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Historical Consequences of the Disintegration of Yugoslavia Over Slovene Society1

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Historical Consequences of the Disintegration of Yugoslavia Over Slovene Society1 Historical consequences of the disintegration of Yugoslavia over Slovene Society1 Slovenes are faced with two basic problems in modern history: the issue of democracy and the national issue (which political elites usually place in the foreground). The development of democracy was only partially determined by our own selves, in so far as its primary characteristic was the induction of mutual intolerance and the exclusion of those with different opinions.2 The position of the Slovene nation during the individual state formations was usually evaluated "in retrospect" from the standpoint of current political needs, while the newly formed situation was at the same time euphorically praised. This is how after World War I, Austria suddenly became "the jail of nations" even in the eyes of those Slovene politicians and intellectuals who, only a few years prior, claimed to be loyal to it. Illustrations: 1 Repe, Božo. Historical consequences of the disintegration of Yugoslavia for Slovene Society. Österr. Osth., 2001, jhrg. 43, hf. 1/2, str. 5-26. Ilustr. 2 The Slovene political mentality developed in its basic elements at the end of the 19th century and grew from the fact that opponents have to be either totally subjugated or forced to be part of the national enemies' camp. This remains a basic characteristic in all three political camps (catholic, liberal and socialist or communist) throughout the political history of the 20th century. The exception is the period of attaining independence during the second half of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s. As far as parliamentarism is concerned, only the "fragmentary" development of particular periods from the second half of the 19th century onwards can be discussed. The Slovene parliament, in the modern sense of the word (with a universal franchise and multi-party system), is in operation without intermission for only 10 years as of yet; this is also a time - probably the only one in Slovene history - of "absolute" independence, as before, it had only local significance or it was subordinate to bodies above the national level, as will also be repeated once incorporated in the European Union (more on the subject: Božo Repe: Pravne, politične podlage, okoliščine in pomen prvih demokratičnih volitev" in: Razvoj slovenskega parlamentarizma", Državni zbor Republike Slovenije Ljubljana, 2000 page 26 - 69. 1 Fig. 1: The glorified page on Franz Jozef honor for his birthday (Tedenske slike- Weekly Pictures,, August 16, 1916). Picture with the grand- son and patriotic song Got live the Austria. It was similar in all newspapers in the long time of his regime. Till his death and even later – practically till the end of First World War, for the majority of the Slovenes Franz Josef was synonymous for so called “good old times.” - feeling otherwise spread through all empire. Loyalty to Hapsburg Monarchy was one of the basic characteristics of Slovene consciousness, especially expressed among politicians and clergy, but not less at ordinary people. It was systematically built through school system, public life, especially celebrations, holidays, anniversaries etc. 3 Fig. 2: Slovenes supported hardly Austro-Hungarian Declaration of War to Serbia and propaganda was very strong. Serbien muss sterbien, well known motto from postcards and cartoons (published in Hans Weigel, Walter Lukan and Max Peyfuss book Jeder Schuss ein Russ, Jeder Stoss ein Franzos, Edition Christian Brandstätter, Wien 1983). In Slovene oral version this motto was rather changed to even more cahuvinistic way : “Srbe na vrbe”, which means “Hang Serbs to willow trees” (Erhängen Serben um weiden). Such devices were latter in Yugoslavia the subject of many disputes and one of the proofs for Serbian side, that Slovenes were part of occupiers and Serbia with incorporation to The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a matter of fact saved them and of course, that they should be grateful for that, stay in silence and pay the price, economical and political one, for that. 3 Vasilij Melik, Božo Repe, Franc Rozman: Zastave vihrajo ( The Flags are Fluttering). Spominski dnevi in praznovanja na Slovenskem od sredine 19. stoletja do danes (selection of illustrations and subtitles Darja Kerec). Modrijan. Ljubljana 1999. The text was originally published in the book Öffentliche Gedenktage in Mitteleuropa, Böhlau Verlag Wien, 1997, edited by Emil Brix and Hannes Stekl). 2 Fig. 3: When things changed during the war Austria and Hapsburgs slowly but certainly became antagonist and then the enemy. One of first signes is announcement that omnipotence German bridge to Adriatic coast is rocking. Caroon made my Hinko Smrekar, published in Kurent's album in 1918 shows Slovene farmer, tied like Gulliver, chained on the ground. Tied giant wants to stand up. Over him are passing troops of Germans and their adherents («nemškutarji«), but their carriages and coaches are folling down. The subtitle is: Roar, roar Adriatic see, you was and you will always be Slavic. Fig. 4: At the same time you can notice removal from former idols. Slovene solder before the end of the war in 1918 far- sightednessed subtitled propagandistic postcard with portrets of Austrian millitary leaders with comment: “Greatnesses of former Austria« (Slovenska kronika 20. stoletja, part I., Nova revija 1995, page 192. 3 Fig. 5: Very soon later triumphant and ironical feelings are shown like in this obituary, published in satirical journal Kurent in 1918, which says: “After a long, painful disease expired Austria it's dirty soul” Slovenska kronika 20. stoletja, part I., Nova revija 1995, page 201). Fig. 6: And variation on the same topic. Finnis Austriae. Slovenska kronika 20. stoletja, part I., Nova revija 1995, page 201). 4 Fig. 7: Pro - Austrian or pro- German feelings became shameful, slightingly named as “avstrijakarstvo” Slovene intellectuals were turned toward France, German language was almost no subject in schools between both World Wars. But on the other side - as shows this caricature from Hinko Smrekar made in 1921, when new, centralistic constitution was accept - expectations from new state were great, idealized and naive, there was little knowledge about Serbs and in general about South Slavic nations in new state. Fig. 8: This simple mindedness passed quickly, as illustrate another caricature “United Yugoslavs” (Slovenska kronika 20. stoletja, part I., Nova revija 1995, page 223). 5 After World War II, a similar fate befell the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, although here situation was something different. Namely, resistance movement and also allies didn’t recognize dismemberment of Yugoslavia and annexation of occupying territories to enemy states, at the end of the war there was compromise between Tito and predsident of royal government Ivan Šubašič, so the criticism was turned toward inside problems - political system and national relation-ships. Naturally, a negative thought pattern developed concerning the former state; even after the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia, which became synonymous with ‘Balkanism’, ‘Byzantinism’, etc. It was a state, which during the time of its existence, economically and politically limited the Slovenes and prevented their attaining independence, and in a cultural sense kept them on a lower cultural level, i.e. in a different cultural circle, one to which the Slovenes were not supposed to belong. This was all the easier since Yugoslavia was a communist, or rather a socialist state and thereby an excellent target for a double criticism: national as well as ideological. Fig. 9: Poor, exploited Slovenia (Milan Maver newspaper Delo, September 29, 1986). Cartoon represented Slovenia as hen which would be beat from Yugoslav federation. Fig. 10: Because of geographical image of Slovenia hen is one of its symbols. You can explain it also as naive, a little slow mind, typical animal which is waiting for its destiny. 6 This cartoon was created at the end of the eighties by Mat'kurja – one of the first domestic internet servers which is still operating on the web. Fig. 11: Slovenia, stripped to the nakedness, rest just with coif (national cap) – Milan Maver, Delo, September 29, 1988. Fig. 12: After national plebiscit in december 1990 discourse with Serbian (Yugoslav) solder is represented completely different as on the previous cartoon from the times of establishment of Yugoslavia when he was great deliverer of the Slovenes. Drunken, brutal solders says: “Lets, go home!” And Slovene girl answered: “Oh don’t be ridiculous!” (Franco Juri, Delo, December 24., 1990). 7 Fig. 13: Innocent Slovenia, supposed to be raped by Yugoslav soldier (Mladina, June 25, 1991) Fig. 14: Oh, that Balkan, said Slovenia, self sufficient, clean and reborned girl and slammed the door behind her (Franco Juri, Delo, October 12, 1991). It is already forgotten, that Slovenes believed in Yugoslavia for a long time and they had invested a lot of energy in its planning and development. But on the other side, the Yugoslav federation had never been able to function in the course of its existence without compulsory cohesive measures from outside or internal factors. When these fell away (the decline of socialism and the lifting of the Iron Curtain, the disintegration of the party and of the army) it could not find a democratic alternative for its existence. From this experience is originate the fear and opposition against establishing any institutional ties with the Balkan states. It is general opinion that, such a process might cause the country to slip from its status of state “bordering on”
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