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Tonal Association Domains and the Prosodic Hierarchy in English CARLOSGUSSENHOVEN Lnstituut Engels-Amerikaans University of Nijmegen the Netherlands

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Tonal Association Domains and the Prosodic Hierarchy in English CARLOSGUSSENHOVEN Lnstituut Engels-Amerikaans University of Nijmegen the Netherlands 4 Tonal association domains and the prosodic hierarchy in English CARLOSGUSSENHOVEN lnstituut Engels-Amerikaans University of Nijmegen The Netherlands 1 Introduction Sentences like (1)-(3) present a dilemma in intonational analysis. On the one hand, the vocative in (1), the reporting clause in (2), and the tag in (3) tend to be marked off by a pause from the stretch of speech they follow, while on the other hand they do not appear to be accented and thus do not have a nuclear tone. On the basis of the first characteristic, an analysis of each of (1), (2) and (3) into two tone units would be called for, but on the basis of the second, an analysis as a single tone unit would be more appro- priate, since the intonation of the whole utterance represents a single nuclear tone. (1) Were you THERE, Jonathan? (2) 'We're not GOing', he said (3) Missed the BUS, has he If we adopt the first analysis, it becomes difficult to explain why in the second tone unit of (1) to (3) fewer intonation contours are possible than in the first, or indeed than in other tone units in general. If we adopt the second analysis, the problem is how to account for the prosodic break at the position indicated by the comma. In this paper, I argue that the solution should be based on the recognition that the association domain of a tone cannot be identified with any one constituent in the prosodic hierarchy. Divorcing association domains from prosodic constituency does not imply that association domains do not respect the boundaries of prosodic con- stituents. Rather, the claim is that, instead of there being one particular prosodic constituent that can be identified with the association domain of a tone, any one of a number of constituents from the Foot onwards can define the rightmost boundary of the association domain. Below, I briefly Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. Francis. All rights © 2015. Taylor and Copyright discuss earlier analyses of (1) to (3). Then, in section 3, a new solution is presented. There, it is shown that the tonal association domain is not co- extensive with any one prosodic constituent, and an account of prosodic 27 Studies in the Pronunciation of English : A Commemorative Volume in Honour of A.C. Gimson, edited by Susan Ramsaran, Taylor and Francis, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/kb/detail.action?docID=2082897. Created from kb on 2018-03-06 02:53:23. Tonal association domains phrasing is given in which the prosodic hierarchy and tonal association domains play separate, though interdependent, roles. Also, I will argue that the intonational and prosodic status of reporting clauses ( cf. (2)) differs from that of vocatives and constant polarity tags, a difference which in the account given here finds a natural explanation. 2 Previous analyses 2.1 Two units, two tones An analysis as two tone units, each of which with its own nuclear tone, is fairly generally assumed in the British tradition, provided the utterance ends in a rise ( cf. Cruttenden 1986: 43). It is also given by Nespor and Vogel (1986: 187), who assign separate Intonational Phrases (henceforth IP) to final vocatives and reporting clauses. The problem in this analysis is that the distribution of the intonational patterns becomes difficult to account for. Some ways of pronouncing (1a), for instance, are given in ( 4abc ). These tonal patterns are easily accounted for if we assume that the nuclear tone chosen for there (respectively ~:L, "A:LH and fH, in the ana- lysis of Gussenhoven ( 1983b)) has an association domain that runs from there to the end of the utterance. By contrast, if we assume that the vocative is assigned its own tone, patterns are generated that do not occur, some of which are illustrated in (5abc). (4) a. b. c. (5) One solution to this problem of overgeneration might be to assume that the choice of tone in these structures is syntactically or pragmatically restricted. With reference to constant polarity tags ( cf. (3) ), Lindsey (1981) suggests that such tags should somehow be labelled as obligatorily attracting a rise. 1 Similarly, Beckman and Pierrehumbert (1986) propose that vocatives only occur with a low rising nucleus, although they concede that 'this fact is both striking and surprising, since choice of tone is not in general determined by syntax'. Apart from the problem of how to account for the proposed restriction, this solution is inadequate, as it fails to explain Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. Francis. All rights © 2015. Taylor and Copyright how ( 4a) is possible, where the vocative does not have a rise. Moreover, we would need an additional explanation for why (Sb) is impossible: why, if the vocative must (or can?) have a rise, is the rise impossible after a rise? 28 Studies in the Pronunciation of English : A Commemorative Volume in Honour of A.C. Gimson, edited by Susan Ramsaran, Taylor and Francis, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/kb/detail.action?docID=2082897. Created from kb on 2018-03-06 02:53:23. Tonal association domains 2.2 Two units, with different tonal paradigms Bing (1979a) proposes that for the purposes of intonation there are two types of domain. The (I)nside-domain, which attracts a tone from the paradigm of nuclear tones, is equivalent to the tone unit or IP in its unproblematic guise. The (O)utside-domain, typically reserved for vocatives, reporting clauses and constant polarity tags, is served by an optional boundary H-tone. Bing's proposal builds on Liberman (1975), in which these structures are analysed as intonational 'affixes', and as such receive only the boundary tones, the outside tonal shell, of the regular nuclear tones. Both proposals have the advantage of characterising the class of vocatives, etc., as intonationally independent, yet unaccented, constituents. The problem with the account is, however, that it heavily overgenerates. In general, since Bing postulates four nucleus tones, it ought to be the case that eight contour shapes are possible for John struck OUT, my friend (i.e. four nuclear tones times two boundary tones), but only four on John struck OUT my friend, where my friend is not a vocative, but an unfocused object of struck out (the example is from Liberman (1975)). There has been no demonstration that this is in fact the case. 2. 3 Two constituents, one tone An analysis of ( 1)-(3) as two units served by a single tone is given, among others, by Kingdon (1958), Ladd (1980), Firbas (1980) and Gussenhoven (1984). While this solution solves the problem of how the intonational contour is to be explained, it is no longer clear what sort of constituents we are dealing with. In particular, how should the occurrence of the pause be accounted for? Observe that the mismatch between tonal and durational facts is a problem only in a theory in which some prosodic constituent co- incides with the tonal association domain. While this connection is not universally subscribed to (e.g. Kingdon (1958: 120), Ladd (1980: 165) and, by default, Gimson (1980), who wisely steered clear of some such definition), it is pervasive both in British and in American treatments, including Pierrehumbert (1980). The assumption is explicitly challenged by Ladd (1986): 'It is simply assumed that [audible prosodic] boundaries define the domains over which the phonological structure of intonation is to be specified' (emphasis Ladd's). In order to create a situation in which we can characterise a stretch of speech both as sufficiently high-ranking to warrant the presence of pauses, and as sufficiently low-ranking not to require a nuclear tone, Ladd proposes that prosodic constituency is recur- sive. That is, a constituent is allowed to dominate a constituent that is higher in rank, parallel to the situation in syntax, where S may dominate Copyright © 2015. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved. Francis. All rights © 2015. Taylor and Copyright NP, but NP also S. Specifically, a Major Phrase (MP) is a pause-defined unit, while a Tone Group (TG) defines the domain of tonally integrated 29 Studies in the Pronunciation of English : A Commemorative Volume in Honour of A.C. Gimson, edited by Susan Ramsaran, Taylor and Francis, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/kb/detail.action?docID=2082897. Created from kb on 2018-03-06 02:53:23. Tonal association domains contours. While in the unmarked situation MP dominates TG, TG may also dominate MP. Ladd's solution is the only one that succeeds in accounting for the tonal as well as the durational facts, but it does have certain drawbacks. If constituents can contain each other, they can no longer be validated independently. The chief motivation for the prosodic hierarchy as developed by Selkirk (1980) and Nespor and Vogel (1986) is to provide a basis for the application of phonological rules. A recursive configuration in which TG dominates but is also dominated by MP precludes the existence of rules that differentiate between the two consti- tuents involved: if a rule applies in MP, it necessarily applies in TG, and vice versa. That is, at least one of the two constituents would appear to have properties that set it apart from the other constituents in the prosodic hierarchy. More importantly, as is shown in the next section, the size of a unit like TG is not constant relative to the conventional constituents of the prosodic hierarchy, and it cannot therefore be incorporated in that hier- archy without seriously upsetting it. 3 A solution In this section we first investigate the relationship between the phrasing imposed by the prosodic hierarchy and the phrasing imposed by the boundaries of tonal association domains.
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