4 Tonal association domains and the prosodic hierarchy in English CARLOSGUSSENHOVEN lnstituut Engels-Amerikaans University of Nijmegen The

1 Introduction Sentences like (1)-(3) present a dilemma in intonational analysis. On the one hand, the vocative in (1), the reporting clause in (2), and the tag in (3) tend to be marked off by a pause from the stretch of speech they follow, while on the other hand they do not appear to be accented and thus do not have a nuclear tone. On the basis of the first characteristic, an analysis of each of (1), (2) and (3) into two tone units would be called for, but on the basis of the second, an analysis as a single tone unit would be more appro- priate, since the intonation of the whole utterance represents a single nuclear tone. (1) Were you THERE, Jonathan? (2) 'We're not GOing', he said (3) Missed the BUS, has he

If we adopt the first analysis, it becomes difficult to explain why in the second tone unit of (1) to (3) fewer intonation contours are possible than in the first, or indeed than in other tone units in general. If we adopt the second analysis, the problem is how to account for the prosodic break at the position indicated by the comma. In this paper, I argue that the solution should be based on the recognition that the association domain of a tone cannot be identified with any one constituent in the prosodic hierarchy. Divorcing association domains from prosodic constituency does not imply that association domains do not respect the boundaries of prosodic con- stituents. Rather, the claim is that, instead of there being one particular prosodic constituent that can be identified with the association domain of a tone, any one of a number of constituents from the Foot onwards can define the rightmost boundary of the association domain. Below, I briefly

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright discuss earlier analyses of (1) to (3). Then, in section 3, a new solution is presented. There, it is shown that the tonal association domain is not co- extensive with any one prosodic constituent, and an account of prosodic

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phrasing is given in which the prosodic hierarchy and tonal association domains play separate, though interdependent, roles. Also, I will argue that the intonational and prosodic status of reporting clauses ( cf. (2)) differs from that of vocatives and constant polarity tags, a difference which in the account given here finds a natural explanation.

2 Previous analyses

2.1 Two units, two tones An analysis as two tone units, each of which with its own nuclear tone, is fairly generally assumed in the British tradition, provided the utterance ends in a rise ( cf. Cruttenden 1986: 43). It is also given by Nespor and Vogel (1986: 187), who assign separate Intonational Phrases (henceforth IP) to final vocatives and reporting clauses. The problem in this analysis is that the distribution of the intonational patterns becomes difficult to account for. Some ways of pronouncing (1a), for instance, are given in ( 4abc ). These tonal patterns are easily accounted for if we assume that the nuclear tone chosen for there (respectively ~:L, "A:LH and fH, in the ana- lysis of Gussenhoven ( 1983b)) has an association domain that runs from there to the end of the utterance. By contrast, if we assume that the vocative is assigned its own tone, patterns are generated that do not occur, some of which are illustrated in (5abc).

(4) a. b. c. (5)

One solution to this problem of overgeneration might be to assume that the choice of tone in these structures is syntactically or pragmatically restricted. With reference to constant polarity tags ( cf. (3) ), Lindsey (1981) suggests that such tags should somehow be labelled as obligatorily attracting a rise. 1 Similarly, Beckman and Pierrehumbert (1986) propose that vocatives only occur with a low rising nucleus, although they concede that 'this fact is both striking and surprising, since choice of tone is not in general determined by syntax'. Apart from the problem of how to account for the proposed restriction, this solution is inadequate, as it fails to explain

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright how ( 4a) is possible, where the vocative does not have a rise. Moreover, we would need an additional explanation for why (Sb) is impossible: why, if the vocative must (or can?) have a rise, is the rise impossible after a rise?

28 Studies in the Pronunciation of English : A Commemorative Volume in Honour of A.C. Gimson, edited by Susan Ramsaran, Taylor and Francis, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/kb/detail.action?docID=2082897. Created from kb on 2018-03-06 02:53:23. Tonal association domains

2.2 Two units, with different tonal paradigms Bing (1979a) proposes that for the purposes of intonation there are two types of domain. The (I)nside-domain, which attracts a tone from the paradigm of nuclear tones, is equivalent to the tone unit or IP in its unproblematic guise. The (O)utside-domain, typically reserved for vocatives, reporting clauses and constant polarity tags, is served by an optional boundary H-tone. Bing's proposal builds on Liberman (1975), in which these structures are analysed as intonational 'affixes', and as such receive only the boundary tones, the outside tonal shell, of the regular nuclear tones. Both proposals have the advantage of characterising the class of vocatives, etc., as intonationally independent, yet unaccented, constituents. The problem with the account is, however, that it heavily overgenerates. In general, since Bing postulates four nucleus tones, it ought to be the case that eight contour shapes are possible for John struck OUT, my friend (i.e. four nuclear tones times two boundary tones), but only four on John struck OUT my friend, where my friend is not a vocative, but an unfocused object of struck out (the example is from Liberman (1975)). There has been no demonstration that this is in fact the case.

2. 3 Two constituents, one tone An analysis of ( 1)-(3) as two units served by a single tone is given, among others, by Kingdon (1958), Ladd (1980), Firbas (1980) and Gussenhoven (1984). While this solution solves the problem of how the intonational contour is to be explained, it is no longer clear what sort of constituents we are dealing with. In particular, how should the occurrence of the pause be accounted for? Observe that the mismatch between tonal and durational facts is a problem only in a theory in which some prosodic constituent co- incides with the tonal association domain. While this connection is not universally subscribed to (e.g. Kingdon (1958: 120), Ladd (1980: 165) and, by default, Gimson (1980), who wisely steered clear of some such definition), it is pervasive both in British and in American treatments, including Pierrehumbert (1980). The assumption is explicitly challenged by Ladd (1986): 'It is simply assumed that [audible prosodic] boundaries define the domains over which the phonological structure of intonation is to be specified' (emphasis Ladd's). In order to create a situation in which we can characterise a stretch of speech both as sufficiently high-ranking to warrant the presence of pauses, and as sufficiently low-ranking not to require a nuclear tone, Ladd proposes that prosodic constituency is recur- sive. That is, a constituent is allowed to dominate a constituent that is

higher in rank, parallel to the situation in syntax, where S may dominate Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright NP, but NP also S. Specifically, a Major Phrase (MP) is a pause-defined unit, while a Tone Group (TG) defines the domain of tonally integrated

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contours. While in the unmarked situation MP dominates TG, TG may also dominate MP. Ladd's solution is the only one that succeeds in accounting for the tonal as well as the durational facts, but it does have certain drawbacks. If constituents can contain each other, they can no longer be validated independently. The chief motivation for the prosodic hierarchy as developed by Selkirk (1980) and Nespor and Vogel (1986) is to provide a basis for the application of phonological rules. A recursive configuration in which TG dominates but is also dominated by MP precludes the existence of rules that differentiate between the two consti- tuents involved: if a rule applies in MP, it necessarily applies in TG, and vice versa. That is, at least one of the two constituents would appear to have properties that set it apart from the other constituents in the prosodic hierarchy. More importantly, as is shown in the next section, the size of a unit like TG is not constant relative to the conventional constituents of the prosodic hierarchy, and it cannot therefore be incorporated in that hier- archy without seriously upsetting it.

3 A solution In this section we first investigate the relationship between the phrasing imposed by the prosodic hierarchy and the phrasing imposed by the boundaries of tonal association domains. Then, in section 3.2, an explicit account is given of the notion tonal association domain and of the way tones are associated with the segmental string. From this account, a durationally and tonally coherent definition of the restructuring of tonal association domains emerges. Finally, in section 3.3 it is argued that the three structures exemplified in (1) to (3) are not in fact entirely com- parable. In particular, a reporting clause can form a prosodic constituent of a higher rank than can either a vocative or a constant polarity tag, and when it does, this will have an effect on the way the preceding nuclear tone is associated.

3.1 Prosodic and intonational phrasing The solution defended here assumes, as does Ladd's, that the problem is an artefact of the belief that there is some independently defined prosodic constituent which can be equated with the association domain of a tone. It differs from Ladd's in that it does not attempt to incorporate the asso- ciation domain as a constituent in the hierarchy. The assumption that the tonal association domain is a prosodic constituent in the conventional sense fails to recognise that the association domain of a tone is determined primarily by the location of any following tone, and only secondarily by Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright constituent structure. It is true that the association domain always ends at some constituent boundary, but the question which constituent appears

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at the end of the association domain is determined by which constituent the next accent is located in: the association domain is dominated by the highest node that does not dominate the next accent. In (6a), the asso- ciation domain of the first tone ends at a Foot boundary, because the next tone is in the next Foot; in (6b) it ends at the Phonological Word (hence- forth Pword) boundary, because the next accent is in the next Pword, while in (6c) and (6d) the same remark applies to the Phonological Phrase (henceforth Pphrase) and the IP respectively. From here onwards we indi- cate accent, in the sense of association marker for a nuclear tone, by *. (6) a . .4/i !!Jon? b. yYy ~l? c. ~y H~i~an? d. Wry, _lliiter? If we were to assume that each of the domains for the rising tones in ( 6) was an IP, we would lose the explanation for the fact that the prosodic break between the two constituents increases in strength from (6a) to (6d). Moreover, as Beckman and Pierrehumbert (1986) point out, if an other- wise Pword-internal constituent like vari- in (6a) were to be an IP, it would necessarily also be a Pword; yet, the rule of Pword-final i-tensing ( cf. Booij and Rubach 1987) is inapplicable in (6a), just as it is in an unaccented pronunciation of variation. That is, there is no indication that being a tone domain affects the status of a constituent in the hierarchy. Let us therefore abandon the assumption that the association domain should be a constituent of the prosodic tree in the same sense that the Foot or the IP are. Instead, let us assume that Tone Domains (TDs) are built in parallel to the prosodic hierarchy, as is illustrated in (7).

(7) IP IP ~ Pphrase Pphrase' ~ Pphrase

'M~m wantedDL1 v~ri ~tion!' said Ellen mockingly ~ vTD TD c======-======TD

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright What we need to make explicit is that both the prosodic hierarchy and TD structure impose durationally marked phrasing on the utterance.

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Although Nespor and Vogel (1986) do not assume the existence of a general connection between prosodic constituency and duration, the possibility that prosodic structure determines phrasing is entertained in Selkirk (1986). To express the connection, I postulate (8). To illustrate the rule, observe that, for instance, the Foot An- in Andes is longer than the non-Foot An- in Andy's ( cf. Dasher and Bolinger 1982), or that the Pword sin in sin tax is longer than the non-Pword syn- in syntax, or that the Pphrase one in There was only one helping, the others just stood by is longer than the non-Pphrase one in Only one helping (sc. of food), and so forth. At higher ranks the rule is known as 'final lengthening', as the effect of (8) is particularly manifest towards the end of a constituent. Second, to account for the influence of the tonal association domain on durational structure, let us assume (9). Thus, the duration of a prosodic boundary is increased in proportion to its rank. For example, the durational salience of the boundary between variation and said is due entirely to its status in the prosodic hierarchy, while that between vari- and -ation is due to its being a fairly low-ranking prosodic boundary which is reinforced by a TD boundary.

(8) Prosodic phrasing: A prosodic constituent is longer than a segmentally comparable prosodic subconstituent. (9) Intonational phrasing: A TD boundary reinforces the prosodic boundary it coincides with.

By thus severing the prosodic hierarchy from TD structure, our account is capable of assigning high-ranking constituents to unaccented stretches of speech. For example, the vocative, the reporting clause and the constant polarity tag can be assigned IP status, as proposed in various places in the literature, without either complicating the description of the English tonal paradigm or necessitating any special assumptions about the tonal proper- ties of such structures (other than the assumption that they are unaccented).

3.2 Restructuring of TDs It has so far been assumed that there is a one-to-one relationship between tones and TDs. Yet, as pointed out by Beckman and Pierrehumbert (1986) and Ladd (1986), stretches of speech containing more than one accent may nevertheless strike the listener as intonationally complete and as lacking an internal caesura, which observation provides the main motivation for the postulation of two intonational units, which differ in size or rank ( cf.

the intermediate phrase and the intonation phrase in Beckman and Pierre- Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright humbert ( 1986) ). In the present analysis, such a multi-accented integrated intonational unit is assumed to be the result of the restructuring of TDs. In

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order to clarify the notion TO, as well as the phonetic consequences of the restructuring of two TOs, consider (10). Here, the first association domain runs from Deir- to the IP boundary between this and in, while the second runs from -cate to the end of the utterance. Association of a tone proceeds straightforwardly from left to right: the first, accented, tone segment asso- ciates with the accented , the second spreads, and the last, which may be identical with the second, associates with the righthand TO boundary.

( 10) a. oei dre will do this I in order to p~ J~ ~~P HL HL

c. otirdre will do this in order to plac~te him ) ~~[7 H HL

Because the tone's association domain begins at the accented syllable, there may be an unaccented stretch of speech before it which is left unspecified by the tone. Such a stretch, of which in order to pia- in (lOa) is an example, is called an 'onset' in Gussenhoven (1983b). The motivation for not including its pitch contour in the specification of the nuclear tone is that its pitch is independent of the tone: it can be low or high, regardless of whether we choose HL, HLH or LH. In (lOa), for instance, notice that we can pronounce the onset at middish or high pitch without altering the low pitch of the preceding this, or indeed any other part of the contour. A TD will be defined as the association domain of the tone, plus its onset, if any. The restructuring of two TOs to a single super-TO obviously means that the boundary between them disappears (cf. Nespor and Vogel (1986: 172)). As a consequence, the association domain of the first tone is deprived of its boundary, and its tone segment L will shoot through to end up alongside the first tone segment of the next tone. Neither the usual association of L to

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright the TO boundary, nor the spreading of the second tone segment will take place, and instead the interaccentual stretch is filled with an interpolation between the two tone segments spanning it. This is illustrated in (lOb). A

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further simplification of the contour is achieved by an application of the intonational rule of Tone Linking (Gussenhoven (1983b)), as a result of which the last tone segment of the leftmost tone is deleted, as illustrated in (lOc). Apart from explaining the evident relatedness of the contours in (10), the analysis accounts for the weakening of the prosodic boundary in (lObe). Rietveld and Gussenhoven (1987) in fact found that utterances are heard as faster when they have a contour like (lOc) than when they have a contour like (lOa), which suggests that listeners have come to associate contours in which Tone Linking has applied with restructuring, i.e. the absence of the caesura-reinforcing TD boundary. In this account, the restructuring of TDs need not imply that the corre- sponding prosodic constituents are also restructured. Thus, while we can account for the reduced boundary in (lObe) on the basis of (9), we retain an explanation for the fact that these utterances nevertheless have a caesura between this and in, rather than between do and this, say.

3.3 The maximum TD domain and Tone Copy In the introduction it was stated that the end of a TD may coincide with the end of any one of a number of constituents from the Foot onwards. By definition, the Foot is the lower limit of the TD, since it contains at most one accentable (unreduced) syllable. In this section, I intend to demon- strate that there is an upper limit to the TD as well. That is, the TD will only tolerate internal prosodic breaks of a particular rank. Since hier- archically quite high-ranking constituents can be unaccented, the question arises what happens when only the first of two prosodic constituents that cannot embrace a TD contains an accent, and only a single tone is available for two TDs. In this situation, a conflict arises between the need to close off a TD before the end of the utterance and the need to provide the unaccented post-TD stretch with some tonal specification. Our task here then is twofold. First, we need to define the prosodic constituent which forms the upper limit of the TD, and, second, we need to explain how a 'toneless' TD acquires its tonal specification. In view of the sparsity of non-intonational criteria which have been used in the literature to define higher-ranking units like the IP and the Utterance (U), I cannot deal with the first task with any confidence. The maximal unit seems closest to the U, the highest constituent proposed (Selkirk (1980), Nespor and Vogel (1986)). However, since we evidently need a prosodic constituent higher than the maximal TD-defining constituent, I will not equate the two, and instead provisionally refer to the constituent as a Minor Utterance (MU). The second task is easier to deal with. If in a sequence of two MUs

only the first is accented, the second is provided with a copy of the pre- Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright ceding tone minus its first (accented) tone element. If the tones are viewed as having internal structure, with the starred tone element forming the head

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and the other tone elements forming a non-head, then Tone Copy can be formulated as in ( 11 ). (11) Tone Copy: Provide an unaccented MU with a copy of the nonhead of the preceding tone. Thus, Tone Copy copies L after IlL, LH after HLH, and H after tH. A structure in which Tone Copy can fairly frequently be observed, par- ticularly in reading, is the reporting clause. Simple reporting clauses optionally form separate MUs; in complex reporting clauses, the embedded clauses(s) commonly form such prosodic constituents. In (12), the two possibilities for the simple reporting clause are illustrated, with the tone i!rLH. In (13), taken from Kingdon (1958: 120), whose description inspired this section, the tonal pattern of a complex reporting clause is given, again with f!rLH.

(12) a. MU ~ IP IP ~~ 'Were you~e?' asked Jonatp.atl l~ HLH

b. MU MU ~~ '~'asked Jonat}lall ..!l\ ~ f-ILH LH

(13) MU MU ~ I w w w ~~~ 'I think we may ~e now,' said Rob¢'t, as he prepared to go down§Mlrs l~~ HLH LH

Two points should be noticed about these examples. The first is that Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright there is indeed a much greater prosodic boundary between there and asked in (12a) than in (12b), and that likewise in (13), the break between Robert

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and as is greater than that between now and said. An indication that the MU may have to be equated with U is the fact that r-linking, defined by Nespor and Vogel as applying within Us (1986: 229), seems greatly dis- favoured in (12b), but obligatory in (12a). (This would suggest that U is not in fact the highest prosodic constituent, since in this interpretation, (12b) would be an utterance consisting of two Us.) Th~ second point is that the tonal pattern of (12b) and (.!)) is specific t2 fiLH. That is, Tone Copy predicts that if we choose fH instead of fiLH, we cannot begin the unaccented MU on the same low pitch, since with LH we can only copy H. This prediction is correct and is illustrated in (14ab).

--~----~~--~--J/ (14) a. ' l~ave ow,' asked Robert, as he prepared to go downstairs .I ~ LH c======----H b. *:caa-I)lave;how,' asked Robert, as he prepared to go down~irs

In the case of fiL and LH, the difference in the tonal contour between a pronunciation as a single MU and as a sequence of two is less spectacular than in the case of fiLH, since the unaccented MU is served by the 'same' tone segment in either case. Nevertheless, the distinction is easy to observe. In (15a), it is reached twice, once in there and once in Jonathan. Notice that the pitch in said is somewhat .higher than that of there. Similarly, in (16a), we have final high pitch only once, but in (16b) we have it twice, said being somewhat lower than there here.

(15) a. 'Were you~?' asked Jonathan ~ c== ' HL

b. '~'asked Jonathan /1 c======HL L

(16) a. 'Were yoY~ asked Jonath~n tH~

b. ·~asked Jonathan

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright LH"' c======-H

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4 Summary This article has shown that the tonal association domain cannot be equated with any one constituent of the prosodic hierarchy. The prosodic con- stituent which the association domain, or Tone Domain (TD), coincides with in any particular case is determined by the location of any following tone. The lowest constituent that can coincide with the TD is the Foot, while the highest is a constituent which seems akin to the Utterance, and which was provisionally dubbed MU. TDs are seen to be built in parallel to the prosodic hierarchy. A TD boundary always coincides with a prosodic boundary of some rank between the Foot and the MU, and causes the durational caesura of that prosodic boundary to be reinforced. Because of their obvious relevance to the issue of tonal association domain, two aspects of the generation of tonal contours were discussed. The first was the restructuring of TDs, which accounts for the existence of multi-accented stretches of contour that lack an internal pause. The second was the rule of Tone Copy, which is responsible for providing unaccented MUs with a tonal specification. On the basis of this rule, reporting clauses could be shown to behave differently from other unaccented structures, like final vocatives and constant polarity tags. The rule of Tone Copy, like the Tone Linking rule, confirms the analysis of the fall, the fall-rise and the rise of English as the segmentally com_posite structures HL, HLH and LH, since only these latter representations of the nuclear tones allow the elegant formulation that the rule has been given.

Note

1. Unlike the constant polarity tag, the reverse polarity tag ( cf. hasn't he in (3)) is accented (Bing ( 1979a) ). The connection between syntax and tone advocated by Lindsey cannot be ruled out in principle, since reverse polarity tags do not occur with the fall-rise (HLH).* I assume, however, that the restriction follows from the incompatibility of the meaning of the fall-rise and the meaning of the

reverse polarity tag. Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright

37

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Abercrombie, D. (1964) Syllable quantity and enclitics in English. In Abercrombie, D. eta/. (eds) In Honour of Daniel!ones. Longmans, London -- (1965) Studies in Phonetics and Linguistics. Oxford University Press, London AdetugbQ, A. (1977) Nigerian English: fact or fiction. Lagos Notes and Records, 6, 128-41 AfQlayan, A. (1979) Acceptability of English as second language in Nigeria. In Greenbaum, S. ( ed.) Acceptability in Language. Mouton, The Hague. 13-25 Agheyisi, R.N. (1984) Minor languages in the Nigerian context: prospects and problems. Word, 35, 235-53 Aitken, A.J. (1981) The Scottish -length rule. In Benskin, M. & Samuels, M.L. (eds) So Mony People Longages and Tonges: Philological Essays in Scots and Mediaeval English Presented to Angus Mcintosh. Middle English Project, Edinburgh. 131-57 -- eta/. ( 1979) English around the world. In Collins Dictionary of the English Language. Collins, Glasgow Akmajian, A. (1979) Aspects of the Grammar of Focus in English. Garland, New York Allan, K. (1986) Linguistic Meaning(2 vols). Routledge & Kegan Paul, London Allen, Harold B. (1977) Regional , 1945-1974 American Speech, 52.3-4, 163-261 -- & Underwood, Gary N. (eds) (1971) Readings in American Dialectology. Appleton Century Crofts, New York Allen, J., Hunnicutt, M.S. & Klatt, D. (1987) From Text to Speech: the MITalk System. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Allerton, D.J. & Cruttenden, A. (1974) English sentence adverbials: their syntax and their intonation in British English. Lingua, 34, 1-30 -- (1976) The intonation of medial and final sentence adverbials in British English. Archivum Linguisticum, 7, 29-59 -- (1978) Syntactic, illocutionary, thematic and attitudinal factors in the intonation of adverbials. Journal of Pragmatics, 2, 155-88 -- (1979) Three reasons for accenting a definite subject. Journal of Linguistics, 15,49-53 Allison, B., (1815) The American Standard of Orthography and Pronunciation and

Improved Dictionary of the English Language. D. Allison Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (1969) Houghton Mifflin, Boston

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Anderson, S.R. (1974) The Organization of . Seminar Press, New York Appa Rao, M. (1978) 'Orthography as underlying representation: a study ofthe vocalic phonology of RP and Telugu English within the framework of generative phonology.' Unpublished MLitt dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad Armstrong, L. (1932) The Phonetics of French. Bell, London Arnold, G.F. (1957) in English Words. North-Holland Publishing Co., Amsterdam -- & Tooley, O.M. (1972) Say It with Rhythm 3: An Advanced Phonetic Reader. Longman, London Arnold, R. & Hansen, K. (1978) Englische Phonetik. Lizenzausgabe: Miinchen: Hueber (Leipzig: VEB Enzyklopadie, 1975) Avis, WalterS. (1971) The 'New England short o': a recessive phoneme. In Allen & Underwood, 200-15 (First printed 1961 in Language, 37, 544-50.) Bailey, C-J.N. & Shuy, R.W. (eds) (1973) New Ways ofAnalyzing Variation in English, Georgetown University Press, Washington, D.C. Bailey, Nathan (1721) An Universal Etymological English Dictionary. London Bailey, R. & Gorlach, M. (1982) English as a World Language. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor Bald, W.D. (1987) Reduced structures in English grammar. In Lorscher, W. & Schulze, R. ( eds) (1987) Perspectives on Language in Performance: Studies in Linguistics, Literary Criticism, and Language Teaching and Learning- to Honour Werner Hiillen on the Occasion of his Sixtieth Birthday. Narr, Tiibingen. 69-87 Ball, P. (1983) Stereotypes of Anglo-Saxon and non Anglo-Saxon accents: some explanatory Australian studies with the matched guise technique. Language Sciences, 5, 163-84 -- , Byrne, J., Giles, H., Berechree, P., Griffiths, J., Mcdonald, H. & McKendrick, I. (1982) The retroactive speech stereotype effect: some Australian data and constraints. Language and Communication, 2, 277-84 -- , Giles, H., Byrne, J. & Berechree, P. (1984) Situational constraints on the evaluative significance of speech accommodation: some Australian data. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 46, 115-29 Bamgbo~e, A. (1971) The English language in Nigeria. In Spencer, J. (ed.) The English Language in West Africa. Longman, Harlow -- (1982) Standard Nigerian English: issues of identification. In Kachru, B. ( ed.) The Other Tongue: English across Cultures. University of Illinois Press, Illinois; London. 99-111 Banjo, A. (1969) Towards a definition of standard Nigerian spoken English. Annates de l'Universite d'Abidjan, Series H (linguistique). Bansal, R.K. (1970-71) A phonetic analysis of English spoken by a group of well-educated speakers from Uttar Pradesh. Bulletin of the Central Institute of English Hyderabad, 8 -- (1976) The Intelligibility of Indian English (abridged 2nd edn). Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad. Monograph No. 4 -- (1978a) Introductions to English Language Teaching, Volume 2: Phonetics and Spoken English. Oxford University Press, Delhi

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright -- (1978b) The phonology oflndian English. In Ramesh Mohan (ed.) Indian Writing in English. Orient Longman, Madras -- ( 1983) Studies in Phonetics and Spoken English: National Lectures in

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English, 1980-81. Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad. Monograph No. 10 -- & Harrison, J.B. (1983) Spoken English for India: A Manual of Speech and Phonetics. (2nd edn) Orient Longman, Madras Barry, M.C. (1984) Connected speech: processes, motivations, models. Cambridge Papers in Phonetics and Experimental Linguistics, 3 -- (1985) A palatographic study of connected speech processes. Cambridge Papers in Phonetics and Experimental Linguistics, 4 Bauer, Laurie (1979) The second great vowel shift? Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 9, 57-66 -- (1984) Linking /r/ in RP: some facts. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, I4, 74-9 -- (1986) Notes on New Zealand English phonetics and phonology. English World- Wide, 7, 225-58 Beale, P. ( ed. )( 1984) Eric Partridge's A Dictionary of Slang and Uneon ventional English. (8th edn) Routledge & Kegan Paul, London Beckman, Mary E. & Pierrehumbert, Janet B. (1986) Intonational structure in English and Japanese. Phonology Yearbook, 3, 255-309 Bender, J.F. (1943) NBC Handbook of Pronunciation. (3rd edn 1964 revised by Thomas L. Crowell, Jr; 4th edn 1984 revised and updated by Eugene Erlich & Raymond Hand, Harper & Row, New York) Thomas Y. Crowell, New York Berg, P.C. (1953) A Dictionary of New Words in English. Allen & Unwin, London Berger, C.R. & Bradac, J.J. (1982) Language and Social Knowledge. Edward Arnold, London Bhat, D.N.S. (1975) Two studies on . In Ferguson, C.A., Hyman, L.M. & Ohala, J.J. (eds) Nasa/fest- Papers from a Symposium on Nasa/sand Nasalisation. Stanford. California. 27-48 Bierwisch, M. (1968) Two critical problems in accent rules. Journal of Linguistics, 4, 173-8 Bing, Janet M. (1979a) 'Aspects of English prosody.' Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Distributed by Indiana University Linguistics Club -- ( 1979b) 'A discourse domain identified by intonation contours.' Paper to Linguistic Society of America, Los Angeles. Bloch, Bernard ( 1971) Postvocalic r in New England speech, a study in American dialect geography. In Allen & Underwood, 196-9 (First printed 1939 in Actes du quatrieme congres internationale de linguistes. Munksgaard, Copenhagen.) Bolinger, D.L. (1965) Forms of English: Accent, Morpheme, Order. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. -- (1972) Accent is predictable (if you're a mind-reader). Language, 48, 633-44. -- (1978) Intonation across languages. In Greenberg, J., Ferguson, C.A. & Moravcsik, E. (eds) Universals of Human Language, vol. 2, Phonology. Stanford University Press, Stanford. 471-524 -- (1986) Intonation and its Parts. Edward Arnold, London -- & Sears, D.A. (1981) Aspects of Language. (3rd edn) Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, New York

Bolles, W. (1846) A Phonographic Pronouncing Dictionary ofthe English Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright Language. Bolles & Williams, New London Booij, Geert & Rubach, Jerzy (1987) Postcyclic versus postlexical rules in lexical

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phonology. Linguistic Inquiry, I 8, 1-44 Borden, G.J. & Harris, K. S. (1980) Speech Science Primer. Williams & Wilkins, Baltimore and London Botwinick, J. (1984) Aging and Behaviors. (3rd edn) Springer-Verlag, New York Bourhis, R.Y. & Giles, H. (1976) The language of co-operation in Wales: a field study. Language Sciences, 42, 13-16 -- , Giles, H. & Lambert, W.E. (1975) Social consequences of accommodating one's style of speech: a cross-national investigation. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 6, 55-72 Bradac, J.J. & Wisegarver, R. (1984) Ascribed status, lexical diversity, and accent: determinants of perceived status, solidarity, and control of speech style. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 3, 239-56 Braithwaite, V.A. (1986) Old age stereotypes: reconciling contradictions. Journal of Gerontology, 4I, 353-60 Braune, W., & Mitzka, W. (1967) Althochdeutsche Grammatik. M. Niemeyer, Tiibingen Brazil, D. (1975) Discourse Intonation. Discourse Analysis Monographs I, English Language Research, University of Birmingham, Birmingham -- (1978) Discourse Intonation II. Discourse Analysis Monographs II, English Language Research, University of Birmingham, Birmingham -- , Coulthard, M. & Johns, C. (1980) Discourse Intonation and Language Teaching, Longman, London Bridges, Robert (1913) Tract on the Present State of English Pronunciation. Clarendon Press, Oxford Bronstein, A.J. (1962) Let's take another look at New York City speech. American Speech, 37, 13-26 -- , Raphael, L.J. & Stevens, C.J. (eds) (1977) The Biographical Dictionary of the Phonetic Sciences, Lehman College Press, New York Brook, G.L. (1963) English Dialects. Deutsch, London Brosnahan, F. (1958) English in Southern Nigeria. English Studies, 39, 97-110 Brown, B.L., Giles, H. and Thakerar, J.N. (1985) Speaker evaluations as a function of speech rate, accent and context. Language and Communication, 5, 207-22 Brown, G. (1977) Listening to Spoken English. Longman, London -- , Currie, K. & Kenworthy, J. (1980) Questions of Intonation. Croom Helm, London Brown, R. (1970) Psycholinguistics. Free Press, New York Bynon, T. (1977) Historical Linguistics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Cairns, E. & Dubiez, B. ( 1976) The influence of speaker's accent on recall by Catholic and Protestant schoolchildren in Northern Ireland. British Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 15, 441-2 Campbell, A (1959) Old English Grammar. Oxford University Press, London Carver, C.S. & de Ia Garza, N.H. (1984) Schema-guided information search in stereotyping of the elderly. Journal ofApplied Social Psychology, 14, 69-81 Cawdrey, Robert (1604) A Table Alphabetical/. E. Weaver, London CBC Handbook for Announcers (1942) Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, Ottawa

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages ( 1972) The Sound System of Indian English. CIEFL, Hyderabad. Monograph No. 7 Chaiken, S. (1987) The heuristic model of persuasion. In Zanna, M.P., Olson, J.M.

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& Hermann, C.P. (eds) Social Influence: The Ontario Symposiumvo!. 5, Erlbaum, Hillsdale, N.J. Chambers Twentieth Century Dictionary. (1972) Chambers, Edinburgh Charles-Luce, J. ( 1985) Word-final devoicing in German: effects of phonetic and sentential contexts. Journal of Phonetics, 13, 309-24 Chen, M. (1970) Vowel length variation as a function of the voicing ofthe consonantal environment. Phonetica, 22, 129-59 Cheshire, Jenny (1984) Indigenous non-standard English varieties and education. In Trudgill, Peter ( ed.) Language in the British Isles. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 546-58 Cheyne, W. (1970) Stereotyped reactions to speakers with Scottish and English regional accents. British Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 9, 77-9 Chomsky, N. & Halle, M. (1968) The sound pattern of English. Harper& Row, New York Clements, G.N. & Keyser, S. J. (1983) CV Phonology: A Generative Theory of the Syllable. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass. Collins Co build English Language Dictionary ( 1987). Sinclair, John eta/. ( eds) Collins, London and Glasgow Collins Dictionary of the English Language. ( 1979) Collins, London Congleton, J.E. (1979) Pronunciation in Johnson's dictionary. In Gates, J.E. & Robar, D. (eds) Papers on Lexicography in Honor of Warren N. Cordell. The Dictionary Society of North America, Indiana State University Cooper, F.S. (1972) How is language conveyed by speech. In Kavanaugh, J.F. & Mattingly, I. ( eds) Language by Ear and Eye. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass. Coupland, J., Coupland, N., Giles, H. and Henwood, K. (in press) Accommodating the elderly: invoking and extending a theory. Language in Society Coupland, N. (1984) Accommodation at work: some phonological data am~ their implications. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 46, 49-70 -- (1987) Dialect in Use: Sociolinguistic Variation in Cardiff English. University of Wales Press, Cardiff Coxe, R.S. (1813) A New Critical Pronouncing Dictionary of the English Language. D. Allison, Burlington, N.J. Creber, C. & Giles, H. (1983) Social context and language attitudes: the role of formality-informality of the setting. Language Sciences, 5, 155-62 Cruttenden, Alan (1984) The relevance of intonational misfits. In Gibbon & Richter, 67-76 -- (1986) Intonation. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Crystal, D. (1969) Prosodic Systems and Intonation in English. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge -- (1975) Prosodic features and linguistic theory. In Crystal, D. The English Tone of Voice. Edward Arnold, London -- & Quirk, R. (1964) Systems of Prosodic and Paralinguistic Features in English. Mouton, The Hague Culler, J. (1983) On Deconstruction. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London Dalby, R.M. (1984) 'Phonetic structure of fast speech processes in American English.' Unpublished PhD thesis, Indiana University Dasher, Richard & Bolinger, Dwight (1982) On pre-accentual lengthening. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 12, 58-77 Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright Davidsen-Nielsen, N. (1974) Syllabification in English words with medial sp, st, sk. Journal of Phonetics, 2, 15-45

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(1978) Neutralisation andArchiphoneme: Two Phonological Concepts and their History. Akademisk Forlag, Copenhagen de Villiers, M. (1976) Afrikaanse klankleer. Fonetiek, Fonologie en woordbou. Balkema, Kaapstad Dhamija, P.V. (1976) 'A phonological description of Rajasthani English.' Unpublished MLitt dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad Dictionary ofAmerican Regional English. (1985) Vol. I, Introduction and A-C. Edited by F. G. Cassidy. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., and London, England Dictionary of Canadian English (1962-) Based on work of E. L. Thorndike & Clarence L. Barnhart. Gage, Toronto Dobson, E.J. (1957) English Pronunciation I500-I700. Clarendon Press, Oxford Doke, C. (1931) A Comparative Study in Shona Phonetics. University of the Witwatersrand Press Drachman, G. (1977) On the Notion 'Phonological Hierarchy'. In Dressler, W.U. & Pfeiffer, 0. E. ( eds) Phonologica I976: A kten der dritten I nternationalen Phonologie-Tagung, Wien, I-4 September I976. lnstitut fiir Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft, Innsbruck, 85-102 Dressler, W. U. ( 1972) Allegroregeln rechtfertigen Lentoregeln: Sekundiire Phoneme des Bretonischen. lnstitut fiir Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft, Innsbruck Dyche, Thomas (1735) A New General English Dictionary. Eaton, R., Fischer, 0., Koopman, W., & v. d. Leek, F. (1985) Papers from the 4th International Conference on English Historical Linguistics, Amsterdam, I O-I3 Apri/I985. Benjamins, Amsterdam Edward, J.A. (1982) Rules for synthesising the prosodic features of speech. JSR U research report no. I OI5. JSRU, Cheltenham Edwards, J.R. ( 1982) Language attitudes and their implications among English speakers. In Ryan, E.B. & Giles, H. (eds) Attitudes towards Language Variation: Social and Applied Contexts. Edward Arnold, London and Baltimore, 20-33 Ellis, Alexander J. (1869) On Early English Pronunciation. Early English Text Society, London -- (1875) Pronunciation for Singers. J. Curwen & Sons Ltd, London -- (1889) On Early English Pronunciation. Part V. Trtibner, London Elwell, C.M., Brown, R.J., Rutter, D.R. (1984) Effects of accent and visual information on impression formation. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 3, 297-9 Elyan, 0., Smith, P.M., Giles, H. & Bourhis, R.Y. (1978) R.P.- female accented speech. The voice of androgyny? In Trudgill, P. ( ed.) Sociolinguistic Patterns of British English. Edward Arnold, London, 122-31 Fant, G. (1961) Sound spectrography. In Sovijarvi, A. & Aarto, P. (eds) Procedings of the Fourth International Congress of Phonetic Sciences. Humanities Press, New York Ferguson, C. A. ( 1972) 'Short a' in Philadelphia English. In Smith, M.E. ( ed.) Studies in Linguistics in Honor of George L. Trager. Mouton, The Hague, 259-74 Fielding, G. & Evered, C. (1980) The influence of patients' speech upon doctors. In St. Clair, R.N. & Giles, H. (eds) The Social and Psychological Contexts of

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright Language. Erlbaum, Hillsdale, N.J. 51-72 Firbas, Jan (1980) Post-intonation-centre prosodic shade in the modern English clause. In Greenbaum, Sidney, Leech, Geoffrey & Svartvik, Jan (eds) Studies in

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English Linguistics for Randolph Quirk. Longman, London, 125-33 Firth, J.R. (1930) Speech. Ernest Benn, London · -- (1957) The use and distribution of certain English sounds. In Papers in Linguistics 1934-1955. Oxford University Press, London, 34-46 Fowler, C.A., Rubin, P., Remez, R.E., & Turvey, M.T. (1980) Implications for speech production of a general theory of action. In Butterworth, B. ( ed.) Language Production. Academic Press, London Fox, A. (1984) Subordinating and co-ordinating intonation structures. In Gibbon & Richter, 120-33 Fry, D.B. (ed.) (1976) Acoustic Phonetics: A Course of Basic Readings. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York -- (1979) The Physics of Speech. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Fuchs, A. (1980) Accented subjects in 'all-new' sentences. In Brettschneider, G. & Lehmann, C. (eds), Wege zur Universalienforschung. Narr, Tubingen Fudge, E. C. (1969) . Journal of Linguistics, 5, 253-86 -- (1977) Long and short [ re] in one southern British speaker's English. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 7, 55-65 -- (1984) English Word-Stress. George Allen & Unwin, London Gay, T. (1981) Mechanisms in the control of speech rate. Phonetica, 38, 148-58 Genette, G. (1976) Mimologiques: voyage en Cratylie. Seuil, Paris -- (1980) Valery and the poetics of language. In Harari, J. (ed.) Textual strategies. Methuen, London, 359-73 Germer, E. (1977) Deutsche Mundart und englischeAussprache. Cornelsen- V elhagen & Klasing, Gernentz, H.J. (1972) Das Vordringen des Hochdeutschen in Norddeutschland. Ein Beitrag zur Entstehung der deutschen Hochsprache. In The Position ofthe Old, Relatively Less Influential Vernaculars in Europe in the 16th and 17th Centuries. Texts and Lectures on the Symposium organised by the Ynteruniversitaire Studzjerie Frysk on the 31.3.1972 in Ljouwert (Leeuwarden). Ljouwert, 57-68 Gibbon, D. & Richter, H. (eds) (1984) Intonation, Accent and Rhythm. De Gruyter, Berlin Giles, H. (1970) Evaluative reactions to accents. Educational Review, 22, 211-27 -- (1971) Patterns of evaluation in reactions to RP, South Welsh and Somerset accented speech. British Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 10, 280-1 -- (1972a) The effect of stimulus mildness-broadness in the evaluation of accents. Language and Speech, 15, 262-9 -- (1972b) Evaluation of personality content from accented speech as a function of listeners' social attitudes. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 34, 168-70 -- (1973) Communicative effectiveness as a function of accented speech. Speech Monographs, 40, 330-1 -- , Baker, S. & Fielding, G. (1975) Communication length as a function of accent prejudice. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 6, 73-81 -- & Bourhis, R.Y. (1976) Methodological issues in dialect perception: a social psychological perspective. Anthropological Linguistics, 19, 294-304. Reprinted in Wilson, R. ( ed.) (1977) Proceedings of 2nd International Conference on Methods of Dialectology Charlottetown 1975. University of Western Ontario Press

-- & Bourhis, R.Y. (1976b) Black speakers with white speech- a real problem? Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright In Nickel, G. ( ed.) Proceedings of 4th International Congress ofApplied Linguistics, Stuttgart, 1975, 1, 5755-584. Hochschulverlag, Stuttgart

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& Farrar, K. (1979) Some behavioural consequences of accented speech. British Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 18, 209-10 -- , Harrison, C., Creber, C., Smith, P.M. & Freeman, N.H. (1983) Developmental and contextual aspects of British children's language attitudes. Language and Communication, 3, 1-6 -- , Hewstone, M. & Ball, P. (1983) Language attitudes in multilingual settings: prologue and priorities. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 4, 81-100 -- , Hewstone, M., Ryan, E.B. & Johnson, P. (in press) Research in language attitudes. In Ammon, U., Dittmar, N. & Matteier, K.J. ( eds) Sociolinguistics: An Interdisciplinary Handbook of the Science of Language. De Gruyter, Berlin -- & Johnson, P. (1986) Perceived threat, ethnic commitment and interethnic language behaviour. In Kim, Y. (ed.) Interethnic Communication: Recent Research (lOth Intercultural Communication Annual). Sage, Beverly Hills, 91-116 -- & Marsh, P. (1979) Perceived masculinity and accented speech. Language Sciences, 1, 301-15 -- & Powesland, P.F. ( 1975) Speech Styles and Social Evaluation. Academic Press, London -- & Ryan, E.B. (1982) Prolegomena for developing a social psychological theory for language attitudes. In Ryan, E. B. & Giles, H. ( eds) Attitudes towards Language Variation: Social and Applied Contexts. Edward Arnold, London, 208-23 -- & Ryan, E.B. (1986) Communication and the elderly. Language and Communication, 6 (1 and 2) -- & Sassoon, C. (1983) The effects of speaker's accent, social class background and message style on British listeners' social judgments. Language and Communications, 3, 305-13 -- & Smith, P.M. (1979) Accommodation theory: optimal levels of convergence. In Giles, H. & St. Clair, R.N. (eds) Language and Social Psychology. Blackwell, Oxford, 45-65 -- , Smith, P.M., Browne, C., Whiteman, S. & Williams, J.A. (1980) Women speaking: the voice of feminism. In McConnell-Ginet, S., Borker, R. & Furman, N. ( eds) Women and Language in Literature and Society. Praeger, New York, 150-6 -- , Smith, P.M., Ford, B., Condor, S. & Thakerar, J.N. (1980) Speech styles and the fluctuating saliency of sex. Language Sciences, 2, 260-82 -- , Wilson, P. & Conway, A (1981) Accent and lexical diversity as determinants of impression formation and employment selection. Language Sciences, 3, 92-103 Gimson, A. C. (1962) An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English. Edward Arnold, London -- (1970) An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English. (2nd edn) Edward Arnold, London -- ( 1973) Phonology and the lexicographer. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 211, 115-21 -- (1975) A Practical Course of English Pronunciation. Edward Arnold,

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright London -- (1977) Everyman's English Pronouncing Dictionary. (14th edn) (Originally compiled by Daniel Jones.) Dent, London, revised (1988) by Susan Ramsaran

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-- (1978) Towards an international pronunciation of English. In Stevens, P. (ed.) In Honour of A.S. Hornby, Oxford University Press, London, 45-53 -- (1980) An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English. (3rd edn) Edward Arnold, London -- (1981) Pronunciation in EFL dictionaries, Applied Linguistics, 2, 250-62 -- (1984) The RP accent. In Trudgill, Peter ( ed.) Language in the British Isles. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 45-54 Gokhale, S.B. (1978) 'A study of intonation patterns in Marathi and Marathi English.' Unpublished MLitt dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad Goyvaerts, D. (1981) Phonology in the 1980s. E. Story-Scientia, Ghent Green, J. (1984) The Dictionary of Contemporary Slang. Pan, London -- (1986) The Slang Thesaurus. Elm Tree Books, London Greenberg, J.H. (1978) Some generalizations concerning initial and final clusters. In Greenberg, J.H., Ferguson, C.A. & Moravcsik, E.A. (eds) Universals of Human Language, vol. 2 Phonology, 243-79 Greet, W. Cabell (1948) World Words: Recommended pronunciations. (2nd edn) (1st edition 1944 as War Words) Columbia University Press, New York Gregg, R.J. (1964) Scotch-Irish urban speech in Ulster. In Adams, G.B. (ed.) Ulster Dialects: An Introductory Symposium. Ulster Folk Museum, Cultra, County Down, 161-91 Grice, H.P. (1975) Logic and conversation. In Cole, P. & Morgan, J.L. ( eds) Syntax and Semantics 3: Speech Acts. Academic Press, New York, 41-58 Grunwell, P. (1982) Clinical Phonology. Croom Helm, London Gueron, J. (1980) On the syntax and semantics of PP extra position. Linguistic Inquiry, 11,637-78 Gumperz, J.J. (1982) Discourse Strategies. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Gussenhoven, C. (1983a) Focus, mode and the nucleus. Journal of Linguistics, 19, 377-417. Reprinted in Gussenhoven (1984) -- ( 1983b) 'A semantic analysis of the nuclear tones of English.' Distributed by Indiana University Linguistics Club. Published as Chapter 6 in Gussenhoven (1984) -- (1984) On the Grammar and Semantics of Sentence Accents. Foris, Dordrecht -- (1986a) The intonation of George and Mildred: postnuclear generalisations. In Johns-Lewis, Catherine ( ed.) Intonation in Discourse. Croom Helm, London, 77-123 -- ( 1986b) English allophones and ambisyllabicity, Gramma, 10, 2, 119-41 Haiman, J. (1983) Iconic and economic motivation. Language, 59, 4, 781-819 Halle, M. (1959) The Sound Pattern of Russian. Mouton, The Hague -- (1962) Phonology in generative grammar. Word, 18, 54-72 -- (1964) On the basis of phonology. In Fodor, J.A. & Katz, J.J. (eds) The structure of language: readings in the philosophy of language. Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 324-33 -- & Mohanan, K.P. (1985) Segmental phonology of modern English,

Linguistic Inquiry, 16, 57-116 Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright -- & Vergnaud, J.-R. (1980) Three dimensional phonology, Journal of Linguistic Research, 1

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Halliday, M.A.K. (1967a) Intonation and Grammar in British English, Mouton, The Hague -- (1967b) Notes on transitivity and theme in English: part 2, Journal of Linguistics, 3, 199-244 Hannan, M. (SJ) (1974) Standard Shona Dictionary. 2nd edn. Rhodesia Literature Bureau, Salisbury Hansen, K. (1964) Reim- und Ablautverdoppelungen. Zeitschriftfiir Anglistik und Amerikanistik, I2, 5-31 Hardcastle, W.J. & Morgan, R.A. (1981) An instrumental analysis of articulation disorders in children. Work in Progress, 3, 19-50, Phonetics Laboratory, University of Reading Harris, J. (1985) Phonological Variation and Change. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge -- (1987) Non-structure-preserving rules in Lexical Phonology: southeastern Bantu harmony, Lingua 73, 255-92 -- (1989) Towards a lexical analysis of sound change in progress. Journal of Linguistics 25.1 Hartmann, R.R.K. (1986) The History of Lexicography. John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam and Philadelphia Hawkins, P. (n.d.) 'The New Zealand accent and its role in the analysis of some phonological problems of English', Mimeo Helfrich, H. (1979) Age markers in speech. In Scherer, K.R. & Giles, H. (eds) Social Markers in Speech. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 63-107 Henderson, Eugenie J.A. ( ed.) (1971) The Indispensable Foundation: A Selection from the Writings of Henry Sweet. Oxford University Press, London Hill, T. (1966) The technique of prosodic analysis. In Bazell, C. E. eta/. ( eds) (1966) In Memory of J.R. Firth. Longmans, London, 198-226 Hirst, D. ( 1986) Phonological and acoustic parameters of English intonation. In Johns-Lewis, C. (ed.) Intonation in Discourse. Croom Helm, London Honikman, Beatrice (1964) Articulatory settings. In Abercrombie, D., Fry, D. B., MacCarthy, P.A.D., Scott, N.C. & Trim, J.L.M. In Honour of Daniel Jones. Longman, London, 73-84 Hooper, J.B. (1976) An Introduction to Natural Generative Phonology. Academic Press, New York Hopwood, D. (1928) South African English Pronunciation. Juta, Cape Town Hormann, H. (1971) Psycholinguistics. Springer-Verlag, Berlin House, Jill (1984) Review of Gussenhoven (1984). Linguistics, 22, 899-912 Huckin, T.N. ( 1977) 'An integrated theory of English intonation.' Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Washington Hughes, A. & Trudgill, P. (1979) English Accents and Dialects: an Introduction to Social and Regional Varieties of British English. Edward Arnold, London Huygens, I. & Vaughan, G.M. (1983) Language attitudes, ethnicity and social class in New Zealand. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 4, 207-24 Hyman, L.M. (1975) Phonology: Theory and Analysis. Holt, Rinehart & Winston, New York Ichikawe, S. (1923)

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Ilson, R. (1982) The Survey of English Usage: past, present- and future. EL T Journa~ 36 4, 242-7 Jack, J. (1922) Manual of French Pronunciation. Harrap, London Jackendoff, R. (1972) Semantic Interpretation in Generative Grammar. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass. Jaeger, J.J. (1986) On the acquisition of abstract representations for English . Phonology Yearbook, 3, 71-97 Jakobson, R. (1965) Quest for the essence of language. Diogenes, 51, 21-37 -- , Fant, G. & Halle, M. (1952) Preliminaries to speech analysis. Technical report 13, MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass. -- & Waugh, L. (1979) The Sound-Shape of Language. Indiana University Press, Bloomington James, Arthur Lloyd (1928-39) Broadcast English. BBC, London Jespersen, 0. (1922) Language. Allen & Unwin, London Johansson, S. (1978) Studies of Error Gravity. University of Gothenburg, Gothenburg Jones, D. (1917) An English Pronouncing Dictionary. (1st edn) Dent, London -- (1931) The 'word' as a phonetic entity. Le Maitre Phonetique, 36,60-5 -- (1932) An Outline of English Phonetics. Teubner, Leipzig -- (1949) The Principles of the International Phonetic Association. IPA, London -- (1950) The Pronunciation of English. Cambridge University Press, London -- (1956) The hyphen as a phonetic sign. Zeitschriftfur Phonetik, 9, 2 -- (1963) English Pronouncing Dictionary. (12th edn) Dent, London -- (1967) English Pronouncing Dictionary. (13th edn) Dent, London -- (1972) An Outline of English Phonetics. Hefter, Cambridge -- (1977) English Pronouncing Dictionary. (14th edn extensively revised and edited by A. C. Gimson) Dent, London Jones-Sargent, V. (1983) Tyne Bytes. Verlag, Bern. Kahn, D. (1976) Syllable-Based Generalizations in English Phonology. Circulated by Indiana University Linguistics Club. Also published (1980) by Garland, New York Kalin, R. (1982) The social significance of speech in medical, legal and occupational settings. In Ryan, E.B. & Giles, H. (eds) Attitudes towards Language Variation: Social and Applied Contexts. Edward Arnold, London, 148-63 -- , Rayko, D.S. & Love, N. (1980) The perception and evaluation of job candidates with four ethnic accents. In Giles, H., Robinson, W.P. & Smith, P.M. (eds) Language: Social Psychological Perspective. Blackwell, Oxford, 197-202 Kelly, J. & Local, J.K. (1981) 'A new view of dew and do.' Paper given to the Autumn meeting ofthe LAGB, York, 1981 -- & Local, J.K. (1982) 'Interpreting rhyme and resonance in English phonology.' Paper given to the Colloquium of British Academic Phoneticians, York, 1982 -- & Local, J.K. (1986) Long-domain resonance patterns in English. lEE Conference Publication No. 258, Speech Input/Output; Techniques and Applications Kelso, J.A.S., Saltzman, E.L. and Tuller, B. (1986) The dynamical perspective on

speech production: data and theory. Journal of Phonetics, 14, 29-59 Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright Kenyon, J.S. (1924, lOth edn 1950) American Pronunciation. (lOth edn) (1st edn 1950) George Wahr, Ann Arbor, Michigan

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-- & Knott, T.A. (1944, 1953) A Pronouncing Dictionary ofAmerican English. (1st edn 1944) Merriam, Springfield, Mass Kersey, John (1708) Dictionarium Ang/o-Britannicum. London Kerswill, P.E. (1985) A sociophonetic study of connected speech processes in Cambridge English: an outline and some results. Cambridge Papers in Phonetics and Experimental Linguistics, 4 -- ( 1987) Levels of linguistic variation in Durham. Journal of Linguistics, 23, 25-49 Khan, N asiruddin ( 1974) 'A Phonological analysis of English spoken by All-India Radio newsreaders.' Unpublished Research Diploma dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad Kingdon, Roger (1958) The groundwork of English intonation. Longman, London Kiparsky, P. (1982) From cyclic phonology to lexical phonology. In van der Hulst, H. & Smith, N. ( eds) The Structure of Phonological Representations: 1 Foris, Dordrecht, 131-76 -- (1985) Some consequences of Lexical Phonology. Phonology Yearbook, 2, 85-138 -- ( 1988) Phonological change. In F. Newmeyer ( ed.) Linguistics: the Cambridge Survey, vol. I, Linguistic Theory: Foundations. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 363-415 Klatt, D.H. (1979) Synthesis by rule of segmental durations in English sentences. In Lindblom, B. & Ohman, S. ( eds) Frontiers of Speech Communication Research, Academic Press, New York, 287-99 Knowles, G. (1984) Variable strategies in intonation. In Gibbon & Richter, 226-42 Kogan, N. (1979) Beliefs, attitudes and stereotypes about old people: a new look at some old issues. Research on Ageing, I, 11-36 Kurath, Hans ( ed.) (1939) Handbook of Linguistic Geography of New England American Council of Learned Societies, Washington -- (ed.) (1939-43) Linguistic Atlas of New England Brown University, Providence, R.I. -- (1964) A Phonology and Prosody of Modern English. Winter, Heidelberg -- & McDavid, Jr, Raven I. (1961) The Pronunciation of English in the Atlantic States. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Labov, W. (1966) The Social Stratification of English in New York City. Center for Applied Linguistics, Washington D.C. -- (1972) Sociolinguistic Patterns. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia -- , Yaeger, M. & Steiner, R. (1972) A Quantitative Study of Sound Change in Progress. US Regional Survey, Philadelphia Ladd, D.R. (1978) The Structure of Intonational Meaning. Indiana University Press, Bloomington -- (1979) Light and shadow: a study in the syntax and semantics of sentence accent in English. In Waugh, L.R. & van Coetsem, F. (eds) Contributions to Grammatical Studies: Semantics and Syntax. Brill, Leiden -- (1980) The Structure ofIntonational Meaning: Evidence from English. Indiana University Press, Bloomington -- (1986) Intonational phrasing: the case for recursive prosodic structure. In Ewen, C. & Anderson, J. ( eds) Phonology Yearbook, 3, 311-40

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright -- (forthcoming) Declination 'reset' and the hierarchical organization of utterances. Submitted to Journal of the Acoustical Society ofAmerica.

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Ladefoged, P. (1975) A Course in Phonetics. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, New York Lambert, W.E. (1967) The social psychology of bilingualism. Journal of Social Issues, 23, 91-109 --,Hodgson, R., Gardner, R.C. & Fillenbaum (1960) Evaluational reactions to spoken languages. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 60, 44-51 Lane, H. (1963) Foreign Accent and Speech Distortion. Journal of the Acoustic Society ofAmerica, 35,451-3 Lanham, L.W. (1978) South African English. In Lanham & Prinsloo (1978) -- (1982) English in South Africa. In Bailey & Gorlach (1982) -- & Macdonald, C. A. (1979) The Standard in South African English and its Social History. Julius Groos Verlag, Heidelberg -- & Prinsloo, K.P. (1978) Language and Communication Studies in South Africa. Current Issues and Directions in Research and Inquiry. Oxford University Press, Cape Town Lass, R. (1974) Linguistic orthogenesis? Scots vowel quantity and the English length conspiracy. In Anderson, J.M. & Jones, C. (eds) Historical Linguistics II: Theory and Description in Phonology, North-Holland, Amsterdam, 311-52 -- (1976) English Phonology and Phonological Theory. Synchronic and Diachronic Studies. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge -- (1981) Undigested history and synchronic 'structure'. In Goyvaerts (1981) -- (1984a) Phonology: An Introduction to Basic Concepts. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge -- (1984b) Vowel system universals and typology: prologue to theory. Phonology Yearbook, I, 75-112 -- (1986) Endogeny vs contact: 'Afrikaans influence' on South African English. English World- Wide, 7, 201-23 -- (1987) The Shape of English: Structure and History. Dent, London -- (forthcoming) 'Where do extraterritorial Englishes come from? Dialect input and recodification in transported Englishes.' Paper delivered at the Fifth International Conference on English Historical Linguistics, Cambridge 1987; to appear in the Proceedings -- & Wright, S. (1985) The South African chain shift: order out of chaos? In Eaton eta/. ( 1985) Latha, P. (1978) 'Intonation of Malayalam and Malayalee English: a study in comparison and contrast.' Unpublished MLitt dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad Laver, J. (1968) Assimilation in educated Nigerian English. In ELT, 22, 2, 156-60 Laycock, D.C. (1966) Long 'short' vowels in Australian English. Le Maitre Phonetique, /26, 22-3 Lee, W.R. (1963) An English Intonation Reader. Macmillan, London Leech, G.N. (1969) A linguistic guide to English poetry. Longman, London Leopold, W.F. (1948) German ch. Language, 24, 179-80 Lewis, J. Windsor (1972) A Concise Pronouncing Dictionary of British and American English. Oxford University Press, London -- (1976) Review of A. C. Gimson A Practical Course of English Pronunciation. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 6, 35-9 -- (1977) People Speaking. Oxford University Press, London Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright Liberman, Mark Y. (1975) 'The intonational system of English.' PhD thesis. MIT. Distributed by Indiana University Linguistics Club, 1978

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-- & Prince, A. (1977) On stress and linguistic rhythm. Linguistic Inquiry, 8, 249-336 Lindblom, B. (1986) Phonetic universals in vowel systems. In Ohala, J.J. & Jaeger, J.J. ( eds) Experimental Phonology. Academic Press, Orlando, 13-44 Lindsey, Geoff (1981) Intonation and pragmatics. Journal ofthe International Phonetic Association, 11,2-21 -- (1985) 'Intonation and interrogation: tonal structure and the expression of a pragmatic function in English and other languages.' Unpublished PhD thesis, University of California, Los Angeles Local, J.K. (1988) 'Phonological variation in Tyneside English.' University of York mimeo -- & Kelly, J. (1986) Projection and 'silences': notes on phonetic and conversational structure. Human Studies, 9, 185-204 -- , Kelly, J. & Wells, W.G.H. (1986) Towards a phonology for conversation: some aspects of turn-delimitation in Tyneside speech. Journal of Linguistics, 22, 2 Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English. (1978) Longman, Harlow Lounsbury, T. (1904) The standard ofpronunciation in English. Harper & Row, New York & London Louwrens, L.J. (1979) 'Naamwoord Funksies in Noord-Sotho.' Unpublished DLitt thesis, University of Pretoria, Pretoria Lyons, J. (1977) Semantics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge MacCarthy, P.A.D. (1956) An English Conversation Reader. Longman, London -- (1975) The Pronunciation of French. Oxford University Press, London McCawley, J.D. (1986) Today the world, tomorrow phonology. Phonology Yearbook, 3,27-43 McDavid, Jr, R.I. (1979) The social role ofthe dictionary. In A.S. Dil (ed.) Varieties ofAmerican English. Stanford University Press, California -- (1983) Low-back vowels in Providence: a note in structural dialectology. In Rauch & Carr, 153-62 (First printed in Journal of English Linguistics 1981.) Mac an Fhailigh, E. (1968) The Irish of Erris, Co. Mayo. Institute of Advanced Studies, Dublin Maddieson, I. (1984) Patterns of Sounds. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Malan, R. ['Rawbone Malong'] (1982) Ah Big Yaws? A Guard to Sow Theffricun Innglissh. David Philip, Cape Town Marchand, H. (1960) The Categories and Types of Present-day English Word-formation. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden Markwardt, A.H. (1957) Principal and subsidiary dialect areas in the north-central states. Publication of the American Dialect Society, 2 7, 3-15 Martens, C. & Martens, P. (1972) Abbildungen zu den deutschen Lauten. Unter Mitarbeit von maren-Elisabeth Martens. 3rd edn. Hueber, Miinchen (1st edn 1966) Martens, H. (1986). 'Transfer von muttersprachlicher Dialektaussprache auf einen fremdsprachlichen Standard - bezogen auf niederdeutsch gepragtes Hochdeutsch und die "Received Pronunciation" des Englischen.' Unpublished MA thesis. University of , Hamburg

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright -- (1987a) Zur Aussprache von auslautendem I -rl (in Dialekt und Standardsprache). In Gei~ner, H. & Rosener, R. (eds) Sprache und Sprechen. vol. 18, Scriptor, Frankfurt am Mein

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-- ( 1987b) Inventar-bedingte Schwierigkeiten beim Erlernen der deutschen Standard-Aussprache. In Allhoff, D. ( ed.) Sprechen lehren- reden lehren. Ernst Reinhardt, Munich -- & Martens, P. (1988a) Niederdeutsch-bedingte Abweichungen von der hochdeutschen Standard-Aussprache. In Behme, H. (ed.) Angewandte Sprechwissenschaft. Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fur Dialektologie und Linguistik. Steiner, Wiesbaden -- ( 1988b) Aussprache-Varianten in niederdeutsch beeinfluBberichte der 17. Jahrestagung der Gesellschaft fiir Angewandte Linguistik, GAL Hamburg 1986. Sektion Sprecherziehung. Narr, Tiibingen Martens, P. (1975) Fortfall oder Bewahrung von unbetonbarem '-e'. Einige phonetische, orthographische und grammatische lmplikationen. Zeitschrift fur Dialektologie und Linguistik, I, XVII. Jahrgang, Heft 1. Steiner, Wiesbaden, 39-52 -- (1979) Zum normativen Zwang der Standardsprache. Anpassungen von mundartlichen Ausspracheformen und Schreibweisen an die hochdeutschen Standardsysteme (Prof. Dr. Ulrich Pretzel zum 80. Geburtstag). Zeitschrift fur Dialektologie und Linguistik. XLVI. Jahrgang, Heft 1. Steiner, Wiesbaden, 7-25 -- (1981) Missingsch in Martens, P. "Hamburgisch". In Deutsche Dialekte. 9 Dialekte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Bonn. Inter Nationes, 273-96 Michaelis, Henriette & Jones, Daniel (1913) A Phonetic Dictionary of the English Language. Bibliothek phonetischer Worterbiicher herausgegeben von H. Michaelis. Bd. 2, Hannover, Berlin Mitchell, A. G. & Delbridge, A. (1965) The Speech ofAustralian Adolescents. Angus & Robertson, Sydney Mohanan, K.P. (1986) The Theory of Lexical Phonology. Reidel, Dordrecht Morris, William ( ed.) ( 1969) American Heritage Dictionary ofthe English Language. American Heritage Publishing Co., Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston, New York, etc. Moulton, W. (1947) Juncture in modern . Language, 23, 321-43 -- (1977) Unity and diversity in the phonology of standard American English. In Walter, Henriette ( ed.) Phonologie et societe, Studia Phonetica XIII, 113-27 Mulac, A. & Lundell, T.L. (1985) Linguistic contributors to the gender-linked language effect. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 5, 81-102 Murray, J.A.H. (1884) The Oxford English Dictionary(originally A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles) Oxford University Press, Oxford Murthy, Suman (1981) 'A study ofthe attitudinal function of intonation in Kannada English.' Unpublished MLitt dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad Mysak, E.D. (1959) Pitch and duration characteristics of older males. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 2, 46-54 Nemser, W. ( 1971) Approximative systems of foreign language learners. International Review ofAmerican Linguistics, 9, 2 Nespor, Marina & Vogel, Irene (1986) Prosodic Phonology. Foris, Dordrecht New English Dictionary on Historical Principles. (1888-1928) Edited by Murray, James A.H., Craigie, William A., Bradley, Henry & Onions, C.T. Clarendon Press, Oxford

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Nie, N.H., Hull, C.H. Jenkins, J.G., Steinbrenner, K. & Bent, D.H. (1975) SPSS: Statistical Package for the Social Sciences. (2nd edn) McGraw-Hill, New York Nihalani, Paroo, Tongue, R.K. & Hosali, Priya (1979) Indian and British English: A Handbook of Usage and Pronunciation. Oxford University Press, Delhi Nolan, F. (1986) The implications of partial assimilation and incomplete neutralisation. Cambridge Papers in Phonetics and Experimental Linguistics, 5 O'Connor, J.D. (1971) Advanced Phonetic Reader. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge -- (1973) Phonetic Drill Reader. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge -- , & Arnold, G.F. (1973) Intonation of Colloquial English. (2nd edn) Longman, London -- & Trim, J.L.M. (1953) Vowel, consonant and syllable; a phonological definition. Word, 9, 103-22 OED see A New English Dictionary and A Supplement to the Oxford English Dictionary Ohala, J.J. (1974). Experimental historical phonology. In Anderson, J.M. & Jones, C. ( eds) Historical Linguistics: Proceedings of the First International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Edinburgh 2nd-7th September 1973. 2 vols. North-Holland Publishing Co., Amsterdam, Oxford; American Elsevier Publishing Co., New York Orton, H. (series ed.) (1962-71) Survey of English Dialects. Arnold, Leeds Palmer, H.E. (1922) English Intonation, with Systematic Exercises. Heffer, Cambridge -- , Martin, J. Victor & Blandford, F. G. (1926) A Dictionary of English Pronunciation with American Variants- in Phonetic Transcription. Heffer, Cambridge Paltridge, J. & Giles, H. ( 1984) Attitudes towards speakers of regional accents of French: effects of regionality, age, sex of listeners. Linguistische Berichte, 90, 71-85 Pandey, Pramod (1980) 'Stress in Hindustani English: a generative phonological study.' Unpublished MLitt dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad Pederson, L. (1977) Studies of American pronunciation since 1945. American Speech, 52. 3-4, 262-327 Pellowe, J., Nixon, G., Strang, B.M.H., & McNeany, V. (1972) A dynamic modelling of linguistic variation: the urban (Tyneside) linguistic survey. Lingua, 30 Peterson, G.E. & Lehiste, I. (1960) Duration of syllable nuclei in English. Journal of the Acoustical Society ofAmerica, 32. 6, 693-703 Petty, R.E. & Cacioppo, J.T. (1986) The elaboration likelihood model of persuasion. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 19, 123-205 Pierrehumbert, Janet B. (1980) 'The Phonology and Phonetics of English Intonation.' PhD thesis, MIT press, Cambridge, Mass. Pike, K.L. (1945) The Intonation ofAmerican English. University of Michigan Publications in Linguistics. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor Pilch, H. (1974) Phonemtheorie. (3rd edn) S. Karger, Basel, etc. Painton, G.E. (1983) BBC Pronouncing Dictionary of British Names. Oxford University Press, Oxford & New York

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright Pongweni, Alec J.C. (1980) Teaching pronunciation to Zimbabwe students: with special reference to English vowels. The Bulletin of the Institute of Education, 16, 3, 129-40. University of Zimbabwe

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-- (1983) Does Shona have diphthongs? Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 13, 1, 24-31 Posthumus, J.J. De klankleer van Afrikaans. In van den Merwe eta/. Powesland, P.F. & Giles, H. (1975) Persuasiveness and accent-message incompatibility, Human Relations, 28, 85-93 Prabhakar Babu, B.A. (1971) 'Prosodic features in Indian English: stress, rhythm and intonation.' Unpublished Research Diploma dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad -- (1974) 'A phonological study of English spoken by Telugu speakers in Andhra Pradesh.' Unpublished PhD thesis, Osmania University, Hyderabad Premalatha, M. (1978) 'The vowels of Malayalee English: a generative phonological study.' Unpublished MLitt dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad Price, S., Fluck, M. & Giles, H. (1983) The effects of language of testing on bilingual preadolescents' attitudes towards Welsh and varieties of English. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 4, 149-61 Pring, J.T. (1947) What transcription is best for teaching pronunciation? Le Maitre Phonetique, 3rd series, No. 88, 24-7 Pulleyblank, D. (1986) Tone in Lexical Phonology. Reidel, Dordrecht Pullum, G. (1976) The Duke of York Gambit. Journal of Linguistics, 12, 83-102 Quirk, R. (1960) The Survey of English Usage. Reprinted in Quirk, R. (1968) Essays on the English Language Medieval and Modern. Longman, London, 70-87 -- , Duckworth, A.P., Svartvik, J., Rusiecki, J.P.L. & Colin, A.J.T. (1964) Studies in the correspondence of prosodic to grammatical features in English. In Lunt, H.G. ( ed. ), Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Linguists. Mouton, The Hague -- , Greenbaum, S., Leech, G. & Svartvik, J. (1985) A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. Longman, London Raidt, E. H. (1983) Einfuhrung in Geschichte und Struktur des Afrikaans. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt Ramsaran, Susan M. (1978) 'Phonetic and phonological correlates of style in English: a preliminary investigation.' Unpublished PhD thesis, University of London Ramunny, Kavita (1976) 'Subjective Reactions to Regional and Non-regional English Accents in India.' Unpublished MLitt dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad Random House Dictionary of the English Language. (1973) Random House, New York Rauch, Irmengard & Carr, Gerald F. (eds) (1983) Language Change. Indiana University Press, Bloomington Reed, Carroll E. (1961) The pronunciation of English in the Pacific Northwest. In Allen & Underwood (1971) 115-21 (First printed 1961 in Language 37, 559-64.) Rietveld, A.C.M. & Gussenhoven (1987) Perceived speech rate and intonation. Journal of Phonetics, 15, 3, 273-85 Ripman, W. (1940) English Phonetics. Dent, London

Roach, P. (1983) English Phonetics and Phonology: A Practical Course. Cambridge Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright Univesity Press, Cambridge Robins, R.H. (1957) Aspects of prosodic analysis. Reprinted in Becker Makkai, V.

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( ed.) (1972) Phonological Theory: Evolution and Current Practice. Holt, Rinehart & Winston, New York, 264-74 Roloff, M. & Berger, C.R. (eds) (1982) Social Cognition and Communication. Sage, Beverly Hills, California Romaine, S. (1980) Stylistic variation and evaluative reactions to speech: problems in the investigation of linguistic attitudes in Scotland. Language and Speech, 23, 213-32 Rubdy, Rani (1975) 'A phonological analysis of English spoken by ten Marathi speakers from Maharashtra.' Unpublished MLitt dissertation, Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad Ryan, E.B. & Giles, H. (eds) (1982) Attitudes towards Language Variation: Social and Applied Contexts. Edward Arnold, London & Baltimore -- , Giles, H., Bartolucci, G. & Henwood, K. (1986) Psycholinguistic and social psychological components of communication by and with ol

Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright the Central Institute of English Hyderabad, 14 -- (1979) The consonant system in educated Punjabi speakers' English. Bulletin of the Central Institute of English Hyderabad, 15

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French-English, English-French Dictionary, with Special Reference to Canada. Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. rights All Francis. and Taylor 2015. © Copyright J.M. Dent, London Wales, K. (1982) '"Making soundsense and sensesound kin again"; the Ideal Reader

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