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Repe Myths and Ideology 1 Božo Repe Between Myths and Ideology Some Views on Slovene Contemporary Historiography With Chronological Survey of Slovene History, written by Darja Kerec 2 Between Myths and Ideology Some Views on Slovene Contemporary Historiography (With Chronological Survey of Slovene History, written by Darja Kerec) Author: Božo Repe Reviewers: dr. Dušan Ne ćak, dr. Bojan Balkovec, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of History © University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, 2009 All rights reserved. Published by University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts Issued by Department of History, Faculty of Arts For the publisher: Valentin Bucik, Dean of the Faculty of Arts Ljubljana 2009 First edition Objavljeno 4.12.2009 na URL naslovu: http://www.zgodovina-ff-uni- lj.net/index.php?option=com_remository&Itemid=26&func=select&id=8 Publication is free of charge. CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana 930.1(497.4)(0.034.2) REPE, Božo Between myths and ideology [Elektronski vir] : some views on Slovene contemporary historiography / Božo Repe ; with Chronological survey of Slovene history, written by Darja Kerec. - 1st ed. - El. knjiga. - Ljubljana : Faculty of Arts, 2009 Na čin dostopa (URL): http://www.zgodovina-ff-uni-lj.net/index.php?o ption=com_remository&Itemid=26&func=select&id=8 ISBN 978-961-237-335-1 1. Kerec, Darja 248758784 3 Table of Contents: Slovene View of the Surviving State Formations p. 4 Slovenes and Yugoslav Historiography after World War II p. 29 Mythic Notions of Slovenes p. 44 The Myth and Reality of Communism p. 61 How Much Comparativity can be Found in Slovene Historiography? p. 86 Chronological Survey of Slovene History (written by Darja Kerec) p. 91 4 Slovene View of the Surviving State Formations 1 Slovenes are faced with two basic problems in modern history: the issue of democracy and the national issue (which political elites usually place in the foreground). The development of democracy was only partially determined by ourselves, in so far as its primary characteristic was the induction of mutual intolerance and the exclusion of those with different opinions 2. The position of the Slovene nation during each respective formation of state was usually evaluated "in retrospect" from the standpoint of current political needs, while the newly formed situation was at the same time euphorically praised. This is how after World War I, Austria suddenly became "the jail of nations" even in the eyes of those Slovene politicians and intellectuals who, only a few years earlier, had claimed to be loyal to it. After World War II, a similar fate befell the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, although here the situation was somewhat different. Namely, neither the resistance movement nor the Allies recognized the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and the annexation of occupied territories to enemy states. At the end of the war a compromise between Tito and the president of the royal government Ivan Šubaši č was reached, turning criticism toward internal problems – the political system and national relationships. 1 Published in English: Historical consequences of the disintegration of Yugoslavia for Slovene Society. Österr. Osth., 2001, jhrg. 43, hf. 1/2, pp. 5-26. Ilus. 2 Slovene political mentality developed in its basic elements at the end of the19th century and grew from the fact that opponents had to be either completely subjugated or forced to be part of the national enemies' camp. This remains a basic characteristic in all three political camps (Catholic, liberal and socialist or communist) throughout the political history of the 20th century. The exception is the period of attaining independence during the second half of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s. As far as parliamentarism is concerned, only the "fragmentary" development of particular periods from the second half of the 19th century onwards can be discussed. The Slovene parliament, in the modern sense of the word (with a universal franchise and multi-party system), has been in operation without intermission for only 10 years as of yet. This is also a time - probably the only one in Slovene history - of "absolute" independence, as before, it only had local significance or was subordinate to bodies above the national level, as will also be repeated once incorporated in the European Union (more on the subject: Božo Repe, Pravne, politi čne podlage, okoliš čine in pomen prvih demokrati čnih volitev [Legal and Political Foundations, the Circumstances and Significance of the First Democratic Elections]. In: Razvoj slovenskega parlamentarizma [The Development of Slovene Parliamentarism], ed. Državni zbor Republike Slovenije [National Assembly of the Republic of Slovenia], Ljubljana 2000, 26-69). 5 ' Fig 1. The glorified page in honor of Franz Joseph's birthday (Tedenske slike - Weekly Pictures, August 16, 1916). A photograph with the grandson and patriotic song May God Sustain Austria. The approach was similar in all newspapers during his long regime. Till his death and even afterwards - practically until the end of World War I - Franz Joseph was synonymous with the so-called "good old times" for the majority of Slovenes - the same attitude was actually spread throughout the empire. Loyalty to the Habsburg Monarchy was one of the basic characteristics of Slovene consciousness, particularly expressed among politicians and the clergy, but no less among ordinary people. It was systematically built through the school system, public life, especially through celebrations, holidays, anniversaries etc. 6 Fig. 2 : Slovenes strongly supported the Austro-Hungarian Declaration of War with Serbia and the corresponding propaganda was very strong. "Serbien muss sterbien" is a well known motto from postcards and cartoons of that time (published in Hans Weigel, Walter Lukan and Max, Peyfuss, Jeder Schuss ein Russ, Jeder Stoss ein Franzos, Wien 1983). In the Slovene oral version this motto was changed considerably into an even more chauvinistic motto: "Srbe na vrbe”, which means "Hang Serbs on willow trees" [Serben gehören an Weidenbäumen erhängt]. In Yugoslavia such events later became the subject of many disputes and one of the proofs for the Serbian side that Slovenes belonged to the occupiers. According to them, Slovenia was actually saved by Serbia with the incorporation into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and Slovenia was therefore to be grateful, remain silent and pay the price, both economic and political, for its 3 attitude. 3 Vasilij Melik, Božo Repe, Franc Rozman: Zastave vihrajo. Spominski dnevi in praznovanja na Slovenskem od sredine 19. stoletja do danes (selection of illustrations and subtitles Darja Kerec). Modrijan. Ljubljana 1999. The text was originally published in the book Öffentliche Gedenktage in Mitteleuropa, Böhlau Verlag Wien, 1997, edited by Emil Brix and Hannes Stekl). 7 Fig. 3 : When things changed during the war, Austria and the Habsburgs slowly but surely changed into antagonists and then enemies. One of the first signs was the announcement that the omnipotent German bridge to the Adriatic coast was rocking. Cartoon by Hinko Smrekar, published in Kurent's album in 1918 shows a Slovene farmer, tied like Gulliver, chained to the ground. The tied giant wants to stand up. Troops of Germans and their adherents («nemškutarji«) are passing over him, but their carriages and coaches are falling down. The subtitle is Roar, roar the Adriatic Sea, you were and will always be Slavic. 8 Fig. 4: Simultaneously, a certain distance towards former idols can be observed. A Slovene soldier before the end of the war in 1918 far-sightedly subtitled a propagandistic postcard with portraits of Austrian military leaders with the comment: "Greatness of former Austria" In: Slovenska kronika 20. stoletja [Slovene Chronicle of the 20th Century], part 1 (Ljubljana 1995) 192. 9 Fig. 5: A very short time later triumphant and ironical feelings were shown, for instance in this obituary, published in the satirical journal Kurent in 1918, which says: "After a long, painful disease Austria expired its dirty soul" In: Slovenska kronika 20. stoletja 1, 201. 10 Fig. 6 : And a variation of the same topic. Finis Austriae. In: Slovenska kronika 20. stoletja 1, 201. 11 Fig. 7: Pro-Austrian or pro-German feelings became something to be ashamed of, they were slightingly named as "aystrijakarstvo". Slovene intellectuals turned toward France, while the German language almost ceased to be a school subject between both World Wars. But on the other side - as is shown by this caricature by Hinko Smrekar from 1921, before a new, centralist constitution was adopted - expectations from the new state were great, idealized and naive; in the new state there was little knowledge about the Serbs and about South Slavic nations in general. 12 Fig. 8: This simple mindedness passed quickly, as is illustrated in another caricature - "United Yugoslays": In: Slovenska kronika 20. stoletja 1, 223. Naturally, a negative thought pattern developed concerning the former state; even after the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia, which became synonymous with 'Balkanism', 'Byzantinism', etc. It was a state, which during the time of its existence, economically and politically limited the Slovenes and prevented them from attaining independence, and in a cultural sense kept them on a lower level, i.e. in a different cultural circle, one to which the Slovenes were not supposed to belong. This was all the easier since Yugoslavia was a communist, or rather a socialist state and thereby an excellent target for double criticism: national as well as ideological. It is already forgotten that Slovenes believed in Yugoslavia for a long time and that they had invested a lot of energy in its planning and development. But on the other side, the Yugoslav federation had never been able to function in the course of its existence without the compulsory cohesive measures from outside or internal factors. When these fell away (the decline of socialism and the lifting of the Iron Curtain, the disintegration of the party and of the army) it could not find a democratic alternative for its existence.
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