El Nuevo Liderazgo En China Eugenio Anguiano
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Hong Kong SAR
China Data Supplement November 2006 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries 47 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations 50 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR 54 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR 61 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan 65 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 November 2006 The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU Jen-Kai Abbreviations and Explanatory Notes CCP CC Chinese Communist Party Central Committee CCa Central Committee, alternate member CCm Central Committee, member CCSm Central Committee Secretariat, member PBa Politburo, alternate member PBm Politburo, member Cdr. Commander Chp. Chairperson CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference CYL Communist Youth League Dep. P.C. Deputy Political Commissar Dir. Director exec. executive f female Gen.Man. General Manager Gen.Sec. General Secretary Hon.Chp. Honorary Chairperson H.V.-Chp. Honorary Vice-Chairperson MPC Municipal People’s Congress NPC National People’s Congress PCC Political Consultative Conference PLA People’s Liberation Army Pol.Com. -
China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy After the 19Th Party Congress
China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy after the 19th Party Congress Paper presented to Japanese Views on China and Taiwan: Implications for U.S.-Japan Alliance March 1, 2018 Center for Strategic & International Studies Washington, D.C. Akio Takahara Professor of Contemporary Chinese Politics The Graduate School of Law and Politics, The University of Tokyo Abstract At the 19th Party Congress Xi Jinping proclaimed the advent of a new era. With the new line-up of the politburo and a new orthodox ideology enshrined under his name, he has successfully strengthened further his power and authority and virtually put an end to collective leadership. However, the essence of his new “thought” seems only to be an emphasis of party leadership and his authority, which is unlikely to deliver and meet the desires of the people and solve the contradiction in society that Xi himself acknowledged. Under Xi’s “one-man rule”, China’s external policy could become “soft” and “hard” at the same time. This is because he does not have to worry about internal criticisms for being weak-kneed and also because his assertive personality will hold sway. Introduction October 2017 marked the beginning of the second term of Xi Jinping's party leadership, following the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the First Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CCP. Although the formal election of the state organ members must wait until the National People's Congress to be held in March 2018, the appointees of major posts would already have been decided internally by the CCP. -
China's Dual Circulation Economy
THE SHRINKING MARGINS FOR DEBATE OCTOBER 2020 Introduction François Godement This issue of China Trends started with a question. What policy issues are still debated in today’s PRC media? Our able editor looked into diff erent directions for critical voices, and as a result, the issue covers three diff erent topics. The “dual circulation economy” leads to an important but abstruse discussion on the balance between China’s outward-oriented economy and its domestic, more indigenous components and policies. Innovation, today’s buzzword in China, generates many discussions around the obstacles to reaching the country’s ambitious goals in terms of technological breakthroughs and industrial and scientifi c applications. But the third theme is political, and about the life of the Communist Party: two-faced individuals or factions. Perhaps very tellingly, it contains a massive warning against doubting or privately minimizing the offi cial dogma and norms of behavior: “two-faced individuals” now have to face the rise of campaigns, slogans and direct accusations that target them as such. In itself, the rise of this broad type of accusation demonstrates the limits and the dangers of any debate that can be interpreted as a questioning of the Party line, of the Centre, and of its core – China’s paramount leader (领袖) Xi Jinping. The balance matters: between surviving policy debates on economic governance issues and what is becoming an all-out attack that targets hidden Western political dissent, doubts or non-compliance beyond any explicit form of debate. Both the pre-1949 CCP and Maoist China had so-called “line debates” which science has seen this often turned into “line struggles (路线斗争)”: the offi cial history of the mostly as a “fragmented pre-1966 CCP, no longer reprinted, listed nine such events. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement March 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 54 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 58 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 65 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 69 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 March 2008 The Main National Leadership of the -
Volume 20 • Issue 4 • February 28, 2020
VOLUME 20 • ISSUE 4 • FEBRUARY 28, 2020 IN THIS ISSUE: Beijing Purges Wuhan: The CCP Central Authorities Tighten Political Control Over Hubei Province By John Dotson……………………………………………………pp. 1-6 Beijing’s Appointment of Xia Baolong Signals a Harder Line on Hong Kong By Willy Lam………………………………………………………...pp. 7-11 Fair-Weather Friends: The Impact of the Coronavirus on the Strategic Partnership Between Russia and China By Johan van de Ven………………………………………………...pp. 12-16 The PRC’s Cautious Stance on the U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy By Yamazaki Amane…………………………………………………pp. 17-22 China’s Declining Birthrate and Changes in CCP Population Policies By Linda Zhang…………………………………………………….…pp. 23-28 Beijing Purges Wuhan: The CCP Central Authorities Tighten Political Control Over Hubei Province John Dotson Introduction: The CCP Center Presses a Positive Narrative About Its Response to COVID-19 Following a slow reaction to the initial outbreak of the COVID-19 virus, since late January the zhongyang (中 央), or central authorities, of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have conducted a concerted public relations effort to present themselves as actively engaged in directing efforts to combat the epidemic. This has included the creation of a new senior-level CCP “leading small group” focused on the epidemic (China Brief, February 5), and a messaging campaign to assert that CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping has been personally “commanding China’s fight” against the outbreak (Xinhua, February 2). Senior officials have also made a range 1 ChinaBrief • Volume 20 • Issue 4 • February 28, 2020 of recent public appearances intended to demonstrate zhongyang concern for, and control over, the campaign against the epidemic. -
LE 19Ème CONGRÈS DU PARTI COMMUNISTE CHINOIS
PROGRAMME ASIE LE 19ème CONGRÈS DU PARTI COMMUNISTE CHINOIS : CLÔTURE SUR L’ANCIEN RÉGIME ET OUVERTURE DE LA CHINE DE XI JINPING Par Alex PAYETTE STAGIAIRE POSTDOCTORAL POUR LE CONSEIL CANADIEN DE RECHERCHES EN SCIENCES HUMAINES CHERCHEUR À L’IRIS JUIN 2017 ASIA FOCUS #46 l’IRIS ASIA FOCUS #46 - PROGRAMME ASIE / Octobre 2017 e 19e Congrès qui s’ouvrira en octobre prochain, soit quelques semaines avant la visite de Donald Trump en Chine, promet de consolider la position de Xi Jinping dans l’arène politique. Travaillant d’arrache-pied depuis 2013 à se débarrasser L principalement des alliés de Jiang Zemin, l’alliance Xi-Wang a enfin réussi à purger le Parti-État afin de positionner ses alliés. Ce faisant, la transition qui aura vraiment lieu cet automne n’est pas la transition Hu Jintao- Xi Jinping, celle-ci date déjà de 2012. La transition de 2017 est celle de la Chine des années 1990 à la Chine des années 2010, soitde la Chine de Jiang Zemin à celle de Xi Jinping. Ce sera également le début de l’ère des enfants de la révolution culturelle, des « zhiqing » [知青] (jeunesses envoyées en campagne), qui formeront une majorité au sein du Politburo et qui remanieront la Chine à leur manière. Avec les départs annoncés, Xi pourra enfin former son « bandi » [班底] – garde rapprochée – au sein du Politburo et effectivement mettre en place un agenda de politiques et non pas simplement des mesures visant à faire le ménage au cœur du Parti-État. Des 24 individus restants, entre 12 et 16 devront partir; 121 sièges (si l’on compte le siège rendu vacant de Sun Zhengcai) et 16 si Xi Jinping décide d’appliquer plus « sévèrement » la limite d’âge maintenant à 68 ans. -
Exploring China's Audience Costs: an Institutionalist Perspective
Exploring China's Audience Costs: An Institutionalist Perspective ∗ Hans H. Tung y This Version: October, 2011 Abstract The recent burgeoning literature of the political economy of dictatorships (Wintrobe, 1998; Bueno de Mesquita et al., 2003; Acemoglu and Robinson, 2006; Gandhi, 2008 ) have made inroads into cracking open the black box of economic policymaking in autocracies, and bringing more insights to the study of non-democratic regimes that used to be dominated by the old totalitarianism paradigm. (Arendt, 1951; Friedrich and Brzezinski, 1965) In the field of international political economy, researchers also start debunking the age-old myth that autocratic leaders are not held accountable domestically. (Weeks, 2008) Along this line of thought, this paper tries to flesh out the argument of autocratic audience costs in the context of a dictatorship, China, that is not only large in size, but also plays a dominant role in all aspects of international political economy. The paper offers an analysis of the political dynamics within the Central Committee of China's Communist Party. It identifies, on the one hand, the key mechanism for the Chinese leadership to be held accountable to its constituent within the Party, and that for it to solicit policy coordination among political elite on the other. Specifying these parameters and their relationship in the model allows us to understand the audience costs the Chinese leadership has to face in the context inter- national policy cooperation. More critically, as far as global governance is concerned, this analysis also makes it possible to assess how credible China's promises to the international community are. -
Zhao Leji 赵乐际 Born 1957
Zhao Leji 赵乐际 Born 1957 Current Positions • Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (2017– present) • Member of the Politburo Standing Committee (2017–present) • Director of the Central Organization Department of the CCP Central Committee (2012–present) • Deputy Head of the Central Leading Group for Party Building Work (2012–present) • Deputy Head of the Central Leading Group for Inspection Work (2012–present) • Member of the Politburo (2012–present) • Full member of the Central Committee of the CCP (2002–present) Personal and Professional Background Zhao Leji was born on March 8, 1957, in Xining City, Qinghai Province. His ancestral home is Xi’an, Shaanxi Province, and his parents served as cadres who moved from Xi’an to support frontier work in economically disadvantaged Qinghai. Zhao joined the CCP in 1975. He was a “sent-down youth” at an agricultural commune in Qinghai’s Guide County during the Cultural Revolution (1974–75).i He received an undergraduate degree in philosophy from Peking University in Beijing (1977–80) and was part of the last class comprised of the so-called “worker-peasant-soldier students.” Zhao also attended the graduate program in currency and banking at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (1996–98) and the graduate program in politics at the Central Party School (2002–05), both via part-time studies. In the Department of Commerce of the Qinghai provincial government, Zhao served as a communications officer (1975–77) and as a clerk in the political division (1980–82). Between 1980 and 1983, he served in various roles within the Qinghai Provincial Commerce School, namely instructor, Chinese Communist Youth League (CCYL) secretary, and deputy head of the dean’s office. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
The Mishu Phenomenon: Patron-Client Ties and Coalition-Building Tactics
Li, China Leadership Monitor No.4 The Mishu Phenomenon: Patron-Client Ties and Coalition-Building Tactics Cheng Li China’s ongoing political succession has been filled with paradoxes. Jockeying for power among various factions has been fervent and protracted, but the power struggle has not led to a systemic crisis as it did during the reigns of Mao and Deng. While nepotism and favoritism in elite recruitment have become prevalent, educational credentials and technical expertise are also essential. Regional representation has gained importance in the selection of Central Committee members, but leaders who come from coastal regions will likely dominate the new Politburo. Regulations such as term limits and an age requirement for retirement have been implemented at various levels of the Chinese leadership, but these rules and norms will perhaps not restrain the power of Jiang Zemin, the 76-year-old “new paramount leader.” While the military’s influence on political succession has declined during the past decade, the Central Military Commission is still very powerful. Not surprisingly, these paradoxical developments have led students of Chinese politics to reach contrasting assessments of the nature of this political succession, the competence of the new leadership, and the implications of these factors for China’s future. This diversity of views is particularly evident regarding the ubiquitous role of mishu in the Chinese leadership. The term mishu, which literally means “secretary” in Chinese, refers to a range of people who differ significantly from each other in terms of the functions they fulfill, the leadership bodies they serve, and the responsibilities given to them. -
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NEWS BRIEF 2 NATIONAL PEOPle’s CoNGRESS OF CHINA People display the national flag in Golden Bauhinia Square in Hong Kong Special Ad- ministrative Region in south China. Li Gang ISSUE 1 · 2021 3 Safeguarding people’s health, building 10 quality basic public education stressed 目录 Contents Annual Session 2021 12 Special Report: NPC Work Report Xi stresses high-quality 6 development, improving 22 President Xi and the people people’s well-being Working for the people 8 14 New development philosophy, Senior leaders attend delibera- Law Stories of HK ethnic unity stressed tions at annual legislative session 10 16 24 Safeguarding people’s health, People as masters of their country An imperative step for long-term stability building quality basic public is essence of democracy in Hong Kong education stressed 26 Decision to improve Hong Kong elector- al system adopted 28 Explanations on the Draft Decision of the National People’s Congress On Improv- ing the Electoral System of The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region 4 NATIONAL PEOPle’s CoNGRESS OF CHINA An imperative step for long-term 24 stability in Hong Kong China unveils action plan for 36 modernization ISSUE 1 · 2021 Spotlight Insights 34 China projects confidence with over 6% 42 Xi’s messages point way for China at VOL.52 ISSUE 1 March 2021 GDP growth target historic development juncture Administrated by General Office of the Standing NPC Highlights Committee of National People’s Congress 44 NPC Standing Committee strongly Chief Editor: Wang Yang condemns US sanctions on Chinese 36 General -
Review of the Development and Reform of the Telecommunications Sector in China”, OECD Digital Economy Papers, No
Please cite this paper as: OECD (2003-03-13), “Review of the Development and Reform of the Telecommunications Sector in China”, OECD Digital Economy Papers, No. 69, OECD Publishing, Paris. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/233204728762 OECD Digital Economy Papers No. 69 Review of the Development and Reform of the Telecommunications Sector in China OECD Unclassified DSTI/ICCP(2002)6/FINAL Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Economiques Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 13-Mar-2003 ___________________________________________________________________________________________ English text only DIRECTORATE FOR SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND INDUSTRY COMMITTEE FOR INFORMATION, COMPUTER AND COMMUNICATIONS POLICY Unclassified DSTI/ICCP(2002)6/FINAL REVIEW OF THE DEVELOPMENT AND REFORM OF THE TELECOMMUNICATIONS SECTOR IN CHINA text only English JT00140818 Document complet disponible sur OLIS dans son format d'origine Complete document available on OLIS in its original format DSTI/ICCP(2002)6/FINAL FOREWORD The purpose of this report is to provide an overview of telecommunications development in China and to examine telecommunication policy developments and reform. The initial draft was examined by the Committee for Information, Computer and Communications Policy in March 2002. The report benefited from discussions with officials of the Chinese Ministry of Information Industry and several telecommunication service providers. The report was prepared by the Korea Information Society Development Institute (KISDI) under the direction of Dr. Inuk Chung. Mr. Dimitri Ypsilanti from the OECD Secretariat participated in the project. The report benefited from funding provided mainly by the Swedish government. KISDI also helped in the financing of the report. The report is published on the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the OECD.