And the Demandingness Problem Acta Scientiarum
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Distributive Egalitarianism, the Complete-Life View, and Age Discrimination
Thirteen SOCIAL INJUSTICE: DISTRIBUTIVE EGALITARIANISM, THE COMPLETE-LIFE VIEW, AND AGE DISCRIMINATION Richard Wagland There are “two different kinds of valuable equality” that might be distin- guished within contemporary political thought.1 The first kind is distributive in nature and specifies that justice requires benefits of a certain kind to be distributed equally. Equality of the second kind does not directly specify any particular distribution of benefits, but instead identifies a “social ideal” of “a society in which people regard and treat each other as equals.”2 These two forms of equality can be labeled “distributive equality” and “social equality.” It is equality of the first kind that has been the focus of much contemporary liberal political philosophy over the last three decades since the publication of John Rawls’s A Theory of Justice,3 and it is that form of equality that is the focus of this chapter. It might be argued that egalitarians should pursue both conceptions of equality simultaneously, perhaps because one is just an alternative expression of the other. Nevertheless, one of the main claims of this chapter is that these conceptions do in fact conflict, at least when it comes to the treatment of older persons. The reason they conflict is that for a distributive egalitarian theory to be plausible it must ensure that benefits are distributed diachronically between the separate complete lives of individuals, rather than at temporally synchron- ic moments within their lives. As we shall see, this in turn justifies age- discriminatory policies that are not compatible with the ideal of social equali- ty. -
Rawls' Theroy of Justice
RAWLS' THEORY OF JUSTICE ThomAS M. SCANLON, JR.t Rawls' book is a comprehensive and systematic presentation of a particular ideal of social life. The aim of the book is to analyze this ideal in a way that allows us to see clearly how it differs from prominent alternatives and on what grounds it may be preferred to them. In carrying out this analysis Rawls presents and draws upon not only a theory of distributive justice and a theory of political rights, but also a theory of value, a theory of obligation and a theory of moral psychology. Contemporary political philosophy has already been altered by Rawls' book, but the leading ideas of his theory are in a number of respects familiar ones. They are familiar within the philosophical community since they have been set forth by Rawls in a series of important and influential articles over the course of the last fifteen years.' Rawls has altered and clarified important points in his argu- ment since these articles first appeared, and the book presents a large amount of new material, but the main thrust of Rawls' theory can be seen in these shorter works. The idea of Rawls' book will also seem familiar to many who have not read his articles, for the ideal of social life he describes is one that lies at the heart of liberal political theory, and the principles and policies which this ideal supports are, in general, ones that liberals have traditionally supported. Finally, the central analytical device in Rawls' argument is a variant of the familiar idea of a social contract. -
Rule Over None II: Social Equality and the Justification of Democracy
NIKO KOLODNY Rule Over None II: Social Equality and the Justification of Democracy What is to be said for democracy? Not that it gives people what they want. Not that it realizes a kind of autonomy or self-government. Not that it provides people with the opportunity for valuable activities of civic engagement. Not, at least not in the first instance, that it avoids insulting them. Or so I argued in the companion to this article.1 At the end of that article, I suggested that the justification of democ- racy rests instead on the fact that democracy is a particularly important constituent of a society in which people are related to one another as social equals, as opposed to social inferiors or superiors. The concern for democracy is rooted in a concern not to have anyone else above—or, for I am grateful for written comments on this article and its companion (as well as on their distant ancestors) from Arthur Ripstein, Japa Pallikkathayil, Samuel Scheffler, Jay Wallace, Fabienne Peter, Adam Hill, Dylan Murray, Joseph Raz (and his seminar), Jerry Vildostegui, Amanda Greene, Alan Patten, Liz Harman, Peter Graham, Samuel Freeman, Joseph Moore, Mike Arsenault, Mike Diaz, Dan Khokhar, Dustin Neuman, Ben Chen, Nick French, Daniel Viehoff, and two anonymous referees for Philosophy & Public Affairs. I am also grateful for responses from participants at BAFFLE at Berkeley in fall 2010; Ronald Dworkin and Thomas Nagel’s Colloquium in Legal, Political, and Social Philosophy at NYU in fall 2010; my graduate seminars at Berkeley in spring 2011 and 2014; Joseph Raz’s seminar at Colum- bia Law School in fall 2011; a Political Philosophy Colloquium at Princeton in fall 2011;a colloquium at the Ohio State University in 2011; the Darrell K. -
The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism Author(S): Michael Walzer Reviewed Work(S): Source: Political Theory, Vol
The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism Author(s): Michael Walzer Reviewed work(s): Source: Political Theory, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Feb., 1990), pp. 6-23 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/191477 . Accessed: 24/08/2012 12:14 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Sage Publications, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Political Theory. http://www.jstor.org THE COMMUNITARIAN CRITIQUE OF LIBERALISM MICHAEL WALZER Institutefor A dvanced Study 1. Intellectualfashions are notoriously short-lived, very much like fashions in popularmusic, art, or dress.But thereare certainfashions that seem regularlyto reappear. Like pleated trousers or short skirts, they are inconstant featuresof a largerand more steadily prevailing phenomenon - in this case, a certainway of dressing. They have brief but recurrent lives; we knowtheir transienceand excepttheir return. Needless to say,there is no afterlifein whichtrousers will be permanentlypleated or skirtsforever short. Recur- renceis all. Althoughit operatesat a muchhigher level (an infinitelyhigher level?) of culturalsignificance, the communitarian critique of liberalismis likethe pleatingof trousers:transient but certainto return.It is a consistently intermittentfeature of liberalpolitics and social organization.No liberal successwill make it permanently unattractive. -
Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added). -
Inheritance, Gifts, and Equal Opportunity
1 Inheritance, Gifts, and Equal Opportunity Dick Arneson For Duke University conference 12001 “It has become a commonplace to say we’re living in a second Gilded Age,” writes Paul Krugman, attributing the shift in common opinion to the recent work of the economist Thomas Piketty. More strikingly, according to Krugman, this recent scholarship suggests that we are “on a path back to ‘patrimonial capitalism,’ in which the commanding heights of the economy are controlled not by talented individuals but by family dynasties.”1 In the light of such worries, we might wonder about how inheritance and large gifts to individuals would be assessed in the lens of egalitarian political philosophies. This essay explores a part of this large topic. I look at the utilitarianism of John Stuart Mill along with Rawlsian fair equality of opportunity, luck egalitarian doctrines, and the burgeoning relational egalitarianism tradition. In the course of this survey, I tack back and forth between considering what the doctrine under review implies with respect to inheritance and gift-giving and considering whether the doctrine under review is sufficiently plausible so that we should care about its implications for this topic or any other. 1. Limits on Individual gains from gift and bequest. A permissive state policy on gifts and inheritance would allow that anyone who legitimately possesses property is free to pass along any portion of it to anyone she chooses, provided the would-be recipient accepts the bequest, and provided the intent of the giver is not to induce the recipient to violate a genuine duty, as occurs in bribery. -
Explain and Assess Rawls' Theory of Justice
Explain and assess Rawls’ theory of justice by Christopher Evans I shall seek to place John Rawls’ theory of justice in the context of contract theory, where Rawls places it, and other theories with which he contrasts it. I shall consider key arguments for and against his approach. I shall focus primarily on distributive justice, though his theory also applies to issues of liberty and governance such as tolerance and intolerance1. I shall argue that Rawls’ approach provides a persuasive method of evaluating political propositions, even though the nature and priority of his proposed values (“primary goods”) and principles of justice can be challenged. Rawls’ aims, approach and context In A Theory of Justice, Rawls describes justice as “the first virtue of social institutions”, and as a matter of “fairness”. He sets out his aim for a theory building on the social contract idea, as a viable alternative to classical utilitarian and intuitionist conceptions of justice2. In seeking an alternative to utilitarianism, Rawls argues against what he regards as the prevailing dominant theory3. He comments that in the utilitarian view of justice “it does not matter, except indirectly, how [the] sum of satisfactions is distributed among individuals”4. In other words, “utilitarianism does not take seriously the distinction between persons.”5 In this respect, one could say that it pays insufficient regard either to liberty or equality. On intuitionism, defined by Rawls as “the doctrine that there is an irreducible family of first principles which have to be weighed against one another by asking ourselves which….is the most just”6, Rawls himself occasionally appeals to intuition to support his arguments - referring for instance to “our intuitive conviction of the primacy of justice”7. -
Intercollegiate Political Philosophy Lectures
This handout can be downloaded at www.ucl.ac.uk/~uctyvmd/Handout.pdf Intercollegiate Political Philosophy Lectures Looking Again at Rawls’s Theory of Justice Room 421, Birkbeck Main Building Thursdays 11-12, Weeks 1-5, Autumn Term 2004-2005 Véronique Munoz-Dardé Department of Philosophy, UCL E-mail: [email protected] Office Hours: Mondays 11-12 These lectures will be devoted to Justice as Fairness, Rawls’s conception of justice, as developed in the revised edition of A Theory of Justice (1999, hereafter, in all handouts, TJ) and Justice as Fairness a Restatement (2001, hereafter JFR). The purpose of these lectures is to come to an understanding of the fundamental ideas of Rawls’s approach, and how they fit together: the Original Position, Reflective Equilibrium, the Basic Structure, the Difference Principle, Reasonable Overlapping Consensus, the difference between Political Liberalism and Comprehensive Liberalism, etc… We will do this by going back and forth between TJ and the mature statement of the theory in JFR. In Rawls’s own words in the preface of JFR: In this work I have two aims. One is to rectify the more serious faults in A Theory of Justice that have obscured the main ideas of justice as fairness, as I called the conception of justice presented in that book. Since I still have confidence in those ideas and think the more important difficulties can be met, I have undertaken this reformulation. […] The other aim is to connect into one unified statement the conception of justice presented in Theory and the main ideas in my essays beginning with 1974. -
Is John Rawls' Difference Principle Just Another Form of Supply Side
Economics and Jurisprudence: Is John Rawls’ difference principle just another form of supply side economics and can it be applied effectively in modern society? Darya Kraynaya Abstract The article discusses the possibility of supply side economics as an extension or recreation of John Rawls’ difference principle. One of the key arguments of the difference principle is to permit economic disparity in a society as long as the least advantaged are benefitted in the best way possible. Through scrutinising the differences, similarities and results of applying each of these two theories, the author submits that the two cannot possibly be one and the same as on application vast disparity is revealed. The article makes this argument by highlighting examples of the application of a supply side economic theory in American history. Special attention is given to the United States as some economists have tried to use Rawls’ reasoning behind the difference principle to justify the gap between the top 1% and the rest of the population. I. Introduction At first, it may appear that John Rawls’ difference principle and the theory of economics are fairly similar, so much so that one could be said to be just one form of the other. Despite the fact that in recent years, particularly in the United States, some economists have tried to justify the growing gap between the rich and the poor by using the difference principle, on application, and once analysed in depth, these theories are rather different. To question whether these two ideas really have resemblance, this essay will take the reader on a journey, first addressing the basics of the difference principle and its criticisms, and then turning to the basic claims of supply-side economics and how they have been criticised. -
Quong-Left-Libertarianism.Pdf
The Journal of Political Philosophy: Volume 19, Number 1, 2011, pp. 64–89 Symposium: Ownership and Self-ownership Left-Libertarianism: Rawlsian Not Luck Egalitarian Jonathan Quong Politics, University of Manchester HAT should a theory of justice look like? Any successful answer to this Wquestion must find a way of incorporating and reconciling two moral ideas. The first is a particular conception of individual freedom: because we are agents with plans and projects, we should be accorded a sphere of liberty to protect us from being used as mere means for others’ ends. The second moral idea is that of equality: we are moral equals and as such justice requires either that we receive equal shares of something—of whatever it is that should be used as the metric of distributive justice—or else requires that unequal distributions can be justified in a manner that is consistent with the moral equality of persons. These twin ideas—liberty and equality—are things which no sound conception of justice can properly ignore. Thus, like most political philosophers, I take it as given that the correct conception of justice will be some form of liberal egalitarianism. A deep and difficult challenge for all liberal egalitarians is to determine how the twin values of freedom and equality can be reconciled within a single theory of distributive justice. Of the many attempts to achieve this reconciliation, left-libertarianism is one of the most attractive and compelling. By combining the libertarian commitment to full (or nearly full) self-ownership with an egalitarian principle for the ownership of natural resources, left- libertarians offer an account of justice that appears firmly committed both to individual liberty, and to an egalitarian view of how opportunities or advantages must be distributed. -
The Concept of Equality and Well-Being in Marx
47 ESSAY The Concept of Equality and Well-being in Marx Potyara A. P. Pereira University of Brasília (UnB) Translate by Jeffrey Hoff The Concept of Equality and Well-being in Marx Abstract: This article presents Marx’s conceptualization about substantive equality and well-being, which have an organic relation with human needs, labor and true liberty. Because this conceptualization is anchored in premises and criteria that are incompatible with the capitalist understanding of these concepts, the paper uses it as a legitimate reference for the criticism of bourgeois social policy. This is based on the understanding that although Marx did not emphasize the theme of social protection, his vast work includes a type of sociology of well-being that must be unveiled. Keywords: Substantive equality. Human emancipation. Anti-capitalist well-being. Received Aug. 30, 2012. Approved Sept. 12, 2012. R. Katál., Florianópolis, v. 16, n. 1, p. 47-56, jan./jun. 2013 48 Potyara A. P. Pereira Introduction What will be discussed here are the few but not unimportant efforts to detect in Marx1 a type of sociology2 of social well-being, which authorizes adopting it as a legitimate reference for critical analyses of capitalist social policy. This understanding will certainly not be exempt from controversy, given the complex particularity of Marx’s theoretical work and the multiplicity of existing Marxisms – each one considering itself to be the true and only interpretation, if not the pioneer. This is not to mention the unproductive uses of Marx’s work, such as those that reduce it to a type of Oracle of Delphi3 that could provide answers to any question addressed to it. -
1 Why Not Capitalism? Richard J. Arneson [This Is the Not-Quite-Final Version of an Essay Published in Distributive Justice
1 Why Not Capitalism? Richard J. Arneson [This is the not-quite-final version of an essay published in Distributive Justice and Access to Advantage, Alexander Kaufman, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), pp., 207-234.] Should egalitarians oppose the idea of a capitalist market economy? This is an extremely vague and ambiguous question, but also an extremely important one. If left- wing ideas are to have a justified popularity, left-wingers should be clear as to what they are for and what they are against. If there is an egalitarian radicalism that offers a distinctive and plausible alternative to the philosophical liberal egalitarianisms of theorists such as John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, Amartya Sen, and Thomas Nagel, egalitarian radicals need to articulate their rival vision. Anyone wrestling with these issues today owes an enormous intellectual debt to the late G. A. Cohen. For many years he worked with great success to determine what is living and what is dead in the thinking of Karl Marx, what exactly is wrong with the Lockean libertarianism of Robert Nozick, and why the grand social justice theory of John Rawls should be rejected despite its grandeur. Toward the end of his life he reworked an essay originally published in 2001 into a very short book, Why Not Socialism? The book directly addresses the vague and ambiguous question stated just above. Cohen suggests that when we reflect on the idea of an ideal camping trip among friends and consider (1) how it should be organized and (2) what is the content of the moral principles that the imagined camping trip satisfies, we get a conditional argument for a certain socialist organization of society.