luno Lacinia, temple of, 114, 116, 182 ; 166, 306, 310, 462, 464 (bis), 472, Sospita (Lanu^iuni), 108, 206 492 (bis); a relative of Hannibal,

luppiter, 384 ; temple at Aricia ; 316 ; 138; a general, 398 (bis), 404 (bis), Olvmpius, temples at and near 408, 410, 422; another, 116 316 Sjiracuse, 242, 280 ; Vicilinus, Maharbal, 58 515 L L 2 INDEX OF NAMES

Manlius Torquatiis, T. (consul, 347, 156 (6m), 158, 162, 216 (6m), 226, 344, 340 B.C.), 198; Manlius Tor- 228, 234 (quater), 236, 238, 498; qaatus, T. (consul, 235, 224 B.C.; Kolani, 46. 52 (ter), 64, 150, 152, cmsor, 231), 74, 120, 136 (bis), 138 156, 216; ager Kolanus, 44, 46, (6m), 140, 354 152; civis, 48; populus, 150; Manlius Volso, I... (praclor, 218 B.C.), 72 senatores, 148; Nolana res, 46, 48; Mantua, 206 plebes, 50, 214; subsidia, 154 MarceUi, 452 Knceria, 46, 48, 50, 148, 150 Marciana 16, 96 Marcius, 382, 384 ; carmina, Kumidae, 4, 42, (6m), 98, 146, 382 156 (6m), 212, 218, 220, 240, 328 Marcius, Septimus, L., 476, 478, 480 (6m), 330 (ter), 332, 370 (6m), 372, 472 ibis), 482, 492 (bis) ; Marcius clipeus, 408, 466, 468, 470, (tM), 474,

492 496 (6m), 498 (6m) ; Numida cques, Marius, v. Blossius 88, 468 Marius Alfius, 124 (bis) Kumidia, 332 Marrucinl, 208 208 414 332 Mare, ; (= proelium), 330, OCEANUS, 14, Masinis.sa, 332 (bis), 466 Olympium (Syracuse), 280 Matuta, temple of, 328, 364 Orbitanium, 236 Mauri, 16, 98, 220, 240; Maurus, 90 Oricmn, 302 (ter), 304, 306 (6m) Maurusii, 332 Ostia, 132, 418 Megara, 270, 272, 274 (bis), 286 Otacilius Crassus, T. (praetor, 217, Mens, temple cf, 106. 112 214 B.C.), 70, 72, 106, 112, 140, 196, Messana, 142 (bis), 176 198, 200 (ter), 202 (6m), 206, 210,

Metapontum, 380, 396 ; Metapontini, 212, 316, 348, 462

396 (bis) ; Metapontinus ager, 240 MetiUus, M., 424 PACHTKUM PROMUKTURIUM, 262, 286 iliucius, 206 (bis), 290, 446 (6m) Minucius, M. (tribune, 216 B.C.), 72 Pacuvius, V. Calavius Miseni promimturium, 214 Paeligni, 392; Paelignus, 394; Moeniacoeptus, 310 Paeligna cohors, 392 Moericus, 454, 456 (ter), 458 Panormus, 290 (6m) Mopsii, 2 Papirius Cursor, L. (consul II, 295 Macius Scaevola, Q. (praetor, 215 B.C.), B.C.), 204 80, 104, 118, 120, 136, 206, 316, Papirius Masso, C. (Cf., pontifex), 344 348 (6m); Papirius Masso, C. (L-f.), Munda, 308 344 Murgantia, 262, 292, 296, 300 Pedanius, T., 392, 394 58 Muttines, 496 (quater), 498 Perusini, 68 ; Perusina cohors, Mylas, 270, 276 PeteUa, 100 (6w); Petelini, 68 (6w), 70 NAEvros Crista, Q., 304 Pettius, Herius, 148 Kasos (= Insula, Syracuse), 434, 454, Phileas, 366 456 (bis). 458 (bis), 460 PhUemenus, 366, 368 (6m), 372 (ter) Xeapolis. 2, 46 (ter), 48, 126, 158; Philippus, king of Macedonia, 114 Neapolitani, 2, 44, 46; ager (6m), 116 (ter), 118, 130, 132 (6m), Keapolitauus, 214, 226 134, 162, 206, 214, 300, 302, 306, Keapolis (quarter of Syracuse), 438 430 (bis) Philistio, 448 Nice, 366 (his), 372 (bis) Ptiilodemus, 436, 440 22 Picemis Kinnius Celer, Pacuvius, ; Sthenius, Picenum, 208, 316, 346; ibid. ager, 42, 112, 206 Kola, 46 (bis), 48 (bis), 50 (6w), 54, Pinarius, L., 292, 294 108, 134, 136, 142, 144, 146 (bis), Piscina publica, 110 148 (ter), 150 (lis), 152 (bis), 154, Piso (historian), t. Calpumius 516 INDEX OF NAMES

G 18 418 I'oeiii, (bis), (et passim); Poenus, acies, 96, 98, 146, 152, 414, (bis) ; 20 466 2, 4, IS, (et passim); collective, amicitia, 68, 450, ; classis, 210, 114, 362, etc. 290,306,440; cohors, 488; iustitia, rol\-cUtiis, 448 476; provincia, 266; res, 18, 36, Polyaenus, 244, 246 228, 318, 320, 404, 446; societas, Pomponius Matho, Sf. (praetor, 216 22, 28, 44, 102, 148, 188, 406;

B.C.), 78, 206, 226, 314 statio, 268 ; urbs, 96 ; llomanuni 348 306 24 romponiiis Teientaiius, T., 340, agmen, ; foedus, ; imperium,

Postumius, M., 348 (bis), 350, 352 (ter), 12, 16, 40, 110, 148, 316 ; nomerL 18, 354 276, 481; praesidium, lU-^!,?), Postumius Albinus, A. (cunsiil, 241 214, 292 (his), 294, 302, SOS, «6, 40; Postumius ]j. 460 Romani B.C.), Albiiius, 458, (bis); di, 4p4 ; (consul, 234, 229 B.C., designate, duces, 464, 466 ; fines, 18 ; Romanae 216), 80 (ter), 82, 86, 106 lesiones, 420; naves, 114, 430, 446; Praenestini Praeneste, 56, 66, 68 ; Romana castra, 308, 326, 408, 442. 68 444 56, 58, 66, ; hospitia, 376 Proserpina, 296, 300 Ptolomaeus VI, Philopator, 32, 256 S.VBIM, 206 Punicus cultus, 118; exercitus, 166, Saguntum, 60, 312 444,474; mos, 24; Puuicaamicitia, Salapia, 240, 326 ^ 28; ars, 488; classis, 136, 138, Salinae, 326 -^ 446 Sallentiuus 262, 440, (bis); societas, 148; Sallentini, 340 ; agcr, 162, Punicum bellum, 40, 104/^ 132, 240, 340 356; foedus, 22, 320; imperium, Samnites, 34, 146, 204, 236; Samnites 192 ; nomen, 36 ; praesidium, 20, Caudini, 142, 236 ; Samnis, 14, 236 ; 380 216, 312, 326 ; Puuicae naves, ; Samnis ager, 146 ; hostis, 14

Punica amia, 374 ; castra, 308, Samniimi, 2, 142, 360, 388 (bis) 310, 390, 408 Sardinia, 70 (his), 104, 108, 110, 112, Puteoli, 196, 212, 214, 418, 424 118, 120 (his), 136 (his), 140 (bis), Pyrenaeus (mons), 152 164, 206, 20S, 316, 348, 418, 424, PjTgeusis, 348, 352 500; Sardi, 110, 120, 136, 138 Pvrrhus, 20, 142, 144, 180, 192, 318, (qtiater), 140; Sardi Pelliti, 136 "358 Saticula, 14 ; ager Saticulanus, 46 Scantinius, P. (pontifex), 72 QuiNCTTOS Crispintjs, T. (consul, Scipiones (Cu. and P.), 100, 166, 480, 208 B.C.), 300, 440, 442 (bis); 484 Qoinctins Crispiuus, T., 410 (bis), Scribonius Libo, L. (tribune, 216 B.C.), 412 (quiTiqtiies), 414 (his) 72 Quinctius Flaminiuus, L., 344 Sempronius Gracchus, Ti. (consul, Quirinalis flamen, 198 215 and 213 B.C.), 64 (ter), 80, 84, Quirites, 346 102 (his), 104 (bis), 108, 112, 122 (ter), 124, 126 (his), 128 (his), 130, Reate, 364 162, 184, 206, 208, 212, 216, 218 R«gium, 174, 176 (bis), 178 (bis); (his), 220 (bis), 222, 224, 226 (ter), Regioi, 100 232, 2U, 236 (bis), 312, 314, 340, Roma, 6 (et passim); Romaui, 2 344, 362, 402, 404 (ter), 406 (ter),

(et passim) ; Romanus (collective), 408 (ter), 410, 420; Sempronianus 114 (bU), 120, 220, 226, 310, 362, exercitus, 414 etc. 376 ; Romanus civis, ; consul, Sempronius Longus, Ti. (consul, 218 18; exercitus, 438, 444, 464; B.C.), 130 imperator, 330, 334, 404 (bis), 462, Sempronius Tuditanus, P. (censor, 470; miles, 360; mos, 330; 209 B.C.; consul, 204), 314 (ter), 224 populus, 28, 84, 106, (et passim) ; 326, 348

298 ; 44 Servilii^s On. 203 praefectus, praetor, ; Oaepio, (consul, B.C.), r senatus, 68, 294 328; Romana 344 517 INDEX OF NAMES

Servilius Casua, C. (tribune, 212 B.C.), Tarentum, 112 (bis), 132 (ter), 134, 350 (ter) 212, 214 (ter), 228, 238 (bis), 370 Servilius Geminus, 0. {consul, 203 (quater), 382, 386, 396 (bis), 426, B.C.), 396 448; Tarentiui, 20, 214, 238, 340, Sicilia, 18, 70, 84, 86, 102 Qer), 104 364, 366, 368, 374, 376 (quater), 378, (quater), 106, 108 (bis), 112 (bis), 380, 382; Tarentinus ager, 238, 132, 164, 1S2, 184, 192 (ter), 196, 240; populus, 204; portus; 114, 206, 208 (bis), 210, 212, 230, 240, 396; Tarentina arx, 396 (bis)\ 212 Tarentini 250, 258, 262, 266, 268, 286, 288 (his), iuventus, ; res, 214; 374 290, 300 (Irr), 344, 348, 356 (bis), duces, 374 ; iuvenes, 366, ;

362, 446, 448, 450, 494, 496, 500 obsides, 366 ; principcs, 380 (bis); Siculi, 288, 290, 292, 294, Tarracina, 316, 366 300, 358, 444 (bis), 448 (ter); Tartesii, 88 (bis) Siculae 340 Siculus exercitus, 446 ; Tauriani, iirbes, 12 Teanum, 80, 108 feieilinum, 130 Telesia, 236 Sidiciiius liostis, 14 Temenitis porta (Tarentum), 372 Sinuessa, 108, 112, 122 Terentius Varro, C. (consul, 216 B.C.). Sopater, 248, 264 76, 84, 86, 112 (bis), 206, 208, 316, Sosis, 240, 242, 248, 270, 436 346; exercitus Terentianus, 112; Sositheus, 134 milites Varroniani, 132 Sospita, V. luno Themistus, 252 (ter), 2.54, 256, 260 Spes, temple of, 364 Theodotus, 190 (ter), 240, 242, 248 Spoletium 208 Thraso, 188 (bis), 190 (ter) Statius, V. Trebiizs Thurii, 398, Tburiiii, 366, 396, 398 Tliiirinus 398 iuventus Statius Metius, 232 (his); ager, ; Statorius, Q., 330 (bis) Thurina, 398 Suessetani, 468 Tiberis, 204 Suessula. 46, 56, 104, 108, 136, 158, Tifata, 126 (bis), 130, 136, 146, 212 162. 216, 226, 314, 316, 322, 326, TrasumeniuLs, 4, 60, 146, 154, 164, 346, 364, 424 202, 212, 272, 376 Sulpicius, C. (praetor, 211 B.C.), 600 Trebia, 60, 146, 154 (bis) Trebianus agar, 46 Sulpicius Galba, P. (consul, 211 and Trebius, 2 (ter) 200 B.C.), 500. Trebula, 134 Syphax, 328, 330, 332 (quinquies) Trogilorum portus, 430 Syracusae, 186, 192, 194, 242, 248, Troiugena, 384 250 (bis), 252, 258 (his), 262 (ter), 'nirdetani, 312 266 (bis), 274 (quater), 276 (his), Tusci, 346 438 278 (ter), 280, 282 (bis), 286, 288, Tycba (Syracuse), 242, (bis) 290 (quinquies), 300, 348, 362, 428 (ter), 430, 444 (his), 446, 448, 450 UTICA, 462 (bis) (ter), 452 (bis), 458 (bis), 460 (bis), 462 (bis), 494 (quater), 500; Vacuna, 206 S-VTacusani, 188, 240, 244, 262, 264, Valerius Antias (historian), 492; 118 268 (quater), 270, 272, 274, 280 (bis), Valerius Antias, L., 299 286, 436, 440, 446, 450, 452, 454, Valerius Corvus, M. (consul VI, 458 (bis), 460 (ter); Syracusanus B.C.), 198 Valerius dux, 496; exercitvL«, 288; portus, Valerius Flaccus, 392; 440; tyramius; 192; Syracusaiia Flaccus, P., 54, 116, 132 (bis), 302 210 res, 280, 440; Syracusannm Valerius Laevinus, M. (consul, 118, regniun, 192 ; Syracusani milites, B.C.), 80, 104, 108, 112, 114, 302 274 ; praetores, 274 ; transfugae, 130, 132, 162, 206, 208, 238, 196 348 428 ; Syracusana consilia, ; (bis), 306, 316, moenia, 460 Veii, 360 INDEX OF NAMES

Venus Ervcina, temple of, 102, 106 Villius Tappulus, L. (aedUe, 213 B.C.), Venusia, 12, 360 346 ^'erceIlium, 130 Vismams, 310 Vescellium, 130 Volcanus, 156, 206 Veteres campi, 408 Volturnus, 46, 58, 64, 122, 126, 134, Vibellius Taiirea, Cerrinus, 24, loS 216, 418, 424 (bts), 160 (ler), 198 Vibius Accaus, 392, 394 XENOPHA^^:s, 114 (bis), 116 Vibius Virrius, 16 (bis) Victoriae mons, 306 ZOIPPUS, 186, 188, 256, 258

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