13 Christians at the Thermo-Mineral Baths In

ARAM, 18-19 (2006-2007) 13-32. doi:E. DVORJETSKI 10.2143/ARAM.18.0.2020720 13

CHRISTIANS AT THE THERMO-MINERAL BATHS IN ROMAN-BYZANTINE PALESTINE*

Prof. ESTÉE DVORJETSKI (Oxford Brookes University)

INTRODUCTION

As one of the most sacred regions in Christian tradition, the area of the Sea of Galilee has attracted many visitors and pilgrims, as well as scholars and writers. In this framework, the place of thermo-mineral baths is not absent, and extensive attention has been paid to two central healing sites in the area, Hammei-Tiberias and Hammat-Gader, both of which flourished in the Ro- man-Byzantine period (Dvorjetski 1999c; Id., 2004). Testimonies about Christians at the spas are found in varied sources: historical, literary, geographical, theological, and archaeological. Nevertheless, the concentrated information exists in the itineraria, the literature of the pilgrims themselves (Wilkinson 1977; Turner & Turner 1978; Hunt 1982; Turner 1987; Ousterhout 1990; Walker 1990; Limor 1999). In addition to Hammei-Tiberias and Hammat-Gader, thermo-mineral baths are located along the Syro-African Rift along the Jordan. Most of them are situated near the eastern shore of the Dead Sea. Hammath-Pella – identified with Hamman ad-Dable Dable, north of the Decapolis city of Pella; Hammei-Livias – across the Jordan River, opposite Jericho called nowadays Tell er-Râmeh; Hammei-Ba’arah – identified with Hammam Ez-Zarqa; and Hammam Ez-Zara known from antiquity as the springs of Kallirohe. Another one is Emmaus-Nicopolis, known as Hammtha in Judaea – situated at the Aijalon Valley on the road that ascends from the west to Jerusalem. All the sites have almost identical terms, such as Hammat, Hammei or Hammtha in Hebrew, Syriac and Aramaic since they are the dominant, inseparable compo- nent of each of the mother cities. Emmaous or Emmatha is a Hellenized ver- sion of the Hebrew Hammat, meaning ‘Hot Springs’ (Dechent 1884; Hirschberg 1920; Lachmann 1933; Frazer 1951; Abu-Ajamieh, Bender & Eicher 1989; Dvorjetski 1992a; Id., 2001-2002). Hippocrates of Cos (c. 460–c.-377 BCE), traditionally regarded as ‘the father of medicine', was the first physician to use thermal balneology systemati- cally to cure his patients. His ideas were developed by Galen (129-200 CE), Soranus and Oribasius of the fourth century CE, and others. Thermo-mineral baths were recommended for the treatment of specific complaints, such as disturbances of the urinary and digestive tracts, rheumatism, general debility,

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nerve problems, dermatological conditions, vaginal infections, venereal diseases, and inflammation of the lungs (Fontanille 1985; Jackson 1990; Dvor- jetski 1994b; Id.,1995; Id., 1996a; Id.,1996b; Id., 1997a; Jackson 1999; Dvorjetski 2000b; Id., 2002). This paper discusses the following central topics: (A) The contribution of the Church Fathers and pilgrims to the study of the thermo-mineral baths in the eastern Mediterranean basin; (B) The position of the Church toward baths and bathing and bathing as a medical measure; (C) Aims and deeds of Chris- tians at those spas in the Roman-Byzantine period based on epigraphic finds.

THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE CHURCH FATHERS AND PILGRIMS TO THE STUDY OF THE THERMO-MINERAL BATHS

THERMAL BATHS OF TIBERIAS

The flowering and publicity of the Hammei-Tiberias were described in favorable terms throughout the generations. The baths brought not only economic blessing, but also a new bathing culture, which had great impact on the lives of the residents. Let us take some landmarks of the history of the thermo- mineral baths (Kindler 1961; Buchmann 1968; Kurland 1976; Dvorjetski 1992a, 93-103). The Christian pilgrim Antoninus of Placentia from north Italy visited the region in 570 CE. He extols the salty and sweet water of the thermal springs of Tiberias for its therapeutic properties (Itinerarium, 7, 132; Stewart 1896, 6). Saint and historian the venerable Bede, a monk at the Benedictine community at Jarrow, known as the ‘Father of English History', documented the holy places in 729 CE (De locis sanctis, 1898, 316): Tiberias thermal and salubrious springs. The head of the Christian community in Antioch, the twelve century historian Michael the Syrian, who visited the Holy Land, tells of the uniqueness of Hammei-Tiberias, the hotels and inns close-by the baths (Chronique, 466): The baths were built by [King] Solomon son of David… For the use of those who want healing, there were also pottery jars in it that were artistically arranged, with writing on every one of them: the frequency with which it activated the stomach of a person who drinks from it. The thermal waters of Tiberias were known as being a medicine for various illnesses when this water is drunk; its special natural attributes were known to be of benefit to the urinary and digestive tracts, according to the literature of the Sages and to Maimonides, a contemporary of Michael the Syrian. Today there are only some poor remnants of the magnificent thermal baths of Hammei-Tiberias from the Roman-Byzantine era.

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HAMMAT-GADER The Thermae, which spread out over an area of 5000m2, was built around a spring of mineral water, Ein el-Maqleh. The site earned many titles from the Church Fathers and pilgrims, who serve as reliable witnesses to the efferves- cent life and colorful atmosphere that prevailed there in the Roman-Byzantine period, as well as to the names of the site, and its functioning (Sukenik 1935; Hirschfeld 1987; Dvorjetski 1988; Schürer 1993, 132-136; Hirschfeld 1997; Dvorjetski 1988; Id., 1992a; Id., 2003). The first to mention the most impressive monumental baths in the Levant was the well known theologian Origen (185-254 CE). He interprets the verse in John 6:41 (Commentaria): Gadara is a city in Judaea, next to which are famous thermae (qermá). It is clear from this testimony that the thermo-mineral baths were in use in the mid-third century CE. Thus, they were constructed at the beginning of that century or even earlier, in the second century CE, and their fame spread. The explicit testimony of the Church Father Origen for the first time comprises a decisive contribution to the history of Hammat-Gader. In 363 CE a famous earthquake devastated Palestine. In a Syriac manu- script, a late copy of a letter attributed to Cyril bishop of Jerusalem, Cyril names the towns destroyed by the earthquake, including Ayna deGader [= the spring of Gader] (Brock 1979). According to the many rebuildings of the baths, which were excavated in 1979-1982, it is possible to attribute much of this work to the repair of damage caused by this earthquake. Several altera- tions and building repairs can be distinguished; and the testimony of Cyril can be related to this (Hirschfeld & Solar 1981). The residents of the mother city Gadara and its suburb Hammat-Gader, under the guidance of the Tenth Legion Fretensis, exploited the renovation work that was undertaken following the earthquake in order to improve and beautify the spa (Dvorjetski 1993; Id.,1994c; Id., forthcoming [b]; based on the original concept of Künzl 1986). Emerging from the descriptions of the Church Father Epiphanius – bishop of Salamis, who founded his monastery at Beit Guverin-Eleutheropolis in the fourth Century CE – is a colourful atmosphere that prevailed at the site, which attracted people seeking healing from throughout the Empire. A kind of annual fair Panßguriv was conducted there during which men and women bathed together. Epiphanius objects loudly to the corruption and the low morality during the annual festive assembly. He also related that the Patriarch's son accompanied by Joseph the Comes, spent time at the baths with youths, who tried to drag women into the nearby caves and tempt them into carnal acts. A Christian virgin who during bathing there was molested by that young man, drove him away with the sign of the cross (Panarion, XXX:7; Williams 1987, 125; Hirschfeld, 1987, 104-105; Dvorjetski 1988, 93-94; Id., 106-107).

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The central event of the panßguriv was the regional ritual honoring Heracles, patron and defender of merchants (Safrai 1984, 158), while the Jeru- salem Talmud (Shabbat 3, 4 [6a]) discusses the fair as being intended first and foremost to honor the tre⁄v Xáritev [= The Three Graces]. The atmosphere of corruption and adultery is also manifested by the literature of the Sages, particularly in discussions by the Sages of the many illegitimate children found there and the various proposals for solving this complicated halakhic problem (e.g. Dvorjetski 1994a; Id., 1999 Id., 2000a). The most interesting literary reference appears in the itinerarium of Antoninus from Placentia (Itinerarium, 7, 132): Three miles from the city [Gadara] there are hot springs, called the baths of Elijah. There lepers cleanse themselves; they receive meals from a hospice… In the evening hours the baths fill up… there is a large bathtub. When it is full, all the openings are closed, and they [= the lepers] are sent inside with candles and incense… They sit in this bath-tub the whole night. When they fall asleep, a person who is to be cured has a certain vision, and when he relates it, the baths themselves are not used for seven days, and within seven days, he is healed. According to this testimony, a public hospice was built in order to provide therapeutic services and entertainment for the visitors. In the Byzantine period, the residents of Hammat-Gader and Gadara adopted the biblical traditions about Elijah, and called the medicinal baths or part of it after him Thermae Heliae. The lepers were sent inside with candles and incense, sitting there the whole night. They were cured by way of incubation, as was customary in the ancient medical centres of Aesculapius, in a large bathtub. This bathtub was separate from the overall complex that served all the bathers. The details re- garding the bathing procedures which the lepers underwent there correlate closely both with the characteristics of the double-sloped pool, which has been entirely excavated and with the particular terracotta oil lamps which were found in it. They are all very similar in style, and all lack the soot which char- acterizes a lamp after use. The lepers used these lamps as an element of some ritual ceremony conducted at the pool. On the basis of archaeological apprais- als, the pool and its hall have been dated to the third/fourth centuries CE (Hirschfeld and Solar 1984; Dvorjetski 1992b; Id., 2004). The place certainly served as a centre for curing leprosy in particular and skin diseases in general already at the time of Hadrian according to the Tal- mudic literature. During his reign, and perhaps even with his aid, the founda- tions were laid for the edifice of the thermal baths in Hammat-Gader, whose publicity as a place of healing assisted its reputation and its profits (Dvorjetski 1997b; Id., forthcoming [b]). Furthermore, a Byzantine church stood once in the eastern sector of Hammat-Gader, north of Ein Rih spring. It seems that the many visitors prayed in this church donated generously to the place. Among the architectural frag-

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ments discovered and reported by N. Makhouly (1938), were four Corinthian capitals; one capital was decorated on each side with a cross, and a basalt pil- lar base. Y. Hirschfeld assumes that on, or adjacent to, the spot where the Byz- antine church stood there may have originally been a pagan sanctuary. The pu- rification of pagan ritual sites and their conversion into Christian places of worship was very common during the Byzantine period. An archaeological clue to the existence of a previous Roman sanctuary at this local temple is the marble Corinthian capital of secondary use that was found in the church, which was built in the style typical of the end of the Roman period, second/ third century CE (Hirschfeld 1987, 113). The existence of a Byzantine church near the Thermae and the theatre is not surprising. Therapeutic springs were considered sacred and bathing in their waters was accompanied by various rituals. Many of the dedicatory inscriptions, which were found during the excavation of the Thermae and will be shown in our survey later on, open with the formula: “In this holy place” (Di Segni 1999, 185-186).

THERMAL BATHS OF LIVIAS Julias was rebuilt and fortified by Herod Antipas and named Julias in honor of the wife of Augustus. Eusebius, Jerome and Syncellus give the name as Livias instead of Julias. Josephus alone uses the official designation Julias. The town is also frequently referred to elsewhere as Livias by Pliny, Ptolemy, Eusebius, Hierocles, Gregory of Tours and Petrus the Iberian (Schürer 1993, 176-178). Another example of bestowing holy names on therapeutic baths is found in the biography of Petrus the Iberian (409-488 CE) about Hammei- Livias. It was written originally in Greek by his disciple, Johannes Rufus and remained in its Syriac translation. Rufus relates that when his master was ill suffering from dermatological disease and weakness, he left his monastery in Maioumas-Gaza and went to take a cure by bathing in the thermal waters of Livias, which were called the baths of Moses (81-82). The most accurate description of the site is given by the Christian pilgrim Theodosius, who visited the region in 530 CE and emphasizes the “Aquae calidae” [= the hot springs] as follows (De situ Terrae Sanctae, 145): In this Livias Moses struck the rock with his rod, and the waters flowed out. Thence emerges a rather large stream which irrigates the whole of Livias… There Moses departed this life, and there are the warm waters where Moses bathed, and in these warm waters lepers are cleansed.

Antoninus of Placentia reports mainly about the baths of Moses and their properties (Itinerarium, 134; Stewart 1896, 40-41): Nearby is a city called Livias… in that place are natural hot springs, which are called the Baths of Moses. In these also lepers are cleansed. A spring there has

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very sweet water, which they drink as a cathartic, and it heals many diseases… In the evening they wash in these Baths of Moses. From time to time by the will of God one of them is cleansed, but for most of them it brings some relief.

THERMAL BATH OF BA'ARAH This bathing place has very hot mineral springs, which are also potable; it is located near Wadi Zarqa Ma‘in, east of the Dead Sea, and its waters pour out to the sea along with those of the stream. Josephus describes Baarav very pic- turesquely in Bellum Judaicum as having both bitter water and sweet water springs. It “cures every sickness and especially sickness of the nerves” (VII, 186-189). The description of the springs of Ba’arah appears in the biography of Petrus of Iberia. Petrus went to the thermal waters of Ba'ar in order to heal his body, which had become weakened from self-mortification. The site is mentioned as “a desolate place with very hot and curative springs” (81-82, 87). This account is the most precise description of the place, and it corresponds to the one given by Josephus (Donner 1982). The Semitic name Ba'arah is derived from the root bar which means ‘burn- ing', and traces of an underground fire are noticeable at the location. The very mention and description of Hammei-Ba'arah in the Madaba map testifies to the importance of the springs as will be discussed later on (Dvorjetski 1992a, 64-70).

THERMAL BATH OF EMMAUS-NICOPOLIS Many Christian sources mentioned traditions about Jesus and his resurrection in connection with Emmaus-Nicopolis. The place had become a focus of pilgrimage in the Christian world. The Christian historian Sozomenus of the fifth century CE brings testimony of great value to clarify why Emmaous-Nicopolis became a famous city in Pal- estine in his Historia Ecclesiastica, V, 21(Walford 1885, 239; Dvorjetski 1992a, 121-122): In front of this city… there was the place where Jesus walked in the company of Cleopas and his retinue after his resurrection. There is the spring of Jesus, whose waters give a cure not only to the illnesses of people who bathe in it, but also to various animal diseases. They say that when the Messiah stayed with his disci- ples, he deviated from the path one day to wash his feet in this spring, and from then on its waters had a special quality of removing all types of illnesses and suffering from humans and animals. Theophanes, a ninth century CE monk and chronicler, also notes the well- known spring in Emmaus and adds that Emperor Julian the Apostate ordered the spring to be blocked because of the wonders of healing that were generated in it. Despite the damming of the spring, its location was well documented in

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the years that followed due to the monk Saint Willibald in the eighth century, the chronographer George Cedrenus from the eleventh century, Michael the Syrian, twelve century Patriarch of Antioch, and more (Vincent & Abel 1932). The special qualities of the waters of Emmaus, as presented above, are clearly legendary in every way. Apparently this assumption is somewhat in- validated because of the epigraphic find of an Aramaic magic amulet, dating to the third century CE found in a grave in Emmaus in 1896 (Vincent 1908). The actual remains of the Roman bath at Emmaus were excavated in 1977 and covered an area of about 14X7.5 m. These excavations did furnish tangi- ble proof of seismic activities in Emmaus (Gichon 1979; Gichon 1993). To date, the hot springs have not been discovered in or around ancient Emmaus, which was over built by the Arab village Imwas. M. Gichon suggests that the hot springs might have been blocked during an earthquake, pos- sibly as late as 1546. Gichon's opinion finds no support neither by mineralogi- cal analysis nor by the evidences of the many Church Fathers. At this stage one can sum up, that the evidence of the Church Fathers, chronographers and pilgrims shows several common denominators. Firstly, the spas were considered as centres of culture and therapy; secondly, people of all kinds bathed there; thirdly, certain places gained great fame because of their healing qualities and their effectiveness in curing health ailments, especially dermatological conditions, general debility, rheumatism, and nervous diseases; and most importantly, without the Christian evidences the historical reconstruction of the thermo-mineral baths in Roman-Byzantine Palestine could not have been accomplished.

CHRISTIAN ETHICS TOWARDS THE HABIT OF MIXED BATHING AND BATHING AS A MEDICAL MEASURE

Baths remained one of the popular institutions of late antiquity and early Byzantine cities. Bathing at the baths were so important to the Roman Citizen that it is inconceivable to think that the Christians would have ignored this deep rooted social and cultural habit (Cameron 1973; Heinz 1983; Brödnerv1983; DeLaine 1988; Nielsen 1990; Toner 1995, 53-64; Weber 1996; Fagan 1999; Dalby 2000, 237-240; Ball 2000, 219-220; Goldsworthy 2003, 106-107; Cruse 2004, 91-93, 131-134; McGinn 2004, 23-26, 121-122, 206-214). The position of the Church toward baths and bathing was, at best, ambiva- lent. It is clearly evident that Christians in the first two centuries did in fact visit the baths regularly, and this is fairly well documented by Tertullian of Carthage (155-225 CE), a contemporary of Tertullian, namely Clement of Al- exandria, Saint Jerome, and many others (Case 1923; Amundsen 1982;

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Dunbabin 1989, 32, 35-36; Ferngren 1991; Kazhdan 1991, 271-272; Ferngren 1992; Yegül 1992, 314-320; Ward 1992; Ferngren & Amundsen 1996; DeLaine 2004, 113-115; Cruse 2004, 13, 104-105). The great preacher and Patriarch of Constantinople, John Chrysostom (347-407 CE) mentions the infernal racket of the baths. The noise there was like that in the theatre or the market-place. He believed that if baths were taken frequently, they enfeeble the body. He deplored the vanity of mothers, who spoiled their daughters with worldly luxuries and frequented baths, but he did not object to visiting the baths himself nor did he stop his followers from per- forming baptisms in a major bath in Constantinople. However, he recognizes the necessity of bathing for women (e.g. Hanoune 1980; Berger 1982, 24, 37, 40, 53-54; Nielsen 1990, 137, 145-146). The baths remained a great social institution among rich and poor alike. Even the clergy did not always conform to the church's teachings. The continued popularity of the baths, even among Christians, is attested by So- crates Scholasticus's account of Bishop Sisinnius, Patriarch of Constantinople (died in 427 CE). Sisinnius shocked his Novatian congregation by bathing twice a day in the public baths. He proudly announced “when someone asked him ‘why he, a bishop, bathed himself twice a day?' He replied, ‘Be- cause it is inconvenient to bathe thrice'”. (Chestnut 1986, 184; Nielsen 1990, 137). That mixed bathing continued to be a problem for some Christians can be seen from Canon 30 of the Synod of Laodicia in Phrygia in the middle of the fourth century CE. This regulation declared that “no priests or clerics or ascetics are permitted to bathe in the baths with women, nor any Christian or laic, for this is the greatest reproach among the gentiles” (e.g. Ward 1992, 145). The Palestinian hermit Barsenuphius from Gaza, who lived at the days of Emperor Justinian (died in 540), was asked if it was a sin to bathe if someone is ill and the doctor ordered him to take baths. He replied (Quaestiones, 336; Jones 1964, II, 977, III, 328; Yegül 1992, 317): Bathing is not absolutely forbidden to a man in the world, when need demands. So if you are ill and need it, it is not a sin. But if a man is healthy, it cossets and relaxes his body and conduces to lust.

This query is typical of many and illustrates the permissive position taken by the Church with respect to medicinal and curative bathing. Visits to mineral springs for purely health reasons were permitted. Some leading Church figures, such as Basil the Great, Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, Petrus the Iberian and Theodore of Sykeon, are reported to have taken thermal baths. Saint Basil from Caesarea in Cappadocia (330-379 CE) describes his health (Letters, 137):

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I myself am compelled to be absent because of the care I must give my body. For the whole month already I have been taking the treatments of the natural hot springs in the hope of receiving some benefit from them.

At least three passages in the writings of Gregory of Nazianzus from Cappadocia (330-389 CE), a life-long friend of Saint Basil, refer to the therapeutic use of natural springs. Cold and hot springs were both considered healing in their effect. Gregory himself was obliged by his physician to frequent those at Xanxaris, the usual resort of the people in Cappadocia. Even the strictest ascetics in all monasterial orders, who otherwise forbade bathing completely, approved of therapy for disease (e.g. Berger 1982, 35, 77, 146). Despite the anecdotal character of some of the hagiographic materials per- taining to miraculous healing, certain texts are worth citing in detail because of their importance in delineating the physicians' methods and their status in the Byzantine community, as well as in showing what were the capabilities and limitations of medical science in those days. Churchmen and saints acquired great skill and knowledge in the practice of medicine. In the Eastern Church some were regarded as Doctors of the Church. There are three Doctors that were preeminent: Saint John Chrysostom, Saint Basil, and Saint Gregory Nazianzen. Saint Theodore of Sykeon, Bishop of Anastasiopolis in Galatia, was an excellent practitioner of medicine. Unique information is documented in his Vita on medical instructions in the therapeutic springs. Like a trained physician he would send those patients, for whom surgery was the required treatment, to the most capable surgeons; others he would dissuade from surgery, sending them to specific hot springs at Dablioi or Apsoda in Paphlagonia in Anatolia for urinary and digestive tracts, rheumatism, debility, and skin diseases (Ioannou, 1884; Dawes & Baynes 1948, 182-183; Festugière 1970, 114; Magoulias 1964, 128). In the Byzantine Empire, the baths continued to exist, primarily in the form of monastery baths and adjoined to churches. These are very small and simple, and give no particular priority to cold chambers. Christian churches became the model for the generally octagonal baptistery. It could be that the early Christians used the piscinae for baptism. An institution closely related to the baths and an integral part of them was the ancient gymnasium. The Church Fathers were generally suspicious of the gymnasium as well as the training in the palaestra (Nielsen 1990, 38, 104, 138). Church authorities who felt the need to be specific on the “medical intent” of bathing lost no time denouncing the atmosphere of pleasure and consequent sin that might surround a spa. The libertine world of Baiae was censured by both Saint Jerome (Epistulae, 45, 4, 1) and Saint Augustine (Contra Aca- demicos, 2, 2, 6; Yegül 1992, 317; Comfort 1976). Hammat-Gader was described by the pagan philosopher and historian Eunapius in the late fourth cen-

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tury CE as a place for relaxtion and intellectual pleasures, “inferior only to those at Baiae in Italy, with which no other baths can be compared” (Vitae Sophistarum, 459; Ward-Perkins 1981, 166-168; Sukenik 1935, 21; Lieber- man 1946, 354; Hirschfeld & Solar 1981, 202; Jackson 1990, 5; Dvorjetski 1992, 105-106; Yegül 1992, 121). On the other hand, the Church Father Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis and a contemporary of Eunapius, described dis- paragingly the colorful atmosphere at Hammat-Gader and its baths. The devil set his snares, since men and women bathed there together. The spa from his point of view is as an abode of wantonness and black magic, where the fashion of bathing to ward off illness or to cure it was abused by unscrupulous people for their own ends, to the detriment of morals (Panarion, XXX:7; Yegül 1992, 317; Di Segni 1997, 185-186). To sum up, under the influence of Christian ethics, the Church viewed with suspicion the habit of mixed bathing, not only for the sake of modesty, but also because of the dictates of ascetic behavior. Although there are innumerable precedents for taking a bath, the Church admitted bathing only as a medical measure. Thus, this approach placed the thermal springs in the class of hal- lowed waters endowed with supernatural healing powers. This frame of mind is reflected in the tradition of bestowing holy names on the therapeutic baths such as the Baths of Moses to Hammei-Livias and Thermae Heliae to Hammat-Gader and in the very many inscriptions from Hammat-Gader too. These inscriptions bear expressions that the place was viewed not as a pleasure resort or a sporting site consecrated to hygiene and body cure, but as a healing place endowed with a God-given power of restoring health.

THE CONTRIBUTION OF ARCHAEOLOGY TO THE AIMS AND DEEDS OF CHRIS- TIANS AT THE THERMO-MINERAL BATHS IN ROMAN-BYZANTINE PALESTINE The most distinguished and significant contribution of the excavations conducted in the baths of Emmaus, Hammat-Gader, Hammei-Tiberias and remains of the Madaba mosaic map from a Byzantine church in Jordan, is the epigraphical material. Most of them were from private persons on the occasion of their visit at the sites – a visit that inspired wonder and gratitude in the presence of the healing powers of the baths (Dvorjetski 2003; Id., 2004).

THERMAL BATH OF EMMAUS-NICOPOLIS A magic amulet was discovered in a tomb at Emmaus-Nicopolis and dated to the third century, inscribed with an incantation in Aramaic to clear up the afflictions of the patient from his head, muscles, phallus and ears. The description of the snake, the attribute of Aesculapius, on the amulet seems to hint at the therapeutic qualities of Emmaus, which are documented in Church Fa- thers’ texts, as good not only for humans but also for animals (Vincent & Abel

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1932, 416-418; Dvorjetski 1996a; Id., 2004, 20). L.H. Vincent suggested that it was done by a Jewish artisan at the request of a Christian (1908, 382-394; cf. Naveh & Shaked 1985, 60-63).

THERMAL BATH OF BA'ARAH AND KALLIROHE The sixth century Madaba mosaic map, which lay in a Byzantine church at Madaba in Jordan allots considerable space to the thermo-mineral baths of Kallirhoe and Hammei-Ba’arah, including the inscriptions [Ba]arou and qerma kallirojv, and to two boats carrying cargo, testifying to the transport of goods on the Dead Sea in that period. The mosaicists of the map repre- sented along the eastern shore of the Dead Sea three constructions (Avi-Yonah 1954, 39-40; Donner 1963; Clamer 1996; Id., 1999; Dvorjetski 1996c). Vari- ous possibilities have been offered about the cargoes on these boats, such as goods, sails, bitumen, salt or import of wheat. Another option is a maritime marketing of the healing sites characterizing thermo-mineral baths in the Clas- sical world, which can be any kind of glass vessels, pottery assemblages, and medical instruments (Dvorjetski 1996c). We know of boats in the Roman world that carried various cargoes from the therapeutic sites. Among them were glass vessels that contained liquids for healing purposes. For instance, the healing site in northern Spain, Otanes, known as Salus Omeritana, gained fame from its waters, which were exported to distant locations. Glass bottles from the thermal waters in the Bay of Naples, Baiae and neighboring Poteoli, arrived in North Africa; engraved on them were schematic scenes of the spas, where the bottles were manufactured and marketed (Rostovtzeff 1957, 478- 479; de Franciscis 1967; Painter 1975; Krug 1993, 181; Jackson 1999, 115- 116; Dvorjetski 1997a).

THE EPIGRAPHICAL MATERIAL FROM HAMMAT-GADER THERMAL BATHS The Greek dedication inscriptions from Hammat-Gader dated to the fifth- seventh centuries CE contributed greatly to the reconstruction of the history and daily life of the baths, especially the Christian ones. Hammat-Gader reached the apex of its publicity in the fifth century CE and gained momentum. Testifying to this, are the imperial building inscriptions from governors of Palestina Secunda, which were found in the Fountain Hall. This shows the great reputation that the baths had acquired and also the healing of sick, who streamed to the site from throughout the empire (Di Segni & Hirschfeld 1986, 265-267). The most important inscription bears the name and title of Empress Eudocia, the wife of Emperor Theodosius II (408-450 CE). It was discovered in situ in the pavement of the Hall of the Fountains, and was probably com- posed on the occasion of Eudocia's visit to Hammat-Gader (Hirschfeld & So-

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lar 1981, 203; Green & Tsafrir 1982, 77-91; Dvorjetski, 1988, 101-107; Id., 1992a, 111-112; Di Segni 1997, 228-233). I. Meimaris suggests that Eudocia's visit to the famous baths could be associated with a medical reason (1983, 394). The Vita Melaniae written by Gerontius, abbot on Mount of Olives, re- counts that during the inauguration of Saint Stephen Protomartyer church in Jerusalem on May 15, 439 CE, an accident caused her severe pain in her left leg and Empress came to Hammat-Gader to cure it (59:244; Habas [Rubin] 1996, 112-113; Di Segni 1997, 232). At the beginning of the inscription there are crosses and a long list of private names, pagan and Christian titles, mythological figures, such as Hygieia, Galatia, Pian and parts of the baths, pools and fountains, names and titles of various people as ‘Elijah the Holy’, in whose honour the thermae was later said to have been named ‘Thermae Heliae’. Eudocia's poetic inscription in Homeric style glorifies the Hot Springs “for those in pain”, and extols the marvels of the architectural complex (Hirschfeld & Solar 1981, 203; Green & Tsafrir 1982, 77-91; Di Segni 1997, 228-223). Toward the end of the Byzantine period, the location was hit by an earthquake. The destruction caused to the baths is documented in a Greek-Byzan- tine inscription from the seventh century. The dedicatory inscription, discovered in the Fountain Hall, cites the reopening and renovation of the baths in the early days of the Caliph Mu'awiya, founder of the Umayyad dynasty, on 5 December 662 CE. The Greek language of the inscription, the cross at its head, and the use of Byzantine dating testify to the fact that the Arab ruler did not at first alter the existing administrative and cultural arrangements (Hirschfeld & Solar 1981, 203-204; Green & Tsafrir 1982, 94-96; Di Segni & Hirschfeld 1986, 265-266; Dvorjetski 1988, 109-110; Id., 1992a, 113; Di Segni 1992, 315-317; Id., 1997, 237-240). Except for the small group of building inscriptions, most texts open with the words Ên t¬ç ägíwç or (ïer¬ç) tópwç mnjsq±ç, which means ‘in this holy place may someone be remembered’, or in plural Ên to⁄v ägíoiv tópoiv mnjsq±ç, ‘in these holy places may someone be remembered', or simply Ën t¬ç tópwç toútw mnßsqwsin, which means ‘in this place may be remembered', and Ën t¬ç xariestátwç tópwç toútw mnjsq±ç, ‘in this graceful place may someone be remembered'. Appeals to God, kurie [= Lord] and to Christ for help [= xr(i)stè boßq(e)i] or Lord Christ, remember [= K(úrie) Xr(ist)® mnßsqj] are frequency used. There are many inscriptions surmounted by deeply carved crosses, which were later obliterated neatly, by careful chiseling. The deletion might be carried out by the Muslims as an anti-Christian gesture. A very obvi- ous proof might be learnt from the word ƒiloxristòv, which was deleted too and would point to iconoclasm at the hands of Muslims. It could be also in the Byzantine period, since in 427 Teodosius II Code forbade the depiction of crosses in places where they could be trodden upon. Another possibility was

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the days of Emperor Justinian, a confirmed meddler in religious issues, who might have insisted on the fulfillment of his order in this matter (Di Segni 1997, 185, 254). At Hammat-Gader no less than 24 inscriptions are decorated with one or more crosses. Most of them are deeply and carefully carved on slabs or engraved under the script, and some are graffiti on plaster, scratched or painted. Some of the visitors mentioned their homeland; among them an agens in rebus from Gaza, a tribunus (commanding officer) from Damascus and gover-nors from Caesarea. An acclamation in honor of Perge, the capital of Pamphylia, shows that some of its citizens came here came from a distance as well. Sev- eral visitors indicated their title, rank or profession among them were a notary, a scriber, public weigher, marble worker, engraver, peddler, senior army offic- ers, ranks which reflected highest aristocracy such as countess, illustris spe- cially for wives of nobility, singulais (clerk in the military or in the civil ad- ministration), and more. The stage professions, which represent the largest group – a dancer, a piper, an actress, a juggler, and perhaps a strolling actor – were not Christians. These performers were permanent or visiting members of its staff in the Roman theatre of Hammat-Gader, which was still active in the Byzantine period (Di Segni 1992, 309-310; Id., 1997, 189-190, 198-200, 204- 216, 218-222, 224-225, 235-237, 241-244, 246, 251-252). An onomastic examination of the inscriptions decorated with crosses re- vealed an impressive variety of names of men and women. It may be assumed that the many visitors mentioned prayed in the church that was east of the baths, north of Ein Rih spring, and had given a substantial donation to have their names immortalized there.

JEWISH-CHRISTIAN RELATIONS ACCORDING TO CHRISTIAN EPIGRAPHIC FINDS FROM THE SYNAGOGUES AT HAMMAT-TIBERIAS AND HAMMAT-GADER

The donors’ inscriptions in the synagogues at Hammat-Tiberias, dated to the fourth century CE (Dothan 1983), and Hammat-Gader from the fifth-sixth century CE (Sukenik 1935; Avi-Yonah & Hirschfeld 1993) in addition to some little finds shed light on Jewish-Christian relations in the Byzantine period. The mosaic inscriptions from both sites were dedicated in the names of donors who contributed to the synagogues’ buildings. These donors might have been cured at Hammat-Gader and Hammei-Tiberias and commemorated their re- covery by contributing to the development of the sites. The formula of the blessing in the inscription from Hammei-Tiberias ‘May he be alive’ or ‘to sur- vive safely’ (hßsjç; swhéstw) repeated five times, is unusual, and such a blessing, wishing the donors life, is apt for sick people, who have come to the place for a cure (Roth-Gerson 1987, 65-69). It may be assumed that Christians were among the donors in light of the multiplicity of Greek and Latin names,

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among them Maximus, Zoilus, Kalinikus, Ioullus and Profuturus. The name Haeortasis was very rare among Jews. The dedicatory inscription to Severus has these words: qreptòv t¬n lamprotátwn patriarx¬n [= disciple of the most illustrious Patriarchs]. The prominent place allotted to his dedication, the special blessing accorded him, and his appearance in a second inscription, all indicate that Severus was a donor or the chief founder, who fulfilled an important task in renovating the synagogue at Hammei-Tiberias. Likewise, among the donors in the Aramaic dedicatory inscriptions in the Hammat-Gader synagogue are many Greek and Latin names, such as Hoplis, Proton, Leontis, Kalnikos, and Paregurius, titles like kúrov and kúra [= Lord and Lady], holders of government posts, and wealthy visitors (Naveh 1978, 11, 58). Gentile donors are known to have contributed to the temple and to synagogues in the Second Temple period. Therefore, it seems that not all the donors were Jewish. Some of them, who came to be healed, sought to donate to the holy place in order to express their thanks to the place or in order for its special qualities to assist in their cure. Most of the donors to the synagogues gave after having made a pledge and the inscription cites those who fulfilled their obligation. In the excavation of the synagogue area at Hammat-Gader, rings were found. One of them bore a Greek inscription: Xe [=Xristè] botß(ei) ˆAndreaç [= Lord (Christ), help Andrea]. There was a Byzantine oil lamp and a cross at the bottom (Sukenik 1935, 70-71). In front of the entrance to the Hall of Inscriptions at Hammat-Gader, there is an inscription dating to 455 CE: “In this holy place may Marcus the scribe be remembered together with his sons, Joshua, also (called) Theodorus and Daniel also (called) Antoninus, (born) from his marriage with Nonna. Amen. The inscription is decorated with crosses, but the names are Jewish or Samaritan. In 438 CE, Emperor Theodosius II published decrees against the Jews, the first of which limited their occupation in the civil service. Conceivably the father of the family, Marcus, was a state official who converted his religion in order to preserve his position and to continue his career. Such a location of his dedication directly in front of the entrance indicates that he contributed a substantial sum for the paving of the sports area (Di Segni 1997, 189-190).

CONCLUSION

The early Christians normally accepted a visit to the baths as a natural part of life. The Church Fathers testify that baths were still a part of the health regi- men of their day. They did not normally prohibit Christians from bathing or urge them to curb the habit; in fact they bathed themselves, like everyone else. They were an integral part of urban life. As Tertullian says: “The Christians

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are no different than other people: they go to the forum, to the marcellum, and to the baths”. Mixed bathing it naturally condemned as an incitement to sin. It was gradually given up, eventually to be strictly forbidden. Church fathers re- peatedly condemned the temptations of the luxurious baths. The Church's in- terest in baths was primarily in public morality. The church was strict in pro- scribing this custom, allowing the use of the baths only for healing, especially the spas. Certain places in Palestine gained great fame because of their healing qualities and their effectiveness in curing health ailments and disturbances. The descriptions by the Church Fathers, chronographers, and pilgrims produce an in- structive picture of the medicinal baths. They add the most important layer in understanding the properties of the spas, which can be classified to specific maladies. The spas were used not only for medical proposes but also for leisure and recreation. There emerges a fascinating picture of a luxurious and immoral life. During the Roman-Byzantine period, these unique sites served also as a preservation of the classical culture. Hammat-Gader was indeed a special combination of a festival, an entertainment centre and a place of social gathering for the life of debauchery. Further evidence of the medicinal properties is provided by archaeological finds. The Greek inscriptions from Hammat-Gader faithfully tell the history and daily life of the thermo-mineral baths. Most of them were from private persons on the occasion of their visit at the sites – a visit that inspired wonder and gratitude in the presence of the healing powers of the water. The inscriptions viewed the baths of Hammat-Gader not as a pleasure resort site consecrated to hygiene and body care, but as a healing place endowed with a God- given power of restoring health. Mutual relations between Jews and Christians were natural and affable in the baths in the framework of leisure culture, healing installations, and places of entertainment. The integration of sacred springs, healing baths, and cultic installations offered to the many visitors a special combination of religious, medicinal and social conveniences to the many pilgrims who visited the spas in Palestine in the Roman-Byzantine period.

* This paper was written as a lecture which was delivered to the ARAM twentieth International Conference on Palestinian Christianity, The Oriental Institute, Uni- versity of Oxford, 28-30 June, 2004; This article was completed during my Sab- batical as a Visiting Professor at the Centre for Health, Medicine and Society, De- partment of History, School of Arts and Humanities, in Oxford Brookes Univer- sity; as a Honorary Research Fellow at the Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine at University College London, and at the Oxford Centre for Hebrew and Jewish Studies at Yarnton Manor, Oxford between August 2004 and August 2005.

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