What About Equality in the 21St Century? a Socio-Philosophical Account

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

What About Equality in the 21St Century? a Socio-Philosophical Account ucsia Prinsstraat 14 b-2000 Antwerp What about Equality in the 21st Century? A Socio-philosophical Account François Levrau University of Antwerp Discussion Paper No. 1601 November 2016 UCSIA Prinsstraat 14 2000 Antwerpen Belgium Tel.: +32/(0)3/265.45.80 Fax: +32/(0)3/707.09.31 E-mail: [email protected] UCSIA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage scholarly debate and discussion. Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of the Centre. Research dissiminated by UCSIA may include ethical, moral or policy views which are not necessarily those of the Centre. The University Centre Saint-Ignatius Antwerp (UCSIA) is an independent academic non- profit organization founded in 2002 by members of the Jesuit Order and academics of the former Universitaire Faculteiten Sint-Ignatius Antwerpen (UFSIA), now part of the University of Antwerp (UA). Although rooted in a Christian tradition, UCSIA offers an open, tolerant and interdisciplinary platform for scholarly debate on issues related to religion, culture and society and especially on fundamental issues affecting justice in society. UCSIA is active by (i) offering scholarships for international scholars visiting the University of Antwerp (ii) organising international seminars, lecture series, summer schools and conferences (iii) promoting teaching, research and debate with a cultural, religious, philosophical, ethical or spiritual dimension and (iv) publications. UCSIA Discussion Paper No. 1601 November 2016 ABSTRACT What about Equality in the 21st Century? A Socio-philosophical Account At least since the French Revolution, ‘equality’ has served as one of the main ideals in Western societies. Explaining what exactly this ideal amounts to, however, has turned out to be very difficult: different visions have been proposed and consensus has not yet been reached. In this paper we provide a panoramic view of this highly loaded and contested concept. We draw upon insights from political philosophy, sociology, psychology and discourse analysis to argue why and how equality should still be at the heart of our political attention. As 21st century societies become increasingly unequal, we claim that rhetorical tools are needed for equality to be obtained. Keywords: Social Inequality Social Justice Changing societies, socio-economic inequality, status-related inequality, redistribution, egalitarian ethos-logos-pathos, egalitarianism Corresponding author: François Levrau Centre Pieter Gillis University of Antwerp Prinsstraat 13 2000 Antwerp Belgium E-mail: [email protected] What about Equality in the 21st Century? A Socio-philosophical Account 1. Introduction At least since the French Revolution, ‘equality’ has served as one of the main ideals in Western societies. Explaining what this ideal exactly amounts to, however, has turned out to be very difficult: different visions have been proposed and consensus has not yet been reached. In this paper we briefly outline some of the debates that have stirred political philosophy. Why is equality important (if at all) and, often neglected in these discussions, how can the ideal of equality be promoted? Is a certain optimism appropriate and may we hold that equality of some sort can be realized or should we recognize its utopian character, thereby also recognizing that neoliberal dictates and multicultural anxieties will prevail? Is the human selfishness too intractable to reverse societies into more egalitarian ones? Is there an innate distrust towards the other that will prevent people to function as equals in society? In order to draw the picture, we need not only consider what philosophy has brought us, but should also take other insights into account; insights from adjoining disciplines, most prominently from sociology, psychology, and discourse analysis. Although the paper is panoramic in scope, it should be read as a strong defense of the idea(l) of equality in an era where it has been increasingly oppressed by the neoliberal hegemony and all kinds of multicultural anxieties. This paper contains nine sections, of which this introduction is the first. In the second section, we give a short historical overview. What are the origins of equality and how has it been covered in the (modern) body politic? In the third section we focus on the so-called ‘egalitarian plateau’, which refers to the consensus that all people should be treated with equal respect and concern. Despite the common ground, several positions are taken up when it comes to clarifying what ‘equal respect and concern’ implies. We examine three positions: libertarianism, redistributive egalitarianism and social egalitarianism. In the fourth section we elaborate on the question why equality is of importance. We consider intrinsic, instrumental and relational arguments. In the fifth section we somewhat change the viewpoint as we list several challenges for the 21st century egalitarian society. In the sixth section we consider the extent to which people and societies are currently inspired by the Enlightened ideal of equality. In the seventh section we demonstrate why equality both needs egalitarian institutions and citizens that are led by an ‘egalitarian ethos’. Here, we anchor philosophical claims with insights from (social) psychology. In the eight section we illustrate how equality can be promoted. By invoking discourse analysis and rhetoric, we hold a plea for an egalitarian triad of logos, pathos and ethos. In section nine, finally, we conclude the paper. All sections together sketch an interdisciplinary, yet not exhaustive, portrayal of a highly loaded and contested concept. 2. Equality, a very short history of an idea(l) The roots of equality are strongly related with the roots of natural law, the idea that there exist a human nature and that society is built or should be built upon a natural order. The Stoics were probably the first to develop a conception of natural rights as they attributed a unique feature to all adult men that distinguished them from all other living beings, the very fact that they are rational beings (Baldry 1965). As they opposed the Greek tyrants, the idea of a common rational nature was invoked against the arbitrary rules by which they were dominated. In the Middle Ages, Thomas 1 Aquinas division of laws that represented the natural order was influential. For him the natural law (lex naturalis) was a part of the eternal law (lex aeterna). Because all human beings are gifted with an unconscious, they have an objective standard of what is morally good and bad. As Aquinas heavily relied on the divine revelation, he assumed that God created man in his own image and hence that all people were equals. In earthly life however, Aquinas justified inequality by the same revelation and thus by the divine creational order. Therefore, he had no problems with slavery or with the idea that women were merely means for reproduction. The principle of equality only became recognized in the modern period (17th and 18th century) in the tradition of natural law as defined by Hobbes and Locke, and in the social contract theory, first postulated by Rousseau. Hobbes’s principle of equality was mainly a claim about the mental and physical capabilities of all people, while for Locke, equality was a moral claim about rights whereby no person could have a natural right to subordinate any other (Wolff 2016). A next important step was made by the ‘Enlightened’ philosopher Immanuel Kant who famously postulated the universal human worth by his categorical imperative – the inner moral voice that is present in all people – which states that we should never act in such a way that we treat humanity, whether in ourselves or in others, as a means but always as an end in itself. As the views on politics, philosophy, science and religion in the Western world somewhat culminated in the Enlightenment, the underlying emancipatory idea of equality, along with freedom and fraternity, gradually led to established principles such as (1) the democratic ideal of the state where all people must have an equal say in matters that affect all; (2) the rule of law that equally protects people against the power of the state, by ensuring that the government is bound by its own laws; and (3) the welfare state with social rights that ensure that all people have equal opportunity to make use of their freedom rights (Maris and Jacobs 2012). This idea of human equality was taken up formally in all kinds of declarations, charters and modern constitutions, notably the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen (1789), the American Declaration of Independence (1776), the US Constitution (1787), the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU (2000), and was followed in international organizations such as the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the Organization of American States, and the African Union. As the idea of human equality became unquestioned (in Western European and Anglo-American world), at least officially, it has generated a series of political and emancipatory movements designed to contest the lingering presence or enduring effects of older ethnic and racial hierarchies (i.e. decolonization, African-American civil right movement, multiculturalism) (Kymlicka 2007). It has also inspired movements to contest all types of hierarchies, such as gender, disability and sexual orientation. 3. The egalitarian plateau As ‘equality’ became an unquestioned ideal, Dworkin (1977) and Kymlicka (2002) could claim with some authority that nearly all contemporary political theories share an ‘egalitarian plateau’, that is a deep commitment to the idea that a just and neutral state should treat its citizens with equal concern and respect. Treating people on equal footing is, to borrow an apt phrase of Dworkin (1977), the sovereign duty of a political community. However many differences characterize people, as citizens they are equal and deserve the same respect and concern. While this moral equality is the axiomatic starting point for nearly all theories, disputes arise when it comes to fleshing out the ideal of ‘treating all citizens with equal concern and respect’.
Recommended publications
  • Distributive Egalitarianism, the Complete-Life View, and Age Discrimination
    Thirteen SOCIAL INJUSTICE: DISTRIBUTIVE EGALITARIANISM, THE COMPLETE-LIFE VIEW, AND AGE DISCRIMINATION Richard Wagland There are “two different kinds of valuable equality” that might be distin- guished within contemporary political thought.1 The first kind is distributive in nature and specifies that justice requires benefits of a certain kind to be distributed equally. Equality of the second kind does not directly specify any particular distribution of benefits, but instead identifies a “social ideal” of “a society in which people regard and treat each other as equals.”2 These two forms of equality can be labeled “distributive equality” and “social equality.” It is equality of the first kind that has been the focus of much contemporary liberal political philosophy over the last three decades since the publication of John Rawls’s A Theory of Justice,3 and it is that form of equality that is the focus of this chapter. It might be argued that egalitarians should pursue both conceptions of equality simultaneously, perhaps because one is just an alternative expression of the other. Nevertheless, one of the main claims of this chapter is that these conceptions do in fact conflict, at least when it comes to the treatment of older persons. The reason they conflict is that for a distributive egalitarian theory to be plausible it must ensure that benefits are distributed diachronically between the separate complete lives of individuals, rather than at temporally synchron- ic moments within their lives. As we shall see, this in turn justifies age- discriminatory policies that are not compatible with the ideal of social equali- ty.
    [Show full text]
  • Rule Over None II: Social Equality and the Justification of Democracy
    NIKO KOLODNY Rule Over None II: Social Equality and the Justification of Democracy What is to be said for democracy? Not that it gives people what they want. Not that it realizes a kind of autonomy or self-government. Not that it provides people with the opportunity for valuable activities of civic engagement. Not, at least not in the first instance, that it avoids insulting them. Or so I argued in the companion to this article.1 At the end of that article, I suggested that the justification of democ- racy rests instead on the fact that democracy is a particularly important constituent of a society in which people are related to one another as social equals, as opposed to social inferiors or superiors. The concern for democracy is rooted in a concern not to have anyone else above—or, for I am grateful for written comments on this article and its companion (as well as on their distant ancestors) from Arthur Ripstein, Japa Pallikkathayil, Samuel Scheffler, Jay Wallace, Fabienne Peter, Adam Hill, Dylan Murray, Joseph Raz (and his seminar), Jerry Vildostegui, Amanda Greene, Alan Patten, Liz Harman, Peter Graham, Samuel Freeman, Joseph Moore, Mike Arsenault, Mike Diaz, Dan Khokhar, Dustin Neuman, Ben Chen, Nick French, Daniel Viehoff, and two anonymous referees for Philosophy & Public Affairs. I am also grateful for responses from participants at BAFFLE at Berkeley in fall 2010; Ronald Dworkin and Thomas Nagel’s Colloquium in Legal, Political, and Social Philosophy at NYU in fall 2010; my graduate seminars at Berkeley in spring 2011 and 2014; Joseph Raz’s seminar at Colum- bia Law School in fall 2011; a Political Philosophy Colloquium at Princeton in fall 2011;a colloquium at the Ohio State University in 2011; the Darrell K.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
    John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added).
    [Show full text]
  • Inheritance, Gifts, and Equal Opportunity
    1 Inheritance, Gifts, and Equal Opportunity Dick Arneson For Duke University conference 12001 “It has become a commonplace to say we’re living in a second Gilded Age,” writes Paul Krugman, attributing the shift in common opinion to the recent work of the economist Thomas Piketty. More strikingly, according to Krugman, this recent scholarship suggests that we are “on a path back to ‘patrimonial capitalism,’ in which the commanding heights of the economy are controlled not by talented individuals but by family dynasties.”1 In the light of such worries, we might wonder about how inheritance and large gifts to individuals would be assessed in the lens of egalitarian political philosophies. This essay explores a part of this large topic. I look at the utilitarianism of John Stuart Mill along with Rawlsian fair equality of opportunity, luck egalitarian doctrines, and the burgeoning relational egalitarianism tradition. In the course of this survey, I tack back and forth between considering what the doctrine under review implies with respect to inheritance and gift-giving and considering whether the doctrine under review is sufficiently plausible so that we should care about its implications for this topic or any other. 1. Limits on Individual gains from gift and bequest. A permissive state policy on gifts and inheritance would allow that anyone who legitimately possesses property is free to pass along any portion of it to anyone she chooses, provided the would-be recipient accepts the bequest, and provided the intent of the giver is not to induce the recipient to violate a genuine duty, as occurs in bribery.
    [Show full text]
  • Quong-Left-Libertarianism.Pdf
    The Journal of Political Philosophy: Volume 19, Number 1, 2011, pp. 64–89 Symposium: Ownership and Self-ownership Left-Libertarianism: Rawlsian Not Luck Egalitarian Jonathan Quong Politics, University of Manchester HAT should a theory of justice look like? Any successful answer to this Wquestion must find a way of incorporating and reconciling two moral ideas. The first is a particular conception of individual freedom: because we are agents with plans and projects, we should be accorded a sphere of liberty to protect us from being used as mere means for others’ ends. The second moral idea is that of equality: we are moral equals and as such justice requires either that we receive equal shares of something—of whatever it is that should be used as the metric of distributive justice—or else requires that unequal distributions can be justified in a manner that is consistent with the moral equality of persons. These twin ideas—liberty and equality—are things which no sound conception of justice can properly ignore. Thus, like most political philosophers, I take it as given that the correct conception of justice will be some form of liberal egalitarianism. A deep and difficult challenge for all liberal egalitarians is to determine how the twin values of freedom and equality can be reconciled within a single theory of distributive justice. Of the many attempts to achieve this reconciliation, left-libertarianism is one of the most attractive and compelling. By combining the libertarian commitment to full (or nearly full) self-ownership with an egalitarian principle for the ownership of natural resources, left- libertarians offer an account of justice that appears firmly committed both to individual liberty, and to an egalitarian view of how opportunities or advantages must be distributed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Concept of Equality and Well-Being in Marx
    47 ESSAY The Concept of Equality and Well-being in Marx Potyara A. P. Pereira University of Brasília (UnB) Translate by Jeffrey Hoff The Concept of Equality and Well-being in Marx Abstract: This article presents Marx’s conceptualization about substantive equality and well-being, which have an organic relation with human needs, labor and true liberty. Because this conceptualization is anchored in premises and criteria that are incompatible with the capitalist understanding of these concepts, the paper uses it as a legitimate reference for the criticism of bourgeois social policy. This is based on the understanding that although Marx did not emphasize the theme of social protection, his vast work includes a type of sociology of well-being that must be unveiled. Keywords: Substantive equality. Human emancipation. Anti-capitalist well-being. Received Aug. 30, 2012. Approved Sept. 12, 2012. R. Katál., Florianópolis, v. 16, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./jun. 2013 48 Potyara A. P. Pereira Introduction What will be discussed here are the few but not unimportant efforts to detect in Marx1 a type of sociology2 of social well-being, which authorizes adopting it as a legitimate reference for critical analyses of capitalist social policy. This understanding will certainly not be exempt from controversy, given the complex particularity of Marx’s theoretical work and the multiplicity of existing Marxisms – each one considering itself to be the true and only interpretation, if not the pioneer. This is not to mention the unproductive uses of Marx’s work, such as those that reduce it to a type of Oracle of Delphi3 that could provide answers to any question addressed to it.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Why Not Capitalism? Richard J. Arneson [This Is the Not-Quite-Final Version of an Essay Published in Distributive Justice
    1 Why Not Capitalism? Richard J. Arneson [This is the not-quite-final version of an essay published in Distributive Justice and Access to Advantage, Alexander Kaufman, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), pp., 207-234.] Should egalitarians oppose the idea of a capitalist market economy? This is an extremely vague and ambiguous question, but also an extremely important one. If left- wing ideas are to have a justified popularity, left-wingers should be clear as to what they are for and what they are against. If there is an egalitarian radicalism that offers a distinctive and plausible alternative to the philosophical liberal egalitarianisms of theorists such as John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, Amartya Sen, and Thomas Nagel, egalitarian radicals need to articulate their rival vision. Anyone wrestling with these issues today owes an enormous intellectual debt to the late G. A. Cohen. For many years he worked with great success to determine what is living and what is dead in the thinking of Karl Marx, what exactly is wrong with the Lockean libertarianism of Robert Nozick, and why the grand social justice theory of John Rawls should be rejected despite its grandeur. Toward the end of his life he reworked an essay originally published in 2001 into a very short book, Why Not Socialism? The book directly addresses the vague and ambiguous question stated just above. Cohen suggests that when we reflect on the idea of an ideal camping trip among friends and consider (1) how it should be organized and (2) what is the content of the moral principles that the imagined camping trip satisfies, we get a conditional argument for a certain socialist organization of society.
    [Show full text]
  • Engaging Young Men in Advancing Gender Equality
    ENGAGING YOUNG MEN IN ADVANCING GENDER EQUALITY A Guidance Note to Inform the Development of National Policies and Programmes Based on Results from the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES) – Middle East and North Africa. ENGAGING YOUNG MEN IN ADVANCING GENDER EQUALITY A Guidance Note to Inform the Development of National Policies and Programmes Based on Results from the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES) – Middle East and North Africa ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would like to thank Lena Karlsson, Lemonia Fokaidou, Zineb Chebihi, Hadeel Abdo, Maria Ghazzaoui, Rasha Abou Elazm, Jumanah Zabaneh, Heba Katoon, Emad Karim and Maryse Guimond at UN Women for their support and thoughtful review of this document. Thanks are also due to Gary Barker, Shereen El Feki and Kristina Vlahovicova for their inputs and strategic direction, and to Belén Bonilla and Nina Ford of Promundo-US for their editorial support. Abby Fried, Alexa Hassink, Brian Heilman and Annaick Miller of Promundo-US are the authors of this guidance note. © UN Women The International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES MENA) The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of UN Women, the United Nations or any of its affiliated organizations. For a list of any errors or omissions found subsequent to printing please visit our website. Designer: UN Women/Mohamed Gaber Cover photo: UN Women TABLE OF CONTENTS THE STATE OF YOUNG MEN IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA 6 PROGRAMMATIC GUIDANCE: ADDRESSING
    [Show full text]
  • Utilitarianism Egalitarianism Justice As Fairness Libertarianism
    egalitarianism utilitarianism What is justice as fairness justice? libertarianism What is justice? This question breaks down into a number of sub-questions. We can ask what it means for a person to be just. We can also ask what it means for an international system of distinct societies to be just. Today we are going to focus on the question of what it means for an individual society — which for our purposes we can take to be a nation — to be just. This question is sometimes called the question of distributive justice, because it asks about the just distribution of goods within a society at a time. What goods are we talking about? a society at a time. What goods are we talking about? One category is what we might call material goods. These include things like food and property and income. But these are not the only goods. Other goods include political rights (such as the right to vote) and liberties (such as the freedom to choose where one lives or whom one marries or what job one pursues). As we will see, there are others. This is enough to describe a society which most of us would agree to be unjust. At some initial time t, the members of a society are living in a state of relative equality. But at a later time t+1, some sub-group A takes all of the property of sub-group B. Group A consolidates its power, and enslaves the members of group B, depriving them by force of their political rights and liberties (such as freedom of association and the freedom to pursue an education).
    [Show full text]
  • Liberty and Equality: Index
    Hoover Press : Machan (Equality) DP5 HPEQUAINDX 05-06-01 rev1 page 123 abolition of classes, 24–25 “Basis of Equity, The” Philosophy 75 absolute egalitarianism, 25, 27. See also (Cupit), 64n9 absolute equality Bell Curve, The,30 absolute equality, 9, 25, 63n7; Bell, Joshua, 57 comparison of, 26 table; Conspiracy benefits and harms,distribution of, xii, of the Equals, and, 23; critics of, 25; xviii egalitarian view of, 63–65; liberty Benn, Stanley, 73 and, 25 Bentham, 23 Agreement at Putney, 8n4 Berlin, Isaiah, xxii, xxiii, 11, 43n4 American Revolution, 8 Beyond Good and Evil (Nietzsche), Anabaptists, 7, 9 61n1, 65n13, 66n16 Anarchy, State, and Utopia (Nozick), Bonnet, 13 xivn10 Britain, xiii ancien re´gime, 57 British empiricism, 12 Anti-Duhring (Marx), 25n15 British Revolution, 8, 12 antiegalitarianism, 2 Burckhardt, 25 anti-individual, 32–33 Aristotle, 2–3, 4, 6, 13 Augustine, 4 Cabanis, 11, 13 autonomy, 29, 32 Calvinism, 7, 9 Canada, 56, 57 Career of Philosophy, The (J. H. Babeuf, Grachus, 23 Randall), 12n8 Bacon, Francis, 18 “Caring Relations and Principles of basic rights, 41, 109; natural ranking Justice,” Controversies in Feminism with respect to, xxii (Held), 78n54 Hoover Press : Machan (Equality) DP5 HPEQUAINDX 05-06-01 rev1 page 124 124 / Index “Case for Animal Rights, The,” In Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Defense of Animals (Regan), 77n52 Reader (Marx), 69n24 “Chance, Equity, and Social Justice,” Rending and Renewing the Social Order (Platt), 63n6 d’Alembert, 11, 18 Christian equality, 3–5; Reformation Dark Side of the Left:
    [Show full text]
  • The Cultural Roots of Isolationism and Internationalism in American Foreign Policy Lane Crothers*
    Journal of Transatlantic Studies Vol. 9, No. 1, March 2011, 21Á34 The cultural roots of isolationism and internationalism in American foreign policy Lane Crothers* Department of Politics and Government, Illinois State University, Normal, IL, USA This article examines the question: why have Americans supported both internationalist and isolationist foreign policies at various points in history? It argues that part of the answer to this question can be found in the structure and nature of American political culture. American political culture frames the terms in which the programmes and plans debated by political leaders ‘make sense’ to the ordinary people whose consent is fundamental to the making of a democratic foreign policy. The article offers an account of the central components of American political culture that are shown to frame four core cultural orientations towards foreign affairs: Liberal Internationalism, America-as-Model, Nativism and Triumphalism. Two dimensions, Liberal Internationalism and America-as- Model, are illustrated through a discussion of contemporary arguments in favour of and opposed to the 1848 MexicanÁAmerican War. The article then offers suggestions of how the four categories of American foreign policy orientations can be applied in cases beyond the MexicanÁAmerican conflict. Both isolationism and internationalism are shown to be core components of American political culture. They are, as a consequence, eternal features of American foreign policy. Keywords: isolationism; internationalism; American political culture; MexicanÁ American War Introduction This article examines the question: why have Americans supported both inter- nationalist and isolationist foreign policies at various points in history? Why do they agree to send their troops to war (or not), to allow their money to be used to subsidise foreign nations (or not), or to intervene as foreign peoples face immeasurable suffering (or not)? Part of the answer to this question can be found in the structure and nature of American political culture.
    [Show full text]
  • Unequal, Unfair, Ineffective and Inefficient Gender Inequity in Health: Why It Exists and How We Can Change It Women and Gender
    Unequal, Unfair, Ineffective and Inefficient Gender Inequity in Health: Why it exists and how we can change it Final Report to the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health September 2007 Women and Gender Equity Knowledge Network Submitted by Gita Sen and Piroska Östlin Co-coordinators of the WGEKN1 Report writing team Gita Sen, Piroska Östlin, Asha George 1 We are very grateful to the members and corresponding members of the WGEKN, and the authors of background papers for their willingness to write, read, comment and send material. Special thanks are due to Linda Rydberg and Priya Patel for their cheerful and competent support at the different stages of this report. We would also like to thank Beena Varghese for her inputs to the report. Members Rebecca Cook Rosalind Petchesky Claudia Garcia Moreno Silvina Ramos Adrienne Germain Sundari Ravindran Veloshnee Govender Alex Scott-Samuel Caren Grown Gita Sen (Coordinator) Afua Hesse Hilary Standing Helen Keleher Debora Tajer Yunguo LIU Sally Theobald Piroska Östlin (Coordinator) Huda Zurayk Corresponding members Pat Armstrong Jennifer Klot Jill Astbury Gunilla Krantz Gary Barker Rally Macintyre Anjana Bhushan Peggy Maguire Mabel Bianco Mary Manandhar Mary Anne Burke Nomafrench Mbombo James Dwyer Geeta Rao Gupta Margrit Eichler Sunanda Ray Sahar El- Sheneity Marta Rondon Alessandra Fantini Hania Sholkamy Elsa Gómez Erna Surjadi Ana Cristina González Vélez Wilfreda Thurston Anne Hammarström Joanna Vogel Amparo Hernández-Bello Isabel Yordi Aguirre Nduku Kilonzo Authors of background papers
    [Show full text]