DOCSLIB.ORG

Briefing Paper No.49 NATO, the EU, Ukraine, Russia and Crimea

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Briefing Paper No.49 NATO, the EU, Ukraine, Russia and Crimea Briefing Paper No.49 3 April 2014 Contact: Dr. Ian Davis | +44 (0)7887 782389 Email: [email protected] www.natowatch.org NATO, the EU, Ukraine, Russia and Crimea: The “Reset” that was Never “Reset” By Hall Gardner Key Points: NATO needs to modify its open The Crimea crisis reveals the complete enlargement policy with respect to Ukraine failure of NATO, the EU and Russia to find a and the Caucasus in return for the path toward defense and security implementation of a regional “peace and cooperation in the post-Cold War era. development community” for the entire Black Sea and southern Caucasus region. Allied support for the “open enlargement” of NATO has continued to send the wrong It is crucial that Ukraine formally sustain its signals to both Kiev and Moscow. neutral, non-aligned status. Transatlantic reaction to the Russian The key challenge now is to find ways for annexation of the Crimea raises the the US, EU, Ukraine and Russia to prospects of continual, if not escalating, cooperate in a Contact Group, while NATO-European-Russian tensions. working with the NATO-Russia Council and NATO-Ukrainian Commission. There is a crucial need for a concerted US- EU-Russian policy to prevent Ukrainian A more decentralized Ukrainian federation state collapse, bankruptcy and socio- could be achieved through the political instability. establishment of at least two International Centers of Peace and Development in Lviv Two root causes of the current crisis were: and Kharkiv to serve as a bridge to help NATO's failure to address the regional develop the eastern and western regions of security needs of the Black Sea and Ukraine, while also linking Russia and Caucasus, including legitimate Russian Ukraine to Europe. A third center in security concerns (as opposed to failing Sevastopol could also help establish new to expand its membership and its forms of cooperation between Ukraine, mission to Georgia and Ukraine, which Europe, the United States and Russia. some have argued as a root cause); and A “grand compromise” between the US, The failure to sign an EU-Russia-Ukraine Europeans and Russia (by means of a agreement for economic cooperation in regional system of peace and development parallel with the EU-Ukraine association for the entire Black Sea and Caucasus) will agreement. require truly engaged diplomacy in which In order to keep open communication US, EU and Ukrainian 'vital' interests and channels with Moscow, the EU should those of Moscow are eventually redefined postpone aspects of the Association and reconciled. The alternative is a period Accords with Kiev that do not directly or of intense geopolitical and arms rivalry that indirectly include pro-Russian Ukrainian could soon prove even more dangerous interests in those discussions. than that of the Cold War. 1 Introduction particular, US and NATO refusal to incorporate Russian concerns during NATO’s “exceptional” The furtive Russian military intervention into the intervention against Russia’s ally Serbia in the Crimea today is a direct reaction to the war “over” Kosovo in 1999 helped lead to the uncoordinated “triple expansion”1 of NATO, the Russian backlash against NATO under Vladimir European Union plus American/European Putin. Although President Barack Obama and US defense and political economic interests and Vice President, Joe Biden, attempted to achieve military infrastructure into the so-called Russian a “reset” of US-Russian relations in the aftermath ‘near abroad’. This uncoordinated triple of the 2008 Georgia-Russia war, the fact of the expansion has been countered by Russian efforts matter is that the “re-set” was never “re-set”—in to check both NATO and EU enlargement, at the that Allied support for the “open enlargement” of same time that Moscow has been seeking to NATO has continued to send the wrong signals to build step-by-step a new Eurasian geostrategic both Kiev and Moscow. and political economic alliance in the aftermath of Soviet collapse. This rebuilding of Russia has In effect, Moscow’s rapid preemptive involved the formation of the Collective Security intervention in Crimea was intended to prevent Treaty Organization (CSTO), the Eurasian Customs the new EuroMaidan government in Kiev from Union (ECU), and Shanghai Cooperation evicting the Russian Black Sea fleet from Organization (SCO) (leading to closer Russian- Sevastopol, while concurrently hoping to check Chinese security and defense cooperation since closer Ukrainian ties with the European Union 2005). plus eventual Ukrainian membership in NATO. Nearly all members of the new Ukrainian President Putin’s actions in the Crimea have government, most prominently the new Prime revealed the complete failure of NATO, the EU Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk, had been on the and Russia to find a path toward defense and record as wanting to re-negotiate, if not scrap, security cooperation in the post-Cold War era, the Kharkiv Accords that were implemented by given Russian opposition to NATO enlargement as Presidents Vladimir Putin and Viktor Yanokovich the primary means to achieve a new post-Cold in April 2010.3 The latter accord had agreed to War system of Euro-Atlantic security, and the US- extend the Ukrainian lease of the Russian Black European refusal or inability to develop Sea Feet until at least 2042. alternative Euro-Atlantic security options that could have been more inclusive of Moscow’s For his part, after the Russian takeover of Crimea, interests. Specifically, the US and Europeans had President Obama has stated that neither the US failed to find ways to bring the new Russian nor NATO wants to engage in conflict with Russia, Federation under Boris Yeltsin into a new Euro- and that the world has an interest “in a strong Atlantic security relationship prior to NATO’s and responsible Russia, not a weak one.” While decision to engage in an “open ended” arguing that Moscow needs to thoroughly engage enlargement— which was warned against by Cold itself in diplomacy in order to avoid deeper Warrior Paul Nitze in Congressional testimony.2 In isolation, Obama has likewise urged NATO allies to boost their defense expenditure.4 In short, 1 American and European reaction to the Russian On the “triple expansion” see Hall Gardner, NATO annexation of the Crimea raises the prospects of Expansion and US Strategy in Asia (New York: Palgrave, 2013) 2 In a letter to Senator Moynihan, Paul Nitze the US and its allies. It is not a sound basis for future forewarned: “NATO expansion distracts both us and stability in Europe, particularly when no current or the Russians from (the goal of lending political and projected threats warrant extending that alliance.” economic support to the development of a Congressional Record, vol. 144 Pt 5 (April 21-30, 1998), democratic, market-oriented society in Russia.) p. 6785. For Paul Nitze’s arguments, see Hall Gardner, Indeed, the open-ended expansion being proposed for Dangerous Crossroads (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997). the alliance points toward increasing friction with 3 post-Communist Russia for years to come. Driving Interview of Nicolai Petro Russia into a corner plays into the arguments of those 4 “Obama cites ‘moment of testing,’ urges Europeans most hostile to forging a productive relationship with to bolster NATO” 2 continual, if not escalating, NATO-European- threat to assert Russian interests in the Russian tensions. There is consequently a real Transnistria, if not in eastern Ukraine itself—if danger that a highly instable Ukraine could result these issues cannot soon be resolved in a much wider regional conflict at a time when diplomatically. It appears clear that Moscow there are already signs of a burgeoning NATO- seeks to assert Russian hegemony over Ukraine Russia arms race, involving intermediate range (in part by seeking to “federalize” the country)— missiles as well as tactical and strategic nuclear by using “diplomacy by other means” in weapons.5 Clausewitz’s terms. In response, President Obama has demanded that Russian troops presently In one sign that tensions could escalate, in late deployed on the frontier with eastern Ukraine be March 2014, American intelligence reported that pulled back; yet Moscow has not yet agreed, and Russian forces could soon attempt to establish a has thus far raised concerns about socio-political land link to Crimea through the ostensibly pro- instability, violence and the rise of anti-Russian Russian regions of eastern Ukraine.6 These and extreme rightwing movements.9 threats to Ukraine have taken place at the same time as the Russian military opted to engage in Nevertheless, even in a major crisis involving massive nuclear war drills, said to have been “diplomacy by other means,” there can planned months before.7 Yet these reports also sometimes arise an opportunity to negotiate came at the same time that Presidents Putin and appropriate policies to deal with that crisis. There Obama had just begun to discuss “ways in which is a crucial need for the implementation of a the international community can stabilize the concerted US-European-Russian policy that situation” in Putin’s words. 8 would be intended to prevent Ukrainian state collapse, bankruptcy and socio-political instability It is clear that President Putin is using power- from degenerating into a wider socio-political based strategic leveraging as a means to conflict. Such efforts must be taken to achieve legitimize the annexation of Crimea, with a tacit reconciliation at the national level within Ukraine itself and at the international level so that a neutral (and non-nuclear) Ukraine could truly 5 Ian Davis, “Tit-for-tat escalation in the Crimea crisis: serve as a bridge between the US, Europe and where will it end?” NATO Watch No 46 (19 March Russia, much as elder statesmen Mikhail 2014); NATO Watch News Brief: “Arms Control Gorbachev10 and Henry Kissinger,11 among Advocates Lose Hope on European Tactical Nukes” others, have proposed.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Toward a Resolution of the Cyprus Dispute and the Euro Crisis: a Geo-Economic Perspective
    CICERO FOUNDATION GREAT DEBATE PAPER No. 12/01 January 2012 TOWARD A RESOLUTION OF THE CYPRUS DISPUTE AND THE EURO CRISIS: A GEO-ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE HALL GARDNER American University of Paris Professor and Chair of the Department of International and Comparative Politics The Question of Greek-Turkish Reconciliation over Cyprus The Greek debt debacle has opened a hemorrhage throughout the European Union. The bleeding has not yet been stopped. It appears dubious that merely restraining government expenditure and coordinating fiscal policy among other measures—even at an all-European level as advocated by Germany at the December 2011 EU summit—will be sufficient to rescue the Euro if new markets cannot soon be developed in order to foster strong economic growth.[1] But to develop new markets, bring in greater capital investment and foster strong economic growth will require new thinking towards Europe’s neighbors—most importantly, Turkey and Russia. Not generally depicted in the media is the fact that the Greek debt and larger Eurozone crisis (linked to the American-inspired mortgage and “toxic assets” crises as well as post-11 September 2001 US war debts[2]) have been accompanied by geo-economic tensions between Greek Cyprus and Turkey over the energy exploration of the American firm, Noble Energy, in offshore Mediterranean waters within the Greek Cypriot Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). This energy exploration has raised tensions between Turkey and Greece—with the EU, the United States, Russia and Israel backing Greek Cyprus. Lebanon, Egypt,
    [Show full text]
  • The Iraq Crisis and Its Impact on the Future of EU-US Relations: an American View"
    "The Iraq Crisis and Its Impact on the Future of EU-US Relations: An American View" Hall Gardner (Copyright 2003) Let me make a few points before I venture into the present state of EU-US relations…. First, the idea of regime change in Iraq was on the official agenda since the October 1998 President Clinton signed into law the Iraq Liberation Act (Public Law 105-338), which had stated “It should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove the regime headed by Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq and to promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime.” The question was thus never that of mere “disarmament,” but how to go about regime change—through support of insurgent forces, coup d’état or direct military intervention? The next question was how to promote the “emergence of a democratic government.” It is also fairly certain that President Bush Jr. was concerned with regime change from Day One of his presidency, according to outgoing democrats. Once again, the question was how to go about it. As the Bush administration was determined to engage in “regime change” regardless of its potential consequences, last minute Franco-German plans for more muscular UN inspections, following the massive build-up of US forces in the vicinity of Iraq, were doomed from the start. It should also be mentioned that the option of US military intervention to seize oil fields in the Middle East had been circulating in US neo-conservative circles at least since the Arab oil embargo in the 1970s.
    [Show full text]
  • Redefining the Transatlantic Relationship for the Twenty-First Century – Why the Us and Europe Need Each Other1
    Hall GARDNER Professor Department of International and Comparative Politics American University of Paris Author: American Global Strategy and the ‘War on Terrorism (Ashgate, 2005) PARIS, 8 December 2005 REDEFINING THE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP FOR THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY – WHY THE US AND EUROPE NEED EACH OTHER1 Lecture in the International Seminar for Experts “The European Security and Defence Policy and the Transatlantic Relationship – How to Strike a New Balance?”, organised by the Cicero Foundation in the series Great Debates, Paris, 8 – 9 December 2005 Introduction I would like to address the following issues that I believe to be of crucial importance for the future of transatlantic relations and for global peace: The US, NATO, Turkey and the EU Constitution; The New Wave of Multilateralism (with a focus on Iran); the Question of NATO, Europe and Russia; “The Quartet” and the Road Map to Peace. In the conclusion, I will propose the creation of what I call “regional security communities” backed by NATO, EU and Russian security accords, under the general mandate of the UN. My purpose is to explore ways to secure the peripheries of Europe, and consequently guarantee peace, stability and development of Europe and the world in the long term. I. The US, NATO, Turkey and the European Constitution It is interesting to note that the Bush administration had tried to keep a very quiet profile during the French constitutional debates, knowing that an official US position on the European Constitution might negatively influence the vote. The second term Bush administration has been divided between traditional “realists,” who support a more multilateral approach, in working with the Europeans and thus building Europe up, and the more ideologically inclined “neo-conservatives” who prefer a unilateral America-first approach, and who seek to keep Europe as weak and divided as possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Horizon Insights
    Influencing and Promoting Global Peace and Security Horizon Insights Quarterly Journal by Beyond the Horizon ISSG – Volume 3 Issue 2 Disruptive Technology Applications CSDP Partnership in EUFOR RCA for Integrated Air and Missile Defense Book Review: Polarisation: Understanding the Soft Power & Global Ambition: The Dynamics of Us Versus Them Case of China’s Growing Reach in Europe Beyond the Horizon International Strategic Studies Group (ISSG) is a non-partisan, independent, and non-profit think tank organ- isation. The mission of Beyond the Horizon is to influence and promote global peace and security by empowering decision and policy makers and advocating paths to build a better world and prevent, mitigate or end crisis and conflict. Beyond the Horizon is determined to be a unique think tank with a focus on realistic policies and in-depth analyses to offer com- prehensive solutions on topics related to international politics and security, peace and conflict studies. Disclaimer and Other Legal Information The views and opinions expressed in this journal are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or posi- tion of any other agency, organisation, employer or company. Assumptions made in the analyses are not reflective of the posi- tion of any entity other than the author(s) – and, since we are critically-thinking human beings, these views are always subject to change, revision, and rethinking at any time. The authors and the journal are not to be held responsible for misuse, reuse, recycled and cited and/or uncited copies of the con- tent by others. Editorial Board Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Hall Gardner
    1 HALL GARDNER E-mail: [email protected] American University of Paris E-mail: [email protected] 147 Rue du Grenelle Tel.: +33-1-4062-0691 75007 Paris, France Website: www.hallgardner.com U.S. Citizen. WORK EXPERIENCE: Fall 1990-to-Present: Full Professor in International & Comparative Politics (since September 1998); Chair & Co-Chair, Department of International and Comparative Politics (Fall 2009-August 2019) & Chair, Department of International Affairs (Spring 1992-Spring 2007) at American University of Paris, France. • Responsible for curricular innovation; faculty-student-administration relations; organized and fundraised for international conferences. Manage 7-9 member department under tight budgetary constraints. • Led student Study-Tours: Brussels (NATO and European Commission); Doha, Qatar; Bangkok, Thailand; Kuwait; Istanbul, Turkey; Muscat, Oman; Belgrade, Serbia; Moscow and Saint Petersburg, Russia; Bastia, Corsica, France; Belfast, Northern Ireland; T’bilisi, Georgia. • Undergraduate Courses (since Fall 1990): World Politics; European Security; Global Hotspots and Conflict Resolution; War and Peace; Theories of International Relations (Senior Seminar); Political Philosophy. • Graduate Courses: Spring 2006-2010 at AUP-Institut Catholique de Paris, Joint M.A. Program in International Affairs, Conflict Resolution and Civil Society Development. Taught Spring 2011-to-Present at AUP M.A. in International Affairs: 1) Theories of International Relations; 2) Advanced Theories and Practice of Conflict Management, Prevention and Resolution; 3) War and Diplomacy. • Graduate Courses: Springs 2001-2005. Institut d’Études Politiques de Paris (Science Po), M.A. Level: Taught Political Philosophy Course; “Enjeux Politiques” (AUP then introduced its own M.A. Program in 2005). • Graduate Teaching: Fall 1988-Spring 1990. Visiting Assistant-Professor at both Johns Hopkins University-Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Sarang Shidore on IR Theory, Historical Analogy, And
    Hall Gardner. IR Theory, Historical Analogy, and Major Power War. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018. 339 pp. $84.99, ISBN 978-3-030-04635-4. Reviewed by Sarang Shidore Published on H-Diplo (September, 2019) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach (Bronx Community College, The City University of New York) How dangerous are current trends in interna‐ macy, but of the informal “contact group” kind tional politics involving the United States, Russia, rather than formal processes of the sort that place and China? Are we stumbling toward great power the UN Security Council at their core. war? If so, how can it be prevented? Perhaps no Gardner is at his strongest when he invokes other question, except for the environmental cri‐ rich historical detail to argue that the era we are sis, is as important to the future of humankind. entering is not so much a reprise of the Cold War And Hall Gardner is the latest among a number of than a return to some blend of pre-World War I international relations theorists to take it on. and pre-World War II dispensations of power and What he fnds is not reassuring. The great purpose. To do so he takes issue with a number of powers indeed seem to be heading toward a con‐ understandings that international relations theo‐ frontation that may well result in a large-scale rists have commonly invoked. A good example is conflict, with its roots lying substantially in Wash‐ Gardner’s questioning of the standard interpreta‐ ington’s post-Cold War shortsightedness but also tion of the Peace of Westphalia, the 1648 treaty in Russian revanchism and Chinese assertion.
    [Show full text]
  • Horizon Insights
    Influencing and Promoting Global Peace and Security Horizon Insights Quarterly Journal by Beyond the Horizon ISSG – Volume 4 Issue 1 The Trans-Caspian Gas Pipeline for How does migration affect national Peace-building in the South Caucasus security? The Implications of Designation Book Review: Crises of Democracy of Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organisation? Beyond the Horizon International Strategic Studies Group (ISSG) is a non-partisan, independent, and non-profit think tank organ- isation. The mission of Beyond the Horizon is to influence and promote global peace and security by empowering decision and policy makers and advocating paths to build a better world and prevent, mitigate or end crisis and conflict. Beyond the Horizon is determined to be a unique think tank with a focus on realistic policies and in-depth analyses to offer com- prehensive solutions on topics related to international politics and security, peace and conflict studies. Disclaimer and Other Legal Information The views and opinions expressed in this journal are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or posi- tion of any other agency, organisation, employer or company. Assumptions made in the analyses are not reflective of the posi- tion of any entity other than the author(s) – and, since we are critically-thinking human beings, these views are always subject to change, revision, and rethinking at any time. The authors and the journal are not to be held responsible for misuse, reuse, recycled and cited and/or uncited copies of the con- tent by others. Editorial Board Prof. Christopher Coker, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, England.
    [Show full text]
  • Chaos in the Liberal Order: the Trump Presidency and International Politics in the Twenty-First Century'
    H-Diplo Gardner on Jervis and Gavin and Rovner and Labrosse, 'Chaos in the Liberal Order: The Trump Presidency and International Politics in the Twenty-First Century' Review published on Sunday, May 26, 2019 Robert Jervis, Francis J. Gavin, Joshua Rovner, Diane N. Labrosse, eds. Chaos in the Liberal Order: The Trump Presidency and International Politics in the Twenty-First Century. New York: Columbia University Press, 2018. xvi + 426 pp. $29.99 (e-book), ISBN 978-0-231-54778-9; $90.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-231-18834-0; $30.00 (paper), ISBN 978-0-231-18835-7. Reviewed by Hall Gardner (American University of Paris)Published on H-Diplo (May, 2019) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach (Bronx Community College, The City University of New York) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=53737 Trump's Contribution to Chaos in the Liberal Order Chaos in the Liberal Order contains thirty-two short, yet perceptive, essays on the Donald Trump administration. The quality of the writing is excellent and the perspectives of each author differ substantially. Seven sections cover issues involving the impact of Trump’s election on international relations (IR) theory, on concepts of liberal internationalism, on the future of Pax Americana, on the United States and its global relations, on US human rights policies, and on the nature of the media and what has been dubbed as “fake news.” The book concludes with a section titled “Is There a Trump Doctrine?,” comprising one chapter by Frank Ninkovich, “Trumpism, History, and The Future of US Foreign Relations.” This last chapter explores, in part, similarities and differences between Trump’s unilateralism, protectionism, and willingness to deal with totalitarian governments and Republican Party policies of the 1920s.
    [Show full text]
  • Averting Global War This Page Intentionally Left Blank Averting Global War
    Averting Global War This page intentionally left blank Averting Global War Regional Challenges, Overextension, and Options for American Strategy Hall Gardner averting global war Copyright © Hall Gardner, 2007. Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2007 978-0-230-60085-0 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner what- soever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in criti- cal articles or reviews. First published in 2007 by palgrave macmillan™ 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 and Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, England RG21 6XS. Companies and representatives throughout the world. palgrave macmillan is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 978-0-230-60086-7 ISBN 978-0-230-60873-3 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230608733 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Gardner, Hall. Averting global war : regional challenges, overextension, and options for American strategy / Hall Gardner. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. War—Prevention—International cooperation. 2. Conflict management—Case studies. 3. Geopolitics. I. Title. JZ6387.G37 2007 355'.033073—dc22 2007018466 A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Scribe Inc. Cover painting “Timocrat” by Hall Gardner First edition: December 2007 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 For my family, once again Upon the breaking and shivering of a great state and empire, you may be sure to have wars.
    [Show full text]
  • Gardner a New Strategic Vision Shadow Conference Final
    Toward a New Strategic Vision for the Euro-Atlantic Hall Gardner (Copyright 2010) NATO Shadow Conference II - Brussels, Belgium November 16, 2010 Hall Gardner, Professor and Chair, Department of International and Comparative Politics American University of Paris, 6, rue du Colonel Combes, 75007 Paris, France Email : [email protected] ; Webpage : http://www.epsilen.com/hgardner Publications : Averting Global War (Palgrave: 2010) http://www.amazon.com/Hall-Gardner/e/B001HPAN6S NATO needs more than a strategic concept: It needs an entirely coupled with the Obama administration’s efforts to « reset » US- new strategic vision aimed at creating the security contours for Russian relations. 2 the establishment of a Euro-Atlantic confederation that better Since 1991, in the aftermath of the Cold War and coordinates the defense and security interests of the United Soviet collapse, the Americans and Europeans have engaged in States, European Union and Russia. The creation of at least five very different— and largely uncoordinated approaches— to three International Centers for the Coordination of Security, Euro-Atlantic security and defense: Defense and Conflict Mediation/ Peacekeeping in Sevastopol, Kaliningrad and Cyprus would represent a practical step toward 1) NATO enlargement under Presidents Clinton and such a Confederation. George Bush— with promises of potential NATO membership for Ukraine and Georgia; As NATO ministers finish their preparations for the NATO summit on November 19-20, it is clear that NATO needs much 2) European Union enlargement, plus the new Eastern more than a “strategic concept.” A number of commentators Partnership with former Soviet bloc states, Armenia, have argued that NATO faces a grave existential crisis which it Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine; might not be able to surmount largely due to its divergent interests and threat perceptions.
    [Show full text]
  • World Hegemony and Its Aftermath, Hall Gardner
    Revue électronique internationale International Web Journal www.sens-public.org World Hegemony and its Aftermath Perspectives on the future of the international political economy and of international alliances HALL GARDNER Abstract: The basic concept of the conference, World Hegemony and its Aftermath, held at UNESCO on Wednesday May 26 2004, was to examine where the new American bid for hegemony might be leading, and what kinds of options are available to deal with the contemporary global crisis. The essential intent of the conference was to develop an interdisciplinary approach that would attempt to provide some linkage between the international political economic and global geo-strategic perspectives. The hope was to provide a long-term historical vision of where hegemony has been and where it might be going, hence the decision to include "aftermath" in the title, in the assumption that the American quest for "world hegemony" may ultimately, at some point, come to an end, as has that of previous empires in history. Contact : [email protected] World Hegemony and its Aftermath Perspectives on the future of the international political economy and of international alliances Hall Gardner he basic concept of the conference, World Hegemony and its Aftermath, held at UNESCO on Wednesday May 26 2004, was to examine where the new American bid Tfor hegemony might be leading, and what kinds of options are available to deal with the contemporary global crisis. The essential intent of the conference was to develop an interdisciplinary approach that would attempt to provide some linkage between the international political economic and global geo-strategic perspectives.
    [Show full text]
  • Toward a New Euro-Atlantic Euro-Mediterranean Security Community
    Toward a New Euro-Atlantic Euro-Mediterranean Security Community Copyright 2002 Hall Gardner A long term and effective war on “terrorism” following the September 11 “attacks” on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon will require a much closer and long term U.S.–NATO relationship with Russia than has previously been considered. Dealing effectively with the new “threats” will likewise require a far-reaching re-structuration of the NATO-EU relationship, and the development of a more concerted NATO-EU-Russian strategy in which the EU could play a greater and more proportional role in both “power” and “responsibility sharing”— along side the United States and Russia. After more than a decade since the break-up of the Soviet Union, NATO and Russia have belatedly declared a newfound friendship based upon a common enemy—the “scourge of terrorism.” At the May 2002 North Atlantic Council meeting at Reykjavik, NATO opted to meet as “20” (19 NATO members plus Russia) in the new format of the NATO- Russia Council (NRC). It is hoped that the new NRC will prove to be more effective than the previous NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council—in that Russia will be more directly engaged in NATO decision-making. At the same time, however, the NRC will ostensibly meet only on issues of concern to NATO: Russia will not be permitted to set the agenda or be able to veto NATO decisions.1 Moreover, due in part to objections by the three new NATO members, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary, the initial agenda of the NRC is to be “fairly modest” in order to make certain that there will be “some quick successes in order to persuade sceptics that the NRC can work, and to avoid disillusionment at an early stage”2—such as cooperation on sea rescue missions.
    [Show full text]