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8 Features I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

H e a l t h COR HOFF ER Religious Healing

In search for Islamic healers, inquiries made at mosques and Islamic organizations revealed a strik- ing contradiction. In these places, it is generally said that the activities of these healers have nothing to do M e t h o d s with . Direct contact with Islamic healers through healthcare workers, however, revealed that they themselves are of the opinion that what they do fits fully in the Islamic tradition. In actual practice, the formal taboo on Islamic healing methods is often among Muslims in ignored at the informal level. the Netherlands

The dichotomy between Islam and popular How can this apparent contradiction be ex- for their treatments contradict the religious belief is arbitrary and capricious. Whether or plained? Apart from their personality and vi- basis of their work. They may, however, ac- not the division is made, and where the bor- sion, the social position of imams in Dutch cept a 'reward' for their work, something that der is drawn, depends on religious (theologi- society plays an important role. As a part of occurs frequently. cal) interpretations in combination with so- the institutionalization of Islam in the Islamic healers consider their work to be in cial and political factors. In practice, this im- Netherlands, certain views and interests of harmony with Islam. For them, no division plies that Islam is given different forms in dif- the Islamic orthodoxy from the countries of exists between that which they do and Islam- ferent societies under the influence of local, origin are making their entrance. In conjunc- ic doctrine. It has been argued that, given the social, political and economic factors. In the tion with the formation of Islamic institutions absence of shrines of Muslim , popular course of the of Islamic societies, cer- such as mosque councils, interest groups and Islam will have difficulty taking root in the A division is often made between 'official tain variants of Islam have dominated over educational institutions, a Sunnite orthodox Netherlands, since worship is one of the for curing Islam' and 'popular belief' in Islamic societies. others in conjunction with the power struc- elite is developing – an elite which is appro- main pillars of popular religious belief and m e a s l e s . It is understood that the term 'official Islam' tures. Following Bax, it can be said that a priating control over the Islamic inheritance. p r a c t i c e .4 However, another important pillar refers to the belief as propagated by the struggle exists between religious (sub- A struggle between 'Islamic sub-regimes' of Islamic popular belief has been over- ulama and imams in mosques – representing )regimes that alternate power positions.2 also presents itself in the Netherlands. Re- looked: namely, the ideas and practices of Is- the orthodoxy. On the other hand, 'popular cently, Dutch publications have been ap- lamic healers and their patients. Their activi- belief' consists of, ostensibly, pre-Islamic ele- Islamic Healing Methods in the pearing (available in Islamic bookstores), in ties are manifestations of the gradual devel- ments, local customs and traditions. In prac- N e t h e r l a n d s which, in accordance with strict orthodox opment of Islamic popular belief developing tice, the drawing of the boundary between The relationship between Islam and popu- views, the belief in the power of j i n n s a n d in the Netherlands. ◆ the two is problematic in that it depends on lar belief in Islamic societies offers a vital saints, for example, is considered s h i r k ( i d o l a- the perceptions of those involved. In the background for understanding the recent try). At the same time, the emphasis is placed course of time, diverse theological arguments emergence of Islamic healing in the Nether- on the fundamentally monotheistic charac- have been put forward by the (Sunnite) or- lands. The term 'Islamic healer' can be under- ter of Islam, which is expressed by the con- thodoxy to delineate the boundary between stood here as one who bases his or her work cept of t a w h î d. 3 Islam and popular belief. The fundamentally on power inspired by Islam (for example, an These developments imply that given the monotheistic character of Islam is empha- inherited healing gift, which is said to go official Islamic disapproval of the practices in sized. Thus, practices such as fortune telling, back to the Prophet Mohammed); has an Is- question, imams cannot permit themselves magical rituals and saint worship are labelled lamic vision with reference to the work of to be openly associated with these practices pre-Islamic, bidca (unlawful innovation) and healing; and describes himself or herself as a because of their religious and social posi- shirk (idolatry). However, in the common reli- healer either informally (via family and ac- tions. With regard to their appointments, gious perception of many Muslims, so-called quaintances) or formally (via advertise- they are after all dependent upon either the Amulet official Islam and popular belief go hand in ments). Islamic healers differ from regular authorities in the countries of origin or on against the hand. For them, there is only one Islam, name- healthcare workers in their views on certain local mosque councils. Imams, however, are evil eye or j i n n s. ly the one that they themselves experience. illnesses and problems. They distinguish be- also involved in common practice in which The theological argument used against, or tween illnesses with natural (physical or psy- they are confronted with the unorthodox for, popular belief also has sociological and chological) causes and those with supernat- views of believers, for example, through re- ideological traits. The habit of orthodox ural causes (the evil eye, magic, or j i n n s) . quests to write or to perform certain N o t e s scholars of labelling practices of popular be- From the viewpoint of Islamic healers, peo- rituals. Sometimes, they fulfil these requests 1 . It is difficult to indicate how many Muslims in the lief as 'pre-Islamic' can thus be seen as a form ple consult a doctor for the former, an Islam- in an informal way. It can be argued that Netherlands use the services of Islamic healers. In of marginalization and as an attempt to pro- ic healer for the latter. An important element imams personally experience that the theo- a number of studies, it has been concluded that tect their own interests and positions. Those in the treatment by Islamic healers is the use logical/normative division between official approximately 5% of the Turkish and Moroccan who have limited or no access to the domi- of Qur'anic verses which they believe to be- Islam and popular belief does not exist in the population consults Islamic healers. There are nant religious system may resort to alterna- stow b a r a k a, blessing power. They use these common belief system of some Muslims in doubts as to the accuracy of this figure (not tive religious interpretations and beliefs. verses for faith healings and the making of the Netherlands. everyone admits publicly to visiting an Islamic Apart from reformist tendencies, practices of amulets. Most Islamic healers are of the opin- Islamic healers in the Netherlands find healer and the belief in Islamic healing methods is popular belief are viable alternatives. Popular ion that they may not ask for money for their themselves in a completely different position also dependent on the situations in which people belief can thus be a part of the struggle of in- work; they believe that Allah is ultimately the than that of the imams. Their thinking and find themselves.) It can, however, be stated that a terests between different religious and politi- One who heals – not the therapist. practices are determined through a combi- minority of Muslims in the Netherlands uses these cal groups. nation of societal needs, individual motives, services (Shadid & Van Koningsveld (1997), Islam and popular belief in the social interests and religious interpretations. Moslims in Nederland. Minderheden en religie in een N e t h e r l a n d s Islamic healers meet specific needs of their multiculturele samenleving. Houten/Diegem: Bohn In the period from 1990-1994, Cor Hoffer conducted research The ambivalent relationship between 'offi- patients centred on the conferring of mean- Stafleu Van Loghum, p. 198) regarding Islamic healing methods in the Netherlands on as- cial Islam' and 'popular belief' also manifests ing and offering help to persons who have 2 . Bax, M. (1985), 'Religieuze regimes en signment from the Dutch Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sports. itself among Muslims in the Netherlands. In run into medical and social difficulty. In con- staatsontwikkeling: Notities voor een figuratie- The study was primarily oriented towards aspects of Islamic the absence of Islamic scholars, the imams, as trast to imams, who are the representatives benadering', Sociologisch Tijdschrift 12 (1), healing methods that are of importance to healthcare policy. the religious officials in the mosques, propa- of official Islam, Islamic healers pay homage pp. 22-47. The findings of the research were published in the book: I s l a m i c gate the official doctrine here. In contrast, Is- to religious viewpoints that are related to 3 . See, for example, translations of works by M. Healers and Their Patients: Healthcare, Religion and Giving Mean- lamic healers can be considered exponents of popular belief. There are two aspects to be Ashour (1986) and I. Hoesien (1998), the latter i n g , Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis, 1994 (in Dutch). Islamic popular belief. However, despite their found in the ways in which they legitimize was published by the El Tawheed foundation. With the financial support of the Netherlands Organization official reticence, individual conversations their work: first, the power upon which they 4 . Tennekes (1991), 'Een antropologische visie op de for Scientific Research, Hoffer successfully defended his PhD with 31 imams revealed that the majority base their work; second, an Islamic vision. islam in Nederland'. Migrantenstudies 7(4), thesis at Leiden University in February of this year: Popular Belief considers the techniques of Islamic healers Three types of Islamic healers can be defined pp. 18-19; and Nico Landman (1992), Van mat tot and Religious Healing Methods among Muslims in the Netherlands: permissible – and some even applied these with respect to the former: healers with an in- minaret. De institutionalisering van de islam in A Historical-Sociological Analysis of Religious-Medical Thinking techniques themselves. Although imams, as herited gift (for example, as a descendant of N e d e r l a n d . Amsterdam: VU Uitgeverij, pp. 190-191; and Actions. Amsterdam: Thela Thesis, 2000. (in Dutch with a representatives of official Islam, may not the Prophet Muhammed), healers with a 1992b, pp. 34-39. summary in English.) On the basis of interviews and observa- openly associate themselves with practices of teacher (for example, as a member of a Sufi tions, he collected data regarding 39 Islamic healers (34 men popular belief, they apparently deviate from order) and healers who have taught them- Cor Hoffer is a post-doctoral researcher at the and 5 women) and 65 of their patients. In addition, he conduct- this rule when practice necessitates. Thus, the selves. As to their visions, all healers refer to Centre for Ethics of the University of Nijmegen ed a written questionnaire among 227 patients.1 formal taboo on Islamic healing methods ap- passages from the Qur'an and the h a d î t h. (CEKUN) and works at the Trimbos Institute in pears to be ignored at an informal level. Most healers state that payments in return Utrecht, the Netherlands.