Utilitarianism Egalitarianism Justice As Fairness Libertarianism
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Hume's Theory of Justice*
RMM Vol. 5, 2014, 47–63 Special Topic: Can the Social Contract Be Signed by an Invisible Hand? http://www.rmm-journal.de/ Horacio Spector Hume’s Theory of Justice* Abstract: Hume developed an original and revolutionary theoretical paradigm for explaining the spontaneous emergence of the classic conventions of justice—stable possession, trans- ference of property by consent, and the obligation to fulfill promises. In a scenario of scarce external resources, Hume’s central idea is that the development of the rules of jus- tice responds to a sense of common interest that progressively tames the destructiveness of natural self-love and expands the action of natural moral sentiments. By handling conceptual tools that anticipated game theory for centuries, Hume was able to break with rationalism, the natural law school, and Hobbes’s contractarianism. Unlike natu- ral moral sentiments, the sense of justice is valuable and reaches full strength within a general plan or system of actions. However, unlike game theory, Hume does not assume that people have transparent access to the their own motivations and the inner structure of the social world. In contrast, he blends ideas such as cognitive delusion, learning by experience and coordination to construct a theory that still deserves careful discussion, even though it resists classification under contemporary headings. Keywords: Hume, justice, property, fictionalism, convention, contractarianism. 1. Introduction In the Treatise (Hume 1978; in the following cited as T followed by page num- bers) and the Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals (Hume 1983; cited as E followed by page numbers)1 Hume discusses the morality of justice by using a revolutionary method that displays the foundation of justice in social utility and the progression of mankind. -
Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added). -
Quong-Left-Libertarianism.Pdf
The Journal of Political Philosophy: Volume 19, Number 1, 2011, pp. 64–89 Symposium: Ownership and Self-ownership Left-Libertarianism: Rawlsian Not Luck Egalitarian Jonathan Quong Politics, University of Manchester HAT should a theory of justice look like? Any successful answer to this Wquestion must find a way of incorporating and reconciling two moral ideas. The first is a particular conception of individual freedom: because we are agents with plans and projects, we should be accorded a sphere of liberty to protect us from being used as mere means for others’ ends. The second moral idea is that of equality: we are moral equals and as such justice requires either that we receive equal shares of something—of whatever it is that should be used as the metric of distributive justice—or else requires that unequal distributions can be justified in a manner that is consistent with the moral equality of persons. These twin ideas—liberty and equality—are things which no sound conception of justice can properly ignore. Thus, like most political philosophers, I take it as given that the correct conception of justice will be some form of liberal egalitarianism. A deep and difficult challenge for all liberal egalitarians is to determine how the twin values of freedom and equality can be reconciled within a single theory of distributive justice. Of the many attempts to achieve this reconciliation, left-libertarianism is one of the most attractive and compelling. By combining the libertarian commitment to full (or nearly full) self-ownership with an egalitarian principle for the ownership of natural resources, left- libertarians offer an account of justice that appears firmly committed both to individual liberty, and to an egalitarian view of how opportunities or advantages must be distributed. -
Theories of Justice
Fall 2016 Theories of Justice Professor Pevnick ([email protected]) Office: 19 West 4th St., #326 Office Hours: Tuesday 9:30-11:30am or by appointment Course Description Political life is rife with conflict regarding issues of justice. This includes disputes regarding the legitimate role of government and the appropriate distribution of resources. Consider the following questions: • Is economic inequality unjust? Ever? Always? Why? • Is government justified in restricting your freedom if it does so in order to improve your life (by, say, banning large sodas, forcing you to wear a seatbelt, or making heroin illegal)? • Is it justifiable for the state to take the resources of wealthy citizens in order to benefit their poorer compatriots? Must the state do so in order to be legitimate? • How should a commitment to political equality guide attempts at campaign finance reform? • What are human rights? Where do they come from? Are they a culturally insensitive Western project? Since most of us hold views about the appropriate answers to such questions and believe that we can defend these views by providing reasons on their behalf, argument about questions of justice is an ordinary feature of political life. Political theory is, in two ways, the natural extension of such argument. First, by working such arguments out in more careful detail, political theorists hope to present stronger and more defensible versions of them—ones that can avoid the objections and errors to which our first inclinations may be vulnerable. Second, in answering such questions, we often rely on concepts – such as justice, rights, legitimacy, liberty, and equality – that can be understood in a wide variety of ways. -
1 Why Not Capitalism? Richard J. Arneson [This Is the Not-Quite-Final Version of an Essay Published in Distributive Justice
1 Why Not Capitalism? Richard J. Arneson [This is the not-quite-final version of an essay published in Distributive Justice and Access to Advantage, Alexander Kaufman, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), pp., 207-234.] Should egalitarians oppose the idea of a capitalist market economy? This is an extremely vague and ambiguous question, but also an extremely important one. If left- wing ideas are to have a justified popularity, left-wingers should be clear as to what they are for and what they are against. If there is an egalitarian radicalism that offers a distinctive and plausible alternative to the philosophical liberal egalitarianisms of theorists such as John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, Amartya Sen, and Thomas Nagel, egalitarian radicals need to articulate their rival vision. Anyone wrestling with these issues today owes an enormous intellectual debt to the late G. A. Cohen. For many years he worked with great success to determine what is living and what is dead in the thinking of Karl Marx, what exactly is wrong with the Lockean libertarianism of Robert Nozick, and why the grand social justice theory of John Rawls should be rejected despite its grandeur. Toward the end of his life he reworked an essay originally published in 2001 into a very short book, Why Not Socialism? The book directly addresses the vague and ambiguous question stated just above. Cohen suggests that when we reflect on the idea of an ideal camping trip among friends and consider (1) how it should be organized and (2) what is the content of the moral principles that the imagined camping trip satisfies, we get a conditional argument for a certain socialist organization of society. -
Reconciling Educational Adequacy and Equity Arguments Through a Rawlsian Lens
Reconciling Educational Adequacy and Equity Arguments Through a Rawlsian Lens John Pijanowski Professor of Educational Leadership University of Arkansas Spring 2015 Abstract A theory of educational opportunity that combines adequacy and equity arguments is informed by examining two popular philosophies of resource distribution. Amy Gutmann's democratic threshold theory provides an adequacy argument that mirrors in several ways arguments that have held favor in educational policy. Similarly, the distributive justice theories of John Rawls parallel the logic opined in several key school finance cases. The Rawlsian influence is particularly strong in developing connections between educational opportunities and the expression or enjoyment of basic liberties. Keywords: Rawls, equity, adequacy, justice, education Introduction In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls (1971) proposes principles of justice that free and rational persons would accept in a hypothetical original position of equality. These principles serve to regulate social arrangements and the division of social benefits. In the original position, each member of a society is ignorant of their own abilities and social status. No one is aware of his or her intelligence, strength, or social class. Each person is also ignorant of their own conception of the good, creating a situation in which principles can be selected without anyone manipulating the process to advantage themselves. In the original position Rawls claims two principles of justice would be chosen: 1. Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive basic liberty compatible with a similar system of liberty for all; 2. Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both: 1 http://nau.edu/COE/eJournal/ a. -
The Theory of Justice As Fairness from Rawls to Sen
philosophies Article Toward a Human-Centered Economy and Politics: The Theory of Justice as Fairness from Rawls to Sen Alfonso D’Amodio The International Research Area on Foundations of the Sciences (IRAFS), Pontifical Lateran University, 00184 Rome, Italy; [email protected]; Tel.: +39-329-439-7126 Received: 11 September 2020; Accepted: 2 December 2020; Published: 8 December 2020 Abstract: In this paper, I present the suggestion that a suitable theory of “justice as fairness” could offer a consistent path for solving many issues related to the actual crisis of the classical liberal model of economy and democracy, by substituting the abstract “equality” principle, with the concrete “equity” one in the notion of justice. After a short discussion of some main characters of the present worldwide crisis of the classical liberal model, I present two main theories of justice as fairness. John Rawls’ theory in political philosophy that emphasizes how really equitable judgements must overcome the equalitarianism of the Classical Liberalism, by considering the real possibilities of individuals and groups of accessing and enjoying commodities and utilities, as well as, the “basic liberties” defining the citizen equal dignity in the Modern State. Rawls propose, therefore, a notion of fairness compliant with the Kantian normativism, and a notion of fair distributive justice based on the ethical principle of the maximin, as a criterion for judging the righteousness of the State Institutions. The other theory of justice as fairness I discuss in this paper is an evolution of Rawls’ in the direction of the development of a “comparative distributive justice”, without any normativism. -
Liberty and Equality: Index
Hoover Press : Machan (Equality) DP5 HPEQUAINDX 05-06-01 rev1 page 123 abolition of classes, 24–25 “Basis of Equity, The” Philosophy 75 absolute egalitarianism, 25, 27. See also (Cupit), 64n9 absolute equality Bell Curve, The,30 absolute equality, 9, 25, 63n7; Bell, Joshua, 57 comparison of, 26 table; Conspiracy benefits and harms,distribution of, xii, of the Equals, and, 23; critics of, 25; xviii egalitarian view of, 63–65; liberty Benn, Stanley, 73 and, 25 Bentham, 23 Agreement at Putney, 8n4 Berlin, Isaiah, xxii, xxiii, 11, 43n4 American Revolution, 8 Beyond Good and Evil (Nietzsche), Anabaptists, 7, 9 61n1, 65n13, 66n16 Anarchy, State, and Utopia (Nozick), Bonnet, 13 xivn10 Britain, xiii ancien re´gime, 57 British empiricism, 12 Anti-Duhring (Marx), 25n15 British Revolution, 8, 12 antiegalitarianism, 2 Burckhardt, 25 anti-individual, 32–33 Aristotle, 2–3, 4, 6, 13 Augustine, 4 Cabanis, 11, 13 autonomy, 29, 32 Calvinism, 7, 9 Canada, 56, 57 Career of Philosophy, The (J. H. Babeuf, Grachus, 23 Randall), 12n8 Bacon, Francis, 18 “Caring Relations and Principles of basic rights, 41, 109; natural ranking Justice,” Controversies in Feminism with respect to, xxii (Held), 78n54 Hoover Press : Machan (Equality) DP5 HPEQUAINDX 05-06-01 rev1 page 124 124 / Index “Case for Animal Rights, The,” In Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: Defense of Animals (Regan), 77n52 Reader (Marx), 69n24 “Chance, Equity, and Social Justice,” Rending and Renewing the Social Order (Platt), 63n6 d’Alembert, 11, 18 Christian equality, 3–5; Reformation Dark Side of the Left: -
The Cultural Roots of Isolationism and Internationalism in American Foreign Policy Lane Crothers*
Journal of Transatlantic Studies Vol. 9, No. 1, March 2011, 21Á34 The cultural roots of isolationism and internationalism in American foreign policy Lane Crothers* Department of Politics and Government, Illinois State University, Normal, IL, USA This article examines the question: why have Americans supported both internationalist and isolationist foreign policies at various points in history? It argues that part of the answer to this question can be found in the structure and nature of American political culture. American political culture frames the terms in which the programmes and plans debated by political leaders ‘make sense’ to the ordinary people whose consent is fundamental to the making of a democratic foreign policy. The article offers an account of the central components of American political culture that are shown to frame four core cultural orientations towards foreign affairs: Liberal Internationalism, America-as-Model, Nativism and Triumphalism. Two dimensions, Liberal Internationalism and America-as- Model, are illustrated through a discussion of contemporary arguments in favour of and opposed to the 1848 MexicanÁAmerican War. The article then offers suggestions of how the four categories of American foreign policy orientations can be applied in cases beyond the MexicanÁAmerican conflict. Both isolationism and internationalism are shown to be core components of American political culture. They are, as a consequence, eternal features of American foreign policy. Keywords: isolationism; internationalism; American political culture; MexicanÁ American War Introduction This article examines the question: why have Americans supported both inter- nationalist and isolationist foreign policies at various points in history? Why do they agree to send their troops to war (or not), to allow their money to be used to subsidise foreign nations (or not), or to intervene as foreign peoples face immeasurable suffering (or not)? Part of the answer to this question can be found in the structure and nature of American political culture. -
Rawls's Theory of Justice from a Utilitarian Perspective
Macalester Journal of Philosophy Volume 13 Article 5 Issue 1 Spring 2004 5-1-2004 Rawls’s Theory of Justice From A Utilitarian Perspective T. D. Rogers Macalester College Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/philo Recommended Citation Rogers, T. D. (2004) "Rawls’s Theory of Justice From A Utilitarian Perspective," Macalester Journal of Philosophy: Vol. 13: Iss. 1, Article 5. Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/philo/vol13/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Philosophy Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Macalester Journal of Philosophy by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rawls’s Theory of Justice From A Utilitarian Perspective T. Django Rogers John Rawls’s influential work, A Theory of Justice , represents and attempt to give a moral justification for the workings of egalitarian democracy. Drawing on the social contract theories of Locke, Rousseau, and Kant, Rawls argues that the best society would be founded on principles of justice chosen by rational citizens in an original position. In this original position, rational citizens would choose principles behind a veil of i gnorance in which their own social status, natural talents, and goals would not affect their decision-making. Under the veil of ignorance, according to Rawls, rational citizens would choose principles of justice that would grant the most extensive liberti es to its citizens while ensuring fairness of opportunity and that inequalities benefit the least advantaged.1 I am very attracted to the theory Rawls has put forth in A Theory of Justice . -
Justice As Fairness: a Commentary on Rawls's New Theory of Justice
Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 26 Issue 3 Issue 3 - Symposium on Race Relations Article 13 4-1973 Justice as Fairness: A Commentary on Rawls's New Theory of Justice Gilbert Merritt Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the Law and Politics Commons, and the Law and Society Commons Recommended Citation Gilbert Merritt, Justice as Fairness: A Commentary on Rawls's New Theory of Justice, 26 Vanderbilt Law Review 665 (1973) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol26/iss3/13 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Justice as Fairness: A Commentary on Rawls's New Theory of Justice Gilbert Merritt* I. INTRODUCTION A Theory of Justice,' John Rawls's new book on social and legal philosophy, appears likely to become a monument of systematic thought comparable to Locke's Second Treatise of Government and Mill's Utilitarianism. It provides answers systematically to the most difficult questions of our time and promises to shape the thought and action of men for many years. Daniel Bell, a noted social scientist, has said that in Rawls "we can observe the development of a political philosophy which will go far to shape the last part of the 20th Century, as the doctrines of Locke and Smith molded the 19th."' 2 Charles Fried, the noted legal philosopher, recently wrote: This book in my view is the most important work in moral and social philoso- phy published since World War II. -
Rawls' Theory of Justice: an Analysis
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 22, Issue 4, Ver. 1 (April. 2017) PP 40-43 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org RAWLS’ THEORY OF JUSTICE: AN ANALYSIS Sampurnaa Dutta Guest Lecturer, Department of Political Science, North Eastern Hill University, Shillong ABSTRACT: John Rawls was an American political philosopher in the liberal tradition whose theory of justice led to the revival of interest in political philosophy in modern times. In his celebrated work, A Theory of Justice, he asserted that a good society is characterised by a number of virtues. Justice is the first virtue of a good society. Though a seminal work in the discipline of Political Science, Rawls’ theory has been criticised by various schools of thought. This paper makes an attempt to briefly study the theory of justice and make a critical analysis of the same. On a closer analysis, the diverse criticisms of Rawls’ theory seem to be based on biased interpretations of his theory. In fact Rawls has tried to combine different value systems in order to arrive at his theory of justice. Some tenets of these value systems are thought to be mutually incompatible with each other. Indeed Rawls’ theory of justice represents the convergence of libertarianism, egalitarianism and communitarianism. I. JOHN RAWLS: AN INTRODUCTION John Rawls was an American political philosopher in the liberal tradition whose theory of justice led to the revival of interest in political philosophy in modern times. Rawls himself developed his thinking in the liberal tradition, and followed the methodology of social contract-particularly John Locke’s version of the theory-to arrive at the principles of justice.