The Political Thought of Aneurin Bevan Nye Davies Thesis
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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
95 Garrett Liberal Party and General Election of 1915
Counterfactual Ian Garrett considers what could have happened in the general election due in 1915 but postponed because of the outbreak of war The Liberal Party and the General Election of 1915 4 Journal of Liberal History 95 Summer 2017 The Liberal Party and the General Election of 1915 lections at the beginning of the twen- outbreak of the First World War provided a suit- tieth century were not of course held on ably dramatic climax to the collapse of Liberal Eone day, as they have been since 1918. Nor, government and party. therefore, would election counts have taken place More modern popular histories have come to largely overnight – it took several weeks for elec- similar conclusions. A. N. Wilson, another writer tion results to emerge from around the country. of fluent prose but shaky history, saw Britain as Nevertheless, it is easy to imagine the sort of stu- in the grip of ‘strikes and industrial unrest … of dio conversations that might have taken place in a proportion unseen since 1848’,3 embroiled in the early stages of a hypothetical election night such an ‘impasse’ over Ireland in 1914 that war broadcast. If war had not broken out, and the seemed preferable as a way out, as something that election of 1915 taken place as expected, would ‘could rally the dissident voices of the Welsh, the such a conversation have proceeded something women, the Irish behind a common cause’.4 And like this? if neither Dangerfield nor Wilson seem particu- larly rigorous, it has proved remarkably difficult ‘Well, Peter Snow, over to you – how is it look- to escape the former’s shadow. -
Dupagne and Seel’S (1998) High- Cism Reserved for the “Class Traitor” Jenkins
Journalism Studies, Volume 5, Number 4, 2004, pp. 551–562 Book Reviews The Troubles of Journalism: a critical look The Troubles of Journalism is a small book with at what’s right and wrong with the press, big goals. It purports to diagnose “the causes of 2nd edn the malaise that seems to grip the news business WILLIAM A. HACHTEN today,” as well as to catalog the major economic, social, cultural and technological changes in Women and Journalism American journalism; to evaluate the impact of DEBORAH CHAMBERS,LINDA STEINER AND CAROLE the changes and the criticism they have trig- FLEMING gered; and to suggest what the changes have meant for America and the world. Meget Stoerre End Du Tror: avislaeserne og From the anecdotal opening of the preface det internationale through 14 chapters on an assortment of issues facing modern journalism, William Hachten JENS HENRIK HAAHR AND HANS HENRIK HOLM brings the observations and insights of a lengthy career to bear in this book. In essence, it takes Mass Communication Ethics: decision the tone of a valedictory address, rich with both making in postmodern culture, 2nd edn concern and celebration. While the intended LARRY Z. LESLIE audience is never made explicit, the book’s ma- terial and tone suggest it will be most effective From Bevan to Blair: fifty years’ reporting with students and lay readers. If that is the case, from the political frontline then the book succeeds at its goals. GEOFFREY GOODMAN Upper-level undergraduate students and en- try-level graduate students who find their way Technology, Television, and Competition: to The Troubles of Journalism generally consider it the politics of digital TV both enlightening and highly readable. -
Confessions of a Biographer on the Difficulties of Telling Truths Or, Footnotes to the Lives Ofnye Bevan, Freud, Jung, Havelock Ellis, H
Vincent Brome Confessions of a Biographer On the Difficulties of Telling Truths or, Footnotes to the lives ofNye Bevan, Freud, Jung, Havelock Ellis, H. G. Wells, Frank Harris HEN I MENTIONED TO Winston Churchill that I was makes me feel like the patient under the surgeon's knife writing a biography of Aneurin Bevan he said, "My without anaesthetic^ W God, biography used to be one of the dangers of One particular passage brought a look of distaste to his face. death—now you are making it one of the dangers of life!" This It concerned his early days as a young MP when he shared a flat was in the year 1947 when Bevan, as Minister of Health, with the journalist Frank Owen in Gloucester Road, London, became involved in gladiatorial battles with Lord Hill, and their intellectual Bohemianism included not only some secretary of the British Medical Association, and their delay in paying the £2 a week rent but a number of affairs exchanges sometimes involved four-letter words as they common to distinguished young men in many walks of life. struggled to launch the National Health Service. They were two big, formidable personalities, liable to stay up I began the biography with Aneurin Bevan's full half the night arguing and it became customary for one to say to collaboration, but the book emerged emasculated because it the other when the rent was overdue, "Have you paid that rent was published against his wishes and the lawyers were in fear of yet (Owen) (Bevan)?" Each had a separate room and when a £100,000 libel suit. -
39 Pack SDP Chronology
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SDP Compiled by Mark Pack 1979 3 May General election won by the Tories. Defeated Labour MPs include Shirley Williams. June Social Democrat Alliance (SDA) reorganises itself into a network of local groups, not all of whose members need be in the Labour Party. July ‘Inquest on a movement’ by David Marquand appears in Encounter. 22 November Roy Jenkins delivers the Dimbleby Lecture, ‘Home thoughts from abroad’. 30 November Bill Rodgers gives a speech at Abertillery: ‘Our party has a year, not much longer, in which to save itself.’ 20 December Meeting of Jenkinsites and others considering forming a new party, organised by Colin Phipps. Robert Maclennan declines invitation. 1980 January NEC refuses to publish report from Reg Underhill detailing Trotskyite infiltration of Labour. 1 May Local elections. Liberal vote changes little, though seats are gained with large advances in Liverpool and control of Adur and Hereford. 31 May Labour Special Conference at Wembley. Policy statement Peace, Jobs, Freedom, including pro-unilateralism and anti-EEC policies, supported. Owen is deeply angered by vitriolic heckling during his speech. 7 June Owen, Rodgers and Williams warn they will leave Labour if it supports withdrawal from the EEC: ‘There are some of us who will not accept a choice between socialism and Europe. We will choose them both.’ 8 June Williams warns that a centre party would have ‘no roots, no principles, no philosophy and no values.’ 9 June Roy Jenkins delivers lecture to House of Commons Press Gallery, calling for a realignment of the ‘radical centre’. 15 June Labour’s Commission of Inquiry backs use of an electoral college for electing the leader and mandatory reselection of MPs. -
The Communist Party of Great Britain Since 1920 Also by David Renton
The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 Also by David Renton RED SHIRTS AND BLACK: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Oxford in the ‘Thirties FASCISM: Theory and Practice FASCISM, ANTI-FASCISM AND BRITAIN IN THE 1940s THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: A Century of Wars and Revolutions? (with Keith Flett) SOCIALISM IN LIVERPOOL: Episodes in a History of Working-Class Struggle THIS ROUGH GAME: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in European History MARX ON GLOBALISATION CLASSICAL MARXISM: Socialist Theory and the Second International The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 James Eaden and David Renton © James Eaden and David Renton 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-94968-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE is the new global academic imprint of St. -
The Attlee Governments
Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensa- tion, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confi- dence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin, outraged at their plotting and disloyalty. Bevin apparently hated Morrison, and thought of him as ‘a scheming little bastard’.3 Certainly he thought Morrison’s conduct in the past had been ‘devious and unreliable’.4 It was to be particularly irksome for Bevin that it was Morrison who eventually replaced him as Foreign Secretary in 1951. The Attlee government not only generated great excitement on the left at the time, but since has also attracted more attention from academics than any other period of Labour history. Foreign policy is a case in point. The foreign policy of the Attlee government is attractive to study because it spans so many politically and historically significant issues. To start with, this period was unique in that it was the first time that there was a majority Labour government in British political history, with a clear mandate and programme of reform. Whereas the two minority Labour governments of the inter-war period had had to rely on support from the Liberals to pass legislation, this time Labour had power as well as office. -
Crossing the Floor Roy Douglas a Failure of Leadership Liberal Defections 1918–29 Senator Jerry Grafstein Winston Churchill As a Liberal J
Journal of Issue 25 / Winter 1999–2000 / £5.00 Liberal DemocratHISTORY Crossing the Floor Roy Douglas A Failure of Leadership Liberal Defections 1918–29 Senator Jerry Grafstein Winston Churchill as a Liberal J. Graham Jones A Breach in the Family Megan and Gwilym Lloyd George Nick Cott The Case of the Liberal Nationals A re-evaluation Robert Maclennan MP Breaking the Mould? The SDP Liberal Democrat History Group Issue 25: Winter 1999–2000 Journal of Liberal Democrat History Political Defections Special issue: Political Defections The Journal of Liberal Democrat History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group 3 Crossing the floor ISSN 1463-6557 Graham Lippiatt Liberal Democrat History Group Editorial The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of 5 Out from under the umbrella historical topics, particularly those relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Tony Little Party and the SDP. The Group organises The defection of the Liberal Unionists discussion meetings and publishes the Journal and other occasional publications. 15 Winston Churchill as a Liberal For more information, including details of publications, back issues of the Journal, tape Senator Jerry S. Grafstein records of meetings and archive and other Churchill’s career in the Liberal Party research sources, see our web site: www.dbrack.dircon.co.uk/ldhg. 18 A failure of leadership Hon President: Earl Russell. Chair: Graham Lippiatt. Roy Douglas Liberal defections 1918–29 Editorial/Correspondence Contributions to the Journal – letters, 24 Tory cuckoos in the Liberal nest? articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles Nick Cott submitted will be reviewed. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
93 Report Oliver Legacy of Roy Jenkins
Reports The legacy of Roy Jenkins Evening meeting, 27 June 2016, with John Campbell and David Steel. Chair: Dick Newby. Report by Douglas Oliver n Monday 27 June, the Liberal ushering in a self-proclaimed ‘permis- founder of the SDP and Liberal Demo- Democrat History Group met sive society’. Jenkins is often seen as one crats – as a giant of post-war politics. Oin Committee Room 4A of of the most important British politicians Campbell looked at the enduring resil- the House of Lords to discuss the legacy never to have become prime minister, ience of Jenkins’ three main themes. of Roy Jenkins. The timing was apt but and this was reflected, also, in the third Campbell shared the platform with for- deeply bittersweet, following as it did in central issue of enduring relevance: Jen- mer Liberal leader, David Steel. the wake of Britain’s decision to leave the kins’ efforts to realign the centre-left and Campbell began with an exploration European Union in its referendum, on centre of British politics. of Jenkins’ legacy as Home Secretary in the longest day of the year, the Thursday The event was chaired by Dick the 1960s, as well as his less celebrated before. The discussion, thirteen years Newby, who worked with the SDP in but fruitful time in the role between 1974 after the death of one of the most impor- the early days after its establishment, and and ’76. Jenkins was, Campbell felt, ‘the tant facilitators of Britain’s European knew Jenkins well, before being elevated right man, in the right job at the right engagement, reflected on how capricious to the House of Lords in September 1997. -
Harold Wilson Obituary
Make a contribution News Opinion Sport Culture Lifestyle UK World Business Football UK politics Environment Education Society Science Tech More Harold Wilson obituary Leading Labour beyond pipe dreams Geoffrey Goodman Thu 25 May 1995 09.59 EDT 18 Lord Wilson of Rievaulx, as he came improbably to be called - will not go down in the history books as one of Britain's greatest prime ministers. But, increasingly, he will be seen as a far bigger political figure than contemporary sceptics have allowed far more representative of that uniquely ambivalent mood of Britain in the 1960s and a far more rounded and caring, if unfulfilled, person. It is my view that he was a remarkable prime minister and, indeed, a quite remarkable man. Cynics had a field day ridiculing him at the time of his decline. Perhaps that was inevitable given his irresistible tendency to behave like the master of the Big Trick in the circus ring of politics - for whom there is nothing so humiliating as to have it demonstrated, often by fellow tricksters, that the Big Trick hasn't worked. James Harold Wilson happened to be prime minister leading a left wing party at a time when the mores of post-war political and economic change in Britain (and elsewhere) were just beginning to be perceived. Arguably it was the period of the greatest social and industrial change this century, even if the people - let alone the Wilson governments - were never fully aware of the nature of that change. Social relationships across the entire class spectrum were being transformed. -
New Labour, Old Morality
New Labour, Old Morality. In The IdeasThat Shaped Post-War Britain (1996), David Marquand suggests that a useful way of mapping the „ebbs and flows in the struggle for moral and intellectual hegemony in post-war Britain‟ is to see them as a dialectic not between Left and Right, nor between individualism and collectivism, but between hedonism and moralism which cuts across party boundaries. As Jeffrey Weeks puts it in his contribution to Blairism and the War of Persuasion (2004): „Whatever its progressive pretensions, the Labour Party has rarely been in the vanguard of sexual reform throughout its hundred-year history. Since its formation at the beginning of the twentieth century the Labour Party has always been an uneasy amalgam of the progressive intelligentsia and a largely morally conservative working class, especially as represented through the trade union movement‟ (68-9). In The Future of Socialism (1956) Anthony Crosland wrote that: 'in the blood of the socialist there should always run a trace of the anarchist and the libertarian, and not to much of the prig or the prude‟. And in 1959 Roy Jenkins, in his book The Labour Case, argued that 'there is a need for the state to do less to restrict personal freedom'. And indeed when Jenkins became Home Secretary in 1965 he put in a train a series of reforms which damned him in they eyes of Labour and Tory traditionalists as one of the chief architects of the 'permissive society': the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, reform of the abortion and obscenity laws, the abolition of theatre censorship, making it slightly easier to get divorced.