DOCSLIB.ORG

The Comparison of Thematerials in Styles of Iranian Architecture and Its Effect on the Form of the Building Before the Islam’S Entry to Iran

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Comparison of Thematerials in Styles of Iranian Architecture and Its Effect on the Form of the Building Before the Islam’S Entry to Iran IOSR Journal of Mechanical and Civil Engineering (IOSR-JMCE) e-ISSN: 2278-1684,p-ISSN: 2320-334X, Volume 8, Issue 3 (Sep. - Oct. 2013), PP 50-54 www.iosrjournals.org The Comparison of theMaterials in Styles of Iranian Architecture and its Effect on the Form of the Building before the Islam’s Entry to Iran 1Mohd Hamdan Ahmad, 2Malsiah Hamid, 3Mehdi Hanafi Koumleh, 4Nora Roostapoor 1, 2, 3 Department of Architecture, Faculty of Build Environment, University Teknologi Malaysia, 81310 UTM Skudai, Johor, Malaysia 4Department of Architecture, Islamic Azad University, AstanehAshrafieh Branch, Iran Abstract: During the history,different elements have been determined as influential factors affecting the architecture in different areas. The historical events and political alterations as well as religious and economical changes can directly lead to the architecture style. One of the historical countries with rich architectural history that can be increasingly exposed to more alterations is Iran. In general the architecture styles in Iran can be categorised in six groups. These groups can be divided in two periods before and after Islam’s emergence in Iran. The “Parsi” and “Parti” architecture styles belong to the former period and “Razi”, “Khorasani”, “Isfahani” and “Azari” were common in the latter period, after Islam. Such alterations brought in a variety of architecture styles, in this country, due to theoretical alterations. Furthermore, some novel architectural styles were resulted from a number of physical conditions which had also effects on the theoretical architecture. The current research intends to put an emphasize on the alterations in materials used in two historical periods of Iran, “Achaemenid” Empire (550–330 BCE) and The “Sassanid” Empire (224 CE to 651 CE) resulting in the changes in Iranian architecture. It also aims to explore the differences and the reasons of changes in the materials used for constructions and the influence that these changes had on the architectural style in the above mentioned periods. Keywords:Achaemenid, Achaemenian, Sassanid, Sassanian,Pasargad, Susa, Perspolis, Qhal’eDokhtar, Sarvestan, architecture style, Parsi, Parti, Khorasani, Azari, Razi, Isfahani, material, Empire, History, Building, Flat Roof, Arched Roof, Arch, Dome. I. The Achaemenid Empire: In the sixth century BCE, the Iranian king-Cyrus the Great- established an empire called the “Achaemenid” Empire (/əˈkiːmənɪd/; Old Persian: Haxāmanišiyā; c. 550–330 BCE), or First Persian Empire[1] in central Western and Central Asia. Achaemenid Persian Empire was considered as the greatest empire on the earth in the ancient history then. It was dominant from Anatolia and Egypt across western Asia to northern India and Central Asia. It started to emerge when King “Astyages” of “Madia”, ruled over a big area of Iran and eastern “Anatiolia” (Turkey) in 550 B.C... In that time, Persian king, “Cyrus” “the Great”, (r. 559-530 B.C.), who was his neighbour in Iran, overcame him. It turned over the stability of power in the Near East. The benefit of the lost of Media in went to the “Lydians” of western Anatolia under King Croesus and made the Persian troops to move to east and to fight with the Persian troops. The Lydian army left the battle while Persians went forward to the Capital city of “Lydians” located in Sardis, surrounded it for two weeks and could defeat and conquer it.Before that Babylonians and Egyptians had allied themselves with “Lydians” therefore Cyrus needed to deal with the three important strong powers. Mesopotamia and the eastern Mediterraneanwere ruled by Babylonian empire. Persian forces won a victory over the Babylonian army at the site of “Opis”, east of the Tigris in 539 B.C. Then political prisoners were freed and temples were returned to their original condition by Cyrus after he went to Babylon showing himself as a Mesopotamian King. Cyrus did not conquer Egypt. Butin 525 B.C. his son Cambyses defeated the Egyptian troops in Nile delta and after fighting for ten days, Persians overcame the ancient capital of Egypt, Memphis. www.iosrjournals.org 50 | Page The comparison of the materials in styles of Iranian architecture and its effect on the form of the Achaemenid’s territory (550–330 BCE) At that time, there was a great diversity of materials in Achemenidsdue to the empires in them. In fact they were considered as the resource of this diversity.In the time of Achaemenids, the source of materials across their empires were very great and various.As a result, a specific type of architecture emerged. In this style, odd materials were used that were different from the new architecture in Iran. A stone on which Darius I(Old Persian Dârayavauš) ("The Great") (r. 521–486 B.C.) the accurate information can confirm it. "... Yaka timber was brought from Gandara and from Carmania. The gold was brought from Sardis and from Bactria ... the precious stone lapis-lazuli and carnelian ... was brought from Sogdiana. The turquoise from Chorasmia, the silver and ebony from Egypt, the ornamentation from Ionia, the ivory from Ethiopia and from Sindh and from Arachosia. The stone-cutters who wrought the stone, those were Ionians and Sardians. The goldsmiths were Medes and Egyptians. The men who wrought the wood, those were Sardians and Egyptians. The men who wrought the baked brick, those were Babylonians. The men who adorned the wall, those were Medes and Egyptians." A piece of Darius Inscription on the variety and large quantity of Achaemenid’s Architecture Materials It was the first time that people saw such a great royal and glorious art. The artists as well as the materials were from all over that empire. Then, it was a diverse art formed by a combination of designs as decorations, styles, aptitudesthrough which the Persian Empire was reflected. The information that Darius presented indicated that most of the material utilized then must have provided from outside Iran. As well a number of those working in Achaemenids constructions such as “Susa”. “Perspolice” and “Pasargad” were from different countries such as Babylon, Greece and some other countries where their thoughts and opinions could influence the architecture then. Moreover, the extent and expansion of materials made construction of ambitious structures possible so that no buildings similar to them could be found for long while following the time that they were built. In general, the features of Achaemenids architecture were due to the span of material. In that time, the roofs of the buildings were high and areas between the columns were wide. Some examples of Acheamidesarchitecture Pāsārgād, Ancient Greek Πασαργάδαι), the capital of Cyrus theپاسارگاد :are shown in (Pic1: Pasargad (Persian Great (559–530 BC)), (Pic 2: Persepolis (Old-Persian: Pārśapura[2]) was the ceremonial capital of the ;[ Shush [ʃuʃ]; Greek: Σοῦσα [ˈsuːsaشوش :Achaemenid Empire (ca. 550–330 BC)) and (Pic 3: Susa (Persian .(ShushānׁשּוׁשָׁןShush; Old Persian: Çūšā-; Biblical Hebrewܫܘܫ :Syriac Pic 1: Pasargad Pic 2: Perspolise www.iosrjournals.org 51 | Page The comparison of the materials in styles of Iranian architecture and its effect on the form of the Pic 3: Flying Bull Mosaic Susa II. The Sassanid Empire: The residents of the Sassanid Empire (/ˈsæsənɪd/; also known as Sassanian, Sasanid, or Sassanid ) or Neo-Persian Empire,[3]knew it as “Ērānshahr” and “Ērān” in Middle Persian. This is why the final Iranian empire preceding the emerge of Islam, was addressed by the New Persian words “Iranshahr” and Iran [4]. That time, from 224 CE to 651 CE.[7][5], the “Sasanian” Dynasty were the rulers. For over 400 years [6], the Sasanid Empire, that was the next Empire after “Parthian” Empire, was one of the major powers ruling in Western and Central Asia while Roman–Byzantine Empire was another empire at the same time. The Sassanid territory (224 CE to 651 CE) Persian architectural style which was very successful with greatest achievement is improvement during the Sassanid era is considered as Sassanid architecture. In the time that Sassanid Empire was dominant (224-651 CE), most accomplishments were observed in Persian civilization in a lot of different approaches. In this period, before the Muslims invasion, the last important pre-Islamic Persian Empire was formed. Indeed, the Persians were the origin the culture, architecture, writing and some more skills which was later considered as Muslim culture, architecture and so on in a bigger extent in the areas dominated by Islam. Similar to the Achaemenid Empire, the rules of the country in the Sassanid period started in the province of “Persis” (Fars). They believed that they took the place ofAchaemenians following the Parthin ruling had stopped and gave the responsibility to them to give the glory of Persia back to this empire. However, as the territory Achaemerinas period was bigger than the territory in in Sassanid time, the materials available for Achemenianswere more and more various than what Sassanid could access. Moreover, the Achaemeniyans were more powerful than Sassanians and they did not exist in the same period of time, Achaemenians that were newer needed to make more constructions. Hence, newer local material had to be used as the substitution of the materials used before that time. Now the question is that what the most appropriate newer materials were? Iran can be considered as one of the most significant resources of dust. Thus, the heavy and large stones could be replaced by bricks. Moreover, in order to utilize little bricks and for covering broad and long roofs, a different type of construction was needed. Then, two architects from Iran made two masterworks called the “Arches” and the “Domes”!In that period, two Iranian masterworks weredesigned for the first time. The arches in Sassanid buildings were between 50 and 85 feet high. They used to be simple and there was not decoration. While in a single casethere are little arches around the big arch and the influence is satisfactory.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Orontids of Armenia by Cyril Toumanoff
    The Orontids of Armenia by Cyril Toumanoff This study appears as part III of Toumanoff's Studies in Christian Caucasian History (Georgetown, 1963), pp. 277-354. An earlier version appeared in the journal Le Muséon 72(1959), pp. 1-36 and 73(1960), pp. 73-106. The Orontids of Armenia Bibliography, pp. 501-523 Maps appear as an attachment to the present document. This material is presented solely for non-commercial educational/research purposes. I 1. The genesis of the Armenian nation has been examined in an earlier Study.1 Its nucleus, succeeding to the role of the Yannic nucleus ot Urartu, was the 'proto-Armenian,T Hayasa-Phrygian, people-state,2 which at first oc- cupied only a small section of the former Urartian, or subsequent Armenian, territory. And it was, precisely, of the expansion of this people-state over that territory, and of its blending with the remaining Urartians and other proto- Caucasians that the Armenian nation was born. That expansion proceeded from the earliest proto-Armenian settlement in the basin of the Arsanias (East- ern Euphrates) up the Euphrates, to the valley of the upper Tigris, and espe- cially to that of the Araxes, which is the central Armenian plain.3 This expand- ing proto-Armenian nucleus formed a separate satrapy in the Iranian empire, while the rest of the inhabitants of the Armenian Plateau, both the remaining Urartians and other proto-Caucasians, were included in several other satrapies.* Between Herodotus's day and the year 401, when the Ten Thousand passed through it, the land of the proto-Armenians had become so enlarged as to form, in addition to the Satrapy of Armenia, also the trans-Euphratensian vice-Sa- trapy of West Armenia.5 This division subsisted in the Hellenistic phase, as that between Greater Armenia and Lesser Armenia.
    [Show full text]
  • Study the Status Column Element in the Achaemenid Architecture and Its
    Special Issue INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES AND January 2016 CULTURAL STUDIES ISSN 2356-5926 Study the status column element in the Achaemenid architecture and its effect on India architecture (comparrative research of persepolis columns on pataly putra columns in India) Dr. Amir Akbari* Faculty of History, Bojnourd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Bojnourd, Iran * Corresponding Author Fariba Amini Department of Architecture, Bukan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Bukan, Iran Elham Jafari Department of Architecture, Khoy Branch, Islamic Azad University, Khoy, Iran Abstract In the southern region of Iran and the north of persian Gulf, the state was located in the ancient times was called "pars", since the beginning of the Islamic era its center was shiraz. In this region of Iran a dynasty called Achaemenid came to power and could govern on the very important part of the worlds for years. Achaemenid exploited the skills of artists and craftsman countries under its command. In this sense, in Architecture works and the industry this period is been seen the influence of other nations. Achaemenid kings started to build large and beautiful palaces in the unter of their government and after 25 centuries, the remnants of which still remain firm and after the fall of the Achaemenid Empire by Grecian Alexander in India. The greatest king of India dynasty Muryya, was called Ashoka the grands of Chandra Gupta. The Ashoka palace that id located at the putra pataly around panta town in the state of Bihar in North east India. Is an evidence of the influence of Achaemenid culture in ancient India. The similarity of this city and Ashoka Hall with Apadana Hall in Persepolis in such way that has called it a india persepolis set.
    [Show full text]
  • How 'Great' Was Alexander?
    Historical Site of Mirhadi Hoseini http://m-hosseini.ir ……………………………………………………………………………………… IRANIAN HISTORY: POST-ACHAEMENIDS How ‘Great’ Was Alexander? By: Professor Ian Worthington1[1] (University of Missouri-Columbia) Why was Alexander II of Macedon called 'Great'? The answer seems relatively straightforward: from an early age he was an achiever, he conquered territories on a superhuman scale, he established an empire until his times unrivalled, and he died young, at the height of his power. Thus, at the youthful age of 20, in 336, he inherited the powerful empire of Macedon, which by then controlled Greece and had already started to make inroads into Asia. In 334 he invaded Persia, and within a decade he had defeated the Persians, subdued Egypt, and pushed on to Iran, Afghanistan and even India. As well as his vast conquests Alexander is credited with the spread of Greek culture and education in his empire, not to mention being responsible for the physical and cultural formation of the Hellenistic kingdoms — some would argue that the Hellenistic world was Alexander's legacy.[2[2]] He has also been viewed as a philosophical idealist, striving to create a unity of mankind by his so-called fusion of the races policy, in which he attempted to integrate Persians and Orientals into his administration and army. Thus, within a dozen years Alexander’s empire stretched from Greece in the west to India in the far east, and he was even worshipped as a god by many of his subjects while still alive. On the basis of his military conquests contemporary
    [Show full text]
  • Mah Tir, Mah Bahman & Asfandarmad 1 Mah Asfandarmad 1369
    Mah Tir, Mah Bahman & Asfandarmad 1 Mah Asfandarmad 1369, Fravardin & l FEZAN A IN S I D E T HJ S I S S U E Federation of Zoroastrian • Summer 2000, Tabestal1 1369 YZ • Associations of North America http://www.fezana.org PRESIDENT: Framroze K. Patel 3 Editorial - Pallan R. Ichaporia 9 South Circle, Woodbridge, NJ 07095 (732) 634-8585, (732) 636-5957 (F) 4 From the President - Framroze K. Patel president@ fezana. org 5 FEZANA Update 6 On the North American Scene FEZ ANA 10 Coming Events (World Congress 2000) Jr ([]) UJIR<J~ AIL '14 Interfaith PUBLICATION OF THE FEDERATION OF ZOROASTRIAN ASSOCIATIONS OF '15 Around the World NORTH AMERICA 20 A Millennium Gift - Four New Agiaries in Mumbai CHAIRPERSON: Khorshed Jungalwala Rohinton M. Rivetna 53 Firecut Lane, Sudbury, MA 01776 Cover Story: (978) 443-6858, (978) 440-8370 (F) 22 kayj@ ziplink.net Honoring our Past: History of Iran, from Legendary Times EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: Roshan Rivetna 5750 S. Jackson St. Hinsdale, IL 60521 through the Sasanian Empire (630) 325-5383, (630) 734-1579 (F) Guest Editor Pallan R. Ichaporia ri vetna@ lucent. com 23 A Place in World History MILESTONES/ ANNOUNCEMENTS Roshan Rivetna with Pallan R. Ichaporia Mahrukh Motafram 33 Legendary History of the Peshdadians - Pallan R. Ichaporia 2390 Chanticleer, Brookfield, WI 53045 (414) 821-5296, [email protected] 35 Jamshid, History or Myth? - Pen1in J. Mist1y EDITORS 37 The Kayanian Dynasty - Pallan R. Ichaporia Adel Engineer, Dolly Malva, Jamshed Udvadia 40 The Persian Empire of the Achaemenians Pallan R. Ichaporia YOUTHFULLY SPEAKING: Nenshad Bardoliwalla 47 The Parthian Empire - Rashna P.
    [Show full text]
  • The Outbreak of the Rebellion of Cyrus the Younger Jeffrey Rop
    The Outbreak of the Rebellion of Cyrus the Younger Jeffrey Rop N THE ANABASIS, Xenophon asserts that the Persian prince Cyrus the Younger was falsely accused of plotting a coup I d’état against King Artaxerxes II shortly after his accession to the throne in 404 BCE. Spared from execution by the Queen Mother Parysatis, Cyrus returned to Lydia determined to seize the throne for himself. He secretly prepared his rebellion by securing access to thousands of Greek hoplites, winning over Persian officials and most of the Greek cities of Ionia, and continuing to send tribute and assurances of his loyalty to the unsuspecting King (1.1).1 In Xenophon’s timeline, the rebellion was not official until sometime between the muster of his army at Sardis in spring 401, which spurred his rival Tissaphernes to warn Artaxerxes (1.2.4–5), and his arrival several months later at Thapsacus on the Euphrates, where Cyrus first openly an- nounced his true intentions (1.4.11). Questioning the “strange blindness” of Artaxerxes in light of Cyrus’ seemingly obvious preparations for revolt, Pierre Briant proposed an alternative timeline placing the outbreak of the rebellion almost immediately after Cyrus’ return to Sardis in late 404 or early 403.2 In his reconstruction, the King allowed Cyrus 1 See also Ctesias FGrHist 688 F 16.59, Diod. 14.19, Plut. Artax. 3–4. 2 Pierre Briant, From Cyrus to Alexander (Winona Lake 2002) 617–620. J. K. Anderson, Xenophon (New York 1974) 80, expresses a similar skepticism. Briant concludes his discussion by stating that the rebellion officially (Briant does not define “official,” but I take it to mean when either the King or Cyrus declared it publicly) began in 401 with the muster of Cyrus’ army at Sardis, but it is nonetheless appropriate to characterize Briant’s position as dating the official outbreak of the revolt to 404/3.
    [Show full text]
  • Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
    Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account.
    [Show full text]
  • The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC.
    [Show full text]
  • Tribes and Empire on the Margins of Nineteenth-Century Iran
    publications on the near east publications on the near east Poetry’s Voice, Society’s Song: Ottoman Lyric The Transformation of Islamic Art during Poetry by Walter G. Andrews the Sunni Revival by Yasser Tabbaa The Remaking of Istanbul: Portrait of an Shiraz in the Age of Hafez: The Glory of Ottoman City in the Nineteenth Century a Medieval Persian City by John Limbert by Zeynep Çelik The Martyrs of Karbala: Shi‘i Symbols The Tragedy of Sohráb and Rostám from and Rituals in Modern Iran the Persian National Epic, the Shahname by Kamran Scot Aghaie of Abol-Qasem Ferdowsi, translated by Ottoman Lyric Poetry: An Anthology, Jerome W. Clinton Expanded Edition, edited and translated The Jews in Modern Egypt, 1914–1952 by Walter G. Andrews, Najaat Black, and by Gudrun Krämer Mehmet Kalpaklı Izmir and the Levantine World, 1550–1650 Party Building in the Modern Middle East: by Daniel Goffman The Origins of Competitive and Coercive Rule by Michele Penner Angrist Medieval Agriculture and Islamic Science: The Almanac of a Yemeni Sultan Everyday Life and Consumer Culture by Daniel Martin Varisco in Eighteenth-Century Damascus by James Grehan Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey, edited by Sibel Bozdog˘an and The City’s Pleasures: Istanbul in the Eigh- Res¸at Kasaba teenth Century by Shirine Hamadeh Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle Reading Orientalism: Said and the Unsaid East by Ehud R. Toledano by Daniel Martin Varisco Britons in the Ottoman Empire, 1642–1660 The Merchant Houses of Mocha: Trade by Daniel Goffman and Architecture in an Indian Ocean Port by Nancy Um Popular Preaching and Religious Authority in the Medieval Islamic Near East Tribes and Empire on the Margins of Nine- by Jonathan P.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 the Assyrian Empire, the Conquest of Israel, and the Colonization of Judah 37 I
    ISRAEL AND EMPIRE ii ISRAEL AND EMPIRE A Postcolonial History of Israel and Early Judaism Leo G. Perdue and Warren Carter Edited by Coleman A. Baker LONDON • NEW DELHI • NEW YORK • SYDNEY 1 Bloomsbury T&T Clark An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Imprint previously known as T&T Clark 50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway London New York WC1B 3DP NY 10018 UK USA www.bloomsbury.com Bloomsbury, T&T Clark and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2015 © Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker, 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the authors. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-0-56705-409-8 PB: 978-0-56724-328-7 ePDF: 978-0-56728-051-0 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Typeset by Forthcoming Publications (www.forthpub.com) 1 Contents Abbreviations vii Preface ix Introduction: Empires, Colonies, and Postcolonial Interpretation 1 I.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction and the Kidnapping of Women
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-68943-4 - Herodotus and the Persian Wars John Claughton Excerpt More information Introduction and the 1 kidnapping of women IA H T Y C Aral S Sea COLCHIS Black Sea Caspian SOGDIA Sea THRACE IA RYG ARMENIA R PH LESSE CAPPADOCIA MARGIANA GREATER LYDIA PHRYGIA Athens Argos Sardis I O P AMP LIA N CARIA LYCIA HY Sparta IA CILICIA ASSYRIA HYRCANIA BACTRIA Cyprus MEDIA Ecbatana PARTHIA PHOENICIA Sidon BABYLONIA DRANGIANA Mediterranean Sea Tyre ABARNAHARA Susa ELAM Babylon ARIA Pasargadae Memphis Persepolis N PERSIA ARACHOSIA P e r CARMANIA EGYPT si an Gu GEDROSIA Red Sea lf 0 400 km 0 400 miles The Persian empire and neighbouring territories in the fi fth century BC. Although Herodotus’ work culminates in the great battles of 490 BC and 480–479 BC, his work is remarkable in its range. He begins with the world of myth and travels through many places and over generations in time to explore the relations between the Greeks and the Persians. Introduction and the kidnapping of women 1 © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-68943-4 - Herodotus and the Persian Wars John Claughton Excerpt More information Introduction This is the presentation of the enquiry of Herodotus of Halicarnassus. The purpose of this work is to ensure that the actions of mankind are not rubbed out by time, and that great and wondrous deeds, some performed by the Greeks, some by non-Greeks, are not without due glory. In particular, the purpose is to explain why they waged war against each other.
    [Show full text]
  • Decoding Geometry, Proportions and Its Relationship with Aesthetics in Traditional Iranian Architecture
    Original Article Decoding geometry, proportions and its relationship with aesthetics in traditional Iranian architecture Shayan Mahmoudi *, Ali Rezvani, Seyed Alireza Hosseini Vahdat Bachelor degree in Architecture, Shahid Beheshti Technical and Vocational Junior College, Karaj Branch, Department of Art and Architecture, Karaj, Iran. Abstract Certain proportions can be observed in creation and design of nature various forms. These proportions are geometrical relationships that are immaterial in origin and follow the spiritual and supernatural principles of their subject sacredness and have symbolic language and spiritual characteristics. Geometry was inseparable from other four Pythagorean sciences in traditional world, including geometric relationships, arithmetic (number), music and astronomy. We always need geometry knowledge in order to construct a building from first steps to final steps. Using proportions is particularly important because of creating visual aesthetic in visual and architectural arts, and almost all artworks are based on some form of proportion. This research tries to decode the work and find the aim and true purpose of its creator in responding the hypothesis that architect knowledge of geometry and his creative use facilitates the conversion of concept into space and form in designing process and minimizes concept erosion of process through studying architecture, geometry and existing proportions. The results obtained from library and field studies by descriptive-analytical method show that different proportions
    [Show full text]
  • On the Western Edge of the Iranian Plateau: Susa and El Ymais
    CHAPTER THREE ON THE WESTERN EDGE OF THE IRANIAN PLATEAU: SUSA AND EL YMAIS Susa Refounded by Seleucus as a Greek polis under the name Seleucia-on-the-Eulaeus 1, Susa was never to regain its former rank of imperial capital; but down to the end of the Parthian period it remained an important city, the head of a satrapy whose bound­ aries corresponded-at least originally-to the present-day prbv­ ince of Khuzistan. Unlike Persepolis, it had not been deprived of its former royal splendour, and its palaces were maintained, with a veneer of Greek decoration, for the use of the Macedonian satrap and occasional visits by the Seleucid court2; an inscription datable to the end of the third century B.C. mentions "Timon, the chief of the royal palace" 3• As a military stronghold Susa kept a great strategic importance; in 222 Molon, the rebellious satrap of Media, occupied the lower town ( the " craftsmen's town" of the archaeolo­ gists), but was unable to capture the upper town.4 Susa continued to play a major economic role, the tributes brought from all parts of the Persian empire being now replaced by a trade conducted by merchants, predominantly along the Mesopo­ tamian axis. It has even been argued that the Seleucid kings deliberately favoured this development, the new foundation of Susa going together with the creation of a direct waterway between the 1 The fundamental work on Susa during this (and the subsequent) period is Le Rider, Suse, 1965. (Tarn, GBI, 27, considers that Seleucia-on-the-Eulaeus was first founded as a military colony, and became a polis only under Antiochus III; but see Le Rider, o.c., pp.
    [Show full text]