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38 Stockley Writing About WRITING ABOUT ROY The obituaries and essays on Lord Jenkins of Hillhead brought forward the usual tributes and obsequies. They almost all noted Jenkins’ first- rate intelligence, applauded the scale of his achievements as a political biographer t the same time, the prejudice and a bonfire of repres- and recounted his Roy Jenkins that sive legislation (homosexuality, penchant for interesting many friends and abortion divorce) … decriminali- sation of homosexuality has done former colleagues conversation, good more to alleviate human misery food and fine wine. remembered was a than any other post-war Act’.3 And Amore disciplined and more profes- Lord Healey described Jenkins’ first The breadth of his sional politician and, indeed, a more period at the Home Office as his hinterland – his life down-to-earth person than was ‘greatest contribution’, claiming ‘it often supposed. He was polite and was nothing less than a social revo- outside politics – was lution’. Predictably, some conserva- friendly to his political opponents, widely recognised. tives struck the only sour notes. a delightful luncheon companion Ferdinand Mount saw Lord Jenkins and, in the words of Lord Healey, ‘a as ‘the personification of … the singularly civilised man’.1 peculiar thoughtless complacency But, as befits someone who about the way we embarked on was a significant figure in the these new directions’ in the 1960s. country’s public life for fifty years, Thus he held Jenkins implicitly the discussion of his political responsible for the free availabil- achievements and what they rep- ity of drugs and pornography and resented was more contentious, blighted family lives on run-down more politically charged. council estates today.4 Jenkins’ record during his two Indeed, what was most re- stints as Home Secretary was markable was the way in which widely praised. In the Guard- the writers of obituaries and ian, David Marquand argued that essays portrayed Lord Jenkins’ Jenkins did ‘as much as any other achievements through their own single person to make Britain a political lenses. To David Mar- more tolerant and civilised country quand, who followed Jenkins to to live in’.2 For the Observer, Vernon Brussels and then into the SDP, Bogdanor wrote that ‘his tenure … he was first and foremost the hero was marked by a massive attack on of the European cause. Jenkins 18 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 OBITUARIES AND APPRECIATIONS WRITING ABOUT ROY REVIEWED BY NEIL STOCKLEY had, Marquand wrote, ‘played for Europe and stressing ‘it was colleagues – and rivals – on the an indispensable part in taking doubtful whether he could have Old Labour right, he provided Britain into what is now the done more’. the perfect alibi for their defeats European Union’. He admired By contrast, Jenkins’ achieve- in the 1980s. ‘Without Roy’, said Jenkins’ courage in leading the ments at the Treasury were Lord Healey, ‘Thatcher would 69 Labour MPs who defied the the subjects of less praise from never really have happened’. In party whip to vote in principle ‘centre-left’ writers and, indeed, other words, had the SDP not for joining the Common Market somewhat more ambiguous existed, she would not have been and argued that this ‘gave the Eu- comment. For making devalu- in power long enough to do her ropean cause a cushion of moral ation work, balancing the gov- worst. Tribune’s political corre- authority without which it would ernment’s books and putting the spondent tried to show that in almost certainly have foundered’. balance of payments back into 1983 the Liberal-SDP Alliance Vernon Bogdanor lauded his the black, The Times placed him increased Mrs Thatcher’s Com- integrity and political courage. ‘in the first flight of Chancellors Both David mons majority, despite a small And yet, as only The Times and in the twentieth century’. Both drop in Conservative support, the Daily Telegraph pointed out, in Lord Owen and the Observer’s Marquand by splitting the centre-left vote.8 an attempt to save his position as business correspondent, William and Fer- But there is no guarantee that deputy leader, Jenkins ended up Keegan, were also very positive.7 without the SDP, those opposed voting with his Labour colleagues But Keegan and, to a lesser extent dinand to Thatcherism would have fallen against the legislation that per- The Times, noted that Jenkins had in behind the Labour Party that mitted Britain to join the Com- initially been too timid in his ap- Mount Tony Benn and his followers had mon Market.5 proach to fiscal policy. For their fashioned. Indeed, the available Marquand described Jenkins’ parts, Ferdinand Mount and the were sure evidence suggests the very oppo- achievements as President of the Daily Telegraph complained he had that the site. Nor does Healey’s claim that European Commission in con- raised taxes too high. In my view, in taking away 27 moderate MPs siderably more detail than any Dennis Kavanagh made the most party gave ‘[the SDP] shifted the balance of other writer. During his four accurate criticism: ‘living stand- power in the party to the left, and years in Brussels, Jenkins had ‘left ards for ordinary people showed Labour made its recovery much more a more enduring mark on Eu- only a tiny improvement and the protracted’ hold much water. ropean politics than any British pent-up wage pressures exploded the shock As was widely noted, the SDP politician since Ernest Bevin’. In under the successor government therapy failed to break the mould of putting monetary union back on of Edward Heath’. Still, economic British politics. (This was partly to the agenda, he said, Jenkins had policy is intrinsically less suited to and, start- Jenkins’ fault, for his period as set in train the European Mon- absolute moral judgements than leader was hardly a success – a etary System (EMS), which ‘laid either social reform or European ing with point that only The Times came the foundations for the European integration. And perhaps we have close to developing fully). But Single Act of 1985, the European seen so many booms and busts, Jenkins’ both David Marquand and Fer- Union of the 1990s and the single false dawns and fallen idols that Dimbleby dinand Mount were sure that currency of today’. In a generally the heroes of post-war British the party gave Labour the shock affectionate essay, Lord Owen, economic policy are hard to lecture in therapy and, starting with Jenkins’ who broke with Jenkins partly recognise. Dimbleby lecture in 1979, the on the European question, saw The most politicised aspect 1979, the roadmap for its long march back his record there as ‘in some re- of the obituaries was surely the to power. This was ‘a broad-based spects, a disappointment’.6 The discussion of Jenkins’ role as roadmap social-democratic party, capable Daily Telegraph noted that the the ‘principal begetter of the for its long of speaking to middle England creation of the EMS ‘attracted Social Democratic Party (SDP)’ … The fact that it was called as much criticism as praise’. The (Daily Telegraph). The debates march back the Labour Party’, Marquand Times was more positive, praising over the party’s impact were just wrote, ‘does not detract from Jenkins’ skill as an ambassador as fierce as ever. To his erstwhile to power. the achievement’. Indeed, many Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 19 WRITING ABOUT ROY media commentators believed believed they were largely a state was not wrong when he called that Jenkins paved the way for of mind. ‘He was committed to Jenkins ‘a gifted failure’10 because Blair and in the words of Tony libertarianism, a mixed economy he did not become Labour Party Benn, acted as the ‘grandfather’ to and internationalism [but] he did leader or Prime Minister. But this Tony Blair’s ‘New Labour Party’. not espouse a political philosophy. is less important than the inspira- But this is too simplistic. He seemed to believe that, if you tion many still take from Jenkins’ First, Jenkins did not save the found twenty men and women of achievements as a practical re- Labour Party. The traumatic proc- liberal disposition, good will and former and the insights that were ess of policy reviews that turned minds of their own, government in many respects ahead of his Labour into a pro-‘social market’, could function almost by instinct; time. In its editorial the day after pro-Europe and multilateralist it did not need an ideology’. The Lord Jenkins’ death, the Independ- party did not even start until the Daily Telegraph saw him as ‘more ent concluded: ‘As the weakness late 1980s – after the SDP’s demise of a Whig than a radical’. The of Mr Blair’s attachment both to – and they were driven by Neil Economist simply called him a the European ideal and to liberal Kinnock and the erstwhile ‘soft ‘political reformist’.9 principles is increasingly exposed, left’. And Middle England did not But these descriptions do not the values Lord Jenkins espoused embrace Labour until the mid- quite paint the complete picture. will become more precious’. 1990s, after Tony Blair had forced Lord Healey’s comment that ‘Roy yet more change on a demoralised was always really a liberal, no mat- Neil Stockley is a member of the and desperate party. ter which party was in’, while Liberal Democrat History Group This leads into a second, more not meant as a compliment, may executive. significant point about Jenkins’ have been closer to the mark. For political legacy. After 1994, Blair Jenkins started out as a Labour pol- 1 ‘Death of a singularly civilised embraced Mrs Thatcher’s major itician but came to recognise the man’, Independent, 6 January 2003.
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