A PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE SPANISH SPOKEN IN LA REFORMA NEIGHBORHOOD IN TUCSON, ARIZONA

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Authors Merz, Geri Willwerscheid, 1931-

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University Microfilms International 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 USA St. John's Road, Tyler's Green High Wycombe, Bucks, England HP10 8HR 77-32,267

MERZ, Geri Willwerscheid, 1931- A PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE SPANISH SPOKEN IN LA REFORMA NEIGHBORHOOD IN TUCSON, ARIZONA.

The University of Arizona, Ph.D., 1977 Language, linguistics

University Microfilms International f Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106

© 1977 GERI WILLWERSCHEID MERZ

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED A PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE SPANISH SPOKEN IN

LA REFORMA NEIGHBORHOOD IN TUCSON, ARIZONA

by

Geri Willwerscheid Merz

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the

DEPARTMENT OF ROMANCE LANGUAGES

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY WITH A MAJOR IN SPANISH

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

19 7 7

Copyright 1977 Geri Willwerscheid Merz THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA.

GRADUATE COLLEGE

I hereby recommend that this dissertation prepared under my direction by Geri Willwerscheid Merz entitled A Phonological Study of the Spanish Spoken in La Reforma Neighborhood in Tucson, Arizona be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the deeree of Doctor of Philosophy

Dissertation Director Date

As members of the Final Examination Committee, we certify that we have read this dissertation and agree that it may be presented for final defense.

^ "~Z /

c -e ^7 / / y^7

Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent on the candidate's adequate performance and defense thereof at the final oral examination. STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library.

Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the copyright holder.

SIGNED: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My gratitude goes to my committee members, Drs.

A. Dolores Brown, Jack Davis, H. Reynolds Stone, and

Paul Turner for their inspiring and exemplary teaching, and in particular to my thesis director, Dr. Brown for her guidance and constant encouragement. Her delight in the intricacies of the Spanish language has long been appreci­ ated.

I dedicate this work to my daughters, Jeanne,

Shelly, and Chris, who for years have taken care of our home, cleaning, cooking, and shopping so that I had more time. Thanks also to the guru, Dr. Ralphie, our cats

Tuqui and Mogli, Mary Hartman, my un-named informants from

La Reforma, the stand-up comedians David Brenner, David

Steinberg, Tommy Smothers, and Bob Bacalaoski, the promising Linda Haughton, the literate Barbra Streisand, my old old friend Betty Glendening, Walter Cronkheit, the

Torrisons, and my parents Johann Franz and Dolores

Willwerscheid, all of whom helped in different ways.

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

LIST OF TABLETS vi

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ix

ABSTRACT x

CHAPTER

1. INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 The Purpose of the Study 1 1.2 Previous Representative Phonetic Studies . 1 1.2.1 Focus 2 1.2.2 Purpose 2 1.2.3 Norm 4 1.2.4 Area 7 1.2.5 Informants 7 1.2.6 Corpus ...... 16 1.2.7 Arrangement of the Study 21 1.2.8 Studies of the Southwest 23 1.3 La Reforma Neighborhood, Tucson, Arizona . 28 1.4 Informants and Sample Corpora . 43 1.5 Field Work 58 1.6 Phonology 63 1.7 Appendices 70 1.8 List of References 71

2. PHONOLOGY 72

2.1 The Consonants 72 2.1.1 The Voiceless Stops /p, t, k/ ... 72 2.1.2 The Voiced Stop/Fricatives /b, d, g/ 74 2.1.3 The Affricate /£/ 119 2.1.4 The Voiceless Fricatives /f, s ^ x/ 131 2.1.5 The Voiced Fricative /y/ ,...,. 174 2.1.6 The Nasals /m, n, n/ 184 2.1.7 The Lateral /l/ 197 2.1.8 The Vibrants /r, r/ ...... 200 2.2 The Vowels ...... 250 2.2.1 The Single Vowels 251

iv V

TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued

Page

2.2.2 Non-syllabic Uses of /i/ and /u/ . . 269 2.2.3 Contiguous Vowels 273 2.2.4 Unvoiced Vowels 317

3. GENERAL SUMMARY 330

APPENDIX A. PROFILES OF INFORMANTS 342

APPENDIX B. DISTRIBUTION OF ALLOPHONES . 343

APPENDIX C. REPRESENTATIVE PHONETIC TRANSCRIPTIONS . 348

LIST OF REFERENCES 353 LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. /b/ Allophones Visually Verified 77

2. /b/ Loss in Certain Words 84

3. -d- in Special Words 93

4. /d/ in Each Special Word . . . 94

5. /d/ in Nada 95

6. -d- in To do 97

7. -d- in Regular Words 99

8. -d- at Three Speeds 102

9. /g/ in Various Environments 108

10. /g/ in Intervocalic Position 113

11. /6/: Individual Usage 120

12. /G/ in Intervocalic Position 123

13. /2/ in Selected Words ...... 125

14. /G/: Group Usage 127

15. /fuV/ in Utterance Medial Position 132

16. /s/ Before a Voiceless Consonant ...... 135

17. /s/ Before a Voiced Consonant 139

18. /s/ Before Each Voiced Consonant 143

19. /s/ Plus b or v 148

20. /siti/: Individual Usage ...... 156

21. /s/: C h D, [zD, and Loss in -s- Position .... 163

vi vii

LIST OF TABLES—Continued

Table Page

22. Intervocalic /s/ in Nosotros 165

23. /s/: Aspiration and Loss in Four Environments . 166

24. /x/ in Utterance Medial Position 172

25. /y/ in Utterance Initial Position 176

26. /y/ in Intervocalic Position 178

27. /r/ in Intervocalic Position ..... 202

28. /r/ in Para 204

29. /r/ in Intervocalic Position: Group Summary . . 205

30. /r/ Before Voiceless Consonants 207

31. /r/ in Porque 209

32. /r/ Before the Voiced Consonants 211

33. /r/ Before Each Consonant 213

34. Preconsonantal /r/ in High-Frequency Words . . . 216

35. /r/ in Utterance Final Position 220

36. /r/ in All Positions 223

37. Individual Usage of /r/ 225 38. /r/ in Utterance Initial Position ...... 230

39. /r/ in Word Initial Intervocalic Position . . . 233

40. /r/ in Postconsonantal Position ...... 236 41. /r/ in Word Medial Intervocalic Position .... 238

42. /r/: Individual Usage 241 43. /r/: Group Usage ...... 243

44. /r/ and /r/ in All Positions ...... 247 viii

LIST OF TABLES—Continued

Table Page 45. Hiatus Conserved in Identical Contiguous Vowels 285

46. Hiatus in Non-identical Contiguous Vowels with /i/ and /u/ 309

47. Hiatus in Non-identical Contiguous Vowels without /i/ or /u/ 310

48. Hiatus in Contiguous Vowels: Summary 312

49. Devoicing in Utterance Final Position . ... . 322

50. Devoicing Before Utterance Final /s/ 324 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

1. Southern Arizona and Sonora 30

2. Spanish Language Population of Tucson, Arizona 35

3. Some Tucson Features 37

ix ABSTRACT

This dissertation analyzes the sounds of the

Spanish spoken by nine women of Mexican descent living in

La Reforraa neighborhood of Tucson, Arizona, between 1972 and 1975. All of the informants are native Tucsonans who have lived in predominantly Spanish-speaking neighborhoods.

Our main concern is a description of the allophonic realizations of each phoneme in every position found in the recordings made during individual interviews.

Chapter 1 consists of representative phonetic studies, the methodology used in this study, and a descrip­ tion of the area and of the informants.

In Chapter 2 all the allophones of each phoneme are described and illustrated by examples from the transcrip­ tions of the taped corpora. Fifty tables show percentages of allophonic usage. Pertinent references from linguistic studies of the Spanish of the Southwest follow the analysis of each phoneme.

The main findings follow.

The stops, nasals, and the lateral are usually manifested by one allophone except /n/ which usually assimilates to the following consonant. Loss of /b, g/ occurs before /uV/.

x Weak tension is common in the production of the fricatives. Those of /b, d, g/ can became inaudible or lost. Ch] and are the predominant allophones of /x, y/ with loss of intervocalic /y/ after the front vowels.

Syllable initial /x/ and /fuV/ and /s/ in preconsonantal and intervocalic positions show aspiration ranging from predominant to sporadic in that order. Loss of /s/ is less common than aspiration.

/s/ predominates before the voiceless consonant, voicing before the voiced. Some informants tend to prolong breath group final /s/.

The voiceless palatal fricative CsDV* occurs moderately for the palatal affricate /&/.

Although the voiced labiodental CvD occurs most commonly for /b/ both the bilabial and the labiodental occur after a nasal.

The vibrants are manifested by the voiced and voiceless trills, CrD and CrU, the tap CrU, the voiced and voiceless fricatives, Cs?• and Ca?•, and the voiced frica- o tive with inaudible frication, C D. Only the tap phoneme shows the voiceless assibilated fricative, Ha?], the retro- o flex vocoid, CR], and omission. Only the multiple vibrant has the voiced and voiceless mixed tap-fricative allophones,

CrrH and o xii

For /r/, Cr3 predominates intervocalically, C D preconsonantally with LrJ being the next most common, ErD and CgH being the major allophones in -r# position.

For /r/, CrU is most frequent in -rr- position,

Cr!pD and CrU less frequent. Word initial utterance medially

UrD, and nri?H are the Inost common allophones in that order. CrD appears slightly more than Cr] for #r- with irl and H rD the next most common. The five minor allophones of /r/, omission of /r/, and the three minor allophones of /r/ do not occur more than 8% in any position.

The single vowel is rarely lost. The syllabic nucleus often nasalizes in contact with a nasal consonant.

A vowel varies in length according to its position. /a/ is manifested by CaD. /e, i, o, u/ generally open in some checked syllables, before /r/, and occasionally in an un­ checked syllable. The closed allophone appears at times for unstressed word-final /e/. Otherwise the medial allophone occurs.

The devoicing of utterance final vowels occurs in a few of the informants. Hiatus is maintained frequently between two con­ tiguous non-identical vowels and moderately between identical vowels. xiii

Environment and speed are important in accounting for allophonic usage, but further study of free variation is needed. CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 The Purpose of the Study

This study is a description of the sounds of Spanish as spoken by nine Mexican-American women born in Tucson and residing in La Reforma neighborhood. Three age groupings are represented: close to 20, 40, and 60 years.

The purpose is to determine: the general pattern of allophonic usage of these women; the variations between their idiolects; similarities to pronunciation described for this and other areas of the Southwest United States.

Certain limitations should be noted. As only the sounds of a small number of individuals of the same sex, residence, and socioeconomic background were analyzed for phonological variation, the results are not meant to be taken as a general description of the Spanish of Tucson.

The results are thus limited in focus to a narrowly delineated field.

1.2 Previous Representative Phonetic Studies

A descriptive phonological study contains a synchronic analysis of the speech sounds of the language (s) spoken in a given area. The following descriptive pho­ nological studies which have been made of Spanish were

1 2 selected to show the range of content and form without reference to importance, excellence, or usefulness.

1.2.1 Focus

Some studies, as that of Boyd-Bowman's (1960) work on the Spanish of Guanajuato, describe what Kiddle (1962) calls the three fundamental parts of a linguistic study: the phonology; the morphology; and the syntax, as well as the lexical materials. Other studies are limited to the phonological aspect: the phonemic systems, as of those of the six dialects of Argentine Spanish (Honsa 1965); complete phonetic inventories as the variants mapped in the Atlas lingiiistico y entnografico de Andalucia (hereafter referred to as ALEA) (Alvar 1961), and those focusing on a part of the sound system, such as that of the palatal £ in New

Mexican Spanish (Duncan 1956).

1.2.2 Purpose Possible purposes are to describe the phonology of an area as of Mexico City (Marden 1938); to compare speech sounds of an area with some norm, as Costa Rican Spanish with Castilian Spanish (Chavarria 1951); to verify the continuity of phonemes of three generations of Tampa

Spanish (Canfield 1951); to describe contemporary Bogota pronunciation of interest to linguists (Fl6rez 1951); to promote a normative viewpoint in a manual of pronunciation

(Bolario e Isla 1956) ; to present a dialect of Spanish with 3 interdialectal comparisons, as in the Guanajuato study

(Boyd-Bowman 1960); to update studies as on the weakening and disappearance of vowels in Mexican speech (Lope Blanch

1963) and on the word final r in Mexico City (Lope Blanch

1967); to present a linguistic atlas of an area as the

Atlas lingiiistico y etriogrSfico de Colombia (hereafter referred to as ALEC) (Fl6rez 1964); to observe variants in certain phonetic environments, as in the analysis of criminal argot (Coltharp 1965); to provide English-speakers with a pedagogical description of Spanish pronunciation

(Dalbor 1969); to examine phonological components in a transformational generative grammar of a Mexican dialect

(Harris 1969); to see if linguistic unity exists within a family, between the sexes, and between family members and an outsider (Alvar 1965-1966); to present a new view of current American Spanish (Del Rosario 1970); to delineate dialect zones on a phonological basis (Resnick 1969); to show that the phonemes of Costa Rican Spanish are the same as of Spanish elsewhere, although the allophones may differ

(.Wilson 1970); to do research on basic sociolinguistic concepts and applied sociolinguistics (Fishman et al.

1971), on multiple prediction of phonological variable by non-linguistic factors (Fishman and Herasimchuk 1971), and other interdisciplinary investigations as in anthrolinguis- tics, ethnolinguistics, psycholinguistics, the 4

psychosociology of language, phonetics and pathology,

phonetics and aesthetics, etc.

In addition to describing the speech of a particular

area, many studies document the phenomena of other regions

as in the Valley of Mexico study (Matluck 1951). One notes similarities of speech in the same social class from one

area to another. One ongoing study focuses on the speech

(formal and informal) of one social level, the cultured educated people of major Spanish-speaking cities such as

Bogota, Buenos Aires, Caracas, Havana, Lima, Madrid, Mexico

City, Montevideo, San Juan de Puerto Rico, Santiago de

Chile, and Seville. An essentially descriptive presentation of phonetics and phonology, morphosyntaxis, lexicography, and colloquial and affective structures is sought (Espafiol

Actual 1967, Lope Blanch 1969).

1.2.3 Norm

In studies mentioning a norm, the norm is identified or is defined to varying extents. In his work on current

American Spanish del Rosario (1970) defines a norm as a group of elements or linguistic forms which are repeated by the majority of the social group, not that which is only accepted by the minority. He specifies general norms applicable to a language in every aspect, regional norms of a dialect or of a geographic zone, special norms as slang, the jargon of thieves, abusive language, etc., which are 5 valid for a certain class of people, and, of course, the literary norms, which do not necessarily coincide with the language spoken by the educated people.

The summary of phonetic elements characterizing each place is referred to as the general norm of that area

(Lope Blanch 1970).

Often one assumes the reader is familiar with the norm mentioned, as in the comparison of regional Chilean speech with current Spanish pronunciation (Oroz 1964), and

Buenos Aires Spanish with Castilian (Malmberg 1950). In

La pronunciacion del espafiol en Bogota the author catalogues deviations from General Spanish which he also refers to as that spoken by educated people (FISrez 1951).

The norm is often from outside the area studied.

Costa Rican phonemes are compared with the Castilian dialect as described by Navarro TomSs (Chavarrla 1951). The General

Spanish of educated people in BogotS was compared with the

Spanish of Castile in a study first published in 1867-1872

(Cuervo 1955). In two early studies of the speech of

Southern Colorado and Northern New Mexico, the authors chose different norms. Hills (1906:710) said he took the orthography and pronunciation given by the Spanish Academy as the basis of his 1906 comparison, even though he knew

"full well that even cultivated Castilians do not speak as the Academy wishes them to do." The peninsular dialects the first settlers brought with them were considered to be 6

a better basis of comparison than modern Castilian in the

study done a few years later (Espinosa Iy03).

Some norms are from within the sa:ne area under

study. Rural speech of West Central Argentina is compared

with general national standards and with the local standards in the San Luis study (Vidal de Battini 194 9). Non-standard forms are distinguished from standard Costa Rican Spanish

(Wilson 1970). One linguist has chosen the speech of the capital of Mexico for the norm of the country of Mexico.

His justification is that one-seventh of the total popula­ tion of Mexico lives in the capital, whose five million inhabitants come from all regions of Mexico, so that Mexico

City is like a linguistic melting pot of the most diverse dialects (Lope Blanch 1964). In many studies the investigator selects data precisely because they do not follow a norm. One example is the listings of metatheses (F16rez 1951). In the descrip­ tion of the weakening and loss of the Mexican vowels, a norm is implied, one from which certain Mexican speech deviates (Lope Blanch 1963). Phillips (1967) said that if he had wanted to show what was "wrong" with the Spanish of East Los Angeles, he would have had to select a dialect as a standard from which the Spanish of his area departed. He preferred to describe the speech without reference to any norm. Robe (.1960) also 7 states he did his study on Panamanian speech as an inde­ pendent unit.

1.2.4 Area

Large and small geographical regions have been studied: all of Latin America (Canfield 1962); an area marked by political boundaries such as the country of Costa

Rica (Wilson 1970); part of a country as the area contained in Northern New Mexico and Southern Colorado (Espinosa

1909), and in rural Panama (Robe 1960); the state of

Jalisco (Ccirdenas 1967); part of a state, as Southern

Arizona (Post 1934); the parts of Texas where Spanish speakers settled long ago, and where Spanish continues to be an important language for communication (Clegg 1969); a county as St. Bernard's Parish, Louisiana (MacCurdy 1950); a city as BogotS (Cuervo 1955, Fl6rez 1951); a town as San

Antonito, New Mexico (Bowen 1952), Santo TomSs Ajusco, Mexico (Alvar 1966-1967); part of a metropolitan area, as

East Los Angeles (Phillips 1967); a division within a city as the Puerto Rican neighborhood (Fishman and Terry 1971); and the Spanish speaking first-graders of Corpus Christi,

Texas (Gonzalez 1969).

1.2.5 Informants

A phonological study is based on general knowledge

(Espinosa 1909) or on a corpus from specific informants

(Phillips 1967). 8

1.2.5.1 Number. The number of informants studied ranges from 1 to 100. One informant was used in a short study on the final r in Mexican Spanish (Malmberg 1965).

Twelve were taped for the same purpose in a subsequent study (Lope Blanch 1967). Malmberg (1950) used two informants for his Argentine study thereby maintaining objectivity and still getting variation. His kymograms are of a third person. Two or three were chosen for the

"Outline Study of Mexican Spanish" (King 1952). Thirty informants were used to determine the influence of English on Detroit Spanish (Tsuzaki 1963). Thirty were also used for the speech of Mgrida, Spain (Zamora Vicente 1943),

41 for Jalisco (CSrdenas 1967), 45 for 43 Puerto Rican places (Navarro 1948). Of the 47 informants accepted by

Coltharp, 6 were her main informants and the ones to whom the questionnaire was given (Coltharp 1965). Fifty^one informants are described in the phonological analysis of the Valley of Mexico (Matluck 1951). Of the 100 studied to evaluate the vowels which tend to weaken and disappear in

Mexico City Spanish, 52 informants were taped; the speech of the remaining 4 8 was used to verify the findings of the study

(Lope Blanch 1963).

1.2.5.2 Criteria for Selection. Informants are considered according to three categories: selection, description, and use of data. 9 The usual ideal criteria for selections are birth­

place and length of residence, age, sex, family background, education, occupation, socioeconomic level, travels or cultural experiences, avoidance of obstacles to clear speech such as faulty dentition and speech defects, and fluency in the language.

The length of residence varies from life-long to only 8 years. Those informants chosen for the ALEC were born in the town they represented, and it was preferred that they had not traveled much nor lived away from the area

(Florez 1964). The informants used to research the r word- final phenomena were either born in Mexico or had been residents for a very long time (Lope Blanch 1967). Zamora

Vicente (1943) required that the informant's parents also had been born in the area studied. The OFINES publications describing the study of Spanish spoken in capital cities of the Spanish-speaking world recommended that the informant be born in the area or have been there at least by age five and haye resided in the area at least three~fourths of his life (Espanol Actual 1967). In the East Los Angeles study there was a residency requirement of the past ten years whether the informant was born in the area or not, because the investigator wanted both native-born speakers and those born elsewhere in order to represent the actual demographic makeup of the area at the time (Phillips 1967). In Lope

Blanch's (1963) study of Mexican vowels the few informants 10 not born in Mexico City had lived there at least eight

years.

Age is a factor in Spanish phonological studies.

Most of the early studies preferred older people as

informants. Kriiger sought old people to represent the

speech of San CipriSn de Sambria in northwestern Spain (Pop 1950). All but 4 of the 45 Puerto Rican informants

are 40 and older in the Navarro TomSs (1948) study for which

information was gathered in 1927 and 1928. The phonetic

text at the end of the study of the Asturian dialect of

Bable in Cabranes in northern Spain is from the speech of

an 84-year-old woman (Canellada 1947). When the research

was being done between 1958 and 1962 for the ALEC it was

preferred the informants be over 40 years old (Florez 1964).

In more recent studies some writers seek a wide range with a specific limitation at the ends, as from 30 to

70 years of age (CSrdenas 1967), from 23 to 102 years

(Robe 1960), and from 18 to 70 in a recent study on the schwa in Spanish (Brown 1970). The generation concept of sampling has been used in

Spanish phonetic studies especially since the 1943

Cuestionario lingulstico hispanoamericano in which 3 repre­ sentative groupings were recommended: 20, 40, and 60 years of age (Navarro TomSs 1945). This same grouping was used in the Valley of Mexico study (Matluck 1951). Other tripartite divisions were under 21, 21 to 50, and over 50 11 (Lope Blanch 1963); 25 and under, 25 to 50, and over 50

(Phillips 1967); 25-35, 36-55, and 55 and over (Espanol

Actual 1967). Clegg (1969) also subscribed to the tri­ partite division but used only the middle group, those 36 to 55 years old. He rejected both younger people because they use English, too, and those in the older group because they were hard to find. In a sociolinguistic census of a bilingual neighborhood the bipartite division was 18 and under, 19 and over (Fishman et al. 1971).

Another selection factor is sex. Some studies draw from both sexes approximately fifty-fifty. Twenty women and 22 men are the source of speech in the Valley of Mexico study CMatluck 1951). Lope Blanch's (1963) research on

Mexican vowels was done with 43 male and 57 female informants. Fifty men and 50 women were used to study the Spanish of Panama (Alvarado de Ricord 1971). For the quantitative analysis of the East Los Angeles study, there were 18 women and only 13 men, because there were no males fitting the criteria for five of his 36 groupings (Phillips

1967).

In other studies informants of one sex predominate.

Twenty-three of 31 informants in the Texas study are males

CClegg 1969).. Of the 25 informants from M§rida, Spain, only 5 are female (Zamora Vicente 1943). In the 1940 research for the 1953 dissertation on Jaliscan speech, 39 places are represented by 51 informants, only 10 of whom are 12 women (CSrdenas 1967). One male investigator found that men

"generally were more able and willing to converse"; 2 of his

28 informants from rural Panama are women (Robe 1960).

Forty-three of the 45 Puerto Rican informants were men because the author was seeking agriculture terminology

(Navarro TomSs 194 8). In these 5 studies by male investi­ gators the percentages of male informants are 74%, 80%,

80%, 85%, and 96%.

In the early studies in which there is no descrip­ tion of individual informants, there is no mention of the proportion of one sex to another (Espinosa 1909, Post 1934).

Some hispanic investigators are quantitatively systematic in their selection of informants by one or more of the four factors of occupation, education, socioeconomic and cultural levels (Phillips 1967); others seek a cross- section representing each social class (Robe 1960); and others show a preponderance of one grouping over another such as the 9 educated people of the 11 informants in the

Guanajuato study (Boyd—Bowman 1960).

Informants with little education were preferred for the ALEC (Florez 1964). Zamora Vicente (1943) sought those who were culturally deficient and, if possible, were peasants. CSrdenas (1967) states that ideally the informants in a geographic linguistic study are lower-class people who have always lived in the area where they were born. Of the informants in his Jaliscan study, 7 are educated, 15 have 13 some formal instruction, and 29 are lacking in formal learning. In the preparation of his questionnaire for

Mexico Lope Blanch (1970) sought linguistic information representative of all of Mexico. He therefore selected 4 informants for each place, 2 illiterates, one middle-class person, and one educated person. If there were more than

4, he preferred illiterates because, he said, they show more irregularities in their speech whereas the educated people tend toward linguistic conformity with literary standards and the urban norm of the capital.

One person represented each grouping in the East Los

Angeles study's systematic selection using the 4 criteria of sex, age, amount of second language spoken in a bilingual area, and a relative social ranking (Phillips 1967).

The informants are usually native speakers. In the bilingual areas the degree of fluency may be established by observation or by such criteria as sought by Phillips and described in the following section.

1.2.5.3 Descriptions. The criteria for selection are often not the same nor as lengthy as the data given about each informant. In the East Los Angeles study each informant was described in a paragraph within the text. At the end of the text are forms containing the following information about each informant: code number, sex, age, place of birth; data on parents, their language, and the 14

home language; the informant's acquisition of English; when the informant came to Los Angeles and where he had lived

during the last ten years; the informant's education and

literacy in Spanish and English, and the amount of Spanish studied; pertinent data on spouse and children, including

the home language and the language the children speak; the informant's occupation and language at work; and, finally, an estimate of how much the informant speaks each language

(Phillips 1967:22).

In studies involving many places, as, for example, that of Merida, Spain, one finds this information regarding each informant: the town represented, name, age, birthplace of the informant and of his parents, travels, military service, occupation, marital status, and degree of literacy

(Zamora Vicente 1943). In the study on Puerto Rico, each town is stated and the informant(s) representing the speech of that area. Each informant's description includes name, age, occupation, and attitude in answering such as "sobrio,"

"reacciona con fatiga y lentitud," "pronto-—contesta con soltura y rapidez," "discurre con natural lucidez y trata en muchos casos de imitar el lenguaje distinguido," "inteligente y Sgil, pero inquieto e inseguro," "buen informador,"

"contesta con reflexiSn y seguridad. A veces aparece preocupado por el deseo de expresarse con correcci6n"

(Navarro TomSs 1948:11^-16). 15

1.2.5.4 Correlation. Selectional criteria which correlate with the linguistic data are mentioned in some studies. Phillips (1972) evaluated his findings on /b/ with his 4 selectional criteria. Duncan (1956) notes that use of the palatal fricative Us: is more frequent in those under

19 and that it is not usually found in those over 50. In his study of Ajusco, Mexico, Alvar (1966^-1967) mentions differences he found between the speech of men and women, and between those of different ages, and between parents, their child, and an outsider.

In other studies, the findings may not be evaluated according to the information given about the individual informants, but rather mentioned as characteristic of a group in geographic, socioeconomic, educational, and cultural terms, or with reference to, for example, speech tempi and care. Fl6rez (1951), for example, refers to rustic, rural, and urban speech, general, current, and common Spanish, and the speech of uneducated people. Matluck C1951) also identifies linguistic features with groupings using terms as lower class, rustic people, and illiterates, but not with reference to the ages within his 36 to 55-year age grouping.

Other investigators, whose purpose is an overall view, do not relate linguistic phenomena to various groupings within their informants. 16 1.2.6 Corpus

Samarin (1967:21) defines corpus as "the body of

data which is necessary for making generalizations about

the structure of a language."

1.2.6.1 Acquisition. To acquire a corpus,

investigators observe, interview, and/or record. Inter­ views range from a questionnaire (Coltharp 1965) to spontaneous speech (Clegg 1969), to a combination of questionnaire, structured conversation, and spontaneous conversation (Phillips 1967).

Phillips (1967) sought three recorded interviews one week apart when possible for his East Los Angeles study. The purpose of the first was biographic and phonological data; of the second, morphological and semantic information; and of the third, syntactic material as well as spontaneous speech which was also part of the previous two interviews.

Some interviews are structured to elicit specific linguistic items (Coltharp 1965); some seek free speech which will hopefully contain all the information sought

(Clegg 1969). A combination of questionnaire and free speech was the method of obtaining information on the

English influence on the Spanish of Detroit (Tsuzaki 1963).

One writer lived with the people a full year to gather 17 information and observe speech elicited in conversation and by a questionnaire (Zamora Vicente 1943).

In addition to the corpus already acquired from informants, one author added details she observed of the informant and of others in the area (Vidal de Battini 1949).

In another study the whole corpus consisted of the author's observations (Espinosa 1909).

Suggested criteria for interviewing are tape recording 10% secret spontaneous dialogue, half without the intervention of the interviewer and half with it, 40% a dialogue between two informants, 40% a dialogue between one or two informants and the investigator, and 10% formal elocutions (Espanol Actual 1967). Lope Blanch (1963) followed a similar plan to study unstressed vowels in Mexico, taping free conversations between two informants, dialogues between the informant and the investigator, monologues, some radio programs, and spontaneous speech.

According to Pop (1954) linguistic questionnaires have been used since 1394. The emphasis was usually lexical until the end of the last century. In Spanish studies the first comprehensive linguistic questionnaire was developed by Navarro TomSs in 1943 (Navarro TomUs 1945).

Cardenas (1967) used 518 questions from Navarro's

Cuestionario lingulstico hispanoamericano plus his own observations. Coltharp (1965) used 197 phonetic items. Boyd-Bowman (1960) adapted and amplified the questionnaire 18 where necessary. Robe (1960) used it as a guide. Phillips

(1967) used it less and less as the interviewing progressed because it was not satisfactory in vocabulary and scope for his area. Lope Blanch (1970) also rejected Navarro's questionnaire for the same reasons and prepared his own comprehensive questionnaire to gather data throughout Mexico.

An original 120-word questionnaire was used in Ajusco,

Mexico, to elicit speech (Alvar 1966-1967). Zamora Vicente

(1943) adapted and reduced the Atlas lingulstico de la

Peninsula Iberica questionnaire to fit his needs.

1.2.6.2 Instruments. In the acquisition and classification of speech sounds numerous techniques and instruments provide articulatory and acoustic data.

Magnetic tape recording has generally replaced disc record­ ing. To replay a part, the needle is set back on a record, and the tape is rewound on a tape recorder. A device facilitating electromagnetic tape replay is a unit with a loop which at any time contains a copy of what has just been played. This unit can be played as often as desired before proceeding with the original tape. The Edinburgh tape repeaters permit the recording to be played in reverse.

The Kay Electric Sonastretcher plays the material at half speed, the sounds being more or less as they were originally.

Another instrument, the filter network, permits various sound frequencies on a tape to be separated and studied. 19

A Delayed Auditory Feedback repeats the utterance a fraction of a second after it is made. A visible picture of some of the acoustic properties of speech is provided by the sound spectograph which was developed during the Second World War.

One of the oldest instruments of phonetic investi­ gation, the kymograph, records some features of sound waves which show, for example, the difference between voiced and voiceless sounds. Three studies in the 194 0's using kymographs were those of Navarro TomSs (1948), Zamora

Vicente (1943), and Canellada (1947).

Another technique is cinematography. Motion pictures have been made of human vocal cords, of the movements of the tongue in speech, and of the other aspects of the speech event CLadefoged 1957).

Ladefoged (1968) has been working with the most modern of instruments in linguistics. Cine-radiology, recording and analyzing equipment, palatographs, which yield linguagrams as well as palatograms, cameras taking full-face and side-view photographs of the lips, acoustical instruments such as those that record buccal, pharyngeal, and subglottal breath pressure, air-flow transducers, and pitch meters with amplitude display units are all described in Ladefoged's work on West African languages. Sagittal x-ray photographs are effectively used in conjunction with palatograms which show where the tongue made contact with the roof of the mouth. 20 Pierre Delattre (.1965) used many of the new instruments and techniques in his comparison of 35 features of the four languages, French, German, Spanish, and English.

In current Spanish linguistic studies one finds much use of tape-recordings and increasing use of spectographs.

"It is certainly no longer true that instruments are at best only supplementary to our senses. Nothing can, of course, replace the 'trained ear of the practical phoneti­ cian'" states Ladefoged (1957:219), as attested to by the quality of the classic New Mexican study which was done without the aid of modern instruments (Espinosa 1909).

1.2.6.3 Symbols. Writers often give lists or charts of symbols. Of the many phonetic alphabets available to a transcriber, the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) is the most well-known. Kriiger used Jesperson's Lehrbuch der Phonetik as a point of departure for his 1923 study on the speech of San CipriSn de Sanabria, Spain (Pop 1950).

The diacritic system for Spanish transcription published in the 1915 Revista de filologla espanola was used by Navarro

TomSs (1967) for his 1918 manual of pronunciation but

Navarro arranged the symbols alphabetically rather than by the RFE order of points of articulation.

Most studies use one system as a base and add other signs as needed. In the ALEC Fl6rez (1964) uses mainly the system in Navarro Tombs' (1948:235-236) Puerto Rican study, 21 but added other symbols. C&rdenas (1967) also used the

symbols of Navarro Tombs' 1948 study as well as those of the

Instituto de Filologla de Buenos Aires. Matluck's (1951)

symbols are those used in the RFE and Biblioteca de

dialectologia hispanoamericana (hereafter referred to as

BDH) plus improvisations. Phillips (1967) uses the phonemic

notations of Alarcos Llorach (1961), but for the phonetic

symbols he uses those of Navarro Tom&s' manual plus modifi­

cations from the American system for indicating raising and

lowering, fronting and backing (caret and wedge). He

prefers Cell to Navarro's C an for the relaxed /e/.

1.2.7 Arrangement of the Study

The material of a descriptive linguistic study

usually contains introductory sections which describe back­ ground materials as the area and its history, the purpose and

method of the investigator, the selection and description of

informants, and the phonetic symbols used. After the preliminaries there are main sections on

the focus of the study, such as the divisions on phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics. The main body of a study is usually prose with or without visual presentations.

In one 97-page dissertation, however, the 31 pages of

phonology consisted of listings of phonemes and their

allophones with a few examples each (Clegg 1969). 22

Examples of other sections which have been included

are trends and tendencies (CSrdenas 1967), bilingual

phenomena (Phillips 1967), vocabulary (Coltharp 1965) , the

sociolinguistic aspect (Marrocco 1972), and linguistic

zones (Navarro TomSs 1948).

Graphs, tables, charts, diagrams, plates, and maps

are some of the more common illustrations found in the text or in appendices. Graphs show interrelations by dots,

lines, bars, etc., such as the bar graphs showing the per­ centage of use of variables (Ma and Herasimchuk 1971), tables showing the number of allophonic occurrences in the study of East Los Angeles (Phillips 1967) and charts of curves showing, for example, intonation patterns (King 1952).

Intonation patterns are also shown by sub- and supra- literal numbers, as well as straight or wavy lines above, through, and below the print. Diagrams have been made from palatograms and spectograms. An example of the latter is the presentation of the two significant formants for the vowels of four languages (Delattre 1965:48). Some maps locate the area studied, the place where the informants are from, and the areas where each investigator studied, as in the case of the atlases; others show the extension of linguistic features by isoglosses (Canfield 1962) and by the localization of lexical and phonetic variants, as in the maps of Navarro TomSs (194 8). 23

1.2.8 Studies of the Southwest

The findings of this study will be compared with those of ten descriptive studies of the sounds of Spanish in the Southwest United States, that is, the speech of Los

Angeles, Southern Arizona, San Luis Colorado, New Mexico,

El Paso, Corpus Christi, and other parts of Texas, and with one study of Sonoran speech. Phillips' (1967) dissertation on the phonology, morphology, and syntax of East Los Angeles Spanish is based on the taped speech of 31 native speakers, 18 women and 13 men of differing ages, language preference (English or Spanish), and social rankings. Of the 20 informants born in the States, 15 were from California. Although not all were natives to Los Angeles the informants were to have lived in the area for the past 10 years. Only 7 lived there fewer than 2 0 years.

Of the 760 pages of the work, 174 are devoted to phonology, plus the appendices. His results are mostly from a 102'-item checklist elicited by translation from English, and less from the spontaneous conversations which occurred during his three interviews with each informant. The allophones occurring in each position or environment are described, sometimes numerically. Spectograms of the main allophones are shown at the end of each phoneme section. 24

Although there are no pages of transcribed speech

there are ample phonetic examples throughout the phonologi­

cal section.

Espinosa's (1909) monumental 161-page descriptive

phonetic analysis of the Spanish of the northern half of

New Mexico and the San Luis Valley of Southern Colorado was

first published in the Bulletin University of New Mexico. No informants nor mechanical devices are mentioned.

The consonant sounds are presented in Chapter 2 as

labials, linguals, velars, and pharyngeals. The variant

pronunciations are given as well as the positions in which they are found. In Chapter 3 the many vowel variants are

described as to quality and environment. There are many

non-standard forms in those two chapters as well as in the

fourth chapter on phonetic changes. Information from other

languages, other times, other areas and studies is presented

in the text or in footnotes. The texts in the back are not dialogues from

informants, but rather popular verses and a short dialogue

written in semi-standard speech as well as phonetic

transcription as: Cuando guise no quisites

Cku3:do k'ise no k'isitehD. • c * c t

In 1906 Hills (1938) described the popular Spanish of Northern New Mexico and Southern Colorado, expressing gratitude to Professor Espinosa for his help. Hills' 17 pages of phonology in the 73-page study look similar to

Espinosa's study of the same area, but Hills' is less complete. The allophones and environments of both vowels and consonants are noted, as are variant forms. No corpus is shown. Had Espinosa's work not been published, and so soon afterwards, Hills' would certainly have been an important landmark.

Post's (1934) 57-page Southern Arizona Spanish

Phonology inventories Spanish sounds and their environments, deviant forms, with references to the studies of other linguists, mainly that of Espinosa, to which it is similar in form and content. Her corpus of stories, for example, are her phonetic renderings rather than transcriptions of the actual speech of an individual. The material for the study is from "oral tradition picked up" in Tucson and Yuma, where the author lived, and in northern Sonora which she visited often since the end of the last century.

Miller C1975) lists allophonic realizations from the taped spontaneous speech of a 67-year-old Sonoran male. In

Miller's phonetic transcription, intonation is indicated on a musical staff. 26

The cultured norm of Spain was the point of refer­

ence with which the tape-recorded Spanish of seven men and three women of San Luis, Colorado was compared by Ross

(1975). The 36-page section on phonology consists mainly of synchronic and diachronic considerations plus deviations from standard Spanish.

In Coltharp's (19 65) 313-page study of the Spanish criminal argot of El Paso, 18 pages are devoted to the allophonic variants and their environments. Coltharp states that her word-elicitation type of questionnaire (her

Appendix I) caused some distortion in the responses.

Of the 4 7 informants, 6 were accepted as her major informants, 5 between the ages of 14 and 20, and one 31- year-old. Although there is no corpus included of the taped interviews, the items elicited are mentioned through­ out the phonological section.

Gonzalez (1969) taped the conversational Spanish of

13 Mexican-American first-graders in Corpus Christi, Texas.

He compares their phones with the allophones of standard

Spanish. The main body of the 12-page summary focuses on the deviations in pronunciation which did not involve allophonic variations, he states. 27

Although there is no prose in the 31 pages of text showing the phonemes, allophones and their environment in

Clegg's (1969) 88-page dissertation on the sounds of Spanish in Texas, the well-chosen examples usually clarify any questions the reader might have, except perhaps as to frequency.

The analysis is based on 25 hours of taping of spontaneous speech plus the results from a questionnaire he prepared for later investigation about /e, o/. The 31 informants were from areas of Texas populated by Spanish- speakers for a long time, San Antonio, Corpus Christi,

El Paso and their surrounding areas, plus the Rio Grande

Valley. The informants, three-fourths of whom are men, are of the lowest sociocultural level, are from 35-55 years old, and of both urban and rural residence.

The lengthy dissertation on the Spanish of Corpus

Christi, Texas, of Marrocco (1972) contains a 99-page phonological section focusing on points which deviate from the "standard Mexican Spanish." A fairly complete picture of both standard and non-standard features of pronunciation is found in her extensive examples which are usually one to five^-word utterances presented both in narrow phonetic transcription and Spanish orthography followed by a refer­ ence to the 169-page transcribed corpus in Appendix A.

Copious notes are at the end of the chapter. 28

In just a few pages SSnchez (1972) lists and exemplifies the salient phonetic deviations from the norm in the speech of 30 Mexican-Americans attending the

University of Texas in Austin. The analysis was based on written compositions and personal observations of the 30 students plus taped interviews of 17 students.

1.3 La Reforma Neighborhood, Tucson, Arizona

Tucson, the second largest city in Arizona, is located in the south central part of the state, 65 miles north of Nogales, the closest port of entry to Mexico.

Tucson International Airport is one of the northern terminals of Aeroraexico. The city is also served by most major airlines, the Southern Pacific Railroad, and the

Greyhound and Trailways bus lines. The leading industries of the area are copper mining, defense-oriented manufactur­ ing, tourism, and travel (Economic Research Organization

1976). This educational and cultural center is the site of The University of Arizona and Pima Community College.

Tucson is in the Santa Cruz Valley of the Sonoran

Desert. The Santa Cruz, which appears as a dry river bed except in the rainy season, rises in Southern Arizona, loops south into Mexico and flows north toward junction with the Gila River. The Catalina, Tucson, Rincon, and

Santa Rita mountains are to the north, west, east, and south of Tucson, which has an average elevation of 2400 feet. 29

Tucson enjoys a mild winter with snow a rarity. Tucson captures an average 86% of the possible sunshine as compared with 73% for Los Angeles and 66% for Miami. Tucson's annual average high and low temperatures are 81.5 and 54.1 and its annual rainfall is 11.05 inches (Economic Research Organiza­ tion 1976). When Tucson was founded in 1775, the site had been occupied by Indians for more than a millennium (Dobyns

1S76). The area now known as Arizona was a frontier of

Spain for three hundred years until 1821 when Mexico achieved its independence, and was a political unity of Mexico for twenty-five years before it was annexed to the

United States by the Treaty of Guadalupe in 184 8. Southern

Arizona and Sonora were one until the Gadsden Purchase in

1854 in which 29,640 square miles comprising Southern

Arizona were acquired by the United States (Hinton 1972).

The northern boundary of the purchase was the Gila River which runs westward across the state, passing just south of the capital, Phoenix. Arizona's southern border is contiguous to the Mexican state of Sonora, as seen in

Figure 1.

Considering the proximity to Mexico and the history of Spanish and Mexican rule, it is not surprising to find many Spanish^-speaking people living in Tucson. Some of the first non-native Americans were Spanish soldiers and missionaries. The Jesuit Father Eusebio Kino founded • PHOENIX CILA HIVER

GADSDEN PURCHASE 7 7 'A // // /A. Y/TUCSON// // // NEW MEXICO

7 / //SANfA/ / CRUZ' / ?jver, NOGALEf, I

CABOHCA CHIHUAHUA

SONORA

• KEHKOS1LI.O

BAJA CALIFORNIA

SINALOA

CULIA'

SOUTHERN ARIZONA AND SONORA

Figure 1. Southern Arizona and Sonora 31 missions in Pimeria Alta (northern Sonora and southern

Arizona) such as San Xavier del Bac, nine miles south of downtown Tucson. Tucson was established as a Spanish presidio (fort) to protect the missions and settlements in the Santa Cruz Valley and to maintain an overland supply route from Mexico to California. The settlement of Pimerfa

Alta was rather slow in the 1700's and the 1800's. In the nineteenth century those of Spanish or Mexican origin were in the majority in Tucson, but gradually the Anglos,

English-speaking people of north-European ancestry who began arriving in fairly large numbers in the second half of the century, became the majority. Between 19 00 and World War I, the expansion of

Mexicans in Tucson was south and west of the Southern Pacific main tracks, whereas the Anglo expansion was north and to the east (Officer 1964). The primary thrust of growth since 1930 has been eastward and it continues to this day, mostly by Anglos. Because of Southern Arizona's history and its bordering on Sonora, one would expect to find many people of Sonoran descent in Tucson. This was borne out by an invaluable unpublished study, "The Origin of Mexican-

Americans in Tucson" (Lennhoff 1960), which shows 70.66% of Mexican-born Tucsonans of Spanish surname to be from Sonora, with the other Mexican states represented in much smaller percentages, those over 1% being:

Chihuahua 97% Distrito Federal 2-35% Sinaloa 45% Zacatecas 1.95% Jalisco .01% Guanajuato 1.43% Durango .41% Baja California 1.32%

Lennhoff (1960:19) concluded that,

In evaluating the overall composition of Tucson's Mexican population this percentage (70.66%) must be revised upwards for the following reason. We have assumed that the early residents were 100% Sonoran, i.e., that the population of Southern Arizona and Sonora were at one time identical. Thus, the 34 plus % of the "older generation" born in the U.S.A., and, to a lesser degree, the 70 plus % of the "younger generation" born here would represent a higher percentage of Sonoran ^ background than is exhibited by the Mexican-born.

1. These results were based on the 1959 obituaries in the Tucson Daily Star, Alianza Hispano-Americana files for 1880-1959, Mexican consulate registrations in 1958- 1959, and a survey of Spanish-surname children in five grade schools: Carrillo, Manzo, C. E. Rose, and in the east side of town, Kellond and Fort Lowell. The latter two were not significant in the count.

2. Several things which could be cause for upward or downward revision of the 70.66% should be kept in mind: only 3% of the grade school results represent the more affluent Mexican-American homes, those from Kellond school; as only Spanish surnames were dealt with, the families with non-Spanish surnames whose mothers were of Mexican descent were not studied; the ancestral origins of the parents and grandparents of the over 50% who were not born in Mexico but rather in Tucson or "Elsewhere U.S.A.," were not determined. If the latter had come from Texas or California a higher percentage of their progenitors might be from states other than Sonora. As Lennhoff states, those from Tucson may have a higher percentage of progenitors from Sonora because of the predominance of Sonorans in Tucson in the past. 33

Even though the population of Tucson has steadily increased, as seen in the following population figures, the proportion of Mexican-Americans in Tucson seems to have stabilized at about one-quarter.

1766 139 1910 13,193 1774 239 1920 20,298 1797 289^ 1930 32,506 1820 395 1940 35,752 1866 600 1950 45,454 1870 3,2243 1960 212,892 1900 7,531 1970 262,9334

Post (1934) and Barker (1947) state that at the time of their studies in the 1930's and 1940's one-fourth of the

Tucsonans were Mexican-Americans. The census figure for

1970 shows 24% of Tucson to be "persons of Spanish language and/or Spanish surname." The former refers to those whose head of the household's mother tongue was Spanish when he was a child (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1972).

These figures exclude homes with a mother of

Mexican descent and an Anglo father. It was noted, for example, that of 303 marriage license applications in

Tucson in 1959, 78 were "mixed," that is, one Spanish surname with one Anglo surname. Of those 78 "mixed marriages," 59% were Mexican females marrying Anglos

1. Dobyns (1976).

2. Cosulich (1953). 3. Cooper (1967). 4. Arizona: Its People and Its Resources CI972). 34

(Officer 19 64). This would mean the percentage of Mexican-

Americans should be revised upward.

There are discrepancies, usually, in any figures listing "Spanish language" speakers in Tucson, and

"Tucsonans of Mexican descent." A very small proportion of

Spanish-speakers in Tucson are not of Mexican descent. For practical purposes, the terms "Spanish-speaking," "of

Spanish language," and "Mexican-American" will refer to those people of Mexican heritage. The Mexican-American population is represented in unequal proportions throughout the city of Tucson. Figure

2 shows the concentrations of "Spanish language" population according to the 1970 census (U.S. Bureau of the Census

1972). The enumeration of the tracts starts downtown

(T 001)^ and the following numbers spiral outward in a clockwise direction. Those tracts with over the city average of 24% "Spanish language" are inked in, showing

24%-c50% by dots, 25%-75% by stripes, and over 75% by checks.

Those inked^in tracts, the older areas of town, form a solid belt from north to south.

In the 1960's Tucson was studied by the City of

Tucson's Community Development Program (CDP). The goal of

1. The Bureau of the Census reports Spanish speakers only where there are more than 4 00 in a tract, so no figure was listed for Tract 001 which had only 482 inhabitants. Tract 001 is shown on Figure 3 to be heavily populated by Mexican-Americans, "T" will stand for "census tract." 35

1970 Crnwt o' Pooulation and Houtinf CENSUS TRACES TUCSON. ABIZ SIANDAHH VETROPOLITAN STATISTICAL ARFA Fm»i Rfjio't PHCIll-218

24 %-50%

50%-75%

75%+

Figure 2. Spanish Language Population of Tucson, Arizona 36 the CDP was to work toward the solution of social, physical, and economic problems concentrated in the older and deteriorating areas of the city (Tucson, Department of

Community Development 1970)• Out of 47 census tracts evaluated by 9 factors,''" tracts 009 and 010 ranked first and second as poverty areas "not to be conserved." 2

Twenty-seven of the 9 0 square miles investigated were designated as problem areas for more intensive study.

The results of a household survey made of the blocks in these areas were mapped (Tucson, Department of Community

Development 1969). One of these maps, Figure 3, showing the percentage of Mexican-American heads of households in these areas, links poverty with heavy concentrations of Mexican-

Americans and delineates in more detail than the census map the barrios, 3 several of which figure in this study. The barrio names and other features pertinent to this study are labeled.

1. The nine factors are: families with annual incomes under $3000; less than 9 years of school; children not living with both parents; welfare cases; overcrowding; no automobile available; elderly; rental occupancy; and unemployment (Tucson, Department of Community Development 1969). 2. The next ranking tracts were 001, 003, 023 (The City of South Tucson), 012, 008, 011, 024, 022, 004, 013, 002, and 028 in that order (Tucson, Department of Community Development 1969).

3. Barrio is defined as a "neighborhood ward, area largely populated by Chicanos. Quaint little village by-^ passed by freeways and generally crossed by railroads" (Fuentes and L6pez 1974:14). 37

MHlNCt ROAD

1 1 v* -10 PHOENIX 4 WEST

/ ^ .;;t_Santa Cruz River •' i •••^GRANT : Rp\.

PASCUA VILLAGE SANTA ROSA ANITA HOLLYWOOD-EL i i

PlTOVTw

EL HOYO L"\ REPORT

CITY OF SOITTH TUCSOl

10 TO EL KUJCAN AMERICAN

HEADS OF HOUSEHOLD

All Nelghbortxxjds 59.91 100.0* — 84.32 •3.31 - 62.51 0KW359.U-48.U. WiM&i 26.51 - -3.n Source: COP Hov*«hol4 Survey

Figure 3. Some Tucson Features 38

These barrios have always been predominantly

Mexican. In his map of the Tucson barrios in "Social

Functions of Language in a Mexican-American Community,"

Barker (1947) shows Barrio Libre as a more limited area than now, and calls Barrio Santa Rosa "Barrio Bel^n." In

1959 Officer (1964) studied the ethnic makeup of nine public grade schools"'' in the principal barrios of El Hoyo, Anita,

Libre, El Rio-Hollywood, and Santa Rosa to determine what percentage of the Mexican population of Tucson was living there. These schools were found to contain 44% of all the

Spanish-surnamed students in the many elementary schools of

Tucson. The nine schools themselves had an average ethnic makeup of 82% Mexican and 10% Indian and Black. The find­ ings of Officer correlate with the ethnic makeup of the city as seen in Figures 2 and 3.

The barrios, in fact, were originally populated mostly by Mexican-Americans. Prior to the Civil War the original area of Mexican settlement was the Presidio site, which is now the downtown area (T 001). By 1890 lower income people were settling in Barrio Libre (T 009, 010, part of 023) , which runs from the downtown area to the middle of the City of South Tucson (T 023). El Hoyo (the north part of T 010), a swampy area settled in the early

1. From north to south the nine schools are Tully, Richey, Manzo, Davis, Spring, Carrillo, Safford, Drachman, and Ochoa. 1900's, is a little pocket just southwest of downtown, but east of the freeway. In the early 1900's another low- income area was settled, that of Barrio Anita, north of downtown (T 003 and the southeast part of T 012). In 1921 acreage called Pascua Village (east part of T 012) was set aside for Yaqui Indians who had been coming to Tucson in the previous decades from Sonora to avoid resettlement by the Mexican government. The south part of Pascua Village is Barrio Santa Rosa. The above-mentioned barrios are all on the east side of three north-south parallel divisions, the Santa Cruz River, the secondary Southern Pacific Rail­ road tracks, and the Interstate freeway, 1-10. Highway

1-19 (U.S. 89) cuts off from 1-10 and runs south to Nogales, meeting with the main highway through Sonora. Barrio

Hollywood (the east part of T 011) and Barrio El Rio (the west parts of T 011 and 012) are on the west side of the river, tracks, and freeway, and do not figure in this study in that none of the informants lived there. Recently a "new

Pascua Village" has been established southwest of Tucson, relatively close to the San Xavier mission.

La Reforma neighborhood, the residence of the nine informants in this study, is a quarter^-mile^-square area one- half mile south of downtown Tucson, in the northern part of

Barrio Libre. Tenth Street divides the two sections of

La Reforma, Connie Chambers on the west (T 010) and La

Reforma on the east (T 009). 40

La Reforma was originally chosen for this study

because of its concentration of Spanish speakers in a pre­ dominantly Mexican-American neighborhood. It was soon discovered that La Reforma was government-subsidized public

housing. Three hundred and sixty-two of the 9 02 units available in Tucson in 1976 are in La Reforma, which was built in 1941 as "war housing," and was opened to non- veterans of low income in the 1950's. The west section,

Connie Chambers, was added in 1965. In 1973 the upper income limit for a family of four was $5000 a year. Two years later it was $7,750. Many of the people in La Reforma are also entitled to other government help such as welfare payments, food stamps, transportation, medical care, work programs, etc.

In La Reforma the ethnic percentages are dispropor­ tionate to those of the immediate area, in that there are more blacks in the housing project than in census tracts

010 and 009. The percentages of Mexican-Americans in

Connie Chambers and La Reforma, 61% and 58% respectively

(Department of Human and Community Development: Public

Housing Division 1975), are therefore lower than those in the two census tracts and in the grade schools of the area. 41

All of the informants were brought up in pre­ dominantly Mexican-American neighborhoods. Informant A^"

attended Richey grade school in Pascua Village before

moving to La Reforma and attending Carrillo school. Her

mother, N, attended the old Richey school in Pascua Village

and then Davis school in Barrio Anita. L and X also went

to Davis. L later attended Roskruge, just northeast of

downtown, when she lived close to downtown, before moving

into La Reforma at age 14. B and M went to Carrillo school

between La Reforma and downtown. C, Y, and Z attended

different schools south of La Reforma. La Reforma and the areas in which the informants

were brought up are mainly Spanish-speaking. By that I

mean that Spanish is an active language, usually the pre­ ferred language, although the Mexican-American residents

have a knowledge of English ranging from below minimal communication to complete fluency. The informants, mostly of Sonoran provenance, spoke Spanish in the home, with neighbors and friends in the smaller community, while

English was often spoken at school, at work, and in the larger community. Only one of the informants had studied

Spanish formally in school. Recent bilingual education

programs were not available to them in grade school. Most

1. The informants are referred to by letters indicating age from youngest to oldest. A, B, and C are close to 20, L, M, and N approximately 40, and X, Y, and Z are in the 60-year-old grouping. 42

stated that they learned English after entering the school system. The informants were often watching TV programs such

as movies, serials, game shows, and the like. Although the

programs were in English the conversation in the room was

usually in Spanish.

The Spanish to which the inhabitants of the pre­ dominantly Mexican barrios are exposed appears to be mainly of Sonoran origin, for the original inhabitants were

Sonorans, as are the majority of the recait and not-so- recent immigrants. Spanish was the language of the settlers until after the schools were opened in the 1870's (Post

1933). Spanish was the primary language of the first students, few of whom knew many English words (Cooper 1967).

In summary, at the time of this study the nine informants lived in a public housing project which was

59.5% Mexican-American in a barrio traditionally of lower income Mexicans-Americans in a city which is 24% of Mexican descent. Tucson was originally under Spanish and Mexican rule and is very close to the Mexican state of Sonora, the origin of the majority of Mexicans who settle in Tucson.

That is to say that the informants are a socio economically homogeneous group of the same sex who come into daily contact with people of similar linguistic and cultural heritage. 43

1.4 Informants and Sample Corpora

The informants for this study are nine Spanish-

speaking females of Mexican descent. All were born and

raised in Tucson, and residing in La Reforma homes at the

time of taping.

Three informants were sought for each of three age

groupings: 20, 40, and 60. A, B, and C were 17, 17, and 19

years old. L, M, and N were 35, 40, and 44. X, Y, and Z

were 54, 55, and 65 years old. The age cited is that at the

time of taping. The nine women are first, second, or third genera­

tion Tucsonans. By first generation is meant one who was

born in Tucson but whose parents were born in Mexico. The

progenitors of seven of the informants were from Sonora.

The parents of B are from Mexico City. The oldest informant

did not know where her grandparents or greatgrandparents were from. The second and third generation informants

usually referred to the maternal line when asked about their

ancestry.

Three of the informants were brought up in barrios

about a mile and a half north of La Reforma, three within

the area half a mile just north of La Reforma, and three south of La Reforma.

None had full-time employment. This was not a criterion for the informants, but probably occurred coincident to my contacting them only in the daytime. It 44 was also coincidental that eight have lived in La Reforma at least seven years, two more than 20 years. n and a are mother and daughter. n and x, in

Connie Chambers, and L and Z, in La Reforma, have been congenial neighbors for years.

A, B, C, and L spoke English well, albeit with

Spanish accents. M, N, X, and Y were able to communicate in English to lesser degrees. Z spoke only Spanish. C was the only informant who was hesitant in her Spanish.

After the description of each informant is a sample of the style and content of the speech in her interview. In parentheses are the interviewer's words, or a description of what happened. (See pp. 58-61 for interview.)

Informant A, 17, is a third-generation Tucsonan on her mother's side, who does not know the provenance of her maternal great-grandmother. A second-generation Tucsonan on her father's side, her paternal grandparents came from

Vicam, a Yaqui village in Sonora by Bacum, a town near El

R£o Yaqui, close to Ciudad Obregon. She does not know if her Yaqui father was born in Sonora or here. She lived in the west part of Tucson and attended Richey school until the fifth grade, at which time her family moved to La Reforma and she attended Carrillo. She completed one academically unsuccessful year of high school. Her mother speaks some

English, as did her father who no longer lives with the family. A had done housecleaning, ironing, and cooking for others.

A prefers Spanish and says she speaks it better than English. A was enrolled in Spanish in her last year of school. She can read both languages a little, and writes painstakingly in English. A's siblings speak

Spanish. Although Spanish is the usual language in the home and with friends, all are able to communicate in

English. A was taped in May, 1973. She was a facile speaker who needed little or no prompting. The speed was medium to fast with great variations. Her articulation is not very precise and many phones are not intelligible. Besides free speaking, A read words, the paragraph, and created sentences from words given her to read and use. Her created sentences were usually lengthy.

Speech sample of A:

Siete. Mi, mi tla tiene siete hijos de familia, siete de familia y a todos, pues no deja que salgan. Si salen tienen, pueden salir a, a que sus amigos, pero no los deja salir al baile ni nada de eso. .. . Vaya. Mucha gente cuando quiere decir una cosa dice "Vaya con Dios." Eso es muy muy, una frase muy buena para todos. ...

Ignorancia. Yo ignoro mucho a mi, a mis padres porque ellos son los que me trajeron al mundo y especialmente mi mamS. La quiero mucho porque ella es la que me tuvo y que batalld conmigo y hasta el fin todavla estci batallando. ... 46

Ancho. Mis pies est&n muy anchos porque todo el tiempo ando descalzo.

Informant B, 17, is a first-generation Tucsonan.

The third of eleven siblings, she was the oldest of the

eight still living at home. Her parents were born and

brought up in Mexico City. They came to Sonora after the

birth of the first child, and soon moved to Tucson where the

others were born. Because of lack of papers the father

returned to Mexico in 1965. The family had lived a few

blocks north of La Reforma until moving into the Connie

Chambers division in April, 1967. All of the children

attended Carrillo grade school. B did not know English

when she started at Carrillo, but she spoke English better

than Spanish by the time she stopped school in the middle

of her senior year. B was employed part-time serving tables

at a Mexican restaurant. The previous Christmas she had worked in a clothing store on the south side of town. B prefers English and can read it. She is able to read Spanish but is not used to it. My impression was that she had a good command of the phonology and other aspects of both languages. B spoke Spanish at home with her mother

and sometimes with her siblings, even though the children spoke very good English. Outside the home B usually spoke

English.

B was first taped in my car in January, 1973, and soon afterwards was taped in her home. Her speech is fairly rapid, light, clear, slightly "nasal," easily understandable.

She used the interjection "ch" in her Spanish to express displeasure or amazement. B followed the suggested inter­ view, reading words and creating sentences which were interspersed with spontaneous chatting. The second taping was her reading of words and the paragraph.

Speech sample of B:

Mariana. Mariana me pagan. .. .

Despierto. Cuando despierto en la manana me gusta comer crackers. ... CIavos. No se ni nada de eso tampoco.

Martillo. Ese lo usan to do el tiempo cuando hacen carritos o algo. El Javier y el Tony estan ahl martillando allci afuera, ch, con el martillo.

Cemento. Todas estas casas tienen cemento afuera, para que ande la gente. Y fumar. Yo no fumo. (

C prefers English and speaks it better than Spanish.

She read and wrote in English and could read a few Spanish 48 words. B spoke Spanish with her parents and English with her siblings, "husband," child, and their friends. C's expressed lack of confidence in her Spanish was such that she did not want her spouse to hear her taping.

C was taped twice in December of 1972. C speaks softly, slowly, clearly, and without much variation in speed. She had enlarged tonsils which were removed a few months later. Her tape contains pauses and expressions of hesitation, doubt. She read the word or it was read to her.

On the first taping there were many words such as quien, todos, que, azteca, dos, ancha, aduana, piel, trago to which she did not respond. At the second taping she was more confident and passed over fewer words.

Speech sample of C:

Puertas. Se abren las puertas para que entre el fresco.

Zapato. Me pondr£ los zapatos.

Salir. Me gusta salir.

MamcL Hace mucho que no veo a mi mamS. (_

Cafj|, No me gusta el cafe. (£No? dQu£ tomas?) Cualquier otra cosa, pero no caf§. No me quiero nir-muchos se imponen mucho al caf£. Les-rcomo mi mamS. Ella le duele la cabezas Csic] todo el dla si no toma cafe en la manana. Es que se imponen a tomar caf£. (Mi hermana mayor tambi§n.) dSl? jVerS qug feo le duele! (Yo me pongo nerviosa con mucho cafe.)

L, 35, is a first-generation Tucsonan. Her mother was born in Magdalena, Sonora, and her father in CuliaccLn,

Sinaloa. L lived in Barrio Anita and attended Davis school.

Then her family lived near downtown and she attended

Roskruge. When she was 14 her family moved into La Reforma.

When married she continued to live with her mother in La

Reforma, and now, as a divorced mother, she lives with her two sons and her mother on the same block in La Reforma.

She left high school in the middle of her junior year. L sang professionally before she was married. She ran a machine in a laundry for years, had done assembly line work, and was a bus girl and salad girl at a discount store.

L prefers Spanish and speaks it better than English.

She reads English. Her enthusiasm for reading Spanish exceeded her experience, as, for example, she read afuera as CaffiriaD, L speaks only Spanish with her mother, both languages with her sons and her friends, only English at work. L says people tell her she speaks Spanish well. She states that when she is with people from Mexico she pays attention to their speech to try to improve her own.

L was taped twice in March, 1975. She speaks rather slowly and clearly, often with syncopated choppy word- boundary speech. She at times stresses alternating syllables and her volume changed often. She read, created sentences, and spoke spontaneously. 50

Speech sample of L:

David. Ese nombre lo tengo muy aborrecido.

Fuimos. Fuimos. Fuimos anoche al baile.

Cholla. La escuela se llama Cholla.

Reganar. A mi me gusta mucho regafiar a la gente.

Charro. JAy, que charro tan lindo!

Agarrar. Agarrar. Vamos a agarrar mis duraznos.

Las reinas. Las reinas del pueblo son muy bellas. Para entonces ya estaba muy muy cansada. (^Siempre haces todo el trabajo en un dia?) Pues, procuro. A veces hasta plancho el mismo dia, pero ahora, no, no quise porque mi mamS habia lavado en la mahana y la co (false start), ropa no estaba seca. Y ya para mediodia a la una ya estaba muy cansada y mejor me tire aqui porque todos los dias he andado para acS y para all£ en muchos negocios en el carro. Y me canso de mucho carro, cuando ando mucho en el. Me aburre mucho. (£CuSnto pagas por la gasolina?) Pues, esta semana yo creo que ech£ como quince d6lares de gasolina a ese carro, porque di muchas vueltas y fui a mirar un trabajo allci en la Calle Wetmore, y estS muy lejos para mi. Es como si hubiera estado en Casas Grandes. Estaba muy lejos la parte, y di cuatro vueltas para allS. Informant M, a second-generation Tucsonan, was 40.

Her maternal grandmother was from Sonora. M was born on Meyer Street between La Reforma and downtown, and lived

there until she moved into La Reforma. She attended

Carrillo grade school until the fourth grade, but is illiterate. Her "husband" is from Tubac, Arizona, and speaks only Spanish. M had cleaned houses and served food in a school cafeteria. 51

M uses mainly Spanish in the home, but she speaks

some English because of the children. Four of her seven

daughters were still at home, and speak both languages.

As M could not read she was cued with a word in

Spanish. She was very cooperative and enjoyed taping. She

tried to say something about each word, as though she were

on a TV game show, or doing word recognition or word

association, even though sentence creation was requested

several times. M spoke slowly in a somewhat hoarse voice with a large range in volume. She was taped in May, 1973.

Speech sample of M: (Noches) Todas las noches est£ lloviendo, estci cayendo rayos.

(Saguaro) Saguaros. Son de los, um, saguaros largos que tienen espinas.

(Cholla) Pues, eso. Cholla, ...

(S^ptimo) S^ptimo es como vas a rezar. You go pray. ...

(Invierno) Est& el frlo. ...

No lo tenia tan fuerte el asma hasta ahora. (cCSmo sabes que va a comenzar un ataque?) Porque se anda tuece y tuece y tuece. Entonces £1 ni no puede resollar. (£No tiene medicinas?) Si. Ahl tiene de esas pero esas que, £sas no le ayudan. Tiene que tener un tanque grande. (cDe oxfgeno?) M-hm, pero no puedo aqul en estas casas. No puedo porque tengo muchas muchachitas. ... Mejor no tengo tanque. (

Informant N, 44, is a second-generation Tucsonan of Sonoran provenance. She does not know where her maternal grandparents were born. She was born in the Yaqui Indian

Village of Pascua as her father was a "Yaqui mayo," but she does not know if he was born in Sonora or in the

States. N spent her formative years in the "Old Pascua" area, starting school in the Pascua church. She then attended the old Richey school nearby, and completed the fourth grade in Davis grade school. N is divorced from a native Tucsonan whose parents were from a Yaqui village in

Sonora. At the time of taping N was a part-time nutri­ tional assistant giving cooking demonstrations to small groups.

Five of her eleven children were still at home.

She and the children all prefer Spanish and speak it better than English. Spanish is the language of the home, friends, and visitors, N enjoys reading magazines in English, but cannot follow long articles. She does not understand what she reads in Spanish. She says she does not speak Spanish as it "should be spoken" and shows curiosity about language usage. During her taping in March, 19 73, N smoked, and at times coughed and spit because of respiratory difficulties.

She wears dentures which are chipped in front giving the appearance of natural teeth. N speaks clearly, at a medium rate, with much variation in speed. N followed the inter­ view plan of reading, sentence creation and spontaneous speech. 53 Speech sample of N:

Verdad. Es muy bonito que diga uno la verdad.

Dormido. £C6mo uso eso? El senor estS dormido.

Tiene. El tiene muchas cuentas, yo creo.

Tiempo. Um. c.C6mo usar esa? Para todo hay tiempo. ...

Todo. A todo me gusta. (£Las enfermedades?) No, no esas, no. Menos estar mala.

Nada. El que nada no se ahoga. El que nada no se ahoga. Se dice como un chiste. El que nada no se ahoga, pues. ...

Mujer. La mujer le gusta coser. (cCoser?) M-hm, o costurear, una de dos. «?C6mo, c6mo le agarra esa palabra tta? Coser y costurear. dC6mo es la correcta para hablarla? Coser y costura. 0 costurear. Son tres palabras, yo creo. Pero, £qui§n sabe cuS.1 es la correcta? Coser, costurear y costura. (dSi?) M-hm. (c.CuS.1 se usa mSs aqui?) Pues yo uso mSs coser, pero como te digo yo, no s£ hablar el espanol correcto, dves? Y costurear, digo es cuando ya, cuando ya est&s haciendo muchas cosas en la costura, pienso yo, que se usara costurear. (Cuando es modista o que cose muy bien.) Uh-huh. Andale, uh-huh. Como, por ejemplo, que estSs cosiendo una rompida en un vestido (£que coser es como arreglar algo? )„ NomSs, pienso yo asina que serS bien. Pero como te digo, yo no s£ hablar correcto.

Vistas. Mis muchachas les gusta mucho ir a las vistas. (c.Y su manici?) No, casi no.

Informant X was 54 when taped. She is a third- generation Tucsonan. Her greats-grandmother was from a small town near Caborca in northern Sonora. X had lived on

Main and on Meyer Streets just south of downtown. While living in Barrio Anita, she attended Davis school until the fourth grade. She has been separated from her bilingual 54 husband for a long time. Before marrying she waited on tables in Mexican restaurants in Tucson.

X prefers English and states that she speaks it better than Spanish. Both English and Spanish are spoken in the home with her children. She thinks her children's

Spanish is not very good. The teenaged boy and girl still at home did not seem to comprehend much Spanish, but the older daughters who came to visit had a good command of

Spanish. X enjoys reading True Confessions, True Modern Romance, and about detectives and movie stars. She does not read in Spanish. X was taped in December, 19 75, and again shortly thereafter. She speaks very slowly and clearly with much variation in volume. Because of her fairly consistent rate of speech it was hard, and consequently, not so meaningful, to divide her speech into three rates of speed.

Although X did not volunteer while taping, she enjoyed responding, reacting better to a gesture or to an English word than to a Spanish word. X did not do the reading and often did not repeat the word before using it in a sentence.

Speech sample of X:

(Actor) Um, pues artista, que hace vistas.

(Explica) Pues, explfcame lo que quieres decirme. ...

(It's true.) Si, es cierto. Si, asi fue. Asina es. 55

(A drunk man) Un borracho, que toma mucho porque le gusta tomar, le gusta emborracharse.

(More cheese) MSs queso. Le puedes echar m£s queso a los frijoles. ...

(I point to chest) Pecho para resollar.

(I point to ears) Oidos para olr.

Informant Y, 55, is a second-generation Tucsonan.

Her grandparents were from Alamos, by Navojoa, in Southern

Sonora. Her father, who spoke English, Spanish, Yaqui, and

Papago, sold wood to the Yaquis here in Tucson , Her mother

is an 6pata Indian. X attended two grade schools to the

south of La Reforma, Mission View and Ochoa, and completed

three grades. Her husband, from whom she was separated,

died in 1967. In the past Y had done housecleaning, cooking,

washing, and ironing.

Y says she prefers English but in Spanish she speaks

much faster and has no hesitation finding the appropriate

vocabulary item. In the interviewer's opinion her Spanish

is better. Spanish is spoken in the home with family

members and visitors, but all her children, the two still

at home, and the others who visit, are fluent in English.

Although Y says she reads both languages a little, she

read only a few words in Spanish. I do not know whether it was because of visual difficulties or general knowledge.

Y was taped in February, 19 75. In spite of the extreme rapidity of her speech she often observes word

boundaries and occasionally uses staccato speech. She 56 starts the utterance fast and slows toward the end. X is so animated, open, and variable in humor which ranges from anger to laughter, that she has great variations in speed, volume, stress, and pitch. Her speech is mostly a series of familial anecdotes in which the phrase le dije occurs in very high frequency. It is not easy to follow her train of thought. Neither the reading nor the sentence creation sections were used.

Speech sample of Y:

(The day before we were talking about her son and he had appeared at the door.)

Como dijo usted, hablando del rey de Roma y cuando a la puerta se asoma, si. Si, est&bamos platicando tocante a eso. El tambien asina cuando redepente el platica con gentes y las ve todas atolondradas. Bueno, en otro sentido, they all worried because they got problems, ino? Y platica con §1, pues £1 fuera la causa que que te tel^fono yo, because, y estaba trabajando, dno? Y muchas veces telefoneaba para saber de la chiquilla esta.

(Describes her daughter trying to keep her from disputing with a neighbor.)

"

Informant Z, 65, is a second-generation Tucsonan. She does not know where her grandparents were from. She

lived on the south edge of town, as her parents had some­

thing to do with cattle. Although she started school late,

she states she completed eight grades, and regrets not

having had more schooling. I cannot reconcile her lack of

English with her stated education.

Z speaks only Spanish. L says in the twenty-four years she has known Z, she has only heard her say something in English once or twice. Z laments that Tucson offices do not always have a Spanish-speaking person in attendance.

She says she can read a little in both languages, but did not want to read the words for the interview. Although her

two daughters, fluent in both languages, used only

labiodentals for /b/, Z was only able to use bilabials as she had no upper teeth and her lower jaw protruded so that her lower teeth were in line with her upper lip. She kept her hand by her mouth as she talked, probably an unconscious gesture because of her teeth. Z was apologetic that she did not speak "correctly."

When taped in April, 1975, Z chatted readily, speaking slowly, clearly, and intelligibly. She started utterances slowly, and speeded up at the end, perhaps because of running out of air. After an utterance final phone, at times a slight amount of aspiration was heard.

Z has a "nasal" sound to her speech, particularly in the 58 affirmative, "Uh-huh," maybe due to a sinus condition or nasal congestion to which she had referred. Word repetition and sentence creation were not done, but rather general chatting. Speech sample of Z:

Y es lo que se qui ere adondequiera que se trabaja, en una oficina, en una tienda, en unas partes grandes, en el banco, una persona que sepa hablar espariol y que sepa hablar inglUs, pero habemos personas que sabemos correctamente el, eh, el espariol. Y va un otro mexicano, al banco diremos, a la tienda,

Muchas atarantas tengo. Voy a dejar a la nina a la escuela y en veces, si, puedo llegar hasta la mitad del camino y en veces no puedo, me tengo que revolver y llego y cuando llego, llego sudando aunque estS haciendo fr£o. ...

Que, querfa cortarme para saber qu£ era lo que tenia en el cerebro porque era un dolor de cerebro que pues no lo aguantaba,

1.5 Field Work

The nine women in this study fit the criteria of being Tucson-born, Spanish-speaking, of Mexican descent, and of residing in La Reforma.

Half of the informants were taped only once.

Several were taped on two or three occasions soon after the first interview when it was discovered there was not enough material, particularly certain environments of a 59

phoneme. Utterance initial /r/, for example, was rare in

spontaneous speech. The biographical data were obtained

prior to the taped interviews which were done between

December, 1972, and December, 1975.

The informants were recorded at 3.75 inches per

second (i.p.s.) on a Sony 800-B tape recorder. A lavaliere

apparatus worn around the neck supported the microphone

6" to 9" away from, and a little lower than, the informant's

mouth. No notations were made during the interview. Eye

contact and a comfortable atmosphere were maintained.

Before the interview the following format was

decided upon. Three main sections were planned in order to

elicit three general speeds: reading of words, sentences,

and a paragraph; creating a sentence from a word the

informant would read; and spontaneous conversation.

The words to be used for reading and for sentence

creation were from a rather lengthy list which had every

possible phonetic combination in Spanish. Native speakers

of Spanish from Tucson, Nogales, and Bisbee helped eliminate

words which would not be used in Tucson.

After the first interview more words were eliminated

and others which the informant(s) themselves had introduced were added as the interviews progressed. Half of the informants conformed to the original interview plan. In the cases in which the informant did not read or did not respond well, the interviewer supplied the word in English or 60

Spanish, or by gestures, whichever was conducive to a response.

The first interviews began with counting in Spanish from one to ten and then from ten to one to allow the informant an adaptation period. The informant was then allowed to hear her own voice and chat a little before the interview proceeded. If she could read Spanish, approxi­ mately five minutes were devoted to her reading about fifteen isolated words, some thirty sentences of varying lengths, each containing a certain phoneme in high fre­ quency (as /b/, in Bueno, probablemente estaban borrachos.), and a brief paragraph about Tucson which was taken from a

Nogales newspaper. A, B, C, L, and N read, albeit haltingly and by word boundaries. M is illiterate. X, Y, and Z also did not read, although Y and Z said they knew how. In spite of the fact that not all read, I decided to include the reading as an example of careful speech, and as an indica­ tion of influence of the written word.

The main part of the interview was sentence creation interspersed with informal chatting. In the former the informant said a word supplied by the interviewer. The informant was then to create a sentence employing that word.

The purpose was to elicit a natural utterance made from a word with which the informant was familiar, and which was selected for its own phonetic elements and for possible combination of sounds. Many words with consonant clusters 61 had been discarded as the informants could not deal with them and became discouraged. As the sentences were from the informant's stock of vocabulary, ideas, and interests rather than from the interviewer's, further development of a topic led into speech in which the informant was engrossed in content and less conscious of her surroundings and of her speech. The informants knew I was studying Spanish, but they did not know the focus was phonetic, as I did not want to cause more alteration of speech than would normally occur in an interview. There were many types of responses: words, phrases, sentences of differing lengths, responses of several sentences, filled or unfilled pauses, repeats, false starts, etc. The informants digressed with or without use of the word. The older informants did not remember to say the word and create a sentence, so the sounds of the two oldest are from spontaneous dialogue, no effort having been made to have them follow the sentence-creation pattern.

The amount of taping used for each informant varies.

In twelve minutes Y, the fastest speaker, provided enough material for my analysis, so the rest of her tape was not used in the study, whereas C, a slow speaker and my first informant, was taped for a total of an hour. The average amount of taping time used was half an hour.

All of the recording used for this study was transcribed using phonetic notations. The material was 62

listened to many times in one or all of three ways: while

wearing stereophonic headphones, secretarial transcriber

earplugs, or occasionally, half a room away with no ear­

phones. The sounds were studied at speeds of 3.75 i.p.s.

or 1.875 i.p.s.

Each informant's speech was classified as slow, medium, and fast according to her average rate of speech

on the tape, no matter in what part of the interview it was

heard. There often were speed changes within one sentence.

As the allophonic usage often varies with speed, this division proved fruitful, but only when there were many occurrences of a phoneme in a certain position, such as intervocalic /d/. The procedure generally was to express the indi­ vidual and group allophonic usage in percentages if there was a large enough number of occurrences of a phoneme in a

position. If the number of occurrences was small, usually just the number is presented.

Expression in percentages allows one to make valid comparisons between the informants or to show group average usage and avoids the possibility of someone's large number of occurrences dwarfing a smaller number of another infor­ mant. X have usually presented the number of occurrences as well as the relative proportion of use of each allophone expressed in percentages for each informant. A percentage of 20%, for example, represents one-fifth of the informant's 63

occurrences, whether there were 2, 20, or 200 out of a total

number of 10, 100, or 1000, respectively. A concrete

example comes from the speech of A and B. The percentages

of occurrences of /r/ before the voiced consonant are

similar.

CrU LrJ Loss 00 A 2% 28% cW> 59% 3%

B 3% 29% 12% 56% 0% although the frequency of occurrence was more than three

times greater in A's speech.

A (.141). 3 39 11 83 5

B(41) 1 12 5 23 0 The total percentage of the group represents the average of the individual percentages, then, rather than the average of the total occurrences.

1.6 Phonology

Each of the phonemes is analyzed as pronounced in varying environments by the nine informants. The phonemes are those generally used in American Spanish. That is, there is no evidence that the Spanish of Tucson varies in its phonemic structure from the other dialects of General

American Spanish. In an unpublished phonemic analysis of one female Tucsonan of Mexican descent, the author listed an eighteenth consonant phoneme, /v/, on the basis of the minimal pair bota/vota, and because the informant's 64

pronunciation conformed to the orthography (Merz 1970). In

the present study, however, the Cv3 is an allphone of /b/,

as no minimal pairs were found, and the pronunciation of

orthographic v and b varies.

In the sections devoted to each phoneme the pro­ portionate allophonic distribution of the informants is presented in frequency and percentage of usage. The allophones are for the most part found in other Spanish s/ dialects in the Americas. A less common allophone, CsD, is an example of a phone which, although it appears in other dialects, does not have widespread use as an allophone of

/£/.

The presentation of the phonemes begins with the consonant phonemes, starting with the voiceless stops, then the voiced stops. Following them is the affricate, after which come the voiceless and voiced fricatives. The last three groupings are the nasals, the lateral and the vibrants.

The consonants are followed by the vowels. The last section is a general summary.

I have not dealt with the suprasegmentals nor with syllabification, nor have I made an effort to interpret the data systematically by socio- or psycholinguistic methods.

In the phonemic transcriptions and the order of presentation of the phonemes I have followed the system used by Phillips (1967) in the phonological part of his East Los

Angeles study. I have followed the phonetic symbols in the 65

Manual de pronunciaci6n espanola (Navarro TomSs 1967), with

such omissions, additions, and modifications as were neces­

sary to describe the speech of the Tucson informants.

The phone being described is presented in bracketed

phonetic symbols. The rest of the citation appears in

standard orthography and is incorporated into the running

line of the text, as aC^larrar. When there are longer

utterances they are usually listed below the last line of

the text after a letter indicating the speaker, as: •L. X: Ya C 3 me acabo.

English words, such as those in N's para que haga

"decide," or Z's para que hiciera "relax," or Y's Yo venla cansada con mi "shopping bag" y todo el tiempo trala un

bols6n, una "purse" grande, were not counted unless they had

been incorporated into the phonetic and morphological system of Spanish, as were L's mapi£, waxig.

The diagonals, / /, enclose phonemic notations.

Brackets, CD, enclose phonetic (allophonic) notations.

Consonant (C) symbols used:

Cb3 vd. bilabial stop

CbD vd. bilabial fricative b l CD vd. bilabial fricative with inaudible friction

1. The five raised symbols C^D, C^D, represent the sound on the continuum between the voiced fricative with audible friction and omission, that is to say, the allophonic variant with inaudible frication of these five fricatives. This is in accordance with the definition of fricative as stated in A Manual of Comparative 66

CcD vl. palatal affricate

CdD vd. dental stop

CdD vd. interdental fricative

CdD vd. interdental fricative with inaudible friction (see note 1, p. 65)

CQD vl. interdental fricative (more dental than 6) C f D vl. labiodental fricative

CgD vd. velar stop

CgD vd. velar fricative

C^D vd. velar fricative with inaudible friction

(see note 1, p. 65)

ChD vl. pharyngeal fricative

CD1*1 vl. fricative, point of constriction between dental and pharyngeal areas"'"

Romance Linguistics, "(a sound) produced with only partial occlusion of the air passage, accompanied by audible or inaudible friction, and possibly by vibration of the vocal chords" (Mendeloff 1969:106). The friction of the voiceless sounds represented by the raised symbols C~D and C"D, how­ ever, can be heard. See note 1, p. 66. This variant of the fricative without audible frication is sometimes referred to as a "frictional continuant," according to Malmberg (1963:47). 1. Whereas the ChD allophone of /x/ and /f/ is articulated i-n the back of the mouth, the aspirate allophone of /s/ varies in its point or area of constriction from the front to the back of the mouth in assimilation to the following consonant. The symbol EhD is used in special circumstances in the interests of clarification and simplification of the variants. The ChD, then, stands for the voiceless aspirate allophone of /s/ whether Bre- consonantal or in other positions. The symbol C^D repre­ sents its voiced counterpart. 67 C CD vd. fricative, point of constriction between

dental and pharyngeal areas (see note 1, p. 66)

cm vd. alveolar lateral

C1D vd. dental lateral t ClD vd. palatal lateral

CmD vd. bilabial nasal

CmD vd. labiodental nasal r CnD vd. alveolar nasal

En] vd. dental nasal r vd. velar nasal

CnD vd. palatal nasal

ChD vd. palatalized nasal

CPD vl. bilabial stop

CpD vl. bilabial fricative

Cr D vd. alveolar tap CfD vd. alveolar fricative

CJfD vl. alveolar fricative o Crj? D vd. alveolar mixed tap-•fricative"*"

vl. alveolar mixed tap-•fricative"''

z'l vd. alveolar fricative with inaudible (see note 1, p. 65) V Cj?D vl. alveolar groove assibilated fricative o CrD vd. alveolar trill with 2-5 vibrations

1. The vibrant element of the mixed tap-fricative varies from a tap to a trill of two or more vibrations, depending on length and intensity of the pronunciation. 68

Hrll vl. alveolar trill with 2-5 vibrations o CR3 vd. retroflex semi-vocoid (American English "r")

Us: vl. alveolar groove fricative

Cs: vl. dental groove fricative

EsD vl. palatal groove fricative, varying from

tight to loose constriction

:t: vl. dental stop

ce: vl. interdental fricative (ceceo in Spain)

cv: vd. labiodental fricative

Lxl vl. velar fricative

vd. palatal affricate

cy: vd. palatal fricative, tense, tight, without buzz

cy: vd. palatal fricative with inaudible friction

cz: vd. alveolar groove fricative, shorter and less tense than English CzD

Hz: vd. dental groove fricative

Vowel (V) symbols used:

:a: low^-central vowel

[a: fronted low^central vowel (palatal /a/1

[an backed low-^central vowel (velar /a/)

UAH mid^central vowel Caea low^front vowel

[e: higher mid'-front vowel

He: midr-front vowel lower mid-front vowel (open /e/)

Cq>: higher mid-^back rounded vowel 69

to: mid-back rounded vowel

lower mid-back rounded vowel (open /o/)

tin high-front vowel

C^LII lower high-front vowel (open /i/)

CuD high-back rounded vowel

Hun lower high-back rounded vowel (open /u/)

Glide symbols used:

Cj: palatal semi-consonant, on-glide

CiD high front semi-vowel, off-glide

Cw] bilabial-velar semi-consonant, on-glide

tu] high-back semi-vowel, off-glide

All of the vowels can be nasalized can, CgD, C5D,

[i], CUD, shortened Ca:, CeD, C°:, C1:, EUI1, unvoiced as

CAD, CE:, COD, HID, CUD. In the open variants listed above it is to be noted that the opening is very slight in and

C^H, more open in CjD, and the opening is most noticeable

in . Diacritical symbols used: (below symbol) voicelessness

(below symbol) voicing

_ (below symbol) syllabic

v (above symbol) assibilation

: (after symbol) prolonged

(above symbol) nasal or nasalized, except in /n/

(above symbol) primary stress 70

(above symbol) secondary stress

? (raised, between symbols) glottal stop

Symbols for positions, using /s/ as an example:

#s- utterance initial

-s# utterance final

-s- intervocalic

-sC- preconsonantal, as -sC- /s/ before a voiceless consonant o '1V V 2 vowel one stressed, second vowel unstressed

A stress mark is not written in (brackets) unless accentuation is under focus. All the data and examples in this study are drawn from the recorded transcribed utterances of the nine informants.

1.7 Appendices

There are three appendices.

The first appendix is a table, a profile of the informants which indicates age, date taped, generation in

Tucson, origin of at least one of their progenitors, years of formal education, residence prior to La Reforma, informant's stated preferred language, language spoken in home as observed by investigator.

The second appendix shows the distribution of allophones which occur 15% or more in an environment. They are presented in this fashion: 71

chile, ancho, muchacho

This reads that the phoneme /£/ becomes, or is manifested ^ v as, CcD or EsJ in all environments, that is, that they are in free variation.

The third appendix contains a sample phonetic transcription from each informant's corpus.

1.8 List of References

In the List of References are all the works actually consulted or cited in this study. It does not include the many articles and books read in preparation for this type of study. CHAPTER 2

PHONOLOGY

A complete description will be presented even though

much of this material is common in the Spanish-speaking

world.

2.1 The Consonants

The seventeen consonant phonemes in the Spanish

spoken by the nine informants will be considered in this

order: the voiceless stops /p, t, k/, Section 2.1.1; the

voiced stop/fricatives /b, d, g/, 2.1.2; the affricate

/c/, 2.1.3; the voiceless fricatives /f, s, x/, 2.1.4; the

voiced fricative /y/, 2.1.5; the nasals /m, n, ri/, 2.1.6;

the lateral /l/, 2.1.7; and the vibrants /r, r/, 2.1.8.

2.1.1 The Voiceless Stops /p, t, k/

2.1.1.1 /p/. This phoneme occurs in utterance

initial, intervocalic, and postconsonantal positions. /I, r/ may follow /p/ in these three positions. /p/ occurs

a few times before /s, t/ in the corpora. Examples: Ponian penicilina, Voy a comprar ropa, Ccipsula.

Almost all the occurrences are the voiceless

bilabial stop. The phoneme was omitted six times, utterance initially in pues, postconsonantally in ejeCmlDo, and

72 73 four times in mi CaDpg, three of which occurred in the

speech of X who also has these three occurrences with no

loss of /p/: el papg, mi papg, su papS.

Acoustic equivalency is noted in M's cliC13sula.

It is not unusual to hear mi CalpS. Phillips

(1967) and Marrocco (1972), for example, document it for

Los Angeles and Corpus Christi.

2.1.1.2 /t/. This phoneme occurs in utterance

initial, intervocalic, and postconsonantal positions,

/tr/ may also occur in those three positions. There are

a few occurrences of /t/ before /m, 1/ in the corpora.

Examples: Tiene que tener el razon por qu§ no gustarle^

Ritmo; Mientra, ch, cuando estoy trabajando. /t/ is manifested as the voiceless dental stop with three exceptions. The /t/ voiced in alld31eta, and was omitted in hasta once. Tan grandes was heard as UkaijgrSnesD once on X?s tape, and the same acoustic equivalency was noted once during her untaped conversation.

2.1.1.3 /k/. The phoneme /k/ occurs in utterance initial, intervocalic, and postconsonantal positions.

/I, r/ may follow /k/ in those three positions. /k/ occurs in the corpora before /s, t/. Examples: Expllcame; un crimen; "Claro" quiere decir que si; Los doctores me han dicho que nunca se me quita. 74

Orthographic cc is pronounced as Cksl by B, N, and X in construcci6n and by A in aCksJidente and as CsD in

M's lecciones, accidente, X's leCsJiones, but cc was not used by the other informants. Orthographic "x," when not

/x/, occurred intervocalically as Cksll in L's exacto, waxie, A's exacto and preconsonantally as Cs3 in X's

Nixtamal, and in C, L, and Y's extendida, N's extrano, and in forms of explicar in the corpora of several of the informants, except in A's eCksJplicame, eCksJtrano. In

A's una eCkskHusa eCkskHrita, her pronunciation of escrita is taken as a mistaken repetition of Cksll. Except for 1 occurrence of eCsllplicar, A uses only Cksll.

Of Z's 12 occurrences of doctor /k/ was omitted once, as it was in X's only occurrence of doctor and in one of M's three occurrences. In the speech of X CkD was heard for the first /g/ in gangrena and for /t/ in tan grandes. Otherwise, /k/ occurs as CkD, the voiceless velar stop, as in inyectar, correcto, and all other occurrences of the phoneme /k/.

2.1.2 The Voiced Stop/Fricatives /b, d, g/

2.1.2.1 /b/. The phoneme /b/ occurs in the following positions: utterance initial; intervocalic; postconsonantal usually after /l, s, r/ or a nasal; before

/r, 1/ after a vowel or a consonant; and before a consonant 75 in another syllable. The latter is a rare occurrence in the speech of these nine women and will not be treated here.

Examples of occurrences are:

M: jPaulina! (pause) jVen! (Pause) Ver&s. Te habla la senora. VerSs.

C: £Biber6n? For bottle? No. £.Biber6n? jBotella! Una botella de vino.

N: Si, mi mamS tambien. Viviamos para all£, para el (pause) ver&s, ... .

Y: Si, venia me daba mi, mis vueltas a ver si ... .

X: Un borracho ... le gusta emborracharse.

B: No mSs sirvo la coke y cosas asi ... me resbal£.

C: El niiio le movla el brazo. Le doy vuelta y luego luego la doblo, £ve?

L: El tinico modo que yo convido a un hombre aquf es que sea un buen buen amigo (pause) mlo.

The /b/ is realized by the allophones CbD, CbD,

CvH, CV3, and omission. The stop allophone usually occurs in utterance initial position and after nasals, or in other positions with emphasis, but the bilabials and labiodentals are in free variation in every position, even in utterance initial position or after the nasal. The /b/ can be lost in many environments, most commonly before /uV/ and in tambign. /b/ is usually not lost before /r, 1/ nor postnasally except before CwH.

It was very often difficult to assign the sounds of Is v orthographic b or v to CbD, CbD, C D, CvD, or C 1. The allophonic usage of the informants was therefore visually verified using a checklist of 16 occurrences. As there was

no allophonic tally of the fricatives in the corpora the

phones represented by the raised symbols C fe3 and C VD, which

were so prevalent, are not studied as such. The utterance

was in English so the interviewer's pronunciation would not

influence that of the informant. In the case of Z the words

were said in Spanish. The informants said the word in

Spanish, often more than once, until the interviewer was

sure of the point, or the intended point, of articulation.

The lower lip rose for intended contact with the

upper teeth for the labiodental, or the upper lip for the

bilabial. The informant's upper lip usually tensed and

descended slightly toward the lower lip for the bilabial.

Neither A nor her mother, N, open the mouth much while

talking. A had the least movement of the mouth; her lower lip was the only indicator of her intended point of

articulation.

Table 1 shows the phones elicited. C and M were no

longer living in La Reforma at the time I did the visual

verification. C had been living in Sonora and Chihuahua for a few months and had returned to Tucson for a two-day visit with her parents. She had previously not traveled at all, and her pronunciation had been noted at the time of taping as markedly labiodental. On visual verification, however, she showed more bilabial usage which was suspect in view of her recent foreign residence. The fact that she retained 77 Table 1. /b/ Allophones Visually Verified

A B L N X Y C Z :v:a verdad V V V V V V b b 6 la verdad V V V V V V V b 6 boca b V V b V V b b 4 mi boca b V V b V V b b 4 beso V V V b V b b b 4 un beso V V b b b b b b 2 vaso b V V V V b b b 4 un vaso b-v V V V b b b b 3

Srbol b~v V V b V V b b 4 servia V V V V V V b b 6 abra V V V b V V V b 5 la ventana V V V V V V V b 6 ropa blanca b~v V V b~v V b~v b b 3 iba b V V V V V b b 5 al banco v V V V V V b b 6 el vino V V V V V V V b 6

Occ. CvJ 9 16 15 9 14 11 4 0 74 + 3 + 1 + 1

aNot counting results of C and Z. M did not participate. English words used to elicit the Spanish; truth, the truth, mouth, my mouth, kiss, a kiss, glass, a glass, tree, I used to serve, open the window, white clothes, I was going to the bank, the wine. 78

/b/ more than the other informants in the three words in which loss is most common perhaps would support her using in general the allophone requiring more force and tension.

Even so, she is excluded from the group because of the deviation from the living pattern of the group. Had she not been living in Mexico, would she have shown so high a percentage of bilabials? M was not available for the visual verification. As Z has no upper teeth and her lower jaw is undershot, only bilabials were noted. The results of

C and Z, then, are not considered with the others.

The alternating of forms CbD and Evil is shown on

Table 1 if the informant was inconsistent upon repetition. It is interesting that three out of the six informants under consideration vacillated with ropa blanca. Perhaps the p of ropa exerted influence, as ordinarily the /b/ of habla is labiodental in the informants.

In general the informants used the labiodental more often (.77%) than the bilabials in the environments on the check list. With the exception of C, the more often the individual spoke English, the more likely she was to use the tv:. B, who along with C is the most fluent English- speaker, used only Cv:. Although L expressed a preference for Spanish, her English is very good, albeit with a slight

Spanish accent. L shows a very high use of the CvD. X, who said she spoke English more and who responded better to

English sometimes, used CvD in every situation except the 79

two conditioned by the nasal. A and N said they much

preferred to speak Spanish and they have fewer uses of [v:.

A has more if one counts the vacillations. She also speaks

English much better than N. N's use corresponded to the orthography more than any other informant's, as she used the bilabial for every b except that of iba.

All six informants said la verdad, la ventana, el vino, servia, and al banco with CvU. Abra and iba were pronounced with CvD by all except one. In the sequence mi boca, those who said boca with a bilabial also said mi boca with CbD. Of the four who said beso with Zvl, two used CbU when preceded by the nasal, and two used the CvD.

Of the four who said vaso with Evil, only one changed to CbD after the nasal, and one vacillated between and CvJ, all the others using CvIl. Ropa blanca was said with CvD by three, CbD by one, with three vacillating between these two fricatives. In regard to the seven words with orthographic v those in utterance initial, intervocalic positions and after

/l/ were always pronounced with Cv3 except CbDaso by A.

After the /r/f only one informant prefers the CbD. After the nasal, two or three informants said CbD.

Of the nine words with orthographic b, only Evil is used after /l/ in al banco. Before /r/ in abra CbD is used only one time. Utterance initial b is realized as CvD by four in boca and beso, but not by the same four. The b 80

after the nasal was realized as CvJ by two, the bilabial

stop by four. Intervocalic b was manifested as Cvll four

times in mi boca, and as Cvll five times in iba. After /r/

in grbol four used CvD, one vacillated between the frica­

tives, and one used CbD. The /b/ in ropa blanca was pro­

nounced by three as Cvll, by three as CbD alternating with

CV].

In summary, although it would seem there is a slight

tendency to correspond to the spelling with either a

labiodental or bilabial pronunciation, overall the labio­

dental is more common in the checklist, occurring 74 of a

possible 96 times in 9 sequences with b and 7 with v.

When asked if she pronounced b or v according to the

spelling, L said she thought she did but not consciously.

Other than a CbD in un beso, she used only the Cvll for the checklist.

Although all of B's /b/ were visually verified as

CvH, on the tape they sound like Cvll, Eh], and even Cb3.

Perhaps it depends on constriction and force. At any rate, it points out the unreliability of assigning phones, especially very weak fricatives, to labiodental or bilabial allophones frcm listening to the tapes. At the end of the visual verification section with B this conversation transpired:

I (Interviewer): O.k. You used the v everytime, right? B: Uh-huh. (affirmation.)

I: Do you always use v's?

B: No, wait a minute. In all those words? Yeh.

I: Do you ever use a "buh"?

B: A what?

I: The b.

B: The b. In place of all those words? I: Anyplace.

B: Yeh. I: Like what?

B: The words like CvDano.

I: Like what?

B: CvUario, CvUafio. It's like a v, but it sounds like b. [vlano. Like el [vlafio.

She then demonstrated this sound by a very compressed

labiodental contact.

During the visual session, N volunteered EbJeso, con la "b" and icyja con la "v," so she was aware of letters and stated she believes the sounds should correspond to the letters. Her pronunciation of /b/ as bilabial or labio­ dental does correspond to the spelling more than any of the other informants. When C was asked about b and v, she did not seem to understand the difference and was confused about the question. 82 In regard to the use of fricative versus the stop,

C used the stops and the fricatives according to the traditional "CbD after nasal and in utterance initial position, and the fricative elsewhere." But which frica­ tive? Sometimes she used II vH and sometimes Cb3, and her usage does not correspond to the spelling in several instances. Z used the stop more than one would expect in that she used Cb3 once intervocalically, and once after

/r/. N also used CbD after /r/. In three instances a fricative CbH was used by one of the six informants where one would expect a stop, in utterance initial boca twice, and once in un vaso. There are many occurrences of the labiodental fricative in utterance initial position and after a nasal.

The most common environments for loss of /b/ are before CwH, in the imperfect ending —aba, in tambi^n, and in the second syllable of forms of trabajar. The loss of

/b/ was tallied from the transcriptions of the taped corpora. The sequence /buV/ occurs most often in bueno whether utterance initial or medial, even after a nasal.

In the utterance initial position the /b/ was at times weak, but it was lost only before /uV/ in bueno, 14 of 27 times.

Word medial /b/ of buen- was lost 29 of 31 occurrences. L says un Cwllen Cwllen amigo. The next most common occurrence of the sequence /buV/ is in vuelta which occurred mainly utterance medially after vowels or consonants. The /b/ of 83 vuelta was lost 9 of 13 times. In 42 of the 53 occurrences of tambign the /b/ is not heard. The losses in -aba were only 17%, and in the second syllable of trabajar forms were only 8%, so these are not counted in the final results, which are shown here: Pet. Occ.

-buen- 9 3 % 31

tambien 79% 53 vuelta 69% 13

#buen~ 5 2 % 27

Ave. loss 73% 124 occurrences

The rate of loss of /b/ in Ibueno, -buen, tambien, and vuelta is shown in Table 2 for each informant.

Eight of the women show overwhelming loss of /b/ in the three words. Z's 100%, of course, is not meaningful because it represents her only occurrence.

In summary, in the speech of most of the informants both bilabial and labiodental allophones are used inter­ changeably for b and v, but labiodental usage is much more common (77%). After a nasal, however, the labiodental occurs less than half the time.

Z's complete lack of use of the labiodental can be attributed to her underslung jaw and lack of upper teeth.

C's high use of the bilabial is puzzling, because the labiodental use observed at the time of initial tapings and 84

Table 2. /b/ Loss in Certain Words

Inf. Percentage Occurrence

A 86% 28

B 44% 9

C 33% 18

L 83% 12

M 90% 10

N 79% 14

X 85% 21

Y 100% 11

Z 100% 1

Ave. 78% 124

in subsequent occasional visits contrasts markedly with her

75% use of the bilabial upon visual verification.

Omission of /b/ is prevalent in /buV/, and in homorganic /mb/ of tambign.

The labiodental Cv: existed in old Spanish although not in the northern part of Spain (Lapesa 1965)."'' In his

1. "La seraiconsonante latina u, v, que se pronuncia w in el latin clSsico (uenio, uinum, leuis), se articul6 como b fricativa bilabial desde la gpoca del Imperio, confluyendo asi con la b resultante de b intervoccilica (habere, caballus, probare). Esta b de uno y otro origen se hizo mSs tarde v labiodental en unas zonas del dominio rom^nico, pero se mantuvo como b en otras. Parece ser que en la Peninsula la v arraig6, principalmente en la mi tad meridional, mientras que en el Norte s*ubsisti6 85 section on the "andalucismo del habla americana" Lapesa states that "las labiales b and v, que sonaban de distinto modo en un principio, acabaron por confundirse. In an article on the pronunciation of the consonants "b" and "v,"

Navarro TomSs (19 21) says there has always been confusion in their pronunciation. He studied the evolution of the criteria of the Real Academia since XVIII. The Academy has vacillated in the point and manner of articulation of the v to distinguish it from the b. 2 He states that the use of labiodental CvH "mcis que como una perfeccion es considerado entre nosotros como un dialectalismo o como una pedanterla," and hopes the Academy will not insist on the distinction again, as he supports the pronunciation of lib 3 after nasal, la b. El espariol antiguo distingula el fonema fricativo (ya fuese articulado como v labiodental, ya como b bilabial) del bilabial oclusivo b procedente de b latina inicial o de £ intervocalica (bien < bene, saber < sapere); pero las confusiones empezaron uvuy pronto en el Norte, y se corrieron al Sur en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI" (Lapesa 1965:28).

1. "Durante algun tiempo debi6 continuar la vieja distincion entre b y v, ... al menos en algunas regiones: en 1531 el madrileno Alejo Vanegas describe como labiodental la articulaci6n de la v, y lo mismo hacen en 1609 el sevillano Mateo AlemSn, y en 1626 el cacereno Gonzalo Correas. ... Pero en Arag6n, Castilla la Vieja, y otras regiones del Norte se confundian la b y la v; Crist6bal de Villal6n (1558) dice que 'ningfin puro castellano sabe hazer diferencia'" (Lapesa 1965:245). 2. In the Diccionario de Autoridades, 1726, one notes "b" and "v" were pronounced the same, but in the same work one reads that the ear could hardly tell them apart. In 1815 the Academy was in favor of the labiodental pro­ nunciation of the v. From that date on confusion of b and v was censured. The occlusive labiodental was taught TNavarro TomSs 1921:1). 86 and in utterance initial position, and "en cualquier otra caso b sin que los dientes desempenen papel ninguno en esta articulaci6n" (Navarro ToitiSs 1921:4).

Boyd-Bowman (1960) found that in Guanajuato "existe la idea de que la v labiodental es un sonido elegante y culto, y algunos extienden esta articulaci6n tambiin a la b, pronunciando covre, avlar 'hablar.1"^ He tested those entering school. They used only the bilabial. After three months of school they began using the labiodental and "la v labiodental se les imponen como ideal lingulstico al cual deben conformarse cada vez que pretendan hablar correctam- ente" (Boyd-Bowman 1960:54).

George Ayer (1971:117) in "The Language and

Attitudes of the Spanish-Speaking Youth of the Southwestern

United States" says, In some speakers, the distribution of bilabial /b/ and labiodental /v/ correspond to the orthographic occurrence of b and v. Since these speakers are generally literate in English, they transfer the /b/^/v/ distinction to their Spanish.

1. "Gracias al continuo esfuerzo escolar de ensenar para la letra v una pronunciaci6n labiodental distinta de la de la b, existe actualmente en Guanajuato la siguiente situaci6n. La preferencia por la v labiodental crece proporcionalmente con el nivel educativo del individuo y del pueblo. En efecto, la v labiodental suele mirarse como rasgo de la pronunciaci6n culta, por lo cual la emplean a cada paso, y muchas veces disparatadamente, los que pretenden hablar con correcci6n, inclusive las criadas de la ciudad. Algunas personas cultas hasta la emplean por b en los grupos mb, bl y br. En cambio, los rancheros, los ninos y los analfabetos, es decir, los no expuestos a la influencia escolar, pronuncian siempre b, b" (Boyd-Bowman 1960:54). The maintenance of the distinction is also strengthened by the Mexican school tradition, according to which the primary teachers teach the child to identify as "ve labiodental" the ve de vaca and as "be bilabial" the be de burro. Thus, the infl ence of English and the academic and normative Mexican elementary school tradition unite to perpetuate in the Mexican-American speaker an almost incorrigible tendency to establish b/v distinctions that are not normal in standard Spanish.

Canfield's (1962) map of the distribution of C vll shows the CvH used in Southern New Mexico and west to Southern California. In his Texas study Clegg (1969) finds it even in utterance initial position, and sees no relation to writing, but Sanchez (1972) makes no mention of the labiodental for /b/. GonzSlez (1969) finds Evil varying freely with Cb3 in all environments except after nasals in his Corpus Christi first-graders. Marrocco (1972:24) finds the occurrences of the labiodental and bilabial for /b/

"fairly evenly divided . . . which would seem to indicate the strength of what is either an archaic feature or an

English influence." She concludes on the basis of geo­ graphical distribution a difference in point of articula­ tion for the English and Spanish /v/ which facilitates pronouncing the bilabial in Spanish, and is evidence of a late coalescence of b and v in the isolated colonies of Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico, that a "process of drift to b then would still be in progress" (Marrocco 1972:96). No

Cv3 was noted for El Paso (Coltharp 19 65), New Mexico 88

(Espinosa 1909, Hills 1938) nor for San Luis, Colorado (Ross 1975).

Intervocalic /b/ is pronounced as CVD by those who speak both Spanish and English in Southern Arizona states

Post (1934). In "The Influence of English on the /v/ in Los

Angeles Spanish," Phillips (1972) analyzes labiodental pronunciation of /b/ according to age, sex, language preference, and social class, concluding that those who spoke English most used the Evil the most.

Although the labiodental /b/ was not found in Cuba by L6pez Morales (19 70) , it was recorded for Havana by Lamb

(1968) as a prestige feature. No CvD was noted in Puerto Rico (Navarro TomSs 1948), Chile (Oroz 1964), BogotS

(Cuervo 1955, Florez 1951), nor in Argentina (Malmberg

1950), but Malmberg says it is found among pedants in Spain.

In Mexico the CvD was not documented in Mexico City

(King 1952), Jalisco (CSrdenas 1967), nor in Miller's

(1975) 65-year-old Sonoran, but Manuel Alvar L6pez (1965-

1966) finds it in some words of one of his informants in

Oaxaca, and Matluck (1951) finds CvIl "en el habla culta del Valle de Mexico" and, as mentioned a few pages ago,

Boyd-Bowman (1960) details his findings of labiodental usage for /b/ in Guanajuato. In summary, historically there has been confusion in Spanish about the pronunciation of /b/. This confusion continues to this day, reinforced by the Mexican schools, and the belief people have that it is "correct" to pro­

nounce a labiodental. In addition to the presence of Evil

in parts of Spanish-speaking countries, the labiodental

pronunciation is found in the Southwest especially among

people who speak both English and Spanish, which would

indicate that the presence of the English phoneme /v/

reinforces and extends labiodental usage in Spanish.

Of interest is the b/v contrast maintained in all

Judeo-Spanish dialects (Umphrey and Adatto 1936).

2.1.2.2 /d/. This phoneme occurs in utterance

initial and final positions, intervocalically, after some

consonants, and before /r/ in the corpora. Examples:

David; toda la rodilla me duele; perdida; del doctor;

nodriza. The /d/ occurred before a consonant in a following

syllable once: aCdlmiro. Many words with uncommon con­ sonant clusters were not recognized by my informants, and did not occur in spontaneous speech. The /d/ is manifested by the voiced dental occlusive UdD, the voiced dental fricative with audible friction, CdH, the voiced interdental fricative with inaudible friction C £ H, the voiceless dento-interdental £ fricative with audible friction CQ3/ and by omission of the /d/. d C D represents the step between the fricative Cd3 and complete loss of the phoneme /d/. The presence of the 90

[ ] is noted by the contours of the vowels which precede and follow the voicing. These vowel contours indicate the informant is approximating the point of articulation, but the friction is not perceptible to the human ear because of lack of force and/or proximity to point of articulation in the utterance. In the word toda, for example, anything between Ctodal], with an audibly voiced fricative, and Ctoall, with no traces of an intervocalic phoneme noted by the transcriber, is counted as C d D.

This same distinction applies to the raised symbols

, and but not to the raised symbols which is specified as being reserved for the aspirated allophones gj of /s/, nor for nor those of the vowels, as the raised vowel indicates shortening.

2.1.2.2.1 /d/ in Utterance Initial Position:

Of the 272 occurrences in this position Cd3 appears

95% of the time. The CdD usually occurs in an interrupted thought or in a series as in A's No tengo miedo (pause) Cd3e nadar en el mar, and B's Venden tacos de (pause) guacamole, de carne (pause) Cdlle frijoleCzH (pause) Cdlle todo. The most common allophone in these circumstances, however, is

Cd3, as in B's j6venes (pause) Cdlle hombres (pause) Cdlle mujeres and A's Tambien, pero se sali6 de (pause) Cdlle la

(pause) ,?C6mo se dice? (pause) CdDel equipo (pause) Cdlle aqul de Tucs6n. 91

Utterance initial /d/ was omitted two times, when

A said De nada very softly, and in Z's Desde, which one assumes is the form of the word she uses consistently. The omissions of utterance initial /d/ in donde were not counted here as they are listed with the special words. 2.1.2.2.2 /d/ in Word Final Position:

Word final /d/ appears to have the same pronuncia­ tion, usually with omission, whether utterance final or medial as in these words of Z:

£VerdCaD ?

La verdCciD

VerdCS:D, seguro que si.

£VerdCciD que son de los nervios?

Final /d/ was manifested in the 107 occurrences by omission, d d CD, C D, CdD, and CdD, in that order. That is, loss was common and the voiced stop was rare. The phoneme was omitted in every occurrence of the five informants C, M, X, Y, and Z. A, B, and L used CdD while reading, but C and N did not. When reading words as virtud L pronounced the stop, but omitted the final /d/ in reading a more familiar word as verdad. M, X, Yf and Z did not read. A and N were the only informants to use the frica­ tives. They used all three in their 22 and 16 respective d d occurrences: CdD, 9% and 6%; C D, 14% and 6%; and 27% and 75%. Omission occurred 41% and 13%. A also had 9% CdD. 92

The words which occurred in the informants' corpora

were: caridad, ciudad, David, edad, mitad, Navidad, salud,

sed, usted, vecindad, verdad, and virtud. Two plurals occurred, both with /d/ omitted. One assumes that either

the word was thought of as not having a final /d/ in the

singular, or that it was omission of ~d~. The examples

were A's caridCaeJs, and Y's ustCg:3s.

In summary, in word final position all of the

informants omitted /d/ most commonly. Eight informants showed omission more than any other allophone, five having £ only omission. For N the CD was the most common allophone.

A also used but she omitted /d/ more commonly. The stop was rarely used, occurring only in the reading of A,

B, and L.

2.1.2.2.3 /d/ in Intervocalic Position:

The percentage of use of the allophones, CdD, CdD,

C 1, and omission of /d/ in regular words varies from percentages in the special words.

Those high-frequency words in which considerable weakening occurs and in which there is over a 40% loss of intervocalic /d/ are isolated and referred to as "special," as opposed to the "regular" words. These special words are the combination of quiere decir, decir in the third person singular of the preterit, dije, dijo. The third person singular present tense dice, and the first and third person singular present for only A are also included as she used digo so frequently. Other words are donde, a few occur­ rences of dondequiera, nada, the present tense of poder, todavia, and todo with its various endings.

In the 666 occurrences of the special words, -d- is lost 51% of the time. The fricative CdH is used 23%, J C D, 25%, and the stop, CdH, 1% (see Table 3).

Table 3. -d- in Special Words

Informants CdJ cdu Loss Occ.

A 4% 13% 17% 66% 187 B 0% 27% 23% 50% 62

C 0% 12% 62% 26% 35

L 0% 27% 22% 51% 36

M 0% 40% 23% 37% 45

N 0% 11% 22% 67% 23

X 0% 34% 20% 46% 48

Y 0% 10% 12% 78% 168

Z 0% 35% 29% 36% 62

Average 0% 23% 26% 51%

Total 666

The individual informant's loss of /d/ in all the special words ranges from 26% to 78%, with an average of 51%.

Three informants use CdD more than a third of the time. One informant uses £ £ 1 62% while the other eight use it less 94 than 29%. To try to understand these differences, in

Table 4 I have considered the special words separately, that

is, the average of all the informants' percentages of use of that word.

Table 4. /d/ in Each Special Word

Words td: c td: cd: Loss decira 24.5% 33.5% 42% donde3 6% 13% 5% 76% nada 36% 18% 46%

poder forms 1% 14% 25% 60% todavia 22% 78% todo 21% 23% 56%

aUtterance initial occurrences of donde are included, whereas those of decir are with regular words.

Each word has unique percentages. The loss ranges from 42% to 78%. In both decir forms and nada the loss of

/d/ is less than in the other words. Decir shows the d highest use of C 3, 3 3.5%, which indicates the tendency toward loss, whereas nada has a relatively strong repre­ sentation of the CdD, 36%, which is the highest use of CdD among the special words. Table 5 shows the breakdown of the individual allophonic use in nada. Table 5. /d/ in Nada

d cd: c<3: : : Loss Informant No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. Occ.

A 2 13% 3 20% 10 67% 15

b 1 17% 2 33% 3 50% 6

M 9 100% 9

N 1 14% 2 29% 4 57% 7

X 7 78% 1 11% 1 11% 9

Y 1 17% 5 83% 6

Z 2 33% 1 17% 3 50% 6

Average 36% 18% 46%

Occurrences 22 10 26 58

% by Occurrences 38% 17% 45% 96

The more the usage is broken down, the fewer occurrences there are, which makes the percentages less and less reliable, but it does indicate tendencies. Five of the seven informants with nada omit /d/ more than half the time, whereas M and X use CdU predominantly (100% and 78%). All use C D less than a third of the time.

Donde and todavia have the highest losses, 76% and

78%. The only other allophone for todavia is C 3, 22%, whereas donde shows a small use of each of the allophones

CdD, Cd], and C 3. A, B, C, L, and N all have one or two fricative uses of intervocalic /d/ in donde.

All nine utterance initial occurrences of donde are included here. B's three #d- are omitted, as are three of A's six. Her other three are manifested as C dH .

Dondequiera, which is included in the donde count, occurs four times, twice in the speech of L. Her inter­ vocalic use is Cd: in ya he buscado Cdllondequiera, which is contrasted with her omission in Esq es la esperanza que me dan Co3ndequiera. The /d/ is omitted in B's dondequiera, once utterance initially, and once utterance medially in

Agua Co3ndequiera hay. One of B's donde was reduced to C63.

In 60% of the present tense forms of poder /d/ is omitted. The 165 occurrences of todo most closely represent the average of all 666 special words, as seen here in the percentages; Cd] Loss

All special words 23% 26% 51% todo 21% 23% 56%

Table 6 shows the individual use in todo. This table is a

good example of the difference between the raw number and

the percentage. The number of total losses, 107, is 65% of

the total occurrences, whereas based on the average per­ centages of use of each informant, the total average is

56%. The range of loss is 23% to 84%.

Table 6. -d- in Todo

A :d: C D Loss Informant No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. Loss

A 3 8% 3 8% 32 84% 38

B 2 6% 5 16% 25 78% 32 C 5 42% 7 58% 12

L 3 38% 1 12% 4 50% 8

M 4 31% 6 46% 3 23% 13

N 2 18% 3 27% 6 55% 11

X 6 28% 5 24% 10 48% 21

Y 5 22% 18 78% 23

Z 4 57% 1 14% 2 29% 7 Average 21% 23% 56%

Occurrences 24 34 107 165 % Based on Occurrences 14% 21% 65% 98

L, M, X, and particularly Z used CdD about a third

of the time or more in todo. N shows moderate use whereas

A, B, C, and Y show relatively little or no use of the

fricative CdD. The phoneme /d/ is omitted about half of

the time or more by all except M and Z. A, B, and Y omit

/d/ more than three-fourths of the time. C and M use C 3

almost half the time, but the others use it moderately.

In summary, in half of the special words the /d/ is omitted. The fricatives CdD and C ] are each used one-

fourth of the time in general. Considered by informants or

by the words, however, there is great variation. M, X, and Z are those who use CdH most in todo and nada. A and Y omit the allophone most in todo and nada. A and Y with N are those who omit the allophone most generally in all the special words, as are M, X, and Z those who conserve it the most.

Fifty per cent of the 1219 occurrences of -d- in £ regular words occur with Cd:, 32% with H J, 1% with CdD, and 17% are omitted, as seen in Table 7.

The most common allophones of seven informants is

CdD in regular words, but three of these have similar per- centages with C 1, and one, with omissions. That is, Y omitted /d/ in about the same percentage as she used CdD.

A, N, and Y omitted /d/ more than the other informants in the regular words. L, who had no examples of nada in the special words, M, X, and Z are those who 99

Table 7. -d- in Regular Words

Informant CdD CdD Loss Occurrences

A 1% 38% 36% 25% 260

B 2% 43% 42.5% 12.5% 119

C 32% 56% 12% 116

L 3% 61% 27% 9% 99

M 1% 67% 20% 12% 129

N 1% 39% 35% 25% 151

X 1% 77% 16% 6% 125

Y 1% 36% 26% 37% 132

Z 1% 51% 31% 17% 88

Ave. 1% 50% 32% 17%

Total 1219

conserve CdH the most, which is the same relative finding in regard to the special words. C's most common allophone £ in both regular and special words is C 3, 56% and 51%. B d and N use CdD just slightly more than C 1. N omitted /d/ twice as much as B, and is among the three who lose /d/ most in the regular words. B and N are both among those five who omit /d/ more than half the time in special words.

Of the intervocalic /d/ losses in regular words, fewer than half are word initial. De is considered a regular word in spite of its being the most frequently used 100 word in the Spanish language. Although it makes up an average 30% of total intervocalic loss of /d/, the per­ centage of loss relative to its frequency of occurrence is more like that of regular than special words. Fifteen per cent of the losses are in these words: despues, deja, desde, dSlares, domtido, diecisiete, dentro, direcci6n, doctor, desayune, desocupa, despedazan, dar. The rest of the intervocalic losses are word medial. Twenty-seven per cent is in past participles, and the -ada(s) words. The per­ centages of omission of /d/ were 36% of the 30 past participles ending in -ado and 10.5% of the seven ending in

-ido. The /d/ was omitted in 27% of the sixteen words ending in -ada (s), as encerradas, atolondradas, asustadas, enfadada. Words such as menudo, higado, lado, comida, and the noun mandado did not show such high loss.

In summary, the CdD in -d- position is used 50% of £ the time in regular words, C 1 32%, and /d/ is omitted 17%.

Half of the losses occur word initially with de and other words, and the other half, word medially with participles and other isolated words.

The average percentages are remarkably different in special and regular words, as that was the basis of division.

Half of the /d/ phonemes are lost in the special words; only

17% are lost in the regular words. The CdD occurs one*-fourth of the time in special words and half of the time in regular 101 d words. The percentages of C J are 32% and 26% in regular and special words respectively.

A, N, and Y are those who most frequently omit /d/ in special words (66%, 67%, and 78%), as well as in the regular words (25%, 25%, and 37%). L, M, X, and Z con- served the CdD the most. C uses C J most commonly, whereas

B does not have outstanding usage in either special or regular words. She is closest to the group average in special words, whereas Z has almost identical usage to that of the group in the regular words.

In the intervocalic position the /d/ allophones tend to increased weakening and loss with increase of speed. Table 8 is based on the 1219 occurrences of regular words, and the 666 of special words. As the speed of the in­ formants increased CdD was used less and there was more loss. This phenomenon is illustrated further from data of two informants chosen for having the most occurrences in regular words, 260 and 132. Their percentages as seen here follow the pattern indicated in Table 8:

Slow Medium Fast

CdD A 59% 32% 23% Y 52% 29% 27%

Loss A 7% 18% 49% Y 15% 42% 55% This phenomenon occurs in all percentages of regular words, and in six of the nine informants' usage in special words. The three informants with the lowest percentage of 102 Table 8. -d- at Three Speeds

Regular Words Special Words

Alloph. Slow Medium Fast Slow Medium Fast

:d] 68% 46.5% 34% 32% 25% 13%

25% 37% 33% 36% 20% 21%

Loss 5% 15.5% 32% 31% 55% 66%

:d3 2% 1% 1% 1%

loss in special words, C, L, and Z, who are the slower speakers, did not lose more cd] with each increase in speed.

The overall general rate of speech of the in­ formants also correlates with the percentage of allophonic usage. The very slow speakers, C and L, have a low per­ centage of omission in both special and regular words.

Another slow speaker, X, has a low percentage in regular words, but an average loss in special words. Of the two speakers with the most rapid rate of speech, Y has a high percentage of loss in both regular and special words, but

B does not. Her difference might be attributed to the fact that, although her speech is fast, it is very clear and light. It may also be that her mother is from Mexico

City, whereas the progenitors of the other informants (if known) were from Sonora. 103

In summary, an increase of relative rate of speed

within the informant's speech correlates in general with

weakening and loss of the -d-.

2.1.2.2.4 /d/ After Consonants; The consonants appearing before /d/ in the corpora

are /l, n, r, s/.

/d/ after /n/ is rarely anything but CdD, as in Me

segui aCndPaCndUo. In the special words with /nd/ the CdD

was the usual allophone. In cuando and donde, however, the

/d/ after /n/ was sometimes lost, as in 6 of B's 22 occurrences of cuando, and 4 of 11 occurrences of donde.

Y lost /d/ after /n/ one out of six times in donde.

/d/ after /l/ follows the same pattern as after

/n/, in that most occurrences are the voiced dental stop, as in caldo, el dia, rebeldes.

/r/ occurs before /d/ 136 times. The most common allophone of /d/, whether word medial or initial is EdJ and less often C J as in N's el mois no te engoC 3a mucho. Tfi sabes, los cereales. (Pause) Esos no te engoC dllan mucho; taCrdUe; correCrdJe; Sea poC dUios. Rarely is Cd] found after /r/, but it does occur, 3f as in a borrowed word mi yall dPa llena de juguetes, de basura ... Ustedes tienen su yaCrdPa allci, or, for emphasis, cNo quieren trabajaCrdJuro?

/s/ occurs before /d/ 166 times, most commonly at word boundaries with the exception of desde. The most 104 common allophonic combination is C^dU , as in loC jdlledos, h h loC ^dHuenoll due ahi lo (pause) nosotros conocemoC DeEjdlle d h antes que se casaran, and tripaCz He leche ... tripaC d3e leche. Sometimes two sounds were not distinguishable.

The LjJ was heard for /sd/, as in Z's Sufro de loC^dHoloreC^He cabeza.

After C 3, the fricatives occurred, as in the examples above. The /d/ was also omitted as in otra de las mismaC 3e nosotros. The CdJ was rare, but it occurred after in que coman^dne los cuatro grupoC^Je comida.

Also of rare use was omission of both phonemes /sd/ as nos acordamLoe] la cancion, and Td no traes las tirejCae]

Alejandro en la bolsa? Of infrequent, but not rare, usage was cdl] after omission of /s/ as in mgcdlle, loCdntas, and loCdDomingos. In summary, after /n, 1/ CdH is usually found. The fricative allophones of /d/ are most common after /s, r/.

The sequence /dr/ occurs most frequently in the word padre, a few times in madre, and in isolated words as nodriza. The pronunciation is usually the voiced fricative,

CdD, followed by phonation and a voiced tap. In the words padre and madre, however, I hear a very weakened pronuncia­ tion of /dr/, especially in the speech of A. The frication of the /d/ is inaudible and the /r/ is not a tap, but a fricative also with inaudible friction. It is as though the 105 tongue moves ever so slightly toward the points of articula­ tion of /d/ and /r/, without getting very close.

My findings vary slightly from those found in Texas by Clegg (1969), Gonzalez (1969), Marrocco (1972), and

Sanchez (19 72), from those found in New Mexico by Espinosa

(.1909) and Hills (1938), and from those of Colorado (Ross

1975), California (Phillips 1967), and Southern Arizona

(Post 1934).

All find that the voiced dental stop is generally used utterance initially and after /n, 1/, the main excep­ tion being donde with the first /d/ omitted, as documented by Espinosa, Hills, Marrocco, and Post.

In the utterance final position, or rather, word final position, Clegg finds C D but no omissions. Espinosa,

Hills, Post, and Ross find loss. Phillips says words ending in /d/ are likely to show omission of /d/. Marrocco shows both CdD and loss.

In other positions the fricative is usually found, and sometimes omission. Post does not mention intervocalic loss. Phillips finds [dD intervocalically with sporadic use d of CdD, [ ir and omission. He mentions the lenis fricative /d/ of padre and omission of /d/ once in madre, so this unusual pronunciation of /dr/ stands out in California, too.

Espinosa notes that intervocalic /d/ and /d/ in the group /dr/ are usually silent in rapid speech, padre becoming d pare. Clegg finds CdD alternates with C D in positions 106 other than utterance initial and word final and that the two fricatives alternate with omission in the intervocalic position. £ In the past participles Clegg finds CdH or C U with complete loss only in the -ado form. Ross and Marrocco find reduction and loss of the intervocalic fricative with loss especially in ^-ado. Hills states that —d- falls normally in -ada, ^ado, -oda, -odo, but rarely in —ida, —ido.

Espinosa and Hills show -ado becoming au. Phillips states that while /d/ is the consonant most often omitted, omission is found very few times in the past participle. While I have found complete loss in some, not all, of -ado, -ido past participles, it is true that the losses are more prevalent in the -ado forms. It might be pointed out that the perfect tense is not so common in the corpora of my

Tucson women. If this is so for many Tucsonans who speak

Spanish, this may help account for the low amount of loss.

Phillips states that his main allophones are CdD and CdD, with omission in words ending in /d/, in forms of poder, todo, and in todavla, which are similar to the findings of Gonz&lez for Corpus Christi. SSnchez finds loss of voiced fricatives can occur in any position. Hills says the intervocalic /d/ can disappear if "claridad y la eufonla lo permiten." Some of his examples are to, toa, puee ~ pwede, na. 107 In addition to CdD and CdD I have found C £ D and omission to be important realizations of /d/, the latter two particularly in intervocalic position of both regular and special words, omission being the main allophone of the latter as well as in word final position.

I do not find the changes of /d/ to /b, r, 1, g/ as noted by Espinosa, Hills, and Ross. This may be due to the lack of those clusters in which such changes are found.

2.1.2.3 /g/. The phoneme /g/ occurs in utterance initial, intervocalic, and postconsonantal positions. /g/ plus /r, 1/ also occurs in these three positions. Syllable final /g/ occurs in forms of ignorar, said by A with CgD whereas X said iCnUorante twice. Examples of positions are:

L: Guitarra. Geri, £te gusta la guitarra?

L: Iba a buscar luego luego a alguien.

Y: Los negros quieren gobernar.

The allophones of /g/ are the voiced velar stop CgD, the voiced velar fricative CgH, the voiced velar fricative with inaudible friction and omission of /g/.

Table 9 shows the group occurrences not only of the three main positions but of certain environments with differing proportions of allophonic usage. The sequences /gu/, and the high-frequency words gustar and luego are treated separately. The percentages shown are those of total occurrences rather than the average based on each Table 9. /g/ in Various Environments

Position eg: Cg] C Loss Total

#gCw3 2 (14%) 1 (7%) 0 (0%) 11 (79%) 14

#£~ 37 (90%) 3 (7%) 0 (0%) 1 (3%) 41 -gcwu- 0 (0%) 5 (8.5%) 5 (8.5%) 48 (83%) 58

gustaa 1 (1%) 5 (3%) 53 (34%) 96 (62%) 155

-gCuD- 0 (0%) 1 (4%) 17 (71%) 6 (25%) 24

luego 0 (0%) 5 (8%) 21 (33%) 38 (59%) 64

5 (2%) 144 (52%) 109 (39%) 18 (7%) 276 -±sr 27 (41%) 34 (51%) 4 (7%) 1 (1%) 66 -rg- 15 (40%) 21 (57%) 1 (3%) 0 (0%) 37

gusta (8 informants 1 (2%) 4 (6%) 27 (42%) 32 (50%) 64 (Inf. A) 0 (0%) 1 (1%) 26 (29%) 64 (70%) 91

a/g/ occurs mainly in intervocalic and less in postconsonantal position. Includes other forms of gustar as gustan, gustaba, gusto, gustarla. 109 informant's usage. A is the only informant with enough occurrences to make individual percentages meaningful, so her allophonic usage of gust- is shown below separate from that of the other eight informants.

2.1.2.3.1 /g/ in Utterance Initial Position:

In this position /g/ plus CwD is most commonly omitted (79%), whereas the rest of the utterance initial occurrences of /g/ are overwhelmingly manifested by CgD

(9 0%). In Guaymas, Guadalajara, guantes, gfiljolo, and most of the occurrences of guardo the /g/ is omitted. There were three occurrences of /g/ + CwH with no omission of /g/. M used guardo twice with CgH, as she was confused by the interviewer's pronunciation with CgwJ, and therefore thought there were two words guardo and wardo. A used the fricative when reading the same word, guardo. Of the 41 utterance initial occurrences of /g/, the majority of which are citation forms, there were four occurrences of an allophone other than CgD. Grandes, gobernador, and gordo were each said once with CgD and the rest of the time with

Lgl. X omitted the /g/ utterance initially in guitarra when speaking. B, L, and N pronounced CgD as they read the same word. Of all the positions intervocalic /gr/ has the highest realization of CgD, 71%, with some uses of [g: and

but none of the loss of /g/. The most common occur­ rences are in negro, grande, gracias and less frequently 110 suegra, programas, grupo, graben, mugre, and grabado. /dr/

also showed high retention of the fricative (except in padre

and madre). In /ngr/ the /g/ is realized as Igl, as in

sangre, ingredientes, engreido.

Intervocalic /gl/ was always pronounced with CgU in

the few occurrences of iglesia and forms of arreglar. All

16 occurrences of ingles show CgH after the nasal.

2.1.2.3.2 /g/ in Intervocalic Position:

The words luego, gusta, and other sequences with

/gu/ and those with /g/ + CwD in the intervocalic position

have significantly different percentages of usage than the

other occurrences of -g-. /g/ + CwD is the most propitious environment for

loss of the /g/, whether utterance initial or intervocalic.

In the corpora the sequence occurs almost exclusively before

/a/, infrequently before /i, o/, the only occurrences being gilljolo, gtilla, antiguos. Words such as gllero and vergtlenza did not appear in the speech, so there are no examples of

/g/ + Cwell.

Omission of /g/ occurs in 48 of the 58 intervocalic occurrences of /g/ + Cw3. Examples include:

L; De CwaDtemala a " CwaDtepeor. "

L: No es el dicho "aCwall man (pause) Cuidate del aCwaD mansa porque la que corre, ya se sabe"?

A: Me ponCgwaD averiCwaHr. Ill

Loss occurred most commonly in spontaneous speech, but

reading influenced usage. N's occurrences in this position,

antigua and antiguos, were both fricative and occurred

during reading. The only fricative in B's nine occurrences

occurred when reading antiguos. The only CgD in A's speech

are her two citation forms, as seen here:

A: ACgwainto. Yo aCwaHnto (pause) el dolor de mis pies. €f A: AyeriCgwaDr. A veces me ponCgwaD averiC waDr ... por eso me ponCgwaD averic^walr a veces.

In the more commonly used words there is a tendency to use

C^D in some of the occurrences of igual(es), but not in

other words as agua, aguanto, aguantaba, guard (o).

2.1.2.3.3 /g/ Plus Cull:

Ninety-six per cent of intervocalic /g/ + Cull is

realized as or loss, whereas, excluding luego, /g/

plus other vowels is manifested only 39% as 1^1 or loss,

/g/ is omitted more in gusta (62% of 155 occurrences) than

in the other intervocalic occurrences of /g/ + CuD (25% of

24 occurrences), such as pregunt-, seguro, aguja, words in which the is used most commonly (71%). As A has an unusually large number of occurrences of gusta her usage is

shown separately on Table 9. Algfin is considered in the

/lg/ section.

/g/ is omitted proportionately more often in me gusta, the most common occurrence of gusta, than in gusta

preceded by the other indirect object pronouns. The few 112 occurrences of le gusta are with C^D. When the /s/ of the plural pronouns nos and les is realized as CzD or [ J, the

Eg J allophone generally occurs. If the /s/ of les is omitted, either the fricative /g/ or loss of /g/ occurs.

The fricative always occurred when the /g/ of gustar was in an unstressed syllable, as me gusto, le va a gustar, and in these unique occurrences: a gusto, si gustas, a ver si mi(s) muchacha(s) gustan tambi^n. Luego is used by all the informants. The most common realizations are loss, 59%, and 33%. L lost the

/g/ in each occurrence; B and N's only fricative occurred in reading; A used only fricatives; and the rest showed both the fricative and loss. Example:

M: Y Clwo^oD la amasas (pause) n, y ClwpoD cuando ...

Of the three informants who used luego, luego, meaning "right away," B and L omitted /g/ every time; three of C's four luego luego show omission as seen here:

C: ClwfilwSoI] la doblo.

C; llw6^olw£^oD la echo dentro del sauce.

C; Clweolw6D me dieron una ...

C: Clw6lw6: cambio una palabra a otra.

Excluding luego, gustar, and other words with /g~u/

/g/ is realized intervocalically as Eg] 55%, 38%, CgD 1%, with 6% loss, as seen in Table 10. 113

Table 10. /g/ in Intervocalic Position3

Informant CgD eg: Loss Occ.

A 0% 38% 45% 17% 90

B 0% 52% 44% 4% 23 C 0% 67% 26% 7% 27

L 0% 61% 39% 0% 18

M 11% 33% 56% 0% 18

N 0% 73% 21% 6% 34

X 0% 56% 44% 0% 25

Y 0% 50% 35% 15% 34

Z 0% 60% 33% 7% 30

Ave. 1% 55% 38% 6% 299

Excluding luego and words with /gu/. These per­ centages are slightly different than the totals on Table 9 which were based on total occurrences.

Epenthetic /g/ occurred twice in hueso, once intervocalically in X, once after /n/ by M, both of whom have other occurrences with no /g/, as el Ewelso. No examples were found of haiga nor aigre. /b/ for /g/ was heard in N's aguja during untaped conversation.

In intervocalic position excluding /gu/ and luego the fricatives are overwhelmingly used. M is the only informant to use the stop allophone. N has the highest use of CgD, 73%. The most common allophone for seven is 114

CgD whereas for A and M it is C^D. In A, is used just a little more than CgD, but the 17% loss indicates a

tendency toward weakening and loss, whereas in the case of

M, in spite of her having the highest usage of C^H, her tendency appears to be that of maintaining the /g/ as evidenced by 11% stops and no loss. Informants A, B, C,

N, Y, and Z omit /g/ 2% to 17%, whereas L, M, and X never omit it. In the intervocalic position there are 278 occur­ rences, enough to reveal the effects of speed on allophonic usage and to show the individual's general allophonic preference. In the 278 intervocalic occurrences, as the speed of the speech increases there is a decrease in the percentage of usage of CgH and an increase in loss or in four of the nine informants. A has the highest frequency of occurrence, 82, the percentages of which are seen here: J n Speed L Loss

S 46% 50% 4%

M 43% 38% 19%

F 16% 58% 26%

Average 38% 45% 17%

The others have from 19 to 36 occurrences. The following chart of L is based on 20 occurrences 115

eg: Loss

s 100% 0% 0%

M 64% 36% 0%

F 40% 60% 0%

Average 61% 39% 0%

In spite of the paucity of occurrences L's percentages are closer to the group averages seen in Table 10 (CgU 55%,

C^D 38%, loss 6%, CgD 1%), than are those of A. 2.1.2.3.4 /g/ After a Consonant:

In postconsonantal position the voiced velar stop is maintained after /n/ both word medially as in tengo, pongo, ingles, ningunas and in word boundary sequences as cafecito con guindo, van grabando. In 10 of the 54 occur­ rences of tengo, however, either the /g/ is lost, leaving its trace in the velar /n/, or both phonemes /ng/ are lost with only the nasalization and opening of the vowel /e/ as evidence of having been followed by a nasal in a closed syllable. The result is CtpDll. Examples:

B: En trabajo me Ct^oH que apurar mSs.

M; Ay, llt^ijgoD mucho dolor en la espalda.

M: Mejor no Ct^ijoD tanque. N: No lo teCrjgDo escondido. No lo Ctgw^Ds- condido.

Although the CgD is heard after /n/ in phonetic combinations as

.M; TenCgwglD dinero alzado yo. 116

X: Me ponCgwaD leer.

X; La lenCgwa] para hablar.

n° /g/ is heard in Guadalupe after /n/ as in virgen [wJadalupe of X and of virgen Cwalldalupana of A, which are the only other examples in the corpora of /gua/ after /n/. After /l, r/ the allophonic usage of /g/ is Cg:

40% and 39%; Cgll 51% and 55%; 6% and 3%; and loss 1.5% and 0%. Thirty-one of the 38 occurrences of /lg/ are word medial as algo, alguien, algfin, nalgas. The stop occurred in A and N's word boundary occurrences el grado, el grupo, del gobierno, the latter being said with CgD by X. In the

25 occurrences of the most used word with /lg/, algo, one informant used three allophones, three used two, two used only CgD and two used only Eg]. One did not have that sequence in her speech. Those two with the stop used the fricative in other words. One informant, B, used only fricatives in all words. Five used stops half the time and fricatives half the time in the more common words.

The /g/ in the only occurrence of /lg/ + CwH is lost: aquel Cwallpito.

Thirty^six of the 38 occurrences of /rg/ are word medial as in largos, garganta, gargajos, vergonzosa. The word boundary doctor Gonzalez is realized by Z as CgJ. Her three word medial occurrences are stops. The only occur­ rence of /rgr/ is said with CgD. Larg (os) is the most frequently used word with /rg/. B and C used both CgD and 117 CgD. Three informants used the word only once, with two

stops and a fricative. In the most common words L and N

used only stops, X used only fricatives, and the rest of

the informants used both.

All 14 occurrences of /sg/, not including gusta, are

at word boundaries. Eight of the 9 /sgr/ sequences show

fricative use of /g/. Four of the 5 occurrences of /sgV/

occur with stops. The two exceptions are mgChgDarantiza

and mciChgJrande. The only omission is in the only /sg/

plus CwD sequence: pueCzwalntes.

In summary, the /g/ is maintained most commonly as

[gj after /n/ and in utterance initial position. /g/ after the other consonants occurs with higher percentages of the

Eg: than the stop (about 50% and 40%). In the intervocalic

position there is general weakening of the fricative, and loss of the phoneme before CwD, CuD, and in luego. A much

higher tendency to use the CgD is found in the other inter­ vocalic occurrences (52%) and in intervocalic /gr/ (71%) and

/gl/-

Postconsonantal /g/ plus CwD at word boundaries is omitted in the few occurrences there are after /n, 1, s/.

Word medial /g/ plus CwD occurs only after /n/ in which

position /g/ is realized as CgD, except when omitted in tengo. The weakening of -g- and loss or weakening of /g/ before CwD seems to be general in popular Spanish 118

(Boyd-Bowman 1960, Cardenas 1967, King 1952, L6pez Morales

1970, Matluck 1951) and generally in the Southwest United

States (Clegg 1969, Coltharp 1965, Marrocco 1972, Phillips

1967, Post 1934, Ross 1975). Ccirdenas (1967) notes that the weakens more than -b- or -d-. Del Rosario (1970) in El espanol de America finds that the -g- tends to weakening and loss in Northern Mexico, but Miller (1975) does not note loss in his 65-year-old Sonoran.

The stop is general utterance initial, after nasal and when emphatic but Post (19 34) notes some utterance initial fricatives and in the sequence /ng/ Phillips (1967) finds a lenis stop in three informants and, in one informant, the loss of /g/ in tengo. This latter phenomenon is also found in Corpus Christi (Marrocco 19 72).

Canfield (1962) notes /g/ is occlusive after

/s, x, 1/ in El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua. Ccirdenas

(1967) finds rcj to be "medio-oclusivo" which becomes frica­ tive with speed and careless pronunciation. Phillips (.1967) finds a few stops, but CgD is the usual allophone after those consonants in the Southwest.

King (1952) notes that /gr/ and /gl/ are stops utterance initially and medially, whereas Clegg (1969) finds fricatives in Texas.

Changing between /b/ and /g/ or between /buV/ and

/guV/ was described in many studies, but noted only in aguja in this study. 119

2.1.3 The Affricate /c/

2.1.3.1 /c/. The phoneme /£/ is realized princi­

pally as the voiceless palatal affricate CcH and moderately

as the voiceless palatal fricative CsH.\/ Both allophones occur in the usual utterance initial, postconsonantal, and intervocalic positions of CcD in Spanish. Examples: Choc6,

un chicano, colch6n, hecho, mi chamaca.

B used syllabic /c/ as an interjection which occurred as Cell eight times, and as CSa] seven times.

Examples: B: Y estaba pasando y pasando y CsU (pause) me iba a esconder ... B: Se CcJ duran (pause) mSs.

B: No me gusta que me digan (pause) CcU que haga algo.

>/ As this is B's only use of CsH the interjection is omitted from the allophonic count.

Table 11 shows individual allophonic usage in each

position. The high-frequency word mucho and its nasalized variant are isolated to avoid distortion of the phenomena.

The individual totals on the right show the total occur­ rences of each informant. B, for example, uses only Cc3, whereas A -uses CsD more than Cell. The figures in Table 11 are numbers of occurrences, not percentages. The group total demonstrates the prevalence of CcD with 372 occur- V rences, over CsJ with 125. 120 Table 11. /c/: Individual Usage

, a Inf • #ch- Postcons. mCti:cho mucho -ch- Occ.

A Cc 3 0 17 0 25 2 44 V LSI 6 3 0 29 26 64

B [c] 0 2 0 6 16 24 c£: 0 0 0 0 0 0

C cc: 6 2 10 14 30 62 cs: 0 0 1 1 1 3

L Cc: 1 1 2 12 16 32 cs: 0 0 0 5 14 19

M CcD 9 13 0 6 31 59 Cs: 0 6 0 1 6 13

N Cc: 0 2 2 10 14 28 eg: 0 1 0 0 3 4

X cc: 0 8 5 9 44 66 cs: 0 0 0 0 6 6

Y Cc 3 0 8 0 2 17 27 c£: 0 0 0 0 15 15

Z 2 4 4 3 17 30 C S3 0 0 0 0 1 1 Total cc: 18 57 23 87 187 372 c£: 6 10 1 36 72 125

aExcludes mucho. 121

2.1.3.1.1 /c/ in Utterance Initial Position:

Of the five informants with examples in this posi­ tion, all used the affricate allophone except A who used the fricative consistently. 2.1.3.1.2 /c/ in Postconsonantal Position:

The affricate allophone predominates in these 57 occurrences. The majority occur after /n/, and, with few exceptions, are realized as HcD. In the relatively few occurrences of /c/ following /s, 1/, the fricative is more common after CsU, but the affricate prevails after /I/, just as the stop allophone of /d/ does.

There are four occurrences of CsD after /n/.

Informant A says un Csllicano twice, but has 16 examples with

Cc: in a similar environment, such as enCcHilada, enCSJufar, planCcHo, plus her word-initial occurrences after /I, r/, el CcHiquito, tejer CcHalecos, el Cc3ile. Of M's 12 examples of /nc/, there is only one with [sH : hincsllada.

Examples with CcD: panCcJita, manCc3a, anCcDo, and ranCcllerito. Informant N says un CsHiste. Although she has no other examples of /nc/, the affricate appears in two sequences preceded by the consonants /s, 1/: estudiantes CcHiquitos, el CcHarro. v Of the five occurrences of CsD after /s/, one is in v A's cosas CsDiquitas, and four are in the plurals of M's oft-used word chamaca, which is also pronounced with CsD four times intervocalica.1 ly, and with Cell once each in the 122 utterance initial and intervocalic positions. M's affricate example in a similar environment is es CcJile.

The single occurrence of CsD after /l/ is M1s el CsHegue. M has two occurrences of el CcJile, a similar environment. The word chile was used 26 times by a total of five informants. As it occurred only with HcH, it may not be fair for contrasting.

2.1.3.1.3 /c/ in Intervocalic Position:

The affricate prevails in this position but not to the same extent as in the other positions. In over half of the informants the use of the intervocalic fricative increases with the rate of speech, as exemplified in these frequencies and percentages in Y's speech;

Allophone Slow Medium Fast

He: 8 (73%) 7 (58%) 2 (22%)

Us: 3 (27%) 5 (42%) 7 (78%)

To study intervocalic usage further I should like to consider the words used. Mucho is the most common, both by number of informants using it, and in number of occur­ rences, 147. In 24 of those occurrences the /c/ is preceded by the nasalized /u/, mCtlllcho, and often by an epenthetic

"n" in the archaic form mCflriJcho. The only occurrence of

HsD in these 24 is the speech of C, a relatively infrequent user of Csll, but the most frequent user of mCOJcho. 123 Table 12 shows the informants1 percentages of

allophonic usage in intervocalic position in both the non-

nasalized mucho and the other intervocalic occurrences •

Table 12. /c/ in Intervocalic Position

Mucho Words Excl. Mucho

Inf. Ccl CcD eg:

A 46% 54% 7% 93% B 100% 0% 100% 0%

C 93% 7% 97% 3%

L 71% 29% 53% 47%

M 86% 14% 84% 16%

N 100% 0% 82% 18%

X 100% 0% 88% 12%

Y .100% 0% 53% 47%

Z 100% 0% 94% 6%

Average 88.4% 11.6% 73% 27%

An average of 88.4% of the informants uses USD in mucho. Five informants use only C$3; two use Cs] only once. A and L are the only frequent users of dsn in mucho.

Excluding the high-frequency word mucho from the intervocalic count, the proportional use of CcD decreases to an average 73% in the informants. The use of CsD\/ more than 124

doubles, from 11% to 27%. Z's solitary use of occurs

intervocalically in the devoiced word at the end of this

phrase: aquellos de la comodita CsIkltaD. Y's 15 are

deceptive because 12 are in the words muchacha or muchachito,

which leaves three other words: derecho, entre chiquitos,

qug bonito charliamos. Y's use of HsU, then, is not so

extensive as the 47% indicates. As four of M's six

are in the one word chamaca, she has only two words with chamaca, and muchachita, compared with 31 occurrences

of Cell. L uses either allophone half the time. A over^

whelmingly uses Cs^ in this position and has only two occur­

rences of intervocalic CcD, oCcIlo and Cclaleco. She is the

only informant whose total usage shows a preference for CsH.

Considering the fricative allophone in the inter­ vocalic words excluding mucho, there are three rare users,

B, C, and Z, four occasional users, M, N, X, and Y, and two

frequent users, A and L.

We have seen that the informants have varied preferences for the allophones. Is allophonic usage also

triggered by the word itself? Table 13 shows the allophonic

usage of /£/ in words used by four or more informants. The words are listed according to the number of informants using

them. The total group occurrences show CcD to be the more common allophone in every word. In several occurrences of

the same word an informant may use only one allophone or 125

Table 13. /£/ in Selected Wordsa

Informants

Word Alloph. A B C L M N X y z Occ mucho CcD 25 6 14 12 6 10 9 2 3 87 eg: 29 0 1 5 1 0 0 0 0 36 ocho Cc: 1 2 2 0 2 2 5 l 2 17 c£: 3 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 muchacha cc: 0 0 2 0 5 2 6 2 2 19 L&3 3 0 0 2 1 1 1 7 0 15 noche cc: 0 5 2 4 1 2 2 3 0 19 c£: 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 chiquito Cc] 1 3 3 0 1 1 1 2 3 15 c£: 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 5 echar cc: 0 7 1 3 2 0 9 0 2 24 c£: 1 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 5 borracho cc: 0 2 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 5 c£: 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 chile Cc: 12 0 4 1 6 0 3 0 0 26 LSI 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 mCti:cho :c: 0 0 10 2 0 2 5 0 4 23 c£: 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 leche cc: 0 0 2 5 0 0 4 1 1 13 cs: 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 cheque Cc: 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 1 4 c^: 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1

Words which change for plurality, gender, or conjugation appear here in only one form. 126

both allophones. In muchacha, for example, two women use

only two use only CcD, and four use either allophone.

X uses both allophones in the same word, muCcDaCglla, the

affricate occurring for the first /c/. Of the eight women

using the word noche only one uses CsaU and none use both allophones.

In the most commonly used word, non-nasalized mucho, five use only CcD. Of the four who use cMll, two use only once, L uses it a little less than half, and A uses HsH more than CcD. It is curious that while all the women used mCuDcho, only five used the nasalized form. They used m[u]co and mCtlJco in varying proportions.

The first example is from connected utterances, the rest from different parts of the same corpus.

L: Pues (pause) el leCcDe que es (pause) que es fresca es leCsDe fresca (pause) que vien CsicD (pause) que el leUcDero deja, ino?

C: ... para muCsllas partes. MuCcDos se imponen mCQcDo al cafe. Las zapetas del nino se empuercan mCtisDo.

N: Se encontr6 un muCsDaCsHo. Si, me gusta el mu[c]a[c]o.

X: Si quieres le puedes eTcDar el ... Le puedes eCcDar mSs ... Pues le pueden eCslar ellos. Van a venir a eC^Dar para las cucarachas.

The proportionate use of the allophones changes with the position. Table 14 shows the group average of the percentages. 127

Table 14. /c/: Group Usage

Percentages

Position ici Inf. a Occ.

#ch- 80% 20% 5 24

-/Cc/- 91% 9% 9 67 mCGDcho 98% 2% 5 24 mucho 88% 12% 9 123

-ch- 73% 27% 9 259

Average 86% 14% Total 497

aNot every informant used the phoneme in each position.

In summary, the two allophones of /c/, CcH and occur in all positions, albeit not in all positions in all informants. Although Leu is used more commonly, it is in free variation with CssD, in that one can not predict its occurrence. Some tendencies have been noted; (1) [&: is used less as the informants' speed increases; (2) the utterance initial and postconsonantal positions after /n, 1/ favor maintaining the CcD, with sporadic occurrences of and (.3) the intervocalic position is the most favorable to the use of USD, the allophone requiring less tension and force. 128 Position in words, speed of utterance, and the phonological environment are seen to be some of the factors in allophonic selection, but not all. Other factors are the individuals' articulating weakly and/or having only a small amount of air left. Syllabic stress within the word does not seem to be a factor. Of the few words with /c/ in the stressed syllable, chile is said only with Cell, whereas cheque, muchacha, and muchachita occur with either allophone. Sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic analyses would be revealing.

In regard to the lesser-used allophone, Clegg

(1969) does not mention it in his dissertation on Texas

Spanish, nor does Ross (1975) about San Luis, Colorado, nor does Post (1934) about Southern Arizona Spanish. In his dissertation on Los Angeles Spanish Phillips (1967:77) states "I have heard it realized as HsD a few times, a phenomenon which none of my informants show," but he did have one informant "with a tendency" toward the CsD for

/c/. [£33 occurs sporadically in Corpus Christi Spanish for

/c/, states GonzSlez (1969). In a more recent study of

Corpus Christi Spanish Marrocco (1972) states that Hsu for

/c/ is not so common as CsD from /s/ plus the yod. Her examples of the former include words commonly used with by my informants, mucho, muchacho, ochenta, chamacos.

Sanchez (1972) lists /£/ becoming fricative under

"Interferencia del ingles." Phillips (1967) also found 129 v Cs: used for /s/ plus yod, as well as in loan words as sheriff, show, push(ar).

In addition to the affricate allophone, the voiced alveolar CzD is used for /c/ in New Mexico (Espinosa 1909).

The phone c¥d is heard, but not as an allophone of /c/ in the early part of the century. Later, Duncan (19 56) finds Cs] as an allophone of /c/ in New Mexico."*"

The use of CsD for /£/ is not unique to the South­ west United States and northwest Mexico. It is found in such areas as Southern Spain (Navarro Tom&s 1948), Santo

Domingo (Henrlquez Urena 1940), and Havana, Cuba (Henrlquez

Ureria 1940, Lamb 1968), in the Mexican state of Puebla

(Henrlquez Urena 1938), and on the coasts of Colombia

(Fl6rez 1951). Navarro TomSs (1948) does not list it for Puerto Rico, nor do Marden (1938) in his 1896 work,

Matluck C1951) nor King (1952) list it for Mexico City, 2

1. Duncan's sources for the phone HsD in Spanish are; (1) from an adjacent yod, cSeloD; (2) /s/ + /k/, Cmo^kall; (3) similar English, Cpun^iD; (4) nahuatl words, CsiloteD; (5) words from other Indian languages, CuiuSoU; and (6) "confusi6n con el fonema /c/."

2. Lastra (1967) in "The Status of /s/ in Mexican Spanish" states the /s/ is found in Spanish as an expression for silence, which goes back to Latin "st." She lists five types of Csll: (1) for Latin "j-," "g-," "-x-,'' "sc-," and "•>-ss"; (2) a variant of "zeismo" in Buenos Aires speech? C3) relic in YucatSn, Ecuador and Sto. Domingo; (4) variant of /c/ in Andalxicla and the Caribbean; and (5) a phoneme borrowed from several different sources in Mexico City and other dialect areas. In Mexico City she states CsD occasionally alternates with /c/, /s/, /x/, and /ks/. 130 nor does Boyd-Bowman (I960) mention CsH in his study of the

Spanish of Guanajuato.

In summary, as an allophone of /c/ is attested to in parts of the Spanish speaking world. The documenta­ tion in Andalucla, the Caribbean and the Colombian coast reminds one of the other phonological trends following that geographic route, the seseo, yelsmo, aspiration and loss of

/s/. The occurrence of CsD in the Spanish of the Southwest seems to be increasing, perhaps because of reinforcement by

English. CsH was not described in earlier phonetic works on

New Mexico and Arizona, but is now heard to some degree in some parts of Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and California.

Duncan (1956) finds CsH most among people under twenty in New Mexico. Three of Coltharp's (1965) six El V/ Paso youths use HsD in noche, cuchillo, mucho, pecho. In my study there seems to be little relationship to age. These findings are supported by Miller's (1975) noting c¥d in the speech of a 67-^year^old Sonoran, as the provenance of my informants is mainly Sonora.

Bills, in annotating Duncan's article states that

Duncan "correctly identifies this Cs3 as a natural tendency in Spanish and not simply the result of contact with

English" (Teschner, Bills, and Craddock 1975:87).

Of interest are: B's unique use of the interjection

"ch" realized as Cell and the latter phone not occurring elsewhere in her speech. As her parents are from Mexico 131

City it could be a non-Sonoran phenomenon; C's use of CcD in place of CkD for tender baby talk in this sentence: El nirio tiene cabeza chiCcjita; the use of both allophones in one word, muCcJaC^Da and muCcJaCsIlita, by X; and the use of Cell in all 26 occurrences of chile whether utterance initial, postconsonantal, or intervocalic.

2.1.4 The Voiceless Fricatives /f, s, x/

2.1.4.1 /f/. The voiceless labiodental fricative

/f/ occurs in utterance initial, intervocalic, and post- consonantal positions in the speech of these nine women.

Examples: Fuertes, muy fuertes, enfermas. /f/ may be followed by /I, r/, as in frijol, flores.

Cf II is the most common realization of /f/ except in the sequence /f/ plus CwH in which case /f/ alternates with a more relaxed enunciation ranging from CpD to ChD, with a few cases of the more tense CxD.

More than half of the occurrences of /f/ plus CwD are manifested as Cfw3, about a third as ChwD, with about f 15% represented by Cp, h, xD. In utterance initial position there are only 17 occurrences, in utterance medial position 69 occurrences, the allophonic usages of which are shown in Table 15.

Of the four women with ten or more occurrences of

/f/ plus Cw3 in utterance medial position, A and Z use CfD more than ChD, M and Y use ChD more than CfD. Of those 132

Table 15. /fuV/ in Utterance Medial Position3

Inf. cf: cP: Lfhl cx: ChD Occ.

A 8 3 11

B 2 1 3

C 9 9

L 4 4

M 1 1 5 3 10

N 3 1 l 5

X 1 3 2 6

Y 1 9 10 Z 9 1 2 12

Total 38 4 2 6 20 70

aExpressed in occurrences rather than percentages.

five with fewer occurrences than ten, all use Lf3, but only

C and L use only CfH.

The more common occurrences of /f/ plus [w] are in afuera, fuertes, and in the preterite indicative and imperfect subjunctive of ir, ser. Examples of allophonic usage:

A: Que te vaya bien, le dije, y me HhHui.

N; Si, CfHui pero CxDui a la Davis.

X: Si, as! EpDue, asina es. 133

Difunto occurred once, in X's diChU (pause) diC^Hunto. Other occurrences of /fu/ are with /f/ as y usted no CfJuma, and en un CfJuneral, perCf]ume.

In the Southwest /f/ is realized as the voiceless labiodental, /f/, but /f/ plus CwD is documented also as an aspirate. The quality of the aspirate varies from a velar fricative (Miller 1975) to a bilabial pharyngeal aspirate

(Espinosa 1909), but is described as a pharyngeal aspirate in most studies of the Southwest. Clegg (1969) finds the voiceless bilabial aspirate and Marrocco (1972), Cf 3. She states the ChD is neither "widespread nor general" in Corpus

Christi Spanish.

/f/ plus the vowel /u/ also may occur as an aspirate as mentioned in Post (1934) and Hills (1938), and found by

Coltharp (19 65) in one of her six informants. The word difunto seems to be the most common occurrence.

2.1.4.2 /s/. The phoneme /s/ is found in utterance initial and final positions, as in Subi6 tres libras. /s/ is heard in the preconsonantal position before voiced or voiceless consonants whether word medial or word final as

Los mismos pensamientos and Estoy impuesta. /s/ occurs intervocalically whether word initial, medial, or final as in pues eso se usa. /s/ also occurs in syllable initial position after a consonant, as piensan, al cine. 134

The phoneme /s/ is manifested as the voiceless alveolar groove fricative CsU, a lightly voiced alveolar groove fricative C zII, the voiceless fricative , and /s/ is also omitted or assimilated. I have not specified the point of articulation for the C 3 because it varies from the front to the back of the mouth."'" It is often very difficult to tell exactly where the constriction is along the passageway, or how large an area is constricted or the degree of constriction. The aspirate allophone of /s/ also voices before the voiced consonant in a few instances. I decided to assign to any aspirates which are allophones of /s/, those sounds which are on the continuum between Cs• or Lzl and EhD. I have reserved the phonetic symbol Chll for the pharyngeal aspirate allophones of /x/ and /f/, so there is actual overlapping as the sound of the C 1 representing intervocalic aspiration of /s/ is sometimes the same as the ChD. Example: noC h Ilotros, laC h lonce.

2.1.4.2.1 /s/ in Utterance Initial Position:

In this position /s/ is realized as HsD except in one instance. The affirmative for si was heard once in the speech of A.

1. " (C^3) cambia de lugar de articulaci6n desde una posici6n dental hacia una aspiraciSn farlngea. Se articula en medio de los dos lugares" CClegg 1969:55). 135

2.1.4.2.2 /s/ Before a Voiceless Consonant:

The most common allophone of the 1183 occurrences

in this position is HsD, very infrequently H H or loss,

rarely Zzl. Before the dentals /t, d/ the dental articula­

tion, CjD, Cz3, occurs for the voiceless and voiced alveolar

fricative. Table 16 shows the number of occurrences and

percentage of allophonic usage in this position by the

individual informants.

Table 16. /s/ Before a Voiceless Consonant

LSI CzD EhJ Loss

Inf. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. No Pet. Occ.

A 296 97% 7 2% 2 1% 305 B 74 87% 10 12% 1 1% 85

C 126 100% 126

L 99 98% 2 2% 101

M 112 93% 2 2% 1 1% 5 4% 120

N 79 74.5% 26 24.5% 1 1% 106

X 111 75.5% 1 1% 24 16% 11 7.5% 147

Y 96 85% 1 1% 9 8% 7 6% 113 Z 79 99% 1 1% 80

Total 1072 90% 4 .5% 78 7% 29 2.5% 1183 136

Four of the informants, A, C, L, and Z, use only the

CsD allophone before a voiceless consonant, with sporadic occurrences of aspiration or loss of /s/. M, with 93% use of CsD, has sporadic use of the other three allophones.

Three of her five losses of /s/ are assimilation of /s/ to

Hsu,V the fricative allophone of /c/. The remaining four informants, B, N, X, and Y use CsH from 74.5% to 87%, the aspirate from 8% to 24%, and /s/ is omitted from 0% to 7%.

B, N, and Y have a relatively fast rate of speech which may account for their higher-than-average use of C 3 and loss. Speech examples;

B: ECsD el grande de todoCsD tambien porque nadien loC^D cuida. h h B: la casa de not DotroCsD tiene mSC 1 paCsDto que todos. } Y: y leC rDob6 una pistolita que tenfan ellCal) para protecci6n.

Y: .. . ni la tonada ni laH*1] palabraCzH ni nada.

Y: PueCsD claro que no eC 1 verdad.

Y: ... traigo ganCa3 y luego ni ganaHjH traigo. In addition, N*s false teeth and respiratory difficulties may account for her aspiration, 24.5%, which is much higher than any informant's. Examples:

N: Versus] como se ...

N; Ya eC^Jtoy rmpueC^Dta, ttj sabeC^D, que graben mi voC ].

N: Glass quiere decir dCoD cosas. 137

N: El tiene muchaCsD cuentaChD, yo creo.

N: Corao loC*1] eC^DtudianteC^D chiquitoH*1;], a ver.

* Although X is a very slow speaker, she has 16% C D and 7.5% omissions, which may be attributable to her careless articulatory habits. Examples: X: Ya son muchaCsH casaCsD que yo me acuerdo ... Pues (pause) leC^3 dieron otra[ ] casaCsD o ... Siempre leCsH pagaron algp por lCaD propiedades. ... vienen de la[ ] otraC D casaHs3.

The second person singular of the preterit occurred twice, both times with a final /s/. L said dichijtesll , whereas M omitted the /s/ before the voiceless consonant in te (a)sustGates:]. Satisfecha was said by Z as saC stiHfecha, noted by Ross (1975). Henrlquez Urena (1938) documents saC^tif]aci6n in Mexican Spanish.

2.1.4.2.3 /s/ in Estar;

Estar and its variants were isolated from the -sC o count because of the relatively high numbers, 280 occur­ rences. Seven of the informants maintained the /s/ of estar with 9 0% of the time which is the same per­ centage as in the regular words.

The aspiration and loss occur in different per­ centages, however. The same four informants who used the aspirate most in regular words, B, N, X, and Y, are the only ones either to use or to omit /s/ in estar. Aspiration occurred in two informants, N and Y, 5% and 3% each, making a group average of 1% as contrasted with the average of 7% 138 in regular words in -sC position. The group average of loss

in estar was 9%, much higher than the 2.5% of the regular

words. X and Y's omission of /s/ was rare, but B and N's

was moderate, 28% and 26% of the time. N's losses are

almost all in utterance initial position, whereas B's are mainly utterance medial. Examples of N:

N (speaking of aged mother): ya eC^Dtcis (pause) ya eC^DtS en (pause) ya eC^DtS en silla rueda (pause) y de la silla rueda a la cama (pause) CtUci muy viejita ya (pause) y luego tiene arthuritis (pause) ZtlcL bedridden.

B's frequency of usage of and omission, as follows,

illustrates increase of loss with speed in general as well as in the utterance initial position.

Speed Loss

S 5 0

M 20 (includes 13 3 (1 init.) init.)

F 6 (3 init.) 9 (2 init.)

Examples of B's speech:

B: (Ah)orita C^Dtci la Anita enferma allS adentro.

B: Y CtDaba toda asustada alii.

B; y C^Dtaba llorando en la noche.

B: LaC Doras se hacgn muy largas (pause) pero cugndo eC^UtamoC 3 aqul en la casa (pause) luego luego se van (laughs) mientrCaD (pause) /c/ cuaEptDoy trabajando, no (pause) se Cell duran mSs. (cuando estoy)

B: CsDtci bien.

B: CtDaba pasando y pasando 139 B: Cuando CtDaba chiquita me internaban mucho de las anginas.

B: No puedo dormir (pause) porque tCosUtcin hablando. (todos estSn)

2.1.4.2.4 /s/ Plus a Voiced Consonant:

In this position the phoneme is realized as LzJ,

Us], L j, and is omitted, in that order. /s/ before /d/ is dentalized. Table 17 shows each informant's occurrences and percentages of allophonic usage.

Table 17. /s/ Before a Voiced Consonant

Allophones

cs: :z: E h: Loss Inf. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. Occ.

A 23 17% 85 62% 13 9% 17 12% 138

B 8 20% 11 27.5% 15 37.5% 6 15% 40

C 24 42% 28 49% 1 2% 4 7% 57

L 25 48% 21 40% 2 4% 4 8% 52

M 19 33% 24 41% 2 4% 13 22% 58 N 8 10% 27 33% 37 46% 9 11% 81

X 11 9% 52 41.5% 45 36% 17 13.5% 125 Y 10 11% 34 35% 18 19% 34 35% 96

Z 17 26% 40 62% 4 6% 4 6% 65

Total 145 322 137 108 712 Average 24% 43. 5% 18% 14.5% 140

Of the 712 occurrences of /s/ in this position, Lzl is the most frequent allophone with 43.5% usage. CsZl, C 1, and omission occur 24%, 18%, and 14.5% of the time.

The Lzl, however, is not the most common allophone for the three informants, L, B, and N. L uses CsD most commonly, 48%, and the latter two, C^D, 37.5% and 46%.

Y omits /s/ more than the other informants, 35%, which is the same proportion as her use of Lzl.

Which allophones make up the majority of each informant's speech? A and Z have Lzl as their most common allophone with 62% each. If one considers their second most common allophone, CsD, the total -sC manifestation of CsU and Lzl in their speech would be A, 79%, and Z, 88%. C, L, and M, the slowest speakers, also use CsD and Lzl most often, the combined percentages being 91%, 88%, and 74%.

N and X use Lzl and C U the most often, their totals being

79% and 77.5%. B does not have an extremely high percentage of any two allophones but uses Lzl and L D a total of 65%.

For Y Lzl and omission of /s/ are most common, 35% each.

In summary five use CsU and Lzl most, three use

Lzl and E 1 most, and one, Lzl and omission of /s/.

The Lzl in -sC position demonstrates assimilation of voicing to the following voiced consonant. This occurs most in the speech of A and Z. The use of CsD in -sC shows lack of assimilation, the reasons for which are varied, such as word boundary 141

speech which is particularly obvious in the staccato speech

of L, who has the largest percentage of usage of CsD, 48%.

Contrasting examples within her speech follow;

L: Me decsDmoralizo Eso eCs] lo que me deLzDmoraliza Eso eCzD lo que yo no entiendo, eCsD lo que yo quisiera que a mi me eCsDplicara plancho el miCsimo dia loC^D miC^DmHoD pensamientos

Another factor in lack of assimilation is very slow speech, as that of C and L, who have the highest use of CsD,

42% and 48%. Slow speech does not always prevent assimila­

tion, however, because a slow speaker can "slur," as does

X, a breathy slow speaker with sloppy articulation, who has the lowest percentage of [s], 91. M speaks fairly slowly and heavily, but not particularly carefully. She has large

percentages of CsH, CzD, and omission, but not of L D. Z speaks slowly, but with assimilation, perhaps because of lack of wind or energy in her speech.

Speed also plays a part within the speech of each person. There is an increase in omission of /s/ in seven informants and decrease of the use of Cs: in six informants as the relative rate of speech increased. The use of Lzl does not show general tendencies regarding speed within the individuals' speech.

The following connected utterances from M illustrate almost too ideally the effect of relative speed on speech in the case of /s/ plus the voiced consonant /m/ in muebles. 142

The speed is indicated in parentheses by S for slow, M for medium, and F for fast.

M: CS) Tengo que limpiar loCsD muebles (pause) o (pause) (F) puedo limpiar 1CO3 muebles (pause) o (pause) (M) comprar miczi muebles (pause) (F) lots3 nombres (de) lo:"D muebles ...

At slow she used HsD, at medium, tz3, and at fast C 3 and

omission of the phoneme for /s/ before muebles. B, although

a rapid speaker, assimilates to Cz3 much less than average

which is consistent with the careful articulation in her

clear light speech, and has just a little less than the

average percentage of Us3. Aspiration and/or loss of /s/ occurs in about half or

more of the speech of B, N, X, and Y, no doubt because of

speed and personal habit, and also in N's case because of dentures and respiratory problems, and in X's because of

careless articulation.

Another factor contributing to loss is redundancy,

as in use of plural indicators of articles and nouns. The informants show plurality of article and noun most commonly in these phonetic patterns: loCs3 ojos, laC 3 horas, loCs3 h h codos, laC 3 tirejas, laC 3 nalgas, laCs3 materiales, miLzl manos. Occasionally a plural was indicated by only one of

two agreeing words, as; La Us 3 ufiEa3, loCz3 dedCo3 de lot:s3 u u pi Ce3, laC 3 nublle3 pa'cci, la: 3 nubCe3 pa'llS; lCo3

bigoteC h3; laC h3 amigCo3. Redundancy is also a factor in the todos los __—— structures, which are dealt with in 143 the /si/ section, and in the use of les which appears in the /sg/ section.

In addition to these generalizations allophonic usage is also affected by the environment. Table 18 shows the /s/ allophones before each of the voiced consonants.

Table 18. /s/ Before Each Voiced Consonant

h Cons cs: nz: L I Loss Occ.

/b/ 20% 41% 27% 12% 69

/d/ 2% 69% 13% 16% 166

/g/ 4% 47% 42% 7% 38

/y/ 27% 48% 12. 5% 12.5% 25

/m/ 35% 26% 25% 14% 179

/n/ 47% 28.5% 18.5% 6% 91 /I/ 26% 35% 16% 23% 116 /?/a 8% 38% 19% 35% 26

Percentage Based on Orthography of /b/

"b" 7% 46% 38% 9% 23

"v" 27% 35% 13% 25% 46

Not included are the three voiceless allophones of /?/, which comprise 11 of the 37 /r/ occurrences. 144

The word medial occurrences are in mismo, desde, desmoralizo, resbalg. Examples of word boundary occurrences before different voiced consonants are:

A: En veceCz] no tenemoCzD laEsD materiales.

j6vene CzrHebeIdes

LoLjl doCsD viven PuCeD le pico.

Me dijo "BuenaCsD noches" y le dije "BuenaCzH noches."

M fuerteCsD loCsD muchachos M para que jueguen laCzH muchachas

N pero Ce] muy trabajador.

N eC D muy bonito que diga uno la verdad.

N No eCzH muy flaco flaco. h X CiertoCzD vistaC 1 me gustan.

X TripaC ] de leche, has oido, £no? Las tripaC^: de leche.

X PueCzD yo no se.

X PuCeD yo creo que ya, dque no?

Y ellCorDeinan .h. Z unas parteC 1 grandes. The /s/ before a voiced consonant is maintained as

Us: most frequently before /n/, 47%, and /m/f 35%. Before

/yf 1/ and v [s] is used 27%, 26%, and 27%. This allophone is most infrequent before b, /g, r, d/ with percentages of

7%, 4%, 4%, and 2%, 145

The CzH occurred most often preceding UdD (as CzD),

69%, /y/, 56%, and /g/ and b, 47% and 46%. The CzD occurred

less before /r/, v, /I, n, m/, 38%, 35%, 35%, 28.5%, and 26%,

which are not inconsiderable amounts.

The /s/ before /g/ has the highest percentage of C^D,

42%. Orthographic b has a slightly lower usage, 38%. The rest of the percentages range from 12%-27%.

/s/ is omitted most frequently before /r/ with

35%, /l/ and v, 23% and 25%. The loss of the phoneme is

less before /d, m/ with 16% and 14%, and the least before b, /g, n, y/ with 9%, 7%, 6%, and 4%. I should like to comment the use of /s/ plus each consonant in this order, the multiple vibrant, the frica­ tives, nasals, and the lateral.

2.1.4.2.5 /s/ Plus /r/:

/s/ was manifested by CsD, CzJ, C :, and omission occurred. The most common patterns are: joveneCzrllebeldes, JC lCarPazas, laC r]einas, lacs gnuinas, and adioCsrlleina.

The following percentages show the allophonic use before voiceless and voiced allophones of /r/.

CsJ CzJ ch: Loss Occ.

VI. /r/ 45% 0% 55% 0% 11

Vd. /r/ 8% 38% 19% 35% 26 Before a stressed vowel ErD and C^rH are the most common realizations of /sr/, and ZzrJ usually occurs before an unstressed vowel. See p, 237 for more examples. 2.1.4.2.6 /s/ Plus /d/;

/d/ was usually manifested by [d] or C ] and

preceded by a dental HzD. In very relaxed pronunciation

the fricative /d/ is omitted and preceded by Ijl or C D.

In the most relaxed pronunciation no consonant is heard for

the sequence /sd/.

The percentages of allophonic usage in the 166 occurrences are the same whether the vowel following the sequence is stressed or unstressed. That is to say, the voiced groove fricative, which is dental in the /sd/ sequence, predominates with 69%, there being infrequent C 1 and omission, and rare The highest percentage of use of Ljl, then, occurs for /s/ when the tongue is moving toward the interdental position.

Most of the occurrences of an unstressed word are found in the word de. Ninety per cent of the Hz3 are in de, as are 50% of the C D. Examples with de:

B; Venden tacoCjdDe guacamole,

L; quince d61areCzdDe gasolina N: Hay siete dlaC^De la semana.

N; Ya no me quedaron ganaljidDe coser ropa.

N; Estoy nomSc due habladora.

Y: muchas claseC^dDe aguja.

Y: Otra de las mismat^eD nosotros.

Y; No nos acordamtoe]

Y: tirejCae] Alejandro. 147

Examples of other unstressed words:

Y: LaC eUspedazan.

X: PoC^dDepende

X: quiereC^eHcir

Z: loC^dHoloreCzeD cabeza

Examples of /sd/ preceding a stressed vowel:

A: MuchoC^dDicen que

N: Y luego como a lCodlloC ^dDiaE zDvino.

B: a lCadHos.

B: LaC^dDos. T- X: BuenoC dUlas.

M: Estamos ICadDos iguales

In the word medial occurrences of /sd/ and /sm/, all of the occurrences of desde are with CjD except one with /s/ omitted, whereas only half of the occurrences of mismo are with Czl, about half with CsD, one with C 1.

2.1.4.2.7 /s/ Plus /b/:

It was difficult to assign fricative /b/ to the bilabial or labiodental areas with any degree of certainty from listening to the taped materials. It is obvious by the variation in percentages of /s/ preceding b and v, however, that there is some difference in the pronunciation before the two orthographies, as seen in Table 19.

In the stressed syllable b attracts more LzJ and

61% and 31%, than does v, 41% and 21%. CsH and omission of

/s/ are more common before v than before b. Table 19. /s/ Plus b or v

Ortho. b Ortho v b v (23 Occurrences) (46 Occurrences) (69 Occurrences)

Allophone Stress Unstr, Stress Unstr, Disregarding Stress

Cs: 8% 0% 17% 33% 6% 21%

Lzl 61% 25% 41% 11% 53% 34%

ch: 31% 50% 21% 45% 35% 26.5%

Omission 0% 25% 21% 11% 6% 18.5% 149 There were very few occurrences of /s/ plus /b/ followed by an unstressed vowel, especially after ortho­ graphic b, but the percentages indicate that is more common before an unstressed vowel.

Disregarding stress, Zzl is the most common alio- phone before b or v. The next most common is C 3, but it is to be noted the C 3 + b occurs proportionately about as much as CzJ + v. Before v OsJ occurs and /s/ is omitted more frequently than before b.

The percentages of allophonic usage of /s/ plus v are similar to those before /l/.

Considering the relative rate of speech within each h corpus one notes a slight tendency to use more C 1 and to omit the phoneme as the relative speed increases in six of the eight informants with the /sb/ sequence.

A study of individual words reveals no tendency which would help to clarify allophonic usage, other than the orthography and stress. Examples of allophonic usage of /s/ before the same or similar words in different informants follow:

Ir A: PueCzD voy

A: No C^ D vamo s B: Lotz] va a correr

L; ElloCs: van

N; lotzD va X: leC^3 vaya bien

Y: irifisicHoD vamos

Veces

A muchaCzD veces

B doE 2^ 1 veces

Y treCzD veces

Y muchEaJ veces Verdad B: EC sH verdad

N: EE z D verdad

Y: EC^D verdad

Vieja A: (tta) tienEeJ vieja

A: tieneEsD vieja

L: ropaCsJ viejitas

BienL A: mSEzIl bien h_ B; po rE 3 bien

N: mSEh3 bien

Y: mSEhH bien

Y: sabeEzD bien. Y; ingl^EzD bien

Bueno A: EEz3 bueno

L; EEsIl bueno. 151

L: MSCz3 buena.

Y: unoCzD buenoCzD golpes

The only word medial occurrence was reCz3bal§.

2.1.4.2.8 /s/ Plus /g/:

The /g/ is manifested by a fricative allophone which

is almost always followed by a stressed vowel. Czl and are the most common allophones of /s/. One-third of the occur­

rences of Cz3 are in les gusta, one-third before grande(s),

usually preceded by a noun as casaLz] grandes, and one-third

in other combinations as: quiereCz] ganar, buenoCz] golpes,

perrocz] gatos.

Most of the occurrences of C ] are in les gusta or mcis grande Cs) plus a few isolated occurrences as muchaC*1]

gracias and estamoC ] grabando.

The few occurrences of EsD are grandes preceded by

a noun, as patios grandes.

The most common manifestation of /sg/ is in les gusta in which the /s/ allophone before /g/ is manifested

one-third each by CzH, C U , and omission. In the examples gusta usually does not have primary syntactic stress. The

loss in les gusta accounts for all of the losses of the

/sg/ sequence. Most informants use both les and Ijs for the

plutal les. Two informants, C and L, use only les. The

"loss," then, before /g/ is more a function of no s on les

than it is the loss before /g/, as this vacillation le/les is found before other consonants, and vowels, too. 152

Examples follow: h h N: LoC 3 ninoC 3 leCzK gusta apuntar mucho con el dedo.

N: LoC h D mexicanoC 1*1 1 lEeH gusta mucho la tortilla.

X: Pero los muchachos no leE D gusta (pause) leEzD gusta el puro caldo y muchoEzD no lEeD gusta la carne. Twenty-three of the 25 /sy/ sequences occur pre­ ceding a vowel usually with secondary syntactic stress in yo and, much less frequently, ya. The other two occurrences are mEi] yernos and loCzD yaquis. The /s/ is manifested half of the time by EzD, one-fourth of the time by Esll, and infrequently by E^D and as omission. For the majority EzD is most common, then EsJ. The aspirate is the only allo- phone in the speech of N. No one else uses the aspirate before /y/. There is no significant pattern with speeds, perhaps because of the low frequency. Examples of /sy/ are:

A; Despu^EsD yo le dije ...

A; despu^CzU yo me iba a ir.

X: PueCsH yo lo oigo por radio

X; PueLzl yo no tengo mamS

X: Pue C z 3 yo y mi esposo semos EsicD chapitos Z: Es lo que esperamos todoEzD yo creo.

N; Son tree*1 U palabraC^D yo creo.

Z; PueCzH ya • A: Cuando vine pa'trSCsD ya no estaba ah!. 153 L: EntonceEzD ya estaba muy muy cansada.

N: Cinco anoE*1:] ya aqu£.

2.1.4.2.9 /s/ Plus /m/:

Mismo occurred often, and desmoralizo occurred twice. In both words the realization of /s/ was EsD half of the time and EzH the other half, which is more of EsU and

EzU than occurs in the word boundary /sm/ sequences. Most of the occurrences of mismo with EsU were not followed by a noun, as:

A: miEsDmo

X: lo miEsUmo

Z: EC zD la miEsHma, dno?

Y: otra de laEsD miEsDmaE D de nosotros

N: No hay como quererse a si miEsHma

The only occurrence of mi Cs Hmo preceding a noun was said emphatically by L: el miCsUmo dla.

Two-thirds of the occurrences of forms of mismo with tzl were followed by a noun as A: en la miEzDma planta

A: ir a las clases a la miCzDma vez

M: la mi EZ]]ma cosa

Y: la miCzDma edad.

N: y te estSn haciendo burla al miEzDmo tiempo and the other third had no noun after, as:

M: tfi miEzDmo eres 154

M: lo miCzUmo

Z: Ahi estci miCzDmo en la comodita.

Mismo preceding a noun correlates with assimilation of

voicing of the /s/. The only occurrence of in mismo

was before a noun in the speech of L: loC^1] mi C*1 Urn Co]

pensamientos.

In the word boundary occurrences, if the vowel

following /sm/ was stressed Cs3 was maintained more fre­

quently, as:

39% Cs3 20% CzD 27% Ch: 14% loss

If the following vowel was unstressed EzD was the more frequent allophone as:

22% [s] 33% C z J 29% C 3 16% loss

In both situations the second most common allophone, rather than CzD or CsH, was C D, and in almost the same

percentage. The percentages of omission for both were also similar, so it would appear stress did not affect omission and the use of C D. Examples of /sm/ plus stressed vowel:

A; como dotsD meses

miCzD manos

necesitamoCsH mSs sangre

de laCsD manos

mi CzD mafias

menoC^D miEz3 mafias

eC*1} media hermana mla 155

X: laC^D muerdo hi X: pues, ingl^C 1 mSs, porque

Examples of /sin/ plus an unstressed vowel:

A: DespueCsD me sail

B: por loC 3 mariguanos

L: Tiene unatsl manitaCsD muy feas.

L: iPor qu£ eCsD mi suerte Ssta? L: PueCzH me cay6 muy bien.

X: mi hermana.

Another factor in allophonic variation is individual

preference or usage. This is seen for each informant for

/s/ in -sC position. A more detailed example, that of

individual usage in the sequence /sm/, is seen in Table 20.

2.1.4.2.10 /s/ Plus /n/:

The CsD is maintained before /n/ 47% of the time,

the highest percentage of CsD before any voiced consonant.

The CzD is common, [ ] is frequent and omission of /s/ is infrequent. Before no the /s/ is generally CzD, Before the tag, dno?, however, CsD is most common. Examples: PueCZD no. En veceCzD no. EsaC z•, no. GrandeCsD, £no? PobladoreCzD,

In all other occurrences of /sn/, if the following was a stressed syllable, was most common, 41%, followed by CsD, 32%. If the following vowel was unstressed, the 156

Table 20. /sm/: Individual Usage

Inf. [S] [Z] :h: Loss Occ. A 17%. 62% 7% 14% 42

B 36% 0% 46% 18% 11

C 56% 31% 0% 13% 16

L 61% 22% 11% 6% 18 M 48% 38% 0% 14% 21

N 15% 30% 50% 5% 20

X 14.5% 14.5% 57% 14% 21

Y 18% 18% 41% 23% 17

Z 46% 23% 15.5% 15.5% 13

Ave. 35% 26% 25% 14% 179

r_ CsH was most common, 43%, followed by [ ], 29%. Examples: ia:h: nubes, tieneC^D nada, eCs3 nombre, laEsD nubes, lo:hD nombres, laC h-ID nueve, a laHsD nueve y veinte, pa' trciC*1: a h lac*1] nueve, eCsl negro, te pone Cr 1 nerviosa, estcLCsU nerviosa , et ^3 natural, muchoCs] negocios. There are too few occurrences of /sn/ (91) to verify changes with relative rate of speech.

Every one of the informants uses the CsD allophone before the voiced consonant /n/. For four informants CsD is the most common allophone, 46-61%. One uses it 36%, and four use it infrequently, 4.5% to 18% each. 157

In regard to the IIzI] allophone, B never uses it, one uses it most commonly, 62%, and the other percentages range from 14.5% to 38%. For seven people, however, EzD is the second most common of the four allophones, whether the first is Us] or E D.

Even though EsD is the most common allophone of the group, for four informants, B, N, X, and Y, E 1 is the most common allophone 41%-57%. Their use of E 3 exceeds that of

Cs: by from 10% to 42.5%. C and M never use E H. Three informants use E D 7% to 15.5%. All of the informants omit /s/, but omission is not the most common usage of anyone. Among the four informants who aspirate most highly, N omits /s/ the least, B and X omit moderately, and Y omits /s/ the most of any informant.

The range of omission is 6%-23%.

2.1.4.2.11 /s/ Plus /!/: Although this sequence has the average amount of

EsU and E h D there is less EzD and more omission than on the average before voiced consonants shown on Table 17.

This sequence is usually found before an unstressed definite article or pronoun as:

Xz tfi no traEeD las tirejas

A: CheetoEsD les dicen

A: no xnSEsD le lastimS el pie B: No mS E H lo gasto. No mSE D lal J leo ahora No m[^] leE ] pregunta 158 A: Ella CeD la que me tuvo

L: A ellatzD les importa poco N: La de en media HeH la Rafaela c Z: EC zD la misma,

Y: Eso eCzD lo que piensan

Z: ECzH lo que se quiere Z: tti sabeCzD lo que quieren decir

Less frequently it is found in these combinations: saguaroCs3 largos, eCsIl lumbre, otroCsJ lugares, PueCzD lavo, loCz3 labios, dieC 1*1 H libras, eCs] leche, loC| • 3 locutoreC 1. Contrasting examples of the same informant:

L: Eso eCzZI lo que yo no entiendo, eCsD lo que yo quisiera que a uri! me explicara

N: £C6mo eEzU la correcta para hablarla?

N: £Cucil eC 1 la correcta?

The /s/ is omitted 23% of the time before /l/. Why such a high percentage of loss in this sequence? There are 25 examples of the structure todos los in the corpora.

In 21 occurrences, the /s/ in todos is omitted, two are C U and one each CsD and Czl. This usage deviates from the general pattern of 116 /si/ occurrences and explains the high percentage of /si/ loss as occurring in the todos los structure. 159

The second word in this structure is usually los or las but there are two mis, one sus, and one estas. The final /s/ of the second word also varies from the general patterns in that there is more C H or omission (33% and 11%

-sC, 23% and 31% -sC) than in similar environments not with o v* this structure (7% and 2.5% -sC, 18% and 14.5% -sC). o V Three of the 25 third words start with a vowel, and these were all preceded by EsD: tod Call miCsH amigoEs], todCoIl miCs] hijoCs], Examples of allophonic usage before a third word starting with voiceless consonants: h h X todCaD laH 3 programaC 1 todCoD loCsD corajeCsD h. h todCaD estaC H casaC 1

todCoD sCuD papeleCsH

Examples of the same words occurring with different allo- phones before voiced consonants:

N todCoD ICOJ dlas

M todCall lCaD noches

B todllaD laC D mananas

Z todCasD laCzD mananas

L tod Co II loCzIl dlas

L todCal) laC D noches .h. B todaC D lCa: mananas Among my informants the ending of the third word is always CsD in the utterance final position, consistent with utterance final /s/. When the third word is not utterance 160 final, one finds EsU, EzD, and E 3, depending on the follow­ ing sound. There is only one case of omission in all three words of one example of the structure, and yet the meaning is still clear.

Y: de todEaD lEaD razEaD loEzD negroE 3 quieren gobernar a todEa] lEaD razaEsD.

In summary, in the structure todos los the third word seems to carry the burden of expressing plurality more than the second word, which in turn expresses plurality more frequently than the first word, todos. This deletion of a redundant feature accounts for loss of /s/ in the /si/ sequence.

On the basis of my informants' performance, there are some general tendencies. The first is environmental conditioning. Some fricatives are not conducive to maintaining the preceding /s/. /d, g, r/ and b have less than 10% EsD whereas /y/ and v have 27 and 21%.

In addition, those voiced fricatives with anterior lingual articulation, that is the interdental, alveolar and palatal fricatives facilitate use of a preceding EzD and/or

E^D. /d, r, y/ have very high percentages of a preceding EzD. Two fricatives without anterior tongue articulation,

/g/ And b, have the next highest usage of EzD. The v and

/l/ have 34% and 35% usage, the lowest percentages of EzD being before /m, n/ with 26% and 28.5%, which is still 161 higher in percentage than most of the an(j omission percentages, which is consistent with the general tendency to voice before a voiced consonant.

The nasals, with anterior as well as velic closure, correlate with the highest CsD, the lowest CzD, but moderate :hD. Posterior articulation, as in /g/, coincides with high aspiration. Before b, during the articulation of which the mouth is slightly open and -.the tongue is relatively free and relaxed, there is also a tendency to aspiration,

/m, n/ have 25% and 18.5% aspiration preceding them, but the other phonemes have less use of C H, ranging from 7% to 16%.

The lateral has moderate izl and moderate to low

Lzl. Its percentages are similar to those of v.

The speed within each corpus correlates with higher use of C D and omission usually, and lower use of CsD.

The general rate of speech of each informant also correlates with allophonic usage, but is modified by other factors such as care of articulation.

Stress in the syllable following the voiced con­ sonant of the -sC sequence seems to correlate with Lzl except before the nasals in which cases the stress corre- lates with CsJ before /m/ and C 3 before /n/, but not before no, and except before the multiple vibrant /r/. In the /sr/ sequence the fricatives CzjfD occur preceding an unstressed 162 vowel, and C D or loss of /s/ plus the multiple voiced trill ErJ before a stressed vowel.

Redundancy is also a factor in that plurality, for example, is often not expressed in all of the parts of speech involved.

Individual habits and other paralinguistic factors also influence usage.

2.1.4.2.12 /s/ in Utterance Final Position:

The /s/ is manifested in this position by the CsU allophone in 98% of the 1017 occurrences, and rarely by the aspirate and omission which occurred in the speech of A, L,

N, and X a total of 13 and 18 times. Seven of the informants show a marked inclination to prolong utterance final /s/ in 13% to 75% of the occurrences.^

2.1.4.2.13 /s/ in Intervocalic Position:

Here /s/ is usually realized by OsJ, sporadically by

H*1:, and rarely by omission or tz3, of which there are only

12 and 5 occurrences respectively. The phoneme occurs in the word initial, medial, and final positions, as exempli­ fied here: gracias a Dios; parece ser trabajador.

Table 21 shows the occurrences of the and CzD and omission in these positions.

1. Clegg (1969) classifies this sound as an allophone, Cs:J, which is a finer distinction than is being made in this study, for length is not being con­ sidered a reason for distinct allophones as, for example, in C^D, CgD, [r], or utterance final voiceless fricative co]- 163

Table 21. /s/: C •, CzD, and Loss in -s- Position

Ch3 Lzl Loss

Word Word Word Word Word Word Inf. Init. Med. Final Final Med. Final Occ.

A 0 2 7 0 0 0 9

B 0 1 6 0 0 0 7

C 0 0 0 1 1 0 2

L 1 1 4 0 0 0 6

M 1 0 7 0 0 1 9 N 6 14 8 0 2 0 30

X 3 1 29 0 2 2 37

Y 1 2 11 4 1 3 22

Z 0 0 2 0 0 0 2

Totals 12 21 74 5 6 6 124

aNosotros and forms of decir are excluded.

The word initial position is the least favored for allophones other than CsD, There are no Cz: nor omissions of /s/, but five informants have d*1]. Eleven of the 12 word-initial aspirates are in the sequence se, there being

8 pronouns, 1 verb, and 2 occurrences of semana. The other aspirate occurred in me C Iliento. Examples:

M: No c£>mo C^De llama

N: Yo no por qu£

N: de la C^Demana. 164

X: Ya [ ]e me acab6.

Y: Yo ya C De lo dije.

Word medially CzJ does not occur. Four informants omit /s/ and six have C D. The six medial losses include

N's and Y's por CeoH (eso), C's las cCoal (cosas), N's parCe:3 ser (parece). Of the 21 occurrences of C h H, four are in eso, one each in casa, asust6, (hace) caso, and 14 occur in N's words such as parece, necesito esa, ese, casar, pobrezas, esposo, asi.

The word final position is the most favored inter­ vocalic location for variant allophones of /s/. Eight informants use a total of 74 times, two informants use

Czl a total of 5 times, and three omit /s/ a total of 6 times. Some examples are: let*1] enfade; graciaC^1] a Dios; puedeC*1] echar; laC^D once; haC^J oido; loC*1] otros; ellas laC^J atiende el "Welfare"; ya est^C^J haciendo muchas cosaE ti] en la costura; tengo laC H man Co J metidaC i"i 3 en la bolsa, jo qug?; pueCzIli estS bajo la tierra; traigo ganCa] y luego ni ganaCsIl traigo. 2.1.4.2.14 Intervocalic /s/ in Nosotros:

Nosotros was isolated not because of its frequency of occurrence, but rather because of the number of in- formants who said noH lotros, as noted in Table 22, and of the general impression received from non-informants in

Tucson. 165

Table 22. Intervocalic /s/ in Nosotros

Informant cs: ChD

A 5 1 B 0 1 C 1 0 L 0 0 M 1 0 N 1 1 X 3 3 Y 2 0 Z 0 0

Total 13 6

Three informants used only CsD. Indeed, CsD was more common than . One used only and three used both allophones. Two did not have nosotros in their speech.

2.1.4.2.15 Intervocalic /s/ in Decir:

Informants B and N use only the aspirate in the infinitive of decir, saying dci 3ir but the expression quiere dCesHir is said by B. B also uses the aspirate in her one occurrence of the imperfect tense: £PCi Ulan de aquf? The other seven use CsD in the present tense and infinitive of decir. In summary, for intervocalic /s/, CsD is the most common allophone with sporadic occurrences of H 3, omission of /s/, and extremely rare occurrences of izl. The total usage of /s/ in all positions is pre­ dominantly [sU, CzD being preferred only before the voiced 166 consonant, and lesser proportions of H H and omission of /s/

in every position except utterance initial. Table 23 shows

individual use of aspiration and omission of /s/ by occurrences for -_s# and -Sj-, by percentages for -^sC and ^sC.

Table 23. /s/: Aspiration and Loss in Four Environments

Occurrences Percentages

-s#— -s-— -sCQ -sCV/ A 1 J — — f Inf. :h: Loss 1 Loss nh: Loss ch: Loss

A rare few 9 0 2% 1% 9% 12%

B 7 0 12% 1% 37.5% 15%

C rare few 0 1 0% 0% 2% 7%

L 6 0 0% 2% 4% 8%

M rare 8 1 1% 4% 4% 22%

N few rare 28 2 24.5% 1% 46% 11%

X rare few 33 4 16% 7.5% 36% 13.5%

Y 14 4 8% 6% 19% 35%

Z 2 0 1% 0% 6% 6%

Those who aspirate most are B, N, X, and Y, whereas

A, C, Lf M, and Z do not aspirate frequently. Those who omit /s/ most frequently are M, X, and Y. Those who omit

/s/ less frequently are Af B, and N, and least frequently are C, L, and Z. 167

The aspirates of /s/, as mentioned at the beginning

of the /s/ section, vary as to point or area of articula­

tion, as well as to voicing. Some of the intervocalic and

-sC aspirates are between CsD and C 1*1 D. Some of the

aspirate allophones of /s/ before the voiced consonant are

between CzH and C £ 3, which is to say there is some voicing.

There seems to be a voiced aspirate preceding the voiced

consonant in the speech of 5 informants before /m, n, 1,

g, b/, but none before the fronted fricatives /d, y/ nor the

/r/. The voiced aspirate is rare in A, infrequent in N, and

occurs before the voiced consonant one-third to one-half in

the speech of X, Y, and Z.

Examples of the voiced aspirate for /s/ plus a

voiced consonant occurred in these utterances of X: les

gusta, los muchachos, estamos vivos, hijos me, otras no,

mSs la. Examples from Y: pues la gente, otros mSs, mgs

grandecita, pues no suelta. An example of Z: no mSs me.

It is a widespread phenomenon for consonant clusters

to agree in voicing, that is for /s/ to voice to Lz3 before a voiced consonant. Lz3 is the most frequent of the /s/

allophones in this position, but the Cz3 does not occur

predictably before any phone except perhaps the voiced fricative CrU . The allophones of /s/, CsD, EzU, E*1!!, and omission, then, are in free variation before a voiced consonant, as are the CsD, £ 3, and omission of /s/ before the voiceless consonants. 168

Factors contributing to the allophonic usages are

personal habits, environmental conditioning, redundancy,

speed, and paralinguistic factors which are not within the

scope of this study. The other studies of the Southwest show voicing of

/s/ before the voiced consonant to be a common but un­ predictable phenomenon. Marrocco (1972), for example,

finds /s/ is equally as prominent. In narrow transcrip­

tions intermediate stages are noted by Marrocco (19 72) and

Clegg (1969), who mentions allophones before a voiced consonant as ranging from a relaxed /s/ to the voiced

aspirate to omission. Hills (1938) states that in New

Mexico the voicing is more like the voiced counterpart of

the voiceless aspirate.

Before the voiceless consonant Phillips (1967) finds

CsJ generally and Clegg (1969) finds either EsD or a

slightly aspirated phone. In this study the HsD is more common before the voiceless than the voiced consonant, but aspiration and loss both occur, even though in much smaller

proportions than in -sC. v Aspiration is found throughout the Southwest, except by Post (1934) whose only aspirate is in si. The aspiration is most common in syllable final position,

Marrocco CL97 2) says moreso in word final position than syllable final within the word. Aspiration is found to be less frequent in intervocalic position and even less 169 frequent in utterance initial position. S_f and nosotros are often the examples illustrating aspiration in the two posi­ tions, but to this author those particular words do not necessarily indicate a general tendency. Phillips, for e example, found no intervocalic aspiration except in nosotros; Post (1934) none in utterance initial position except in £5l. With the exception of si > hi, initial aspiration was not noted in the majority of studies.

Espinosa (1909) and Sanchez (1972) state aspiration can be found in all positions, but SSnchez' examples are of pre­ consonantal position and intervocalic in nosotros and decir.

Ross (1975) qualifies that statement by saying the aspirate does not occur in syllable initial position after a con­ sonant.

Hills (1938) feels that the quality of the aspirate in the syllable final preconsonantal position in New Mexico is softer and articulated a little more forward than the

/x/ normally used in New Mexico, but that the aspirate found in initial or intervocalic position is pronounced like the normal New Mexican /x/. Of the aspirates before a voiced consonant, Clegg (1969) shows only the voiced allophone, whereas most refer to aspiration in general, or a voiceless aspirate.

Aspiration of the /s/ in New Mexico is explained as a "marked tendency to move the tip of the tongue upwards, removing it partly from the denti-alveolar region and either 170 touching the uppermost edges of the gingivae very slightly or not at all, an aspiration alone remaining, which is strengthened to ChD or CxD, or, as in the case where the s comes to be silent, the weak aspiration is entirely lost"

(Espinosa 1909:117^-118). This seems to be what is occurring among the Tucson women in this study.

Marrocco (1972) says aspiration occurs more commonly in Corpus Christi with the apico-dental /s/ than with the dorsal alveolar which is used substantially but is less common. She adds that in her own dialect of English, and from her personal observations in the Corpus Christi area, the apico-dental is an allophone of English /s/, which reinforces (or perhaps, she states, is reinforced by) the apico-dental allophone in Spanish.

Omission is also widespread. Only Miller (1975) and

Post (1934) do not mention it. Espinosa (1909) says in almost all Spanish dialects omission is noted before

/l, nf r/ and the /s/ nearly always disappears before /l, m, n, r/ in New Mexico.

For Marrocco (1972) the phenomenon C 1 > loss is sporadic, and there are no environmental influences. Hills

(1938) finds loss of syllable final C D occurs especially after /e/. Phillips (1967) finds only HsD and Lzl in the

-sC position in his checklist, but finds Us:, [z], and omission in spontaneous speech, which indicates that 171 more casual, rapid speech increases the occurrences of aspiration and omission.

The amount of omission is not specified, but it would seem to vary. The occurrences, on the other hand, are mainly found in the preconsonantal position, particu­ larly before the voiced consonant. There are sporadic occurrences in other positions, as Clegg (1969), for example, finds the voiceless fricatives and aspirates as well as omission in utterance final position.

In this study the intervocalic voicing to Czl as mentioned by Marrocco (1972) is rare. Not noted are voiceless palatal fricative i'sJ resulting from /s/ + yod as described by Marrocco (1972), nor that resulting from /s/

+ /k/ as described by Espinosa (1909), nor is the word nor resulting from apheresis of senor (Espinosa 1909) found among the nine women in this study.

2.1.4.3 /x/. The phoneme /x/ occurs in utterance initial, intervocalic, postconsonantal, and utterance final positions, as in: Jalg una "T shirt," Ese es el Jaime, Tfi me proteges, Mi reloj.

The most common allophone in the 20 utterance initial and in the 600 utterance medial occurrences is a weak voiceless pharyngeal fricative, the percentage for medial occurrences being ChD, 77%, a more tense voiceless 172 velar fricative CxH, 22%. Omission is rare, 1%, as seen in

Table 24.

Table 24. /x/ in Utterance Medial Position

Inf. cx: ChD Loss Occ.

A 6 (4 %)_ 155 (95%) 1 (1%) 162

B 8 (18%) 37 (82%) 0 (0%) 45

C 1 (2%) 43 (98%) 0 (0%) 44

L 0 to%) 40 (93%) 3 (7%) 43

M 16 (43%) 21 (57%) 0 (0%) 37

N 12 (44%) 15 (56%) 0 (0%) 27

X 2 (3%) 57 (97%) 0 (0%) 59

Y 3 (2%) 128 (98%) 0 (0%) 131

Z 44 (85%) 8 (15%) 0 (0%) 52

Total 92 (22%) 504 (77%) 4 (1%) 600

ChD was the most common allophone for all informants except Z who used CxH 85%, and ChU only 15%. M and N also used CxD frequently, 43% and 44%. All of B's

CxD were in dCixDir. L not only used no CxD, but 26 of her

40 Chll were very weak, and she omitted /x/ 7%, which were three occurrences of fijate. /x/ occurred utterance final only in reloj. Both times /x/ was lost. Y used le dije and dijo extremely frequently in her conversation so those two words have a higher frequency (73) than her other occurrences of /x/

(55), albeit all with ChD.

Examples of allophonic variation:

A: Que lo deUxJa da mucha pena. (pause) A, a ml me puede ya, ahora que deChIl£ a mi novio me puede.

C: tChJeronimo? jEhDesfis!

C: No me gusta trabaChDo de ese (pause) trabaChHando de casa. Me gusta meChJor de oficina, o de hospital.

N: ExDaime es mi hiCxDo.

Y: Well, uh, yo se lo que hago,

Z: Tienes roce con la ExDente, dno?, meExDicana.

In my Tucson informants one does not find initial orthographic h aspirating as in heryir, hediondo, a phenomenon noted by Clegg (1969), Espinosa (1909), Hills

(1938), and Post (1934), nor does /x/ become CfD as noted by Espinosa (1909) and Ross (1975) as in Juan. The /x/ phoneme in the Southwest is described in most studies as "softer," a voiceless pharyngeal aspirate.

Miller (19 75) and Phillips (1967) list two allophones for

/x/f Cx3, and Chll, the latter stating that "there does not seem to be any real conditioning factor affecting choice of these two allophones, and most informants may be found to use both of them at various times: the informants usually 174 do show a preference for one or the other" (Phillips 19 67:

87). Dalbor (1969) describes two allophones, a fronted one, the voiceless palatal slit fricative, and the voiceless velar slit fricative, but notes that in some dialects both are replaced by the glottal, in which case he would call the phoneme /h/ rather than /x/. Ross (1975) does not find the aspirate. Reloj always occurs with final CoH.

In Mexico CSrdenas (1967) says the /x/ is "abierta y suave" like an aspirated ChD, but Boyd-Bowman (1960) and

Matluck (1951) say although /x/ is weak it never occurs as the pharyngeal aspirate ChU. Matluck finds the uvular and postpalatal variants. The weak pharyngeal aspirate found in Tucson is written phonetically with ChD which does not represent the

English h. The difference is obvious in Tucson, when one hears a reference to the "Holy Hope" cemetery in Spanish on the radio, for example. The h is less tense than the Cxll, but moreso than the English Chll.

2,1,5 The Voiced Fricative /y/

2.1.5.1 /y/. The phoneme /y/ occurs in utterance initial, intervocalic and postconsonantal positions.

Examples:

A; Ya no vamos para allS.

A; Un llor6n es una persona que llora mucho, 175

/y/ is manifested most frequently by the voiced palatal fricative with inaudible friction, by a voiced palatal fricative, Cyl!, and often /y/ is omitted.

The transcriber allowed too large a margin of tolerance for

so the assignments to the allophones are in some cases arbitrary and overlapping as length and loudness were at times confused with friction. The voiced palatal affricate occurred only once, muy HyJor6n, as did the voiced palatal V V groove fricative Izl in B's "crackers" CzDo y la Mague.

Of the 134 utterance initial occurrences 115 (86%) are realized by 19 (14%) by CyH as seen in Table 25.

Seven of the latter are from the speech of A: One occurred while reading Llora, two in her only forms of llevar,

Llevo, and Llevan; four of her 30 yo are pronounced with CyD and occur with special emphasis. She says, for example,

II^Ho no quiero novio ya, describes what she wants, and repeats emphatically Cy3o no quiero novio ya, None of her three utterance initial ^ is with CyD,

Z has three CyJ. Two occurred in her expression of despair over a medical problem, as in Cylla yo no s£ ni qug tomar, and the third occurred in CyJo me llamo ... .

Ya and yo were also pronounced with in utterances in which other elements received more stress syntactically.

When Z says CVJ3a ellos no quieren hablar espanol,- she emphasizes the children who answer you in English. In

Cy3o sabia que la muchacha era mejticana, her emphasis is not 176

Table 25. /y/ in Utterance Initial Position

Inf.

A 7 (19 %) 29 (81%)

B 2 (17%) 10 (83%)

C 3 (21%) 11 (79%)

L 1 (8%) 11 (92%)

M 0 (0%) 10 (100%)

N 0 (0%) 2 (100%)

X 2 (9%) 21 (91%) Y 1 (6%) 17 (94%)

Z 3 (43%) 4 (57%)

Ave. 19 (14%) 115 (86%)

on herself, but rather on the doctor's receptionist who would not speak Spanish.

2.1.5.1.1 /y/ in Intervocalic Position:

There are four possibilities to be described here,

/i/ and /e/ before prevocalic /y/, the other occurrences of intervocalic /y/, and epenthetic /y/.

The most common realization of intervocalic /y/ preceded by the high front vowel /i/ was loss for all the informants. Of the 43 occurrences, loss occurs in 39, 36 of which are in a postonic syllable, as in amarillo, Carrillo, silla, and tortilla and three in a tonic syllable in sill6n, 177 martillando, and A's billar. Billar also occurs with twice in A's speech. /y/ occurs as CyD in a stressed syllable between two high front vowels in Z's amarillitas, pastillitas. is heard twice in M's amarillo, but she also has amarillo, Carrillo, martillo, and amarillas with loss of /y/.

Intervocalic /y/ preceded by the mid front vowel

/e/ is omitted most commonly by all the informants, 98 of the 107 occurrences. Seventy are in ella, ellas, or ellos.

Other common occurrences are botella, aquella, se llama(n) and once in que llora mucho and in que ya me lavg.

The nine manifestations with include two while reading se llama and ella and the citation form botella repeated after the interviewer. Three of the six which occurred in spontaneous speech were in ella, two in se llama and one in te llamas. Examples of /eyV/s N: EC^Ja. SerS bueno ir con EeaD o no?

M; BoteCyJa. Esta botLeaD estci muy chiquita.

A: Cuando HeoDs (pause) cuando C y 3o necesito dinero o algo [ Do les digo a CeoDs (pause) y Ceojs me prestan. E^Uo no les ando robando.

B: £C6mo sCeaDma?

B; No s6 c6mo sCeaDmaba.

B: Es, uh, sCealma Melisa.

The vowel following /ey/ is unstressed except in those occurrences with llama(n), in que ya me lav€ with secondary stress on ^a, and in que llora mucho. 178

Excluding intervocalic /y/ preceded by /i, e/, and epenthetic /y/, there are 5 24 occurrences of -y-. The y averages of the individual percentages of usage are 12,

85%, CyD, 13%, and loss, 2%, as seen on Table 26.

Table 26. /y/ in Intervocalic Position3 n Inf. cy: LJ Loss Occ. A 25 (28%) 70 (71%) 1 (1%) 96

B 4 (9%) 35 (80%) 2 (11%) 41

C 9 (25%) 35 (75%) 0 (0%) 44

L 4 (.6%) 51 (89%) 4 (5%) 59

M 10 (14%) 58 (84%) 1 (2%) 69 N 0 (0%) 30 (.100%) 0 (0%) 30

X 1 C8%) 43 (92%) 0 (0%) 44

Y 2 (3%) 100 (94%) 3 (10%) 105

Z 13 (21%) 23 (79%) 0 (0%) 36

Ave. (13%) (85%) (2%) 524

aExclaiding /i, e/ + /yV/.

In utterance initial and intervocalic positions most of the occurrences of /y/ are in ^o or which vary in emphasis. Looking at some examples from A, Lf and M, one can see that individual emphasis correlates with allophonic usage, although the allophones are in free variation in that 179

they are unpredictable. In the speech of A most of the

occurrences of Hyll are in a highly emphasized syllable, as

Como Cylla no deja, Cylla no vamos, and occurs in the y unemphasized pero [ Ha no hay pompitas.

Four of L's 59 occurrences are manifested as CyD.

L uses CyD in an emotion-filled utterance. The cues are

a rise in pitch, or lengthening of the syllable, or

increased volume, as in these examples: una carreta Eye:Una de muchas cosas; les aCyJuda; la situaci6n en que estgs tfi, y ahora CyJo. Hearing the interviewer's valle M said VaCye3•

VaC^eJ para la caC^He, which was interpreted as an effort to y please the interviewer until Que le van e] muy muy bien was

heard said by a radio announcer. The adverb alii is emphasized more in her pero ahora C^Ha no vive aCylli (pause) ahora vive para aC^Jg.

In normal speech, then, occurs, and only in emotional or emphatic speech does the CyH occur inter- vocalically.

While there are some occurrences of voy a with C^H, as in M's voy a ver there are more with the off-glide CiD, an allophone of /i/ and so they will be treated after the single vowels.

Five informants omit /y/ a total of 11 times in several utterances, such as calle, which is also pronounced 180 y with CD and Lyj, cayendo, and the single occurrences de

allS, digo yo, (voy a acabar mi) carro yendo ... .

As the speed increases, the use of CyD decreases and

that of increases in over half the informants, as in the

speech of A who has the most occurrences and Z who has one- third as many:

A Z

Zyl Loss CyD Slow 5 (36%) 9 C64 %) 0 co%) 7 (50%) 7 (50%)

Med. 14 (27%) 38 (73%) 0 (0%) 6 (12.5%) 14 (87.5%)

Fast 6 (20%) 23 (77%) 1 (3%) 0 (0%) 2 (100%)

Ave. 25 (28%) 70 (.71%) 1 (1%) 13 (21%) 23 (79%)

Five of the informants use epenthetic /y/ as CyD or

, Eleven of the examples preceded stressed /i/, as in o£r, oido, once in cai and three times between /a/ and /ir/.

It also occurred in vea once, in leer twice, once in M's

m£o, and in Z's dicyHa.

There are five occurrences of epenthetic /y/ in the speech of X: one is in her two occurrences of olr, que les

enfade de oCyDirme hablar, and oC^Ilidos para oir, Oido as

a past participle occurs without epenthetic CyD in her Has

oJdo,

second is less perceptible than the first: Ya te vas a

V V [ ]ir? and £Se va a CJDir?. X has two occurrences of leer 181 one of which shows an epenthetic /y/: Me pongo a leC^Jer

(pause) que me gusta lCegjr mucho. Other examples:

y A: Quiero £ve?

M: Yo oigo un gran ruido (pause) en mi on v Dido.

M: LeCyDer.

N: Robles yo lo (he) oC^Dido en un apelativo. iNo lo has Collldo tfi?

N: VeC^Ha. VCeaD que tan loca soy yo. As seen in the examples the informants do not use epenthetic forms consistently. Epenthetic /y/ occurs in certain words. The end of the utterance is a more favorable position, as is a word in isolation.

2.1.5.1.2 /y/ in Postconsonantal Position:

The few occurrences of /y/ in /ny/ are all mani­ fested as word medially in forms of inyectar. The word boundary occurrences shown here are the citation form and the created sentence of A; "Un Cy]or6n." Un C^3or6n es una persona guHeolra mucho.

Of the 25 occurrences of /sy/, all are word boundary. Twenty-three are realized as and two with CyD.

The two Cy: are among the three occurrences in which /s/ is realized as CsD in the 19 occurrences of /s/ plus yo and are among the three occurrences of /s/ plus juncture pre­ ceding /y/. Examples; 182

X: Todos estcin vivos CyDo no tengo ninguna clas CsicH de operaciSn.

Z: Ni las criaturas CyHo digo por los mios, £no? Ya CeoHs no quieren hablar espanol. y The third sentence with those criteria occurs with

A: Cuando vine para atrSCs^Da no estaba aqui.

The occurs in utterances such as

X: PueCz^Ho no s£ qu£ van a comer eC^Hos.

Z: PueCzy:o creo que esas, si, me ayudarSn.

The use of Us: indicates no assimilation over a word boundary because of juncture in the above cases. All seven occurrences of CyD in /ry/ are with whether after CrU, CrD or omission. Four are in ^2. as por qu6 me voy a dejar yo, two are with ya as Var6n es un senor ya (pause) mayor, and the seventh is Me lo iba a acabar yendo para allci y para atr£s.

In summary the phoneme /y/ has a tendency toward weakening and loss in the speech of the informants. is the most common allophone utterance initially, after consonants, and intervocalically, except intervocalic occurrences preceded by /i, e/, in which environments the

/y/ is overwhelmingly lost.

The EyD occurs in 14% of the utterance initial occurrences, in 13% of the -y- preceded by /a, o/, rarely after /i/, and not after /e/. The occurrences of CyD are usually in an emphatic syllable. Omission is the most common realization of intervocalic /y/ after /i, e/, but 183

occurs only 2% after /a, o/ and does not occur in utterance

initial position.

Epenthetic /y/ occurs utterance medially usually

before stressed /i/ in some occurrences of certain words as

oido, o£r, a ir and in leer, vea, mio, dia.

Generally speaking the /y/ in the Southwest is

realized most commonly by Cy3, except in utterance initial

position and after /n/ in which positions Phillips (1967)

and Clegg (1969) note the affricate allophone. Ross (1975)

Marrocco (1972), and Coltharp (1965) describe the inter­

vocalic /y/ as being weak, but Phillips (1967:79) notes that

while CyD is the most common allophone, /y/ as an inter­

vocalic "may be realized as anything from a very soft

affricated stop Tyll to nothing L01." Phillips' five spectograms illustrate the allophones

in utterance initial lleg6; CyD in hallar; a very light

fricative /y/ in silla; the glide Zj3 in utterance initial yo yi; and loss, that is, no epenthetic /y/, in tla.

Espinosa (1909) lists these variants for medial 11:

Lzl, CSjII, CcD, CgD (prepalatal /g/), CyD, and loss.

Loss is generally noted after /e, i/, sometimes in caballo, but /y/ can be retained in emphatic speech, says

Post (1934), and Phillips (1967 ) shows in Los Angeles speech retention is more common than loss even in words like silla

and ella. Ross (1975) also notes loss in allci, and 184 weakening between /a/ and /o/. Marrocco (19 72) notes weak retention as CiD or loss as general. n Epenthetic /y/ is noted in Texas (SSnchez 1972) and

Los Angeles (Phillips 1967) in much the same words as in this study. Espinosa (1909), however, does not note epenthesis in olr and oido, but rather reduction to diphthongs. He does find the epenthetic /y/ more exten­ sively in New Mexico than in this study, for he lists it as occurring in creo, lea, pfia, grfia, lee, vea, idea, caer, sea, traer. Miller (1975) makes note of epenthesis in mio.

Neither Coltharp (1965) nor Clegg (1969) find epenthesis with /y/.

2.1.6 The Nasals /m, n, n/

2.1.6.1 /m/. This phoneme occurs in utterance initial, intervocalic, postconsonantal and preconsonantal positions, as in:

C: Estoy impuesta a no salir.

B; Mi mamS todo el tiempo la va a mirar en la cocina. Z: Pero lo que no me gusta a ml es que estoy mormada.

The main allophone of /m/ is CmD with rare inter­ vocalic omissions, and rare use of reduced H™].

The /m/ in the unstressed syllable of mam5 is often lost. Seven informants used the expression mi mamg a total of 26 times. A used the reduced C10] once at slow speed, 185

but her other five occurrences were at medium and fast speeds with omission of /m/, which was the only realization

by the other informants. In utterance initial position or preceded by words other than mi., /m/ in the unstressed syllable of mamg is always Cm], as in por tu mamg, no tengo mamS, su mamg, la mamg. Examples of mi mamg:

B: MCiDmg la tuvo que acostar conmigo.

C: Cmlamg. Hace mucho que no veo a mCia3mg.

L: MCialtog habia lavado en la manana.

Other intervocalic phrases show occasional reduction or loss of /m/. A uttered a weakened H1"1] in 3 of her 13 occurrences of ml^ in A mi me gusta. Y and Z both omitted the /m/ in como once, but use it in other occurrences of the same word. By omitting a pretonic vowel, L pronounced /m/ as a syllabic in Luego puse ropas yiejitas.

In summary the phoneme /m/ occurs as CmH except in the unstressed syllable of mamg in mi mamg.

The /m/ in the Southwest is usually represented by

[mil, sometimes a reduced . Marrocco (1972) notes some intervocalic loss, as well as the reduction of mb to Cm3, a fairly common variation.

Phillips (1967) finds it is fairly common in

California to drop the initial consonant when mamg or papg are preceded by the word mi. Espinosa (1909) shows ciamgn alternating with CmiamgD, as well as loss of /m/ between identical vowels as in como. Kany (1960) cites amg and apg 186

in American-Spanish Semantics as apherisis in familiar and

rustic Spanish-American speech, giving the examples Tu amS

es para mi una amiga excelente, and Mi apl estS enfermo.

2.1.6.2 /n/. The nasal phoneme /n/ occurs in

utterance initial, utterance final, intervocalic, pre-

consonantal and postconsonantal positions, as in tambi^n, and No le gusta el verano o el invierno, grandes.

/n/ in syllable initial and utterance final position

is usually realized as Cn], rarely lost or replaced by

another phone. In utterance medial syllable final position /n/

usually nasalizes the preceding vowel and is realized as

tnD, Cn•, or omitted, or, when preceding a non-nasal

consonant, in most instances assimilates to the latter's

point of articulation, becoming Cm, m, n, n, n, ip . On rare occasions /n/ is syllabic, as in M's camo nfi: de estas, tener Cm3 buen "shape," and A's CnH clase especial,

In utterance initial position CnH is the manifesta­

tion of /n/. X pronounces Nixtamal as EistamalD whether it is utterance initial, intervocalic or postconsonantal.

In these same positions los often occurs for the reflexive,

direct object, and indirect object pronoun nos in this study. Clllosotros occurred twice, once in A's speech and

once in X's, both of whom have Elllos for nos. Examples: 187

A: Andamos paseSndoClDos en un carro.

X: C1 Dos vamos andando porque estS cerquita.

X: Si, ClDos vamos al cine

Z: Porque es lo que esperamos todos, yo creo (pause) cuando vamos a una parte, que ClDos traten bien.

X: En la oficina ClDos dio la pintura.

X: Nosotros no CnDos gustan los (pause) gatos, ... C1Dos gustan, pero afuera (pause) pero dentro de la casa, no.

C: C1 Dos deciamos muchas cosas.

A: Vamos a nadar y a divertirC1 Dos. M: Y nunca ClDos peleamos como.ahora, uf.

Y: y luego no El Dos acordamos ...

CnD is the usual realization of /n/ in utterance final occurrences. The /n/ is lost once, in M's tambign, as well as in two of her occurrences of tambien before /m/.

Other examples:

B: Nomcis le pregunta a alguieCnD.

B: Es una canciotnD.

N: En esta direcciSCnD.

B: Manana me pagaCnD. Intervocalically /n/ is usually maintained as CnD.

Rare losses of /n/ are shown;

A; casado CiD nada (ni)

N; de maCeDra que Y: YCo:D te molesto para ti para nada. (Yo no)

Z; Va HuoDtro. (un otro) 188

When a vowel was lost between two n*s a prolonged Cn:D resulted:

M: UCn:3o mSs (Uno no mas)

M: uCn:Dada mSs. (Una nada mSs)

Y: uCn:Hegrota (una negrota) / Of interest is the pronunciation of /n/ plus the indefinite article. En una, for example, is usually pro­ nounced with three syllables, with an /n/ being articulated twice, Cenuna]. An alternate manner was noted in the speech of A, B, C, and Z. The tongue is held on the alveolus for a prolonged /n/. Then the /u/ is articulated by tense rounding of the lips and a chest pulse. The /n/ is subse­ quently released. This sequence which is written phone­ tically as Cn^U^:3 is usually followed, as is common in

Spanish syllable patterning, by a syllabic.

Three informants have one example each of Cn^U^:U plus one to three of CnunH. A has 8 Cn u : D and 1 CnunH.

Four have only the latter and Y has no occurrences of the sequence /n/ plus un, una. Before a non-syllabic the Cn :D sequence occurs

4 times, twice preceding an English word starting with a voiceless spirant, B's eCn^:] "sentence," and C's pusieroCn ^;3 "shot."

In the two other occurrences followed by a non- syllabic, a velar consonant did not cause regressive assimilation in eCn^u^;] carro. In the second occurrence, 189 yo tC^ij^ : J carnal, the /n/ is velarized as a trace of an omitted CgD in tengo rather than as assimilation from the following /k/. The velar CnD is held in this case.

The alveolar hold occurs in eight of the nine of

A's occurrences of /n/ plus the indefinite article:

A: Los huesos (.pause) sotn :]na cosa muy importante.

A: Se muri6 eCn^U^:D accidente.

A: Ellos jugaban coCn^U':] equipo en Nogales.

Her one occurrence without alveolar hold is preconsonantal:

Lo pasg pero coCnun] cinco.

In B's spontaneous speech, the alveolar hold occurs in "Come" no lo puedo poner eCn^U^:3 "sentence," but in the two occurrences in which un (os) functions as a pronoun, the alveolar hold does not occur:

B: Y no mSs (pause) eCnGnDos (pause) le pega mucho la lumbre. B: Asl tambi^n haceCnQnDas tambi^n.

Two of Z's five occurrences show the alveolar hold.

Example; Z: Se trabaja eCn^^:Da oficina (pause) eCndnDa tienda, eCnOnDas partes grandes.

Postconsonantal assimilation of /n/ to the following non-nasal consonant is fairly predictable word medially except in reading or with emphasis. At word boundaries cnll alternates with an assimilated nasal. The behavior of /n/ 190

will be studied first before non-nasal consonants and then

before nasals.

The nasal /n/ preceding /p, b/ is usually pronounced as Cm] as in un beso, un bols6n, bien pienado, hacer un

"party," as well as in orthographic mb and mp as in hombre,

tampoco, interrumpen. /n/ occurs as Cn] before bueno pro­

nounced with initial [we]. Cm] alternated with En] in reading, as in bieCn] borrachos and CQ:m] beso, and also when

the nasal was prolonged as in L's Hay alguieCn:] para ti

(pause). Hay alguieCm] para ti and in uCm:] bols6n. Assimila­

tion may occur across a pause, as cortas la panza eCm]

Cpause) pedacitos. Even though there is no pause, a syntactic boundary may prevent assimilation as in Sf,

dejaCn] pero a mJ no me gusta.

/f/ is preceded by Cm] word medially except once when r\ the nasal was lost in C|Hfrente. The most common words were enfrente, enferm Cos), singular occurrences of conforme, confianza, enfade, and en uEgJ funeral.

Orthographic v is preceded by Cn] in three in­ formants reading un vaso, with emphatic pronunciation of un vaso, and when vue is pronounced as Cwe]. When v is pro­ nounced as CbD, it is preceded by Cm] as in convido, invito, con veinte pesos, estgn vivos, un vaso, and as Cm] when v is pronounced as a labiodental Cv], as in un vestido, un vaso, en yeces, reci^n viuda. The only loss before v was twice in A's Ci]vierno. L read iCnv]ierno. 191

/n/ before dental /t, d/ usually assimilates to become dental CyD as in mundo, un dueno, mgis bien dicho.

/n/ in the sequence /ns/ is usually Un] or cnD.

Loss of the nasal occurs before CsD rarely. Examples:

M's cCosHtante; and N's Lueqo me Cg'jsenaron una taza de cafg.

In the sequence /ny/ /n/ moves toward the pre- palatal position, CriH, as in inyectar, as occurs also before

/c/ in ancho.

Before the velars /k, g, x/ the velar, Crp, is the most common allopone of /n/, as in ciCrjkllo, siEijkllerer, veCijgHan, coCijgJuindo, anaraCijhJado, no lo tenia taCrjhJuerte, and in some occurrences of CwD as uCr^wHevo, ullrj^wlleso, but not before CwD resulting from orthographic /b, g, v/ plus

CwD as ullnwPen, CtlwJen (un buen), virgeLnw]adalupana, uCnwJelo.

In some circumstances the assimilation does not take place: in reading, as eCnllgorden; when the nasal is pro­ longed as SaleCn:3 con diferentes hombres; or with very slow or loud speech as tiene que estar en mois (pause) o_e£nJ cafg. In No muy bieCnJ que digamos the unassimilated nasal occurs at a syntactic boundary indicated by a lowered steady pitch starting with que. At times the conditions preventing assimilation of

/n/ before a velar are not readily obvious, but more subtle investigation along socio- or psycholinguist lines would 192

undoubtedly reveal some correlations in such occurrences

as:

M: para que est^CnkHalientes.

L: No, me dicennkne (pause) que no hay nada todavfa

Y: No es uHnH crimen. If /n/ is lost in the sequence /ng/ both phonemes are lost, as in tengo Ctgoll and ninguna nCiHuna. /n/ is rarely lost before /k, x/, the only examples being cCOll queso, espCSDjadita, and platica cC8] gentes.

Cnl is the most common allophone in the sequence

/nl/, 80%; reduction is moderate, 18%; and loss is rare,

2%. Con, en and the third person plural verbs occur most commonly before /!/. Examples:

B NadieEnH los cuida.

M Ya soCnD las siete en la manana.

M Yo nacl eCnD la Meyer.

M Y no estcibamos juntos cConD los de, de color. _n. M; Mi mamS habia lavado eC ] la manana. A; Yo lo habia mirado cEOH la vieja, le dije.

X: la Calle Doce.

Z; ... que esos serCSD los dolores de cabeza que tenia.

In the 17 occurrences of /nr/ the CnH allophone was maintained before the various allophones of /r/. Examples:

M: Todo eCnrHedado, puros pleitos. 193

X: SoEnrDequetebuenas, creo, con tortillas.

B: uEnrrDatito

A: uEnjeHestaurSn

X: Trabajaba eEngUestaurantes

The initial syllable was lost once in

M: EEnrHique, as! se llama mi hermano, E rDique.

In the sequence /nm/, /n/ is realized 50% as EnJ,

33% as EnD, and 17% lost. Conmigo is the only word medial occurrence. Examples:

Y: ... estar fregando coCnDmigo.

Y: Ven coEnDmigo. The most common word boundary occurrences are con, en and the third person plural verb. Examples:

N: coEnH mi novio.

Y: Venla cansada cECD mi shopping bag.

B: Prefiero estar eCn3 mi casa que eCn3 la casa del Robert.

A: EstcSD muy interesantes.

B; Las horas se haceUnD muy largas.

M: SoEnD mios.

M: CobraEnD m£s para allS. Yo sS (pause) que cobraEnH mucho.

N: SoEnU muy fuertes.

Other examples:

A: TambiEgD me lo agarraron al otro dia.

M: UEnD mont6n de chamacos. 194 N: Se encontr6 CGD muchacho.

Z: Y si En3 madre.

/n/ plus /n/ results in a lengthening of the nasal

En: H as in:

Y: CoEn:Dueve hijos.

Z: ... educacifiEn:3o?

or it may be pronounced as EnJ as in:

N: ... eCnUada, £no?

N: ... uEnDegocio.

Contiguous n's may also result from omission of a

vowel in which case the allophone was En:3, as noted in

the section on intervocalic /n/.

Epenthetic /n/ occurs before /£/ in mucho, and is

discussed in the /c/ section. It also occurs once in Y's

platiEipca, whereas she also has EplatikaD and once when N

was reading, in seEylltenta, which is heard occasionally

on the Tucson call-in radio programs. Other epenthetic occurrences are N's restorEn]ante and X's EpDobleEnmHas,

In summary, EnH is the usual manifestation of /n/

except before a non-nasal consonant, in which case the /n/

-usually assimilates to the point of articulation of the

following consonant. The allophones EnD and the assimilated

/n/ are in free variation within the idiolects. The condi^

tion most favorable to assimilation is the word medial

position. In the /nm/ sequence, although CnD is the most

common manifestation of /n/, the weakened nasal, En3, and 195

loss make up half of the occurrences. Many things prevent

assimilation, such as pausing, reading, word boundary occurrence, syntactic boundaries, emphatic or emotional speech, loudness, extremely slow speech, prolongation of

/n/, and other phenomena indicating a lack of continuity

between phones.

In other parts of the Southwest Hn3 is the main allophone in syllable initial position. In New Mexican

Spanish the nasal may fall in utterance initial and in intervocalic position. In the latter the preceding vowel is nasalized (Espinosa 1909). The nasal before /b/ or /p/ is "poco perceptible y hasta puede desaparecer" (Hills 1938:

14). Marrocco (1972) notes loss of intervocalic /n/ in

Corpus Christi.

In syllable final position assimilation to the following consonant may occur. The assimilation is general in Miller's (1975) Sonoran and in the Spanish described for

Texas (Clegg 1969). In Los Angeles Phillips (1967) finds the assimilation obligatory in morpheme medial but not morpheme final position. In the latter, phonologically conditioned morphophonemic change occurs more often than not, especially in spontaneous conversation. Clegg (1969) points out that the point of articulation of /n/ in /ns/ is dorsoalveolar, whereas that of EnD is apicoalveolar.

Phillips (1967) notes that in the sequences of /n/ plus alveolars, the /n/ could be lost, and the preceding vowel 196 nasalized. /n/ in the sequence /nm/ is mentioned as not assimilating as regularly as /n/ does before bilabials and velars CClegg 1969, Dalbor 1969, Post 1934, Coltharp 1965).

Coltharp notes loss of the first /n/, which is not syllable final, in transparente, but finds no loss of syllable final

/n/ in conseguir. Archaic nadieCnD is documented in Texas (SSnchez

1972, Gonzalez 1969), and surely is common throughout the

Southwest, although not at every speech level. While found only once in the corpora of this study it is heard commonly in Tucson, and Mexican-American Tucsonans have been sur­ prised to find out it is not the "standard" form.

Scinchez (1972) mentions C1 Uosotros for nosotros, which occurred in this study in two of 15 examples of the word. Los for nos, the pronoun, is found in San Luis

Colorado (Ross 1975), Texas (Marrocco 1972, Scinchez 1972) and New Mexico (Espinosa 1909), but it is not general in

Los Angeles concludes Phillips (1967) who finds it in the spontaneous speech of only one informant.

Sanchez (1972) also notes the verb ending -mos becomes ^nos, a phenomenon not observed in this study, perhaps because of the infrequency of the first person plural verb forms in the corpora, but I can not recall hearing it said by Tucsonans, nor on the two radio stations. 197

2.1.6.3 /n/. The nasal palatal pheneme /n/ occurs syllable initially, but not utterance initial in this study.

The most common occurrence is in anos. The only variation from the nasal palatal allophone CnH was B's compaCnDta, M's mC gylleca, and Y's tamaCyanlia in yo traigo unas tijeras tamCayanall pero son chiquitas and tamCSyaHsina de siete, ocho anos as contrasted with tamano said later. Under

"sporadic development of other medial consonants" Espinosa

(1909:115) lists: manana > mayana; tamano > tamayo.

/n/ in the Southwest usually occurs as CnD, except in the oft-cited compaCnUia, listed by Henrlquez Urena

(1938).

Phenomena presented in other studies which do not occur in the speech of the Tucson informants include: ni becoming CnD as in AntoCnllo, cited by Post (1934X, Ross

(.1975), Espinosa (1909), but not Phillips (1967); #n becoming CnD as in CnDeto, and even in Cnllegro (Espinosa

1909); Espinosa also discusses intervocalic loss with nasalization of the preceding consonant.

2.1.7 The Lateral /l/

2.1.7.1 /!/. The alveolar lateral phoneme /l/ occurs in utterance initial, utterance final, intervocalic, preconsonantal, and postconsonantal positions. Examples:

C: Los ninos les gustan mucho.

B: No le ponen nada de pimienta y sal. C: Y le doy vuelta, y luego luego la doblo, dve? /I/ is manifested as the voiced alveolar lateral

ClD, as a syllabic replaces /n/ and /r/, and is omitted.

Syllabic use of /l/ occurred with loss of /e/ in el, whether there were adjacent vowels with which to form a syllable or not. This is not to say that every omission of the /e/ in e_l resulted in the syllabic use of /l/. Within the brackets double underlining indicates a syllabic, the circle below the consonant indicates voicelessness. ClD, o then, is a voiceless (devoiced) alveolar lateral, in the following cases, syllabic.

M: EsCtlfrHio o M: Clp brazo, C^ID pescuezo, la nuca, tu cabello.

C: cLe gusta a ustC013 caf£? v __ Y: Ci:^] ninito £ste X; parta_l3 caf£.

B: Mi mamS tCo;l_:]

B; ya pasCfilaDno. (pas6 el ano)

B; ese reloj que me comprCS^:!! (pause) mi hermano, el David. ~~ /l/ occurs for the phonemes /n, r/. Los for nos is discussed in the section on /n/. The other occurrences are;

B: de ClDoChDotros X; no mSs a la nina y este CIDo mSs. 199

/l/ for /r/ occurs once in A's puelllllta, once in M's carreteClDa, and twice in this selection:

B: que le iba a compElSflDores a mi mamS y siempre no le compel(pause) no le compCr.

The latter reminds me of Boyd-Bowman's (1960) findings in

Guanajuato. The only "trueques" are assimilation or dis­ similation with another liquid in the same word.

/I/ pronounced as /r/ occurred before a consonant, as:

A: aC^Jto

C: Una se llama Yolanda y una EC Dvira

L: a[fImorzar. Loss occurred four times when preceding or follow­ ing a homorganic sound as seen in the speech of A and M, and once before /m/ in N's el mois.

M: en E^rDadio M: o e[n°]s programas

M: cuando vengatnaslamacas. (las chamacas)

A; a CrirDe dor (alrededor)

/l/ is described in other studies as having several allophones, the palatal /l/ before palatal sounds, the dental /l/ before dentals, the velar /l/ before back sounds, and the alveolar lateral elsewhere. While the tongue may assimilate to those points of articulation, the sounds on the tapes were not distinguishable by the author. 200 In the Southwest in addition to the several variant allophones, syllabic use is noted by Clegg (1969) and

Espinosa (1909).

Not noted in this study is the palatalization of

/l/ followed by /i/ as described by Ross (1975).

2.1.8 The Vibrants /r, r/

2.1.8.1 /r/. The phoneme /r/ occurs in four main positions. Intervocalically, -r- occurs both word medial and final but not word initial. Examples: Querla ir ahora.

The phoneme also occurs before a consonant, both voiceless,

-rC , and voiced, -rC, as in vivir solo, cuarto, Srbol, o v dolor de. /r/ occurs after a consonant in the same syllable,

Cr-, as in atr£s, gracias. It also occurs in utterance final position, -r#, as in: Todo compramos de mayor, Ya yo no s£ ni qu£ tomar, Me pongo a leer, Ya te vas a ir. Words such as perro^pero show the two vibrant phonemes /r, r/ contrasting in word medial intervocalic position. Other­ wise, the positions in which they occur are mutually exclusive. The phoneme /r/ is realized by eight allophones presented in the order of their percentages of occurrence:

Cru voiced alveolar tap.

voiced alveolar fricative with inaudible friction,

a phone on the continuum between Ha?] and CRD.

UrD voiceless alveolar fricative. 201

CrD voiced alveolar trill.

CjfD voiced alveolar fricative.

CrDV voiceless alveolar assibilated fricative o CrD voiceless alveolar trill. o CRU voiced retroflex semi-vocoid (English /r/).

The /r/ is also omitted.

2.1.8.1.1 /r/ in Intervocalic Position, Excluding the Words Pero and Para:

There are 3 allophones and also loss in this position. The CrD is used overwhelmingly by all of the informants. The range of use of CrU is 78%*-99%, the average being 88%. Of the remaining three allophones, C 1 is used infrequently,(8.5%), CrD, 1%, and /r/ is omitted 2%, as seen in Table 27.

In word final position C D occurs in infinitives, as ir a, comprar un, comer en, salir a, tener el, and in por plus such words as eso, el, ahi, uno. The rest of the occurrences of [ ] are word medial and often after open CeD, stressed or unstressed. These word-medial occurrences in order of number of occurrence are: forms of querer as quiere, quiera, queriendo, quisiera, and cualquiera, words with era as era, manera, refrigerador, those with -ero as primero, mugrero, and vinieron, most of which contain C 3 in an unstressed, usually posttonic, syllable. Among the singular occurrences are senora, (ah)orita, claro, cuchara, llorando, cuarenta, and compraron. Only in the 202

Table 27. /r/ in Intervocalic Position3

Cr D cr: c *1 Loss

Inf. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. No Pet. Occ.

A 268 (85%) 5 (2%) 36 (11%) 5 (2%) 314

B 93 (85%) 2 (2%) 11 (10%) 3 (3%) 109

C 129 (90%) 1 (1%) 13 (9%) 0 (0%) 143

L 84 (88%) 0 (0%) 9 (10%) 2 (2%) 95

M 135 (87%) 0 (0%) 13 (8%) 8 (5%) 156

N 108 (89%) 4 (3%) 6 (5%) 4 (3%) 122

X 135 (94%) 0 (0%) 8 (6%) 0 (0%) 143 Y 82 (78%) 0 (0%) 18 (17%) 5 (5%) 105

Z 105 (99%) 0 (0%) 1 (1%) 0 (0%) 106 Total and Ave • Pet. 1139 (88.5%) 12 (1%) 115 (8.5%) 27 (2%) 1293

aExcluding pero and para.

querer and por occurrences are there relatively high propor­ tions of the non-tap allophone, as compared with total occurrences in the corpora. Metathesis of pared is common in Tucson, but the only occurrences of the word are N's paCdgr3 and L's plural pa[^r]es. Y says tiChgrHas once, tiLrehllas three times, all 4 of which occur in 5 consecutive utterances. She also says /redepente/. 203

Of the 27 omissions of /r/, 12 are in querer forms,

6 in other word medial occurrences, and 9 in word final position with 7 of those in infinitives and 2 in £>pr.

All of the occurrences of CrU are word final in infinitives as ofr el ruido, vivir uno. Not counted was the tap which occurred in utterance final devoicings as: Tiene dineCrOD;o_ Me van a dar de dos recCAmArAsD;o o Aqu£,^ miCrAD;o Luego, volvi a amanecer otra vez aoCrAH; A ver si ahi dice qu£ son las pildoHrAsD.

2.1.8.1.2 /r/ in Pero and Para:

Because of their high frequency these two words are dealt with separately. Ninety-three per cent of the 124 occurrences of pero are the tap. Four informants used a total of 8 CrD

(5%) and two omitted the /r/ a total of 3 times (2%).

The /r/ in para showed a high percentage of loss.

Of the realizations in the 216 occurrences of this word, the cr: and omission are very common (52% and 41%), whereas the

is of infrequent usage (7%), the respective ranges being

8%-84%, 5%—84%, and 2%-22%, as seen in Table 28.

The most common allophone of six informants is the voiced tap, and of three is loss of /r/.

Allophonic usage in para is considered from the point of view of what followed para. The following group­ ings were analyzed to see if there were any tendencies or patterns: infinitives, as para reducir; adverbs of place, 204 Table 28. /r/ in Para

Lrj Z¥J Loss

Inf. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. Occ.

A 27 C60%) 1 (2%) 17 (38%) 45 B 1 (8%) 1 (8%) 11 (84%) 13

C 16 (84%) 2 (11%) 1 (5%) 19

L 11 (61%) 4 (22%) 3 (17%) 18

M 9 (27%) 0 (0%) 24 (73%) 33

N 7 (58%) 0 (0%) 5 (42%) 12

X 32 (80%) 2 (5%) 6 (15%) 40 Y 3 (12%) 3 (12%) 19 (76%) 25

Z 9 (82%) 0 (0%) 2 (18%) 11

Total and Ave. Pet. 115 (52%) 13 (7%) 88 (41%) 216

as las nubes para acnubes para allS; articles, as, para el menudo; a conjunction with que, as in para que haga

"decide"; pronouns, as nada para mi, nada para ti; nouns and miscellaneous, as para medio d^a, and para trabajo. In all of these groupings CrD and loss of /r/ were of approxi-- mately equal use except in the case of X who had twice as many occurrences of para plus an infinitive as the average of the informants. Her total occurrences of the other five groupings are 7 cm and 6 loss. She used CrD in para in

25 of her 27 sequences of para plus the infinitive. Her 205 high use of CrU in all of her occurrences of para, 80%,

are the result of her style of answering. Rather than

creating a sentence as requested, she responded to items in

one section by repeating the word and adding para plus an

infinitive, as Narices, para resollar, and Los dientes, para comer.

In summary, 52% of intervocalic /r/ occurrences in

para are the tap, CrU, and 41% are omission of /r/.

Table 29 shows the allophonic group usage of pero,

para, and the other words.

Table 29. /r/ in Intervocalic Position; Group Summary

Cr D cr: C'D Loss

Pero 93% 5% 2%

Para 52% 7% 41%

-r- 88.5% 1% 8.5% 2%

In summary, of the allophones of /r/ in pero, and para, tru is the most common. Only in the word para are there a significant number of omissions, 41%. In jc excluding pero and para, the lesser used allophones, E H and CrU, and omission, occur in infinitive endings and word medial, mainly in querer forms and in por. 206

2.1.8.1.3 /r/ Before a Voiceless Consonant:

Of the 575 occurrences in this environment, 199 are in porque and are treated separately to avoid distortion of data. In the remaining 373 occurrences, /r/ is realized by eight allophones and is also lost. The [ ] is the most common, and the voiced tap is used frequently. The six other allophones have less than 5% usage and are listed with loss in descending percentage of usage: CrU, loss,

C3?H, CRD, CsfD,V CrU,- and cm. Two-thirds of the time there o o o was phonation between the tap and the following voiceless consonant. Table 30 shows allophonic usage in the environ­ ment ^rC excluding porque.

The fricative allophone, C J, is used more fre­ quently (45%) than the voiced tap, CrU, (35%). The [f] is the allophone most used by six informants, the range of use being 47%-70%. The second most common allophone of these six is CrD, their usage ranging from 19%'-37%. The CrD is used the most often by N, Y, and Z (47.5%, 44%, and 57%).

The second most common allophones of N and Z are C D with

39% and 25%. Y uses CrD and C^D 25% each, Z is unusual in having the largest percentage of CrD, 57%, and CRD, 14%, and the lowest of C J, 18%, which is the most common allophone of the group in general.

Both C D and CrD are used by all nine informants.

The other seven realizations are used by three to six informants each, the ranges of use varying from l%-25%. 207

Table 30. /r/ Before Voiceless Consonants

Cr D [r] Zrl CJ?: CrD CRU Loss Occ. o o

Occurrences

A 7 2 29 1 2 1 43 0 1 86 B 0 2 7 0 0 0 19 0 4 32 C 0 0 7 0 1 2 9 0 0 19 L 0 0 11 0 0 1 25 4 3 44 M 2 1 14 1 0 0 16 0 5 39 N 0 0 17 0 3 0 14 0 2 36 X 0 0 10 0 4 0 37 1 1 53 Y 9 0 16 1 0 0 9 1 0 36 Z 1 0 16 0 2 0 5 4 0 28 Tot. 19 5 127 3 12 4 177 10 16 373

Percentages A 8% 2% 34% 1% 2% 1% 51% 0% 0% B 0% 6% 22% 0% 0% 0% 59% 0% 13% C 0% 0% 37% 0% 5% 11% 47% 0% 0% L 0% 0% 25% 0% 0% 2% 57% 9% 7% M 5% 3% 35% 3% 0% 0% 41% 0% 13% N 0% 0% 47.5% 0% 8% 0% 39% 0% 5.5% X 0% 0% 19% 0% 7% 0% 70% 2% 2% Y 25% 0% 44% 3% 0% 0% 25% 3% 0% Z 4% 0% 57% 0% 7% 0% 18% 14% 0% Ave. 5% 1% 35% 1% 3% 2% 45% 3% 5% 208

Often the pronunciation of /r/ in persona sounded

"half English and half Spanish," that is, on the continuum between C D and CRD. After much deliberation some were assigned to the CRD, but most were assigned to C J? D.

Despertaba was also pronounced with CRD although the informant, Z, also has two examples of despertg with the tap, CrD.

2.1.8.1.4 /r/ in Porque:

/r/ is realized by several allophones and is also omitted in this word, as seen in Table 31. The CrD is the most common allophone, being used over half of the time (51.5%) and [¥] over a third of the time (36%). Omission is infrequent (10%), and use of CrD is rare (2.5%).

All the informants use C D and CrD. Six omit /r/ and three use CrD a total of four times. Each informant uses from three to four allophones. The most common allophone of five informants is CrD with a range of 5 0%-

91%, and of three informants is C D with a range of 35%- 82%. N most commonly omits /r/, (47%).

In summary, in porque the most common allophone is je CrD (51.5%) and the second most common is C D (36%), whereas in the other occurrences of /r/ before a voiceless consonant the most common allophone is C D (45%), followed by CrD (35%).. There is twice as much omission of /r/ in porque (10%) as in the other occurrences (5%). Table 31. /r/ in Porque

cr: CrD : Loss

Inf. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. Occ.

A 1 (2%) 52 (75%) 7 (10%) 9 (13%) 69

B 0 (0%) 11 (50%) 9 (41%) 2 (9%) 22

C 0 (0%) 5 (83%) 1 (17%) 0 (0%) 6

L 0 (.0%) 4 (14%) 23 (82%) 1 (4%) 28

M 1 (8%) 5 (38%) 7 (54%) 0 (0%) 13

N 0 (0%) 3 (18%) 6 (35%) 8 (47%) 17

X 0 (0%) 4 (31%) 8 (61%) 1 (8%) 13

Y 2 (.11%) 11 (61%) 3 (17%) 2 (11%) 18

Z 0 (0%) 12 (92%) 1 (8%) 0 (0%) 13

Tot. 4 (2.5%) 107 (51.5%) 65 (36%) 23 (10%) 199 210 The total percentage of fricatives and loss of /r/

in the -rC position is 46% in porque and 59% in the other

occurrences. An epenthetic /r/ occurs in C's azflCr]car.

2.1.8.1.5 /r/ Before a Voiced Consonant:

The and CrD are the most common of the allo-

phones in the 378 occurrences in this environment, both in

frequency and by the number of informants using them. The

Cjfll, CrD, and loss occur less than 5% each as a group

average and are used by eight, six, and four informants respectively. Table 32 shows the realizations of /r/ in

-rC. v The is used more than half of the time by five

informants. The range of the whole group is 20-80% with the average being 50%. The CrD, with a group average use of

39% and a range of 16-70%, is used more than half the time

by C and Z. Two other informants have about equal use of

each allophone; L uses each 49%; M, 38% and 36% each. X

uses less CrD CI6%) and more C¥D (80%) than the other

informants. Z shows just the opposite tendency, having more

CrD (64%) and less (20%X than anyone.

Although the overall use of CrU and Cr] is only

5% and 4% each, they are used by eight and six informants

respectively, and in three instances, more than 10%. The /r/ is omitted less than 10% by any one informant but it is

significant that it occurs in the speech of four of the

nine informants. Table 32. /r/ Before the Voiced Consonants

Lrl cr: Lrl : Loss Inf. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. Occ.

A 3 (2%) 39 (28%) 11 (8%) 83 (59%) 5 (3%) 141

B 1 (3%) 12 (29%) 5 (12%) 23 (56%) 0 (0%) 41

C 1 (2%) 27 (59%) 1 (2%) 16 (37%) 0 (0%) 45

L 0 (0%) 24 (49%) 1 (2%) 24 (49%) 0 (0%) 49

M 13 (17%) 28 (.36%) 1 (1%) 29 (38%) 6 (8%) 77

N 0 (0%) 15 (24%) 9 (14%) 38 (60%) 1 (2%) 63

X 0 (0%) 10 (16%) 1 (2%) 49 (80%) 1 (2%) 61

Y 5 (7%) 31 (42%) 0 (0%) 38 (51%) 0 (0%) 74

Z 2 (3%) 48 (70%) 5 (7%) 14 (20%) 0 (0%) 69

Total and Ave. Pet. 25 (4%) 234 (39%) 34 (5%) 314 (50%) 13 (2%) 620 212 L and Y have three realizations each, A and M five,

and the rest, four each.

/r/ assimilates to a following /r/ resulting in

6 CrD,— 2 CjfH, and 1 H I*j ?3. It is mentioned here because it

is /r/ in preconsonantal position.

Examples of /r/ before the other voiced consonants

are: Srbol, pasar bien, verdad, dolor de, garganta, doctor

GonzSlez, duermo, llorar mucho, invierno, decir nada,

charlar, echarles, sirvo, ser violada, quedar yo, dar vuelta.

/r/ before a voiceless consonant is manifested by

eight allophones and before a voiced consonant by four, and

loss occurs in both cases. Before both voiceless and voiced

consonants C 3 has the highest percentage of use (45% and

50%) and cm the second highest (22% and 39%).. The per­

centages vary according to the consonant which follows fx/,

as seen on Table 33 showing group usage.

Of the nine allophones representing /r/ before the voiceless consonants I have shown the four most common, and also omission. These are the only realizations before the voiced consonants. Even though these are the most pre­ valent realizations, not everyone uses all those shown.

Each informant -uses from three to six before the voiceless and from two to five before the voiced consonants. On

Table 33 it was necessary to include the number of informants

using the sequence as, for example, although most of the

informants used the high-frequency sequences, one did not 213

Table 33,• A/ Before Each Consonant J L Phoneme CrD [r] Cr: n Loss Occ. Inf.

/P/ 1% 35% 0% 45% 16% 36 8 /t:/ 7% 32% 1% 51% 1% 175 9 /k/a 5% 54% 0% 26% 11% 73 9 /f/ 20% 30% 0% 30% 20% 6 5 /s/ 0% 7% 1% 61% 10% 65 9 /x/ 0% 61% 0% 39% 0% 17 6 /s/ 0% 0% 0% 100% 0% 1 1 373

/b/ 0% 44% 0% 48% 8% 19 8 /

/r/ 62.5% 0% 25% 0% 0% 8

aExcluding porque.

Of the four other allophones manifesting /r/ before voiceless consonants, 8% are before /t/, 3% before /k/, 21% before /s/, and 3% before /p/. Twelve per cent of those_ before /s/ are CRD, 5% and 4% CrD, there being no o the fourth of these infrequent allophones. 214 have the /rp/ sequence in her corpus. The sequences of low frequency or those used by insufficient informants will not be discussed because of too little data*

Considering the point of articulation, of the consonants homorganic with /r/, /s, n, 1/ occur pre­ dominantly after the allophone of /r/ with these per­ centages: 61%, 74%, and 75%, whereas /r/ + /r/ yields mainly Cr:, 62.5%. The bilabials /p, b, m/ occur after the

allophone of /r/ almost half the time (45%, 48%, and

48%), and a little less after the taps (35%, 44%f and 42%).

The velars /k, g, x/ occur most often after the taps, but the percentage of taps before /g/ (93%) far exceeds those preceding /k, x/ (54% and 61%). So, in these three group­ ings the point of articulation would seem to be part, but not all, of the explanation for the allophonic distribution.

In the case of the dentals, however, the point of articulation is not productive to help explain allophonic use. Before the /t/ there are 51% and 32% CrD. Before the /d/, which is usually Cd3 after /r/, the usage is the inverse, 34% and 55% Cr:. There is more trill before

/t/ (.7%) than before CdD (2%). More DrD occurs before the td: (9%) than before the /t/ (1%). So the manner is probably part of the cause for allophonic variation. There is also a high percentage of taps before the velar /g/ which is often a voiced stop or a very tight tense 215

fricative after /r/, so tense and close that it was diffi­

cult to discern on transcribing.

I think the part of the tongue, the direction of

movement of the tongue, the fact that the tongue was going

to occlude or be fricatively used may be important factors, too.

The trills are not very common for /r/ in -rC

position, but do occur before /m, n, t, k/ more than before

/d, 1/. The high percentage of trills before /f/ is un­

reliable because of so few occurrences. How do the different informants pronounce the same

sequence? I have selected the eight most frequent words to

study the word medial occurrences of preconsonantal /r/.

While they have the same sequences in some cases, they may

occur as plurals, or have a different environment in regard to the preceding vowels and/or stress within the word.

The most frequent words with /r/ before a consonant are shown in Table 34 with the number of occurrences, the number of informants using the word, and the average per­ centage of occurrence of each allophone based on the number of informants having that sequence of phones.

Of the three words with the sequence /rt/, fuerte

has the highest percentage of H H (74.8%) and some CrU and Lrj, which show use of tension. Parte has the lowest jo. percentage of the low-tension allophone C U (4 2%), and very much CrU and CrD, which would indicate that more energy, 216

Table 34, Preconsonantal /r/ in High-Frequency Words3

V Word CrD CrD CrD tvl ivl CrU n*: Occ. Inf. o o o fuerte 8% 17% 75% 20 8 parte 10% 52% 42% 23 6 tortilla 13% 12% 7% 10% 58% 17 7 enfermo 83% 17% 6 3 hermano 6% 51% 42% 39 8 carne 16% 84% 20 5 horno 14% 86% 12 6 largo 100% 12 5

Group Average in All Occurrences iof These Sequences /rt/ 7% 32% 1% 51% 175 9 /rm/ 6% 42% 3% 48% 163 9 /rn/ 9% 9% 6% 74% 102 9 /rg/ 93% 7% 41 8

Group Average of Voiceless and Voiced Allophones in General VI. 5% 1% 35% 1% 3% 2% 45% 373 9 Vd. 4% 0% 39% 5% 0% 0% 50% 620 9

Not all allophones are shown. 217 tension, and effort are used to say parte than fuerte. jc Tortilla has a higher than average usage of L 1, no trill, some UrD, which take more energy than the others, CrD, CrD, and [jfD. Tortilla seems to require the least effort of the o three words with the /rt/ sequence.

The other differences in the words with the /rt/ sequence are that two have the tonic stress on the syllable containing the /r/, and tortilla in the syllable after the

/r/. The other differences are the quality of the vowel preceding the /r/. All three are different, mid front, mid back, and low central. Another difference is the syntactic stress. Fuerte receives the most, then parte, and tortilla the least primary stress.

In the sequence /rm/, enfermo has 83% CrU, some C J

(17%), while hermano has 42% C35•, only 6% UrD, but 50% CrD.

They are preceded by the same vowel, but the stress is on different syllables. Syntactically enfermo has more stress.

Two words represent the sequence /rn/, carne and horno, Both have a large percentage of (84% and 86%). Carne has a moderate amount of the voiced trill whereas horno has none, but the latter has some tap (14%) an allophone not shared by carne. So they have the same amount of the weakened fricative and both have some elements which require force, but more in carne. They are preceded by different vowels, have same word stress and similar syntactic stress. 218

Largo is the only word representative of the /rg/ sequence. In this word /r/ is realized as the vd. tap by all five informants.

A sample analysis of individual use of these words is in order. In parte A used four allophones 1, 5, 1, and 8 times each. Z used only one allophone three times. In tortilla A used five allophones once each, and N three allophones, one twice, and two once each. So, in parte the allophones are somewhat concentrated, whereas in tortilla the usage is more varied and spread out without concentrations. In the word fuerte B and C have three occurrences each with two allophones, and M and N have four occurrences each with all four being of one allophone.

We have seen the variation of allophonic usage in general and in particular before each consonant even con­ sidering certain words, vowels, and stress. How can we account for variations within the same word by several people, not to mention by the same person? One can note general preferences, but one can not predict with any degree of certainty which allophone will be used. The allophones are in "free variation" fluctuating from person to person, from one moment to the next. Sociolinguistic and psycho- linguistic studies could bring us closer to the mighty task of accounting for allophonic usage. 219 2.1.8.1.6 /r/ After a Consonant in the Same Syllable:

The voiced tap CrD is the only allophone manifesting

/r/ in this position. At times, a consonant plus /r/ in

the same syllable sounded like one sound, and at other times voicing between the consonant and the following /r/ is

heard.

The pronunciation of padre andr to some extent, madre, calls one's attention. The fricative /d/ varies in audibility as the points of articulation become further and further apart. It seems that the same thing happens with the /r/, that the continuum from the tap gradually goes into the fricative, with the tongue approximating the points of articulation, but not making contact.

Simple metathesis occurred in C's tCrjaDtos.

Phillips (.1967) states six informants said /triato/, three said /treato/, and twenty-one did not show metathesis. A's simple metathesis was Gabriel with CgrD. /r/ was omitted in X's CpJogramas, EplobleCnmHas.

2.1.8.1.7 /r/ in Utterance Final Position: Of the seven allophones in the 378 occurrences in

3? this position, and CrJ are used 34% each, while C 3 is used an average of 11%. The remaining allophones, ErU,— CarD,ss o Cr:, CrD, and loss, listed in the order of their overall average percentage, occur infrequently, as seen in Table 35. 220 Table 35. /r/ in Utterance Final Position M 5 J n L Inf. Cr 3 CrDo cm cm cmo c£: Loss Occ. o Frequency A 9 5 51 1 10 1 8 1 86 B 3 2 19 0 8 0 2 1 35 C 0 4 18 0 9 1 4 0 36 L 2 4 9 1 9 0 4 1 30 M 0 6 19 3 18 10 2 0 58 N 0 3 11 3 18 1 4 1 41 X 1 1 7 0 14 0 20 1 44 Y 2 1 7 2 9 2 0 0 23 Z 0 0 2 0 17 5 1 0 25 Total 17 26 143 10 112 20 45 5 378

Percentages A 11% 6% 59% 1% 12% 1% 9% 1% B 8% 6% 54% 0% 23% 0% 6% 3% C 0% 11% 50% 0% 25% 3% 11% 0% L 7% 13.5% 30% 3% 30% 0% 13.5% 3% M 0% 10% 33% 5% 31% 17% 4% 0% N 0% 7% 27% 7% 44% 2.5% 10% 2.5% X 2% 2% 16% 0% 32% 0% 46% 2% Y 9% 4% 30% 9% 39% 9% 0% 0% Z 0% 0% 8% 0% 68% 20% 4% 0% Ave. 4% 7% 34% 3% 34% 6% 11% 1% 221

The most common allophones Cr3 and CrD have an average use each of 34% and ranges of 8%-59% and 12%-68%. The allophones of most use for the three informants

N, Y, and Z are CgJ. A/ and C prefer [r], and X prefers

C D which she uses almost half the time, 46%, which is 35% more than the next most frequent user. L and M use CrU and

CgD in almost the same proportions, 30% and 30% for L, 33% and 31% for M.

More taps are used by the younger than the older women. The three youngest used CrD 50%-59%, the three in the middle group 47%-33%, and the oldest 8%-16%. This is unusual considering the lack of similarity between age groupings in other phonemes and positions.

The number of realizations per informant ranges from five to nine. Z has five, and the largest percentage of one of the two most common allophones, HrH, 68%, which is

24% more than anyone else. A uses all the allophones, and also omits /r/. She has the lowest percentage, 12%, of one of the two most common allophones, ErJ, and the highest percentage, 59%, of the other most common one, CrD. Every allophone is used by at least five informants.

The /r/ is omitted just once by each of the five.

Voicelessness accounts for 63% of the occurrences. Words occurring in this position are usually infinitives, as tomar, salir, tener, but occasionally words such as doctor, mayor, dolor. 222

In summary, in utterance final position the CrD and

the Cj?: are used one-third of the time each. The many other allophones are used from 4-11% each. Omission averages

only 1% for the group. 2.1.8.1.8 Summary of Use of /r/ Allophones:

The phoneme /r/ is realized mainly as CrU in all jf positions with an average of 56%, and secondly, as C 3 with

an average 23%. The CrD is overwhelmingly used in Cr-

and -r- positions, although /r/ is omitted in almost half

of the occurrences of para. The CrH is the most common

allophone of porque (51.5%), but Cr: is used only 35% and

39% before voiceless and voiced consonants, whereas [3f ] is

the most common allophone of /r/ before both voiceless and

voiced consonants (45% and 50%). CrU and both are used

34% of the time in the utterance final position. Table 36

shows these numerical relationships regarding positions. There are 1633 -r-, 572 -rC, 620 -rC, and 378 -r# - _o _y - occurrences, for a total of 3203 /r/ occurrences. The Co­ occurrences were not tallied.

The percentages of these occurrences vary somewhat depending on the mathematical approach. If one divides the averages of the allophones by the number of positions plus three special words, with no regard for relative amounts the results are different from those of weighted statistics. In

Table 36, the percentages are CrD, 56%, E H, 23%, and Table 36. /r/ in All Positions3

V Environment cr: CrD cr: CJ?: c a?: Cr: Loss Occ. o o z'l [?] o porque 2.5% 0% 51.5% 0% 0% 0% 36% 0% 10% 199 i 11 5% 1% 35% 1% 3% 2% 45% 3% 5% 373 on -rC 4% 0% 39% 5% 0% 0% 50% 0% 2% 620 V pero 0% 0% 93% 0% 0% 0% 5% 0% 2% 124

para 0% 0% 52% 0% 0% 0% 7% 0% 41% 216

-rr- 0% 0% 88.5% 1% 0% 0% 8.5% 0% 2% 1293

-r# 4% 7% 34% 3% 34% 6% 11% 0% 1% 378

Ave. 2% 1% 56% 2% 5% 1% 23% 1% 9% 3203

aExcept /Cr/ in the same syllable. 224 omission, 9%, the other 13% being in the remaining six

allophones.

The 1633 -r- occurrences represent about half of the

total 3203 occurrences of /r/. ErU occurs 6 2.4% in —re­

position whereas interpreting -r- as one of seven environ­

ments in Table 36, the average use of CrD is 5 6%. The

sheer numbers, as of -r-, can conceal the allophonic usage

of the other environments which are in much less frequency.

Throughout this study I have given the numbers of occur­

rences, but I have used the percentages as a sensible point

of reference. This was necessary as I was not working with

a fixed amount of data, as that which would result from a checklist. Some informants used certain environments more

than others, or happened to have more of a phoneme than

another, so in using the individual's percentage of allo­

phonic use in a given environment or word one is able to make numerical comparisons between informants.

The purpose of Table 37 is to show the general individual use. The figures are taken from the previous

tables of allophonic usage, that is, those of the positions

-rr, ~T\/' an<^ ^•' an(^ those of the special words pero, para, and porque. The Cr- in the same syllable was not counted. The total from these seven groups was then divided

by seven. To find any individual use, refer back to that table. 225 Table 37. Individual Usage of /r/

V C a?• Inf. :r: Lrl lrl Lrlo [r 1 CRD Loss o o A 3% 1% 63% 2% 2% 0% 21% 0% 8%

B 2% 2% 46% 2% 3% 0% 29% 0% 16%

C 0% 2% 72% 0% 4% 2% 19% 0% 1% L 1% 2% 53% 2% 4% 0% 32% 1% 5%

M 4% 2% 51% 1% 4.5% 2.5% 21% 0% 14%

N 0% 1% 49% 3.5% 7.5% 0% 22% 0% 17%

X 0% 0% 49.5% 0% 6% 0% 39.5% 0% 5%

Y 7% 1% 53% 2% 6% 1% 17% 0% 13%

Z 1% 0% 73% 1% 10% 3% 7% 2% 3%

Ave. 2% 1% 57% 2% 5% 1% 23% 0% 9%

According to Table 37 the allophones of most usage

are CrU (.50%) and c jf 3 (23%). Omission and the rest of the

allophones are below 10% in average use, although the

individual may have used any of them more than 9%.

The allophones LrD, CrD,V and CRD have low o percentages, the averages are 0% to 2%. In the remaining four allophones there is more variation. Z has the four largest amounts of an allophone. M, with all of her allophonic variation, has unremarkable usage when it is seen as an average. A has the closest to the group average. 226 No informant uses all allophones. In addition to

omission by each woman, four use 7 allophones, two use 6,

two use 5, and X uses 3.

Y, the fastest speaker, has the most trill. The

slow speakers C, L, and X have low or no usage of the trill.

N, with dentures, is low on trills as is Z, who lacks upper

teeth. The slow speakers, C, L, X, and Z, also have a low

percentage of loss, whereas the fast speakers B and Y have

much loss. X, who is not a careful articulator, has the

highest percentage of the weakened fricative. Z has the

lowest use of the weakened fricative and the largest per­

centage of tap r (65%).

Generally speaking, in all positions and the three

isolated words, an average half of the occurrences are Urn

and a fourth are C 35 D. Nine per cent of /r/ are lost. Both

trills make up only 3%. All the fricatives make up 31% of

the occurrences. There are many similarities between the findings of

this study and those of other studies of the Spanish of the

Southwest, but some discrepancies, too. The assiblilated V [J?] has much less extension and frequency here than that o described by Marrocco (1972) or Ross (1975).. The changes

between /r/, /l/, and /d/ as described by SSnchez (1972J and

Espinosa (1909) are rare or non-existent in this study.

Also unknown here are /Cr/ in the same syllable becoming

/CI/ as in gClJingo as described by Marrocco (1972), and the 227 voiceless /r/ after a consonant in the same syllable as in

English "tree" as mentioned by Espinosa (1909). The loss of the /r/ in an infinitive followed by enclitic pronoun starting with /l/ as described by Ross (.1975), Espinosa

(1909), and Hills (1938) is rare here but the is common. The English velar /r/ (the "dark r") described by

Marrocco (1972) occurs here, but rarely. The discrepancy could be more apparent than real, because it may be due to the fact that I distinguish between C H and CRD, which are very close in sound. Phillips (1967) finds rare occurrences of the English retroflex vocoid.

In intervocalic occurrences most find the single tap, with omission occasionally. Espinosa (1909) and Hills

(1938) mention omission in para, pero, quiero, and other words. Para as CpaH is common in the Southwest. Clegg

(1969) also notes an intervocalic /r/ "relajada," which may J* be similar to my II 1.

In utterance final position Post (1934) finds the fricative and sporadically the trill. She does not mention voicelessness. Phillips (1967:103) does not distinguish voiceless versus voiced in this position because /r/ devoices at the end and "trying to distinguish between them only at the beginning of the articulation is too difficult to do with any degree of accuracy." His informants over^ whelmingly prefer CrD, have some CrD and .Urn, and 2 occur­ rences of the English retroflex vocoid. Clegg (1969) finds 228

the voiceless fricative, a combination /l/ and /r/, and a

retroflex CRD. Espinosa (1909) describes the voiced frica­

tive for utterance final /r/, except in Southern Colorado,

where the trill is heard. The tap and voiceless fricative f — V — are most common here, followed by H D, [r], Ca?D, CrD, Cj?D, o and rarely, omission.

Clegg (1969), Post (1934), and Espinosa (1909) find the most common preconsonantal allophone to be Ca?D whereas

Phillips (1967) says the Cj?D was very uncommon in this environment. His informants used Cm most commonly and CrD sporadically. Post also mentions CrD. Clegg shows Ci?D and

CgD as the most common allophones, CrD, Cr3, anc^ CrD as less common, and the 1/r combination and CRD as rare. It is interesting that Clegg's examples of CRD occur before /s/, as do mine. Here c D is most common, then CrD, the rest being less than 5%.

Briefly, then, the tap is the most common allophone for /r/, but the high, usage of the fricative is in accord with, for example, Dalbor's (1969) description, that the fricatives alternate with or replace the tap in Latin

America, but that the tap is most common in General American

Spanish. By fricative he probably did not have C 3? D nor CRD in mind, but rather the CeD with audible friction. Varela

(1974) notes that both CrD and CrD tend toward the English

/r/ by Englishr-dominant Cubans in Miami and New Orleans. 229

The presence of C^D or CRD in the Spanish of the Southwest is undoubtedly influenced by English.

2.1.8.2 /r/. This phoneme occurs in word initial position, both utterance initial and medial, the latter being postconsonantal or intervocalic. /r/ occurs word medially represented by the digraph rr. Examples: Rosa, la recSmara, un ruido, catarro. The eight allophones of /r/, presented in the order of their frequency of occurrence are:

CrU voiced multiple alveolar trill.

CrD voiceless multiple alveolar trill.

[ voiced combination alveolar tap-fricative. The

stop element is sometimes an unreleased tap,

occasionally a semi-trill as it weakens into the

fricative.

:£ i?D voiceless combination alveolar tap-fricative, o CrU voiced alveolar tap

Cj?D voiced alveolar fricative CgD voiceless alveolar fricative

C^D voiced alveolar fricative with inaudible friction.

There are no omissions of the phoneme. 2.1.8.2.1 /r/ in Utterance Initial Position:

In this position /r/ is manifested by seven allo­ phones in 130 occurrences. Table 38 shows the number and percentage of occurrences for each informant. 230

Table 38. /r/ in Utterance Initial Position

inf. cm Crr: crg: cr: cj?: eg: Total

Occurrences

A 1 4 2 1 10 5 1 24 B 1 3 2 2 3 11 C 3 1 4 L 1 1 2 2 5 11 M 2 6 2 1 7 3 2 23 N 1 5 1 12 4 23 X 2 1 1 7 11 Y 2 2 8 12 Z 5 5 1 11 Total 10 21 7 6 42 37 7 130

Percentages A 4% 17% 8% 4% 42% 21% 4% B 9% 27. 5% 18% 18% 27.5% C 75% 25% L 9% 9% 18% 18% 46% M 9% 26% 9% 4% 30% 13% 9% N 4% 22% 4% 52% 18% X 18% 9% 9% 64% Y 16.5% 16. 5% 67% Z 45.5% 45. 5% 9% Total 13% 13.3% 4.3% 5% 28.4% 30.5% 5.5% 231

The only allophone used by all nine informants is

CjfU. Although CfD has the most occurrences, it is second in average percentage with 28.4%, the most common allophone being Cg: with 30.5%. These two fricative allophones total

58.9% of the group usage. cri?3 and [r], each used by six informants, average 13.3% and 13% each. Of infrequent use are ErJ, Crrj, and C^D with no more than one or two occur- rences per informant except I J which occurred three times in B. Of the seven informants who used both Cj?D and o the most common allophone of A, M, N, and Z was Cs?Il (30%- 52%) , and of L, X, and Y was CrU (46%-67%). The second most common allophone of four of these seven was the voiced or voiceless counterpart, but of three was C £rH. The most common allophones of the other two informants were C rD and

for B (27.5% each), and CrU for C (75%). B and C did not use either voiceless allophone in this position.

The third most common allophone, C xj?D, 13.3%, ranged from 17%-27.5% in five informants and appeared in

9% of L's occurrences.

It is interesting that ErD was the 4th most common allophone, occurring 16.5% or less in 5 informants, and 75% in C«

Each informant used from two to seven allophones. A and M showed the most variation, both using all seven allophones, but in differing percentages. 232

The following are examples of allophonic variation.

Ropa occurred with H 3?H, CrU, CjfH, and L used three of these allophones, Y used two and four informants used one. Rebelde appeared with a different allophone in each of the three speakers: Crj?3, Cj?D, and CgD. Rosa also occurred in three corpora with a different allophone for each informant: CrU, H 2T and Cg3. II IT gD is noted in ruido and rayado, and C D in robichi and recuerdo.

In summary, of the seven allophones of /r/ in utterance initial position, Ha?] and were used fre- — IT JtT 3? quently, CrU and C rJ moderately, and C gD, CrD and E D infrequently. The voiceless allophones were used 33.7%.

The three fricative allophones CjfH, Cg3, and C J, were used

64.4% of the time, the latter only 5.5%. The trill occurred

13%, the voiced and voiceless mixed tap-fricatives 17.6%, the tap 5%, totaling 35.6%.

2.1.8.2.2 /r/ in Utterance Medial Word Initial Position: There are 8 allophones in the 112 intervocalic and in the 86 postconsonantal occurrences.

Intervocalically the 3 most common allophones in

— r r ja order are cm, Cj?H, and C jM]. c CrD, anc^ c ] are infrequent with no more than 2 occurrences each in any informant. Table 3 9 shows the number and percentages of intervocalic occurrences. 233

Table 39. /r/ in Word Initial Intervocalic Position

r Inf. Cr3 rC 3? 3 crj?: cr: CJ?: Total o O Occurrences A 11 9 2 1 3 26 B 5 2 6 1 2 16 C 2 1 1 1 5 L 2 2 4 8 M 8 4 2 5 1 20 N 5 1 5 1 12 X 6 2 3 1 12 Y 5 4 9 Z 1 2 1 4 Total 38 23 6 6 30 5 4 112

Percentages A 42% 35% 8% 4% 11% B 31% 13% 37% 6% 13% C 40% 20% 20% 20% L 25% 25% 50% M 40% 20% 10% 25% 5% N 42% 8% 42% 8% X 50% 17% 25% 8% Y 56% 44% Z 25% 50% 25% Ave. 31% 17% 8% 5% 26% 8% 5% 234

Both the first and second most common allophones,

Cr3, 31%, and CrU, 26%, are used by seven informants each.

The third most common allophone, C j?:, 17%, occurs in six

informants.

The CrU is the most common allophone for A, C, M, and Y, Cjf3 for B and L, Cri?D for X, Cgl for Z and both. CrD and Us?} for N. B and Y's second most common allophones are very close in number, so the three informants B, N, and

Y use Cr3 about as much as Hj?D, the two phones making up 68%, 84%, and 100% of their total occurrences.

The following are some examples of the variation.

Of the 7 informants using ropa, 4 used one allophone, either

CrD, Crj?D, or CrD. M used 2, CrU and CrrD. B used 3, CrD,

CrD, and CrD . A used 5, CrD, Cra?•, CafU, CrU, and

Reccimara was said by C with CrU— and C Xj?H and by M with CrD,

Cj?3, andCCr3. Examples in context of word initial inter­ vocalic /r/ occurrences:

A; Les plancho la CrDopa

A: Tiene mucha CrDopa que le H rUegalan allS.

A: Si, ella tiene mucha C rU opa.

A: Me sale mal (pause) la C Dopa

B; Tambi^n hay_donde tener la CrDopa (pause) tender la ErDopa a secar

B; Y Cj?Dopa, Casi no tengo nada de CrDopa.

B: Digo por qu§, por qu6 no me compr6 CrDopa (pause) y, (pause) y ahora, s£, me voy a compraCrHopa. 235

B: Y CgIlobar (pause) Tampoco nunca ha CrDobado (yo).

C: casas con cuatro C rDecSmaras (pause) de piso arriba (pause) las CgDecSmaras arriba (pause) y (pause) la cocina y la sala abajo (pause) otra cf UeccLmara tambign, yo creo.

M; Por eso yo quiero una casa (pause) de cuatro ErHeccimaras para tenerle su tanque.

Mr Busqu§ una de cuatro tffDec&naras o de tres.

Two to 5 allophones are used by each informant. A and M used the maximum, but not the same allophones nor in the same proportions. There are 16% voiceless allophones as contrasted with 34.8% voiceless in utterance initial position, 39% fricatives as contrasted with 64.4% in utterance initial position, and 31% trills whereas there were only 13% in utterance initial position.

2.1.8.2.3 /r/ Word Initial After Consonant:

In this position the /r/ follows /I, n, rf s/ with six allophones of /r/ after /l/, five after /n/, six after

/s/r and three after /r/. Because of the low frequency of occurrence Table 40 shows the percentage of usage based on total number of occurrences, rather than the average of individual percentages as were done with the other tables on /r/.

The most outstanding datum on this chart is the use of only a moderate percentage of the trill for /r/ after both /l/ and /n/ (17% and 18%). Even so, the /r/ after /n/ 236

Table 4 0. /r/ in Postconsonantal Position

r Hf n LJ LJ Consonant Cr: Cr: Z rl Cr: ci?: ca?: f—1 Occ. o o o /I/ 17% 29% 4% 21% 21% 8% 24

/n/ 18% 41% 29% 6% 6% 17

/r/ 62. 5% 12.5% 25% 8

/s/ 41% 5% 3% 5% 0% 27% 19% 37

Ave. 35% 1% 21% 2% 13% 20% 6% 2% 86

is said with more force than after /l/ as more mixed allo-

phones occur after /n/ (.41%) than after /l/ (33%) , and more

tap after /n/ (29%) than after /l/ (21%). Fewer fricatives

occur after /n/ (12%) than after /l/ (29%).

After /l/ there are 7 Crj?:, 5 Cr:, 5 Ca?:, 4 Cr],

2 C*":, and 1 Crr3. Examples: el radio, el resfriado, el ruido, del ritmo.

After /n/ there are 7 Crr:, 5 CrD, 3 Cr:, and one each Ci?: and CrD. Examples: un ratito, en restaurantes,

son redondos, tienen ralz. The combination of word final /r/ with word initial

/r/ yields the highest occurrences of Cr: (62,5%) in any position of CrU, but this is based on only 8 occurrences, 5 of which are Cr:, 2 ca?•, and 1 C r3. Examples; popular restaurante, comprar ropa, color rojo. 237 There are 37 occurrences of /r/ after /s/: 15 Cr3,

7 Eg:, 10 CffD, 2 2 CrD, and one crjfD. In general the

/sr/ allophones both show the same voicing (see /s/

phoneme plus /r/ section); omission of /s/ is followed by the voiced trill. Five of the 7 occurrences after CsH are voiceless, either C p] or CspU. The 2 voiced are Cj?D . o o Examples: laCsrj?:minas, adi&CsgDeina, pueCsa?Jentar, Of the

10 occurrences after the CzD allophone of /s/ all are voiced, as eCzpDafael, eCz rlentar, joveneCzpHebeIdes, and cortinaCzrllojas. Of the 11 occurrences after the aspirate allophone of /s/ 6 are voiceless. L has 4 CrD in addition to 1 Examples: eC^rr]omero, doO^rJecS.waras, Oro J. c o o h~ h lac rleinas, loC rDeyes. The nine omissions of /s/ are followed by the CrU, as in muchoCr]anchos, and occur only in the speech of A, N, X, and Y.

2.1.8.2.4 /r/ in Word Medial Intervocalic Position:

Eight allophones are found in the 168 occurrences in this position. Over half of the occurrences are Cr3. Of much less frequent use are C rJ, CrD, and Ej?H listed in the order of their percentages of occurrence. HgD is used only by M. Table 41 shows the individual usage.

The most common allophone, CrD, 50%, is used by 8 informants in percentages ranging from 2 0 to 94%. [r] is th.e most common allophone of 6 informants. Those of the other 3 are CrD, 80% (B), CrU, 71% (Z), and CrrU, 41% (X). 238

Table 41. /r/ in Word Medial Intervocalic Position * r n Inf. Irl Lrl c i?a :r: Cj?: LJ Total o o o Occurrences A 21 4 l 2 28 B 1 4 5 C 12 2 1 15 L 14 10 2 1 27 M 12 4 5 1 3 1 26 N 15 1 16 X 5 7 2 1 1 1 17 Y 10 1 3 2 1 17 Z 1 3 12 1 17 Total 90 4 28 5 11 13 14 3 168

Percentages A 75% 14% 4% 7% B 20% 80% C 80% 13% 7% L 52% 37% 7% 4% M 46% 15% 19% 4% 12% 4% N 94% 6% X 29% 41% 12% 6% 6% 6% Y 59% 6% 17% 12% 6% Z 6% 17% 71% 6% Ave. 50% 2% 14% 3% 13% 7% 9% 2% 239 The number of allophones used by each woman ranges from 2 to 6. M and X both used 6, although in differing proportions.

Most words were said with a variety of allophones by all informants. Carro, the most common word both by frequency and the number of informants saying it, occurs with 6 allophones: CrD,— [r],— C 3T rD, C IT rll, Cj?:, and Cg:.

M uses 4, C, L, and X use 2, and A and B use 1 allophone.

Contrary to the tendency of varied allophonic usage was guitarra, said only with CrD by the 4 informants using the word.

In the case of minimal pairs such as carro-caro and perro-pero, the /r/ is not found as a tap in the corpora, which would indicate that the distinction between /r/ and

/r/ is maintained in this position. One would not expect to find the tap for rr, especially in such a relatively high percentage as 13%, but in words in which no misunderstanding would occur, the single tap as well as other allophones did

— JT occur, Agarro, agarrar were said with CrU, C rH, and CrU.

Three informants used all 3 allophones, three used 2 and two used 1. The /r/ is manifested as CrD, CrD, and CrD in correcto, correctamente. One informant used 2 allophones and two used 1. Borracho appears with CrD, C j?], CrD, and £1 C l, with one informant using 2 allophones and two using 1. In summary, of the 8 allophones of intervocalic rr, the use of CrD is frequent, Cri?D and CrD moderate, and 240

IT 3? CjfJ, C j?:, C J, Cg] infrequent. Fourteen per cent of the

allophones are voiceless. Z is the only informant with so

high a percentage as 77% voiceless allophones. Individual usage of /r/ is seen in Table 42. There

is much variation in the number of allophones used. Nine allophonic representations marked with the superscript "a" are only used by that informant in #r- position, not in the other positions. All the allophones are affected except — 2T Urn, Two voiceless representations C r] and trD, marked with the superscript "b," are used only in word initial utterance medial position by the informant indicated. Seven allophones marked with the superscript "c" are used only 3? IT for -rr-.— These are 3 CrD, 3 C H, and 1 C o The range of allophones per informant is 4 to 8 with

Z and M representing these extremes. M, the only informant with Cr3 in non-postconsonantal position, uses the allo­ phones in more positions than the other women. Z shows the least variation in allophonic usage in that she has not used the four allophones which require most tension and force.

The most common allophone of six is LrD, 26%*-65%, of B is CrU, 27%, of X is CrrD, 36%, and of Z is 56%.

Generally the voiced trill and tap are used more by the younger women, the voiceless fricative by the older women.

There is much variation in percentage of usage among th.e informants. The average use of the most common allophone CrD, 31.5%, is a third of all the usage but the 241

Table 42. /r/: Individual Usage

Inf. Cril Lrl Crvl Crr3 cm cj?: [P3 o o o

A 41% 0% 22% 5% 4% 20% 7 %a l%a

B 20% 0% 9%a 0% 37% 18.5% 2% 13. 5%

C 65% 0% 11% 7 %b 9% 8 %a 0% 0%

L 26% 0% 24% 3%a 6%a 25% 15%a 1%C

M 32% 5%a 22% 4% 5% 22% 7% 3%a

N 47% 0% 10% 1% 2%C 31% 6%a 3 %C

X 10% 0% 36% 13% 2%C 13% 26% 0%

Y 44% 0% 0% 2% 6%C 24% 22% 2 %C

Z 0% 0% 0% 10%C 0% 21% 56% 13%

Ave. 31.5% 0.5% 15% 5% 8% 20% 16% 4%

Superscripts mean only occurs in one position: (a) #r-, (b) word initial utterance medial, or (c) -rr-.

range among the women is from 0% to 65%. Add to these calculations the second most common allophone, and the average percentage, 51.5%, is half of the group's usage, with the cumulative range being 21%-78%. Add the third most popular allophone, CrD, 16%, and the total average is

67.5%, the individual cumulative range being 40.5% to 92%.

Add the fourth, [rr], 5%, and the average is 82,5% of all the allophones, yet the cumulative range is still wide,

49.5%-94%. Add the fifth, CrD, 8%, and the average is

90.5% with the range finally up over three-fourths, 242

77%-98%. The remaining three allophones, Cr3fD, and

CgD, make up 9.5% of the total usage in all positions except postconsonantal.

Table 43 shows the average group percentages of the allophones of /r/. Because of the extremely few occurrences of each allophone for each informant after a consonant the percentages are calculated differently, and for this reason, the 86 in postconsonantal positions are separate from the other 410 occurrences.

The most outstanding differences occur with the CrD and the fricative allophones. The use of CrD, for example, varies from 13%-50% depending on the position.

CrJ occurs for -rr- 5 0% of the time and the other

50% is accounted for by 7 other allophones including the tap (13%) in almost the same proportion as the mixed allo­ phone (14%}. The fricative use is 18%. It is particularly unusual to find (2%) for -rr-. Examples of allophonic variation in this position are listed in order of informants' ages. A; socoCrDo (pause) socoCrDo (pause)

C: Muy allrJugado. No, no tan aCrDugado (pause)

L: ChaCrHo (pause) Ay, ]qu§ chaCrDo tan lindo!

Y: CaLifDillo (pause) El ChaCrrDo (pause) ... (pause) boCrDacha (pause) ?.. (pause) agatrDarte (gause) Sndale, agaHrllar (pause) agaCrDar (pause) Table 43. /r/: Group Usage

Pos. £r D Crr3 cr: :J?D ivl Occ. C53 o o #r- 13% 13.3% 4.3% 5% 28.4% 30.5% 5.5% 130

W.I./r/a 31% 17% 8% 5% 26% 8% 5% 112

-rr- 50% 2% 14% 3% 13% 7% 9% 2% 168

Ave. 31% 1% 15% 5% 8% 20% 16% 4% 410

-Cr- 35% 1% 21% 2% 13% 20% 6% 2% 86

£Word initial, utterance medial. 244

Z: Cacgllillo (pause) El Chac^Uo (pause) ... (pause) bon^iiacho (pause) .. . (pause) agacj?:ar (pause)

Utterance medially the voiced trill occurs 19% more for -rr- than in the word initial position, and the voiced fricative is 19% less, whereas the voiceless fricative pro­ portions of the 2 positions are almost the same, 9% and 8%.

The other allophonic differences vary from 3%-8%. Because of the difficulty in finding these in connected speech, the examples are longer and less concentrated.

C: casas con cuatro C a?]ecSmaras jtpause) de piso aCrHiba (pause) ... (pause) la[hr HecSmaras aCrlliba (pause) y (pause) .. . Xpause) otra Cr DecSmara (pause)

N: Esta la tiene mi hermana y £sa es la CrDosa. (pause) Estaba mSs chiquita cuando la agaCrDaron ahi (pause) .. . (pause) Esa de en medio es la CrDafaela (pause)

Z: Casi yo nunca agaHrDo u(n) Ca?Desfriado. J o o In the word initial occurrences the CrD is used 18% less utterance initially than medially. The voiceless fricative occurs 22.5% more utterance initially. The remaining allophones vary only 0.5%-8%. There are twice as many voiceless allophones word initial utterance initially

(34.8%) as medially (16%), the largest percentage being in the utterance initial voiceless fricative (3 0.5%), which is close to the utterance final percentage of 34% of the /r/ phoneme. The following are many contrasts of /r/ in word initial position, both utterance initial and medial. 245

A: Tiene mucha CrUopa que le C rHegalan allS.

A: CrDosa (pause) C rHita (pause) CjfUamona (pause) CjfDebeca (pause) CrDafa (pause) CrUufina (pause) CrUosario0(pause) CrDivero (pause Crj?Deyes (p§use) CrgDubio.

A: CifDi (pause) LieDitmo (pause) Muchos (pause) d?cen que (pause) Crg3itmo quiere decir (pause) la mtasica.

L: CjfUodilla (pause) Me duele mucho la CrHodilla.

L: Cff]eyes (pause) Los CrUeyes del CrDitmo (pause) tocan muy bonito.

H: Tfllebelde (pause) Crllebelde yo amanecl todo HrDebelde

M: C £* 3?]oble (pause). Pues hay apellido CrDobles.—

N: Cglobles (pause) C3?:obles yo lo he oido en un apelativo.

N: Ci?3uido (pause) un CrDuido (pause) CrUedondo (pause)

X; [r?]ezar (pause) pues Crlezar a la gente, ErDezar a, por ayuda (pause) a (pause) UrOezar (.pause)_

Y: Uh nrDopa blanca (pause) CrDopa blanca (pause)

The choice of the allophone seems dependent upon its position in the utterance, personal preference, and other consequent factors such as emphasis, loudness, the context or word, etc.

Judging by the force required to produce the allo- phones, -rr- seems the strongest position, after which come word initial after a consonant, word initial after a vowel, the weakest position being utterance initial. In post- consonantal position the order of consonants producing the 246 allophones requiring the most effort or tension is /n, r,

1, and s/.

In summary, there are 8 allophones representing the

/r/ phoneme. The order of usage in all positions except postconsonantal is: CrU, CrD, CgD, and cri?D. Post- — p consonantally the order is: Lrl, I 3?:, Ha?], and CrU. The informants as a group prefer and [ip in the utterance initial position, LrJ in the intervocalic word medial position, and CrD and CjfD in the word initial utterance medial position after a vowel, CrD after a consonant. In addition to the above, in each position a variety of allophones is found ranging in use from 0%-22% each.

Grouping together voiced and voiceless allophones of all /r/ except in postconsonantal position there are 32% trills, 20% mixed tap-fricative, 8% tap, and 40% fricative and the average use of voiceless phones is 22%.

There are two main groupings of allophonic usage of the vibrants. Those with predominantly CrD and C J, and those with predominantly CrD,— CrD, and H £• as seen in Table 44.

The first group, which will be called the /r/ group because of the prevalence of CrD, has 88% Cr3 in the -r- position. In the preconsonantal positions, CrD and C 1 are the main allophones. Before the voiceless consonant the percentages are 35% and 45%. Before a voiced consonant, Table 44. /r/ and /r/ in All Positions O l 1 U _ n l r V r rl [J?3 [3?: 1 Loss CR] Environ. Cr: C cr: o Cr o

The Phoneme /r/ -r- 88.5% 1% 8. 5% 2% 5% 1% 35% 1% 3% 45% 2% 5% 3% -rs -rC 4% 39% 5% 50% 2% v* -r¥ 4% 7% 34% 3% 34% 11% 6% 1%

The Phoneme /r/ -rr- 50% 2% 14% 3% 13% 7% 9% 2% W.I. Int.a 31% 17% 8% 5% 26% 8% 5% W.I. P.C.a 35% 1% 21% 2% 13% 20% 6% 2% #r- 13% 13.3% 4.3%; 5 % 28.4% 30.5% 5.5%

aWord initial, either Int. (intervocalic) or P.C. (postconsonantal). 248 they are 39% and 50%. In utterance final position the main allophones are Cr3 and CgU.

The second group, which will be called the /r/ group because of the prevalence of the CrD allophone, has

50% Cr3 in the -rr- position, the only position in which

/r/ contrasts with /r/, in which a clear distinction between the allophones may be necessary for meaning. In word initial utterance medial position, those /r/ preceded by a consonant have 35% CrD, 21% HrrD, 20% CrD, and 13% tap, CrD.

Those preceded by a vowel have 31% Cr], 26% Ca?3, 17% Crj?D, and less than 10 per cent of other allophones. The utterance initial position has fewer trills, 13%, and more voiced and unvoiced fricatives than the other positions of

/?/.

The utterance initial and final positions have similar usage of CgD, 30.5% and 34%. The utterance initial has more trill (13%) than the utterance final (4%), but the utterance final also have 7% voiceless trill whereas the utterance initial has none. The utterance initial position has 17.6% mixed (13.3% Crr] and 4.3% Cra?3) , whereas the o utterance final position has no mixed allophones. The utterance initial position has only 5% tap, whereas the utterance final has 34% tap. Both positions have voice- lessness as they are coming from or going toward voice- lessness. The voicelessness, however, of the utterance initial position occurs in the mixed allophone and in the 249 fricative allophone. In the utterance final position voicelessness occurs in the trill, fricative and the assibilated fricative allophones. The utterance initial position patterns more like the other positions of /r/, and the utterance final patterns more like the other positions of /r/, even though it is the only /r/ position with such a high frequency of CgD. Clegg (1969), Hills (1938), Miller (1975), Phillips

(1967), and Post (1934) find the main allophone of /r/ to be [r], Clegg does not mention a voiced alveolar fricative but Post notes it for /sr/. Phillips finds CrD and Cj?3 to be in free variation. Phillips also noted what may be the

"mixed allophone," mainly in the -rr- position, and rare occurrences of the English retroflex vocoid. Clegg shows an /r/ "relajada," which may be my mixed allophone, C , occurring in word initial utterance medial position.

Espinosa (1909) notes a sharp alveolar trill in Southern

Colorado, but in New Mexico he describes a sound between r and z, as a trilled alveolar and again as a "voiced dorso-linguo-lateral fricative." Coltharp (1965) finds a

"true trill" in carro, but Gonzalez (196 9), SSnchez (1972), and Marrocco (1972) show reduction, rr > r. Marrocco shows the reduction in both medial and initial positions;

Cagarar], Ca ratoJ, Hun rlol, and Crlol. Phillips (1967) notes five of his 31 informants use only one allophone, and 26 using both the trill and the 250 fricative at least once each. In this study, although the most common allophone is the voiced trill in an average

31%, the voiced and voiceless fricatives Ci?D, c ^ are used, and in significant proportions which vary from 18% in -rr-, to 29% in word initial utterance medial position after a consonant, 39% after a vowel, to 64.4% in utterance initial position. The C rD is used moderately, and the other allophones CrD,— £ X and CrD, are used infrequently. V The assibilated voiceless Ca?3 and the CR3 are not found for o /r/. The voiceless allophones, counterparts of all but the

CrU and occur 22% of the time. Clegg (1969) does not show voicelessness, but Phillips (1967) finds it in "/r/ plus pause" position. Clegg (1969) mentions a rare voiced assibilated fricative, which X do not find.

2.2 The Vowels

The five vowel phonemes will be presented in this order, the low central vowel /a/, the mid front and back vowels /e, o/f and the high front and back vowels /i, u/. Nasalization, lengthening, and loss for vowels as a whole are presented at the beginning of this section rather than before individual vowel sounds. After the single vowels, the glide allophones of /i/ and /u/ and contiguous vowels will be analyzed. The vowel clusters of identical phonemes 251 will be shown first, then those of non-identical syllabics.

Unvoicing of vowels is the last vowel section.

The corpus used for vowel analysis is in each case less than that used for study of the consonants. An attempt was made to use approximately the same amount of speech of each informant, so that the number of occurrences would not be so disproportionate as in the section on the consonants.

None of the reading material was included in the corpora used for vowel analysis. That is, all the speech of B used for the consonants is used for the vowels with the exception of her reading selections. A much smaller portion of the speech of A is used for the vowels than was used for the consonants.

2.2.1 The Single Vowels

Each of the single vowels, /a, e, o, i, u/, h_as several allophones. Nasalization and vowel length are fairly predictable. Loss of single vowels is infrequent.

The open variants of /o/ and /u/, as well as the velar and palatal variants of /a/, are barely distinguishable from the medial allophone. Open EiH is more distinct, and the open is the most obvious of the open variants. The symbols for open vowels will be used, but it is to be kept in mind that the opening is extremely slight in the case of /o/ and /u/. 252

2.2.1.1 Nasalization. Nasalization occurs in contact with a nasal consonant, and occasionally with no contact with a nasal. The most nasalization occurs, both in frequency and quality, between two nasals, as in nCI]no, nC^Hnca, mCainCailna, mCgHmpezaron, mCiaIlmCa]. Mucho was nasalized often, sometimes with an epenthetic /n/: mllflnllcho.

Th.e next most favorable position is preceding a nasal, particularly in a checked syllable, as, tcanmbign, entCO]nces, and in the unchecked syllable as in (b)Cw63no.

Less common occurrences are: cCgllme, cCgHmCgl] te dirg,

(d) COJnde, cEOinJfianza, cailngcillnas, laChgJnce, C^Hn la, pestcajnas. The most common occurrences are in un, una which usually have some stress, the former occurring in either open or closed syllables as CClDn ratlto, nCjflllno, es CQIlna mar. Nasalization of mismo is not common, occurring only once in the speech of L, mEl ]mo.

A vowel occurring after a nasal is sometimes nasalized, but, with the exception of mCflllcho, is much less frequent than in the two preceding positions. Examples: nCOH, ncandie. Nasalization of no alternates with non-^ nasalized occurrences in B, C, and Z. The nasal consonant drops infrequently word medially as in X's cnantante. In the words con and un, however, loss of /n/ after the nasalized vowel occurs occasionally before certain consonants, especially /m/, as: cC83 qentes, cCg] la vieja, cHg] mi "shopping bag," Hfl] muchacho. 253

Of interest is the occurrence of /n/ plus nasalized

/u/ in un, una, /nun/, as tn^:D, described in the section on /n/, pp. 188-189. Si is sometimes nasalized. Tti was nasalized once in the speech of Z during emphasis: ah, tCQ:3, digo.

Nasalization does not occur with the same intensity and frequency in each informant. Informant B has the most nasal speech and the most frequent occurrences. Her nasalization is particularly noticeable with the /a/, whereas /o/ is the most perceptible use of the nasalized vowel in the speech of Y. M probably has the least nasalization of all nine informants.

2.2.1.2 Vowel Length. A vowel which becomes relaxed and shortened is written with the superscript, as

ZX1. Contiguous vowels are treated after the glides. Those shortened syllabics which do not occur in a vowel cluster are always unstressed and in positions historically favorable to weakening and loss of the vowel, as posttonic

i* g in proparoxytones, as 1alt[ 3ma, recclmC Ira.

Pretonic shortening occurs in these polysyllabic i i 0 paroxytones; enchC Jladas, mexE Hcana, necC Hsito. Pretonic shortening occurs in polysyllabic oxytones as hospC13tal.

Intceilresantes shows shortening two syllables before the main stress. 254

The length of the vowels in pelicula, for example,

is predictable. /i/ is longest, then /e/, /a/, with /u/

being the shortest in their usual pronunciation.

The stressed syllable is slightly longer than the other syllables in a word, and in many cases is lengthened on the utterance level.

In summary of vowel length, the stressed vowel is

the longest vowel in a word. On the utterance level one or more stressed vowels, usually those with primary phonosyntactic stress, are often prolonged, lasting perhaps twice as long as the next longest syllable. Pretonic or

posttonic vowels are shorter than other unstressed syllables in polysyllabics, more so when the vowel is between a stressed syllable and another vowel in the same word.

Examples with /i/: s§ptC1]mo, chC1Hcano, accC1Ddente, capacC13dad. Word final vowels are the next shortest.

Vowel lengthening seems independent of the prolonged

/s/, which occurs utterance finally in varying proportions among the informants, and utterance medially, either as hesitation or where a syllable has been omitted as in veils;] (veces).

The preceding observations are not based on any mechanical measurement, such as spectography.

2,2.1.3 Vowel Loss. The single vowels are some­ times lost. Not dealt with here are contiguous vowels, not 255

even those formed by loss of a consonant as in puCeoH

(puedo) , TOCiaJing (mi mamg). See pp. 273-316.

A single /u/ is lost four times, once in Y's

hubiera, and three times in un, in which case the nasal

became syllabic, in A's utterance initial Cnll clase especial and M's tener Cm] buen "shape," and como CnH de istas. A single /o/ is lost once in X's CkmUprg.

The single /a/ is lost more frequently, mostly as aphesis, in utterance or word initial position, as in

CoDrita which was said by B and X, but not by the other informants, some of whom used Caollrita and some of whom did not have the word. Other examples are -X's utterance initial

Ckl] en Tucson, M's utterance initial loss in CgtelH cuatro.

/a/ in hasta is also omitted utterance medially by L in the environment /sVs/, in a veceCs:ta] plancho el mismo dia.

L and Y omit the first syllable of haber in por haberme dado el bocado del dia, and Y's podido haber grabado. M omits

/a/ and a first syllable with /a/ in es Cnllaran jado,

Cmllarillo, CfJombra. The latter two are utterance initial.

An utterance initial preposition a is omitted several times by N in the structure duplicating the indirect object. An example from -X is Cmllis muchachas les gusta, although she does say Ca] ml me gusta. L says graCsjas] but omits the second syllable in the environment /sVs/ in graCs:D a Dios twice. 256

In X's speech panaderfa becomes panCeJria, which is possibly loss of the second /a/ followed by loss of /d/,

/panaderla/ > /panderla/ > /panerla/, as Ross (1975) finds panderia in Colorado, or /d/ was lost before /a/ was.

/a/ appears to be omitted at times in the construc­ tion ±r_ + a + an infinitive, but it is hard to tell if its loss is as a result of contiguous vowels or of non-use of a after voy, va, iba.

The single /e/ is lost most in estar in utterance initial and medial positions. Utterance initial /e/ is also lost before /s/ in explicar by A, L, and M, and in esposo, escribes, es Colorado by M. M also omits en of encima and utterance initial /e/ in el brazo. B also omits /e/ in

C3.] rodeo. Both times the /l/ is syllabic.

Utterance medial /e/ is lost in the sequence /sVs/ with the word veces by B, M, and X, and once in M's neCs:iHtamos. M also has a veCsesH. Conservation of /e/ is more common than loss in the high frequency phrases a veces, en veces. Other utterance medial losses are M's estcts

Cn]amorada, andar ClJegante, X's bastCSnJ pero, plus a few occurrences of tieCn;1 for tienen and en undergoing the same change after /n/. /Klase/ alternates with /Klas/.

C and M both omit quien once each in their use of the expression quign sabe.

Excluding the high-frequency words pues and entonces

9.5% of weakened single vowels are lost, states Lope Blanch 257

(.1963) in "En torno a las vocales caedizas del espafiol mexicano." /e/ is lost the most frequently, then /o/, but

/i/ and /a/ are lost much less. The most common environ­ ment for loss is an atonic vowel in contact with /s/, 90%.

Of those, the majority are /Vs/, 22.9% after /s/, 13.7% after /t/, 9.7% after /p/, 9% after /k/, 6.3% after /d/.

Weakening and loss occur most in utterance final position, and /e/ after /t/ in that position is surely to be lost.

The loss he finds is more frequent and systematic than the losses noted in this study.

2.2.1.4 The Vowel Phoneme /a/. /a/ is realized as medial CaH, the low central allophone, the mid central

CAH, and CaD. The low central vowel phoneme /a/ is described in many studies as having a palatal allophone

a medial sound Lai, and the velar phone CaD. In these nine informants the variations noted by ear are so slight as to be negligible and were therefore not described as palatal or velar. The nasalized can and the relaxed shortened H 1 were presented at the beginning of this section on single vowels. In word final position CaD, H D, and CAD alternate with each other, particularly when utterance final. cl 3 Examples of /a/: unC 3 mCaJscCaJdC ], Vine pCaJrCaHtrCcLlls, ArtistCA]. 258

2.2.1.5 The Vowel Phoneme /e/. The front mid vowel

phoneme /e/ is manifested as He3, the open a shortened

centralized sound CA3, the closed He], and those two

allophones which have already been discussed, the nasalized

ceil and the relaxed shortened C 3. Sometimes the /e/

becomes /i/, and sometimes the /e/ is omitted. The open allophone occurs in the words el, ese,

esa, aguel, and in those same words as pronouns, as well as

in en, es, eso, and the third person plural present tense as in creC^Zln. Even when those words show the /e/ in an open syllable, the /e/ maintains the quality of the open vowel as in: B: CeDn CeDl hospital

B: [elsc todo CelnL Cellstac B: TambiC^Dn hacC^Hn unas tambic^lln. A: Cell y su L A: dC^ll equipo

The open allophone always occurs in stems of tener, venir, querer no matter the tense or person.

The open allophone also occurs in all closed syllables, esxcept in most occurrences of inglCglls.

Examples: ej C^lmplo, Celmpiecen, of C^Ilnde, crimC^Iln, vCellrde, CeJnf[^]rmas, dC^Dsde, molc^lsta, C^lxcusado, dC^Jspedazan, ustc^l(d), corrCeJcta, inyC^]cci6n«

Open in the checked last syllable in the singular of a word is maintained as open CeD in the plural, and in other open syllable occurrences, as in mujC^Dr,

muj Cgllres, mujCePr anciana, papC^lles, papCglll ah£, jovCelln

jovCeHnes. c /e/ before an /r/ is open E^D: CeDra, sC^Hrian,

sCeDrd, dinC^Jro, matCellriales, pC^llro, tenCgllr, ayC^Jr,

espC^Hrate, v£eDr^, Cellres, amCeJricanas, opCellrada,

avCeJriguar. The only exception is dCeUrecho.

Before /r/ the /e/ is always manifested as open

encLelrradas, quHeHrra, pCeHrros, cHeHrrado. (Z a—tr ^~X —t The distribution of Ee3 and EeD is not always

predictable, notably in the unchecked syllable.

In a few cases of /e/ in a word initial open

syllable the allophone occurs, as in dreHsaparecido,

dCeJsocupa, CeHnojada, C^Hnero. A suggested explanation is that des or en are felt by the speaker to be prefixes,

therefore closed syllables. Cell is found in certain open unstressed syllables,

as vcgDcina, tC^Ill€fono, sCellparen, mC^3ti6, mC^Hnudo,

VE^Jcindad, C^]ducaci6n, n[^]cesario, prC^llfiero, sc^llnor,

avCelnida, llC^Dyg, pCe]li6, pCeJlones, apC^jlativo,

lCeDvant§. c^ Open is always found in the stressed unchecked

syllable of meten, cheque. In some informants alternates with Cell in tres,

pues, luego, senor, mes, mesa, atleta, and the first /e/ of veces, One also finds dc^]ja, dCeHjaron, lCellna, lc^llnista 260

This alternation also seems prevalent after /r/, as in C's r He Usui to, r CgDdondos, r C^Uccimara; A's r Ce]ja, rCgDyes, rCelgana; M's rC^Jcgmara, rCelcSmara, rCeHloj, rCellbelde; X's rCelzar, rCellzar, rCelyes; Y's rCeldepente,

(a)rrCeJbatan.

Before /x/ both C^D and Cell are heard. All use C^H in /de/ of dejan, dejg, but not in dCell jaron. N says

Ce3 j C^IImplo, whereas Y says Ce3 j CgHitiplo. Mexico and mexicano are said with Cell, but the unstressed /e/ between

/m/ and /x/ alternates between CeD and Cell in mejor. One hears leg]jos, ICelljos, !Ce3jana, in the corpora.

In some cases an informant may have a propensity for pronouncing Cell in an open syllable, as do B, C, L, and M.

Examples in the speech of L; sC ^3pa, CeXcho, mCgUsa, l[e]jos, carrCellta, respCgllta, lC^llche. In the speech of M C^H alternates with Cell in meses, queso. MC ^3 s, mC ^3 sa, pC^Dsan, dC^3be, zapCe3ta, lC^3che, orC^3gano, C^3cho, derC^3cha are found in the speech of C. A says arc^3tes.

SC^3co alternates with sCe3co in B's speech, whereas dC^3be, huC^3so, mC^]s, dC g3do, inqlC^Ds, sC^3pa, trC^3 s occur only with C^3 in her speech

The allophone Ce3 occurs in the monosyllables me, te, se, le, les, de, ve, ves, vez, que, in most plurals, and in word final stressed /e/ as quedcg], InglC§3s, how­ ever, alternates with inglCg3s, the former being more common. 261

In rare instances the /e/ in the monosyllabic

pronouns becomes CA 3 as in B's 1C*] voy a poner, sCA 1 puso,

se mlIA] moli6 la sangre, sCA: duran mSs.

Word final /e/, especially utterance final /e/ or /es/

often raises to Cell or even CiD after /c/ as in nochCeJ, in

chile, tamales, cine, carne, cheque, and once in X's beber.

The phoneme /e/ becomes /i/ in the archaic infini­

tive of decir which always occurs with /x/, dCixllir, in

M's pesca, in the first syllable of L1s C^Jngretdo, in the

second syllable of A's ingrllilldientes and tenCilmos, and

in X1s cemC^Jnterio.

2.2.1.6 The Vowel Phoneme /o/. The mid back vowel

/o/ is realized as CoD, the open CoH, as well as by the

nasalized and relaxed allophones, CoH and C0D , which were

discussed in the first part of the section on single vowels.

The open C^D is just slightly open, not varying much from

the medial HoD. The open occurs before /r/, as in embCpHrra-

charse, cCpJrre, JC^r3ge, and in most syllables closed by

/r/, as tCpHrtilla, hE^Hrno, sabllpllr, cCpHrtinas, nC^Urte, gCpJrdo, dC^Hrroir, almC^Jrzar, mayC^Jrmente, impC^Jrtante,

mCoJrmada. 1 and Co J alternate in the same informant in such words as por, con, son whether in open or closed syllables,

/o/ after /r/ occurs more often with CoD than with CoD, as 262 in rCp]jo, rC^Dsa, rEolsa, rCoJbles, rCo3pa. In a syllable closed by /n/ occurs more commonly, as in M's llorC^Jn, llorC63n and C's pCoHndrg, as well as in these other words from the group: sC^Jnrisa, redC^Hnda, RaroC^Jn, agarrarCgDn.

C^D alternates with CoD before /n/ in ponga and in the open syllable of these plurals of B: Cazadores, frijoles,

Srboles. B's plural occurs in the singular in X's frij Colli.

Other open syllables with CpH are in N's pCp3dria, lCpIlca;

B says sen[p]r, senCgHrita, but sefiCo]ra•

The CoD occurs elsewhere, that is, in most open syllables, and those checked by /m, s/, as nCoJsCoHtrCoIls, dCoHs, Co HchCo II, antejoDjCo3s, cColmpre.

The /o/ is very closed in Z's bCoHbona and in X's tCuHavla: /o/ becomes /e/ in C's CeJscuro and X's sCeHmos, both archaisms well documented for the change of phoneme.

2.2.1,7 The Vowel Phoneme /i/. The phoneme /i/ is manifested by the allophones CiD, a slightly open CjD, the nasalized CiD, the relaxed shortened C1!!, the latter two having been discussed generally at the beginning of the section on single vowels.

The open c£d occurs in all checked syllables except those closed by /s/ and Cnj. Examples; lCjiUmpio,

C^Jmportante, nC^rjJguna, f Cjprmada, sC^Drve, cC ^.tpco, dome^-rj]go, scitpcasar, Ci»jl]gles, C:|-:]gnoro, pC^Hldoras. 263

Most -ir infinitive endings are pronounced with

C^LIl, whether followed by a consonant or a vowel, that is,

whether the /i/ is in an open or closed syllable. On

occasion the C^P alternates with CiP, as dCix£Pr, dCixiPr,

decCiPr eso, salCiPr y todo. 1 Although most open syllables, both stressed and

unstressed, are said with CiD, occasionally one hears an

open C£D, as in clCjLPnica, ch£iJcano, j[pcama, mCiPrarlo.

The same person will use alternate pronunciations of the

same word. Examples of CiD in open syllables and before

CnP and /s/: admLiPro, hCiPce, mCiPs hCiPjos, chCiPquC iPto,

fcicCiPles, chCiPst.oso, carCiPdad, mCiPrando, LCiPnda,

al fCiPn, quCiPrice, vecCiPndad, mCiPsmo, trCiPste, vCiPsta. In the speech of A and C the stress of ibamos was on the penult. In B's lclPmpiemos, the stress fell on the first syllable, /i/ becomes /e/ in M's medCePcina and Z's medCePcina. 1

2.2.1.8 The Vowel Phoneme /u/. The allophones of

th.e hi-gh back vowel phoneme /u/ are CuD, the very slightly open CjaD, which in the speech of these women was barely distinguishable from the CuP. The nasalized and shortened variants, CAP and CUP, were discussed previously. The on- and off-glides CwP and CuP will be presented after the single vowels. 264

The open occurs in syllables closed by any consonant but /s/, and before /r/, as in me abC^Hrre mucho, cEu3mpli6, anC^Jnciador, difC^Hnto, mE^lndo, absE^iJrdo.

EuD alternates with EuH^ in the word muri6 in the speech of N and X. N pronounces mE^i3jer whereas the others use EuD. /u/ in the masculine indefinite article, whether open or closed, alternates between Eu3 and EuD, as in the^ speech of L, CuJn trabajo, Ei^Iln trabajo.

Eu3 occurs elsewhere as in bEuIlscado, mEuHchas, criatEuHras, EuUna, escEulchar, arrEullgado, rEullca, tEu].

In summary the single vowels often nasalize in contact with another nasal, shorten in unstressed posi­ tions, especially pretonic and postonic, are often prolonged with primary phonosyntactic stress, and are not often lost.

The vowels /i, u, e/ usually open in a checked syllable but only /e/ opens in a syllable closed by /s/. /i, u, e, o/ open before /r/. The vowels are generally medial in open syllables, always in stressed final syllables. /o/ opens in a syllable checked by /r/, but alternates with EoD when the syllable is closed by other consonants.

/e/ varies most in its distribution. In addition to the above generalities, open E^D occurs in the stem of certain verbs. Open and medial /e/ alternate after /r/, before /x/, in an open syllable. 265

English may influence the pronunciation of cognates

and words commonly used in English in Tucson, as chU^LDcano.

Examples: clC^Jnica, pCellnicC^Illina; chCgHque, avC^Jnida,

Ce3ducaci6n, tC^Hlefono, sCgHparada, ingrCildientes, mC^JdC^Ilcinas, pr C^3par§, pC^Jrsona, pCiHrsona, int: Prgs,

respC^lte, mC^IIsquites, sE^lncero, inglC^Hs.

Individual differences are noted. B speaks with much nasality, M with little. B, C, L, and M use the E^3 in open stressed syllables more than the other informants.

Vowels are described as being closed, medial, or open to varying degrees, except /a/ which is described as

being palatal, medial, or velar. They can be raised or

lowered, lengthened, shortened, nasalized, and omitted.

Lengthening of the stressed syllable occurs in the

Southwest, and is described by Post (1934) and Hills (1938).

Both Post and Hills as well as Clegg (1969) and Ross (1975) describe the shortening of the unstressed vowel, especially following or preceding the tonic vowel in a polysyllabic.

Hills (1938) adds that final unstressed /a/ and /o/ are medium long. Throughout the Southwest, nasalization of the vowels is found between two nasals, before a nasal, and sometimes after a nasal, Phillips (1967) adds that is commonly nasalized in East Los Angeles. Marrocco (1972) notes nasalization also in breath group final positions, for 266

stress or for a pause in Corpus Christi Spanish. Post

(1934) mentions "intrusive" n and m, as in ansi, trompezar.

Vowel qualities are described with reference to

closed (checked) or open (unchecked) syllables, stressed or

unstressed syllables on the word or utterance level, and by

the position within the word or utterance.

Several studies find less distinction between some allophonic realizations than others. Clegg (1969), for example, mentions the closeness in sound of Co] and in the closed syllable in Texas. Coltharp (1965) notes no appreciable movement in the /a/. Phillips (1967) finds much less variation in the phonemes /a, i, o, u/ than in the /e/.

The most common generalizations made about the distribution of the vowels are that the vowel is open in a checked syllable, in contact with /r/, and before /x/, and that the medial vowel is found in an unchecked syllable, generally stressed. Marrocco notes that reduction occurs less than in the consonants.

Some of the regional variations from the generaliza­ tion above are noted here for Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and California. Coltharp (1965) found that /o/ does not open before /r/, Phillips (1967) that neither /o/ nor /u/ open before /r/. Coltharp C1965) finds the open variant before the tap Cr3, which concurs with the findings of this study. Post (1934) states that not but Cell occurs 267 in syllables closed by /m, n, s, d/, a usage not noted in this study. Foster (1976) notes virtual dominance of C^D in the closed syllable. Clegg (1969) notes that Cj.II occurs only in checked syllables closed by /r/.

Closed Cell and CqD are normal in New Mexico in most open syllables (Espinosa 1909), but a stressed final /e/ is open state both Espinosa (1909) and Hills (1938), They both describe an "obscure" /e/, as in English battery, which occurs in unstressed syllables as in carnicerla and the first /e/ in de veras. What is in other areas the diphthong CweH is manifested as a open rounded /e/, as in

French boeuf. Neither of the latter two sounds is noted in this study, nor is stressed final /e/ as in se fue an open Cell.

The schiwa occurs in unstressed vowels (Sanchez

1972). Both /e/ and /o/ tend to open in unchecked syllables in careful speech (Espinosa 1909), under stress or with emphasis (Marrocco 1972), Even with the above comments on regional variation, the distribution is still not black and white, particularly in the case of /e/. Phillips (1967) finds it impossible to place the unstressed /e/ as to degree of openness or close­ ness, and states that in the free syllable C^D alternates with CeD, an alternation also described by Coltharp (1965). and Foster (1976), and found in this study, Cardenas' 268

(1967) study of the Spanish of Jalisco is mentioned here as he expressed allophonic distribution in percentages. He finds, for example that open occurs in a checked syllable only 25%, open CgD in an open syllable 10%, and open C^I! in an unchecked syllable 10%.

Lamb's (1968) generalization about Spanish vowels in Havana would be applicable here. He finds many variants but not in predictable nor exclusive environments.

Other very common changes noted are metathesis, invariably illustrated by ciudad, epithesis by el azucar becoming la asficara (Espinosa 1909, Post 1934), prothesis by agastar (SSnchez 1972), syncope by airCeJdor, apheresis by ahora, ahorita, ahogar, arrebata, esposa, averiguar, apocopation by clase, para, and Espinosa (1909) notes the expression en casa de becomes C3 c$.3 in New Mexico, Post

(1934) shows en que. Among the Tucson informants en que is noted, as in C's estS en que su nana, and one example of a que occurred in A's pueden salir a (pause) a que sus amigos.

Espinosa also notes that, while the full forms of estar may be used at any time, ej[ is lost utterance initially, and the e tends to be omitted after a vowel.

Raising in utterance final position is sometimes noted as a change from /e/ to /i/, or sometimes just described as a closed /e/ or a very closed /e/ in such utterance final occurrences as cine, noche, leche, coche 269

(Phillips 1967, Coltharp 1965, Clegg 1969), Clegg also notes raising before a palatal or velar consonant in a free syllable. Some vowel changes are noted as archaisms, as dicir, semos, escuro, mesmo, medecina, or explained as either dissimilation or that an /i/ before a stressed /i/ becomes /e/ as in medicina, policla. Phillips (1967) points out that /x/ is used in the stem of decir (in other tenses than the preterite) only when preceded by /i/.

2.2.2 Non-syllabic Uses of /if and /u/ The word medial diphthongs in general are conserved as on-glides Cj, wH or off-glides E^, uD plus a vowel. The most variation appears in the pronunciation of /e/ in a falling diphthong. In all the closed syllables the /e/ after CwD opens to except in pCweHs, despCw^Js. The former has the alternate forms CpwAsH, CpwoH, CpoH. Examples of HweD in closed syllables occur in impuesta, cuenta, vuelta.

In the open syllable CweU is more common, always appearing in bueno, escuela, abuela(o), hueso, pescuezo, huev6n, jueves, nueve, suegro, fuego, juego, fue. Open CgH is found in the diphthong in an open syllable before /r/, as in fueron, nuera, afuera, before /bl/ as muebles, pueblos, pueblito, and before CleD as in huele, duele, duelen•

The opening before /l/ is puzzling because the vowel /e/ is 270

medial in escuela, abuelo (s). After /d/ the /e/ is medial

in dueno. Is the Eg3 an example of dissimilation in huele,

duele? Although huelo does not occur in their corpora, I

hear it in Tucson with Cell. c LEweUgo alternates with lEw^Dgo, the former being

the dominant form. There were no examples of EwD + /e/

before /r, x/. The apocopation of bueno is found with E^D

usually in a checked syllable, as in:

L; bEwgDn, bEwgDn amigo X: de EwgDn salud. (contrasted with her de muy [welna salud)

X; Ew^Jn dinero

In word medial descending diphthongs /e/ after EjH

in all the closed syllables usually becomes EgD. Utterance

final dEjelz alternates with dEjglz, as does pEjells with pEj^Js. Examples of closed syllables with Ej^D are found

in siento, siempre, migrcoles, fiesta.

In the open syllables open E^D always occurs in the

roots of tener, venir as tE j^Ilne, vEj^Hne, before /r/, as in quiere, pusiera, vinieron, atendieron, dijeron, prefiero, tuyiera, murieron, (hu)biera, in the only examples before

/x/, vEjita, in the only examples before /d/ or /dr/,

A's pEi^Ildra, and in the words travEieUsa, said by A and X,

and in the word pEi^llza said by N and X.

CeJ occurs elsewhere in open syllables, whether

stressed, as empEj§]cen, crEj&l, mEjgJdo, or unstressed, as 271 nadCieU, ICimpjeDmos. Nieto and siete alternate between

Cje3 and In the word miedo and its derivatives the diphthong is sometimes disarticulated: mCigdllo, m[i£llo, mCjg]lo, or mCiedHosa. The three instances of disarticula­ tion of the diphthong in the speech of Z are rare for her, and occur with the /i/ shortened in cir"L^Untes,eDntes, sCsr11eDnto»^]

The other diphthongs are listed below with examples of their occurrences, and any exception which occurred in the vowel corpora of the nine informants.

/iu/: veintcjuHno, vCjullda. Ciudad shows metathesis,

CsuidciDA . /ui/: rCwi3do, fCwi3, cCwi Hdado but mCui 3 alternates

with mCwi], the latter occurring more often. L

and Z use mCuillr°i— most frequently, but still less than mCwi].

/ei/; Cei3 alternates with as in seis, peinada.

/io/: cumplCj63 , cancC j6]n, serC jo], nervC jolls, but one

of M's three radio is with Z says

presC^Hn once. Although the diphthong is more

common, it alternates with hiatus, usually with

the first vowel shortened. Examples: murLi63,

murCj63, C's subC16n, subCj63, N's murLi6l,

novC"Lo], and Y's alternating forms sam16ll and

saleJ63.

/oi/: m[^]s, v:o^], estZojl, Co^Ilgo, 272

/ia/: 1impC ja 1 r, ensueE ja3 , but disarticulation is

shown once each by B in martCiailndo, Y in

charlt^alimps and indC1a:6: Ilpata, and by Z twice

in crC iaPtura. /ai/: hCaiD, JCaiJme, bCaiDlar, and the alternate of — y~s — f-\— • — - ahi Ca^3.

/ua/: cHwallndo, aCwa1, but C63 for the whole word

cuando once in B's speech. B's lengua is

lEw^Hnga.

/au/: esp[au]ra, CaiiUnque, CaiiDtor, but M1 s PCpJlina,

Z' s Cinque. There were no examples of /eu/, /iu/, /uo/, /ou/, except those listed with the contiguous vowels.

A, C, and Z insert CjH after the /x/ in the preterite third person plural in dijeron, trajeron.

In summary, the diphthong is obligatory word medially with very few disarticulations, reductions, or metatheses appearing in the speech of the informants.

Some diphthongs are found as a result of reduction of syllabics and as such are discussed in the section on contiguous vowels.

In the descriptions on the Southwest, diphthongs are described as maintained, reduced, as in CaHnque, frCi-Dr, pCoHs, disarticulated, or added to, Cauelall, this example coming from Texas (Coltharp 1965). 273

2.2.3 .Contiguous Vowels

Of the 2091 instances of two contiguous syllabics,

4 58 are sequences of identical phonemes. The majority of

the latter reduce to one syllable by dropping one of the

vowels, or, much less frequently, by forming a diphthong, or other adaptations. The syllabics are adjacent to each

other mainly at word boundaries. Word medially there are

identical contiguous vowels because of consonantal loss,

pue(d)e, as well as because of hiatus within a word, leer.

2.2.3.1 Identical Contiguous Vowels.

2.2.3.1.1 /aa/: Of the 202 occurrences of the sequence /aa/, 175 are reduced to CaD, 26 maintain hiatus, and in one case 3c both vowels are lost, L's Cpa trSsD. By raw numbers 86% reduce to Call. This reduction occurs in 97% of the sequences of 2 unstressed vowels,

/W/, in 79% when the first vowel is stressed, /W/, in

55% when the second vowel is stressed, /VV/, and in 17% when both vowels are stressed, /^J/. The occurrences of the group are shown below;

/aa/ >[aa] >Ca: Omitted 122 /W/ 3 (2%) 118 (97%) 1 (1%) 63 /VV/ 13 (21%) 50 (79%) 0 (0%) 11 /VV/ 5 (45%) 6 (55%) 0 (0%) 6 /tftf/ 5 (83%) 1 (17%) 0 (0%) 202 T6 175 1 274

The informants show reduction in almost all of the

/W/ sequences as in parCaJllS, ICaJmericana. Included in the 118 /aa/ > Ca3 are 29 para as pCall ti.

The only examples of conservation of hiatus in the

/W/ sequence are: L: porque yo nuncCaaHrla eso,

X: parCa:aDprender

X; Compro cinco librCaa] ver si que diez libras.

L often speaks with word boundaries in a choppy syncopated rhythm. In X's prolonged Ca:D of para it appears she was hesitating. Her second example occurs at a syntactic boundary across which phonation continues.

In the 64 sequences of /VV/ hiatus is maintained in the following examples, some of which occurred because of omission of the voiced fricative allophones of /g/ in agarrar, of /b/ in the imperfect tense, and of /d/ in the -ada endings. Examples: y[a:a]rrar (va a agarrar), lleyCcialinos, garantizCSails, El vCaall la Wakefield.

Excluding nada, A and B maintain hiatus more in /aa/ from omission of /d/, whereas M and Y show mostly reduction.

Among the 50 examples in which there was reduction of /Sa/f almost all occur in the imperfect tense of estar, in va a plus an infinitive (in which case va receives secondary stress), or with omission of /d/ in -ada words (see ^-d- section for percentages of loss) including nada. 275

Not falling in these general categories are the following five examples: acCMlltrgs, mamCgJbia lavado, estCcillciendo, acCcLD vender, yCSiUbia votado.

In 5 of the 11 sequences of /W/ both vowels are maintained as in HaS 31guien, hagCa^Jlgo, poquitC g:3qua, quierCagi3, tengCaci3lqo. Hiatus was not conserved in

Ca: Hlguien, Iba a buscar luego luego Ca3lguien, habl Ca : 3lgo, nuncCa] tenido.

Five of the 6 sequences of /VV/ show conservation of hiatus in vCagDnadar, papCciciDce, mamL5:gj.3 , mamCd:^3cef yCci:gt3sta. Only A's yCci 3ce shows reduction.

Most cases of /aa/ reduce to Can, especially when both syllabics are unstressed, /W /. Of those which do not reduce to Ca3, 11 of 13 /Ov/ resulted from omission of a voiced fricative. Half of the /W/ occurrences did not reduce, and almost all of the /VV/ combinations maintained hiatus. From two to seven examples of hiatus are found in the speech of each informant except N and Z, who show only reduction,

2.2.3.1.2 /ee/;

Of the 203 examples of /ee/ 142 or 70% are reduced to one syllable. Sixty, or 30%, maintain hiatus. There is one case of epenthesis in X's Hley^r3. Reduction to one syllable occurs 69% in Ce^3, 80% in Cee3, 100% in Ce^D f and

56% in Cee3f as seen below. 276

No. Pet.

> Cell 70 (43%) > 42 (26%) > Ce?D 50 (31%) > Cey§D 1 (0%)

Cee: > Ce: 19 (66%) > C jeH 4 (14%) > cee: 1 (3%) > CeeH 5 (17%)

> 2 (100%)

> Ce: 5 (56%) > C^e: 4 (44%)

Of the 7 0 CegU which reduce to CeD, 33 are occur­ rences of /e/ plus forms of estar. Loss of /e/ or /es/ is not uncommon with estar forms as in tiene qu Cell star. /e/ plus estar forms reduced to Cell rarely (twice). The only hiatus occurred in X's que estaria.

In addition to the 33 estar forms, there were 25 other examples of reduction to Ce: in a closed syllable.

In 6 cases the first vowel was in m^, le, or s£ plus a verb, as .mCellscondi, lCeDscuchan, SCeHmpuercan. Seven occur before /n/ as in especialmentCeHn Guaymas. Fifteen occur before /s/ (not in estar forms), as SabCeDscribir.

Two occur before /l/, as No scg;]l resulto. One occurs before /m/, SCelmpuercan. Excluding the combinations with estar the first /e/ was stressed in 8 of the 25 sequences, as cQuCgls este aparato? 277

The second syllable is stressed four times, in es.

ese, and gsta.

Twelve of the reductions to tell are in an open

syllable, porquCeHl otro dia, mCePnojo con gl.

Forty-two occurrences of Ce^3 reduce to Cel. Ten are forms of ser, 7 of ese, and 5 of este, as porguCgHres casi como yo, JaimCgJs mi hijo, dC^Uso tampoco, dCrista manera.

In addition to the occurrences in forms of ser and ese forms, there is only one occurrence of CgD in an open syllable.

Eighteen are in closed syllables, in addition to those above with este forms. Of the eight closed by /n/,

5 occur in a pronoun plus a verb, and three in /e/ plus the preposition en, as sCgJnsucia, duglln medio es mi primo,

Seven are closed by /l/, as para que entrCglll fresco. Two are closed by /m/, and one by /s/, as mCpJmpezaron, dC^Dspafiol.

Twenty-two of the 42 Ce^D > are stressed on the second vowel, only 1 on the first vowel. Of the 20 second vowels with no stress, 19 are in a closed syllable.

In summary, the sequence CegD sometimes reduces to

Hell and sometimes to CgD. The reduction to Cell occurs when the second /e/ occurs in forms of estar, generally when the second syllable is open (except in forms of ser and ese), teen tends to reduce to CeD when the syllable i-s closed by 278

/s/, not when it is closed by /l/. When it is closed by

/m/ or /n/, either Hell or CgD occurs.

Reduction to occurs with initial /e/ of forms of the words ser, ese, este, generally not in others

closed by /s/, also usually in syllables closed by /l/.

In regard to stress, if the second vowel (Cell) is

stressed the reduction tends to be to whereas the

tendency of reduction is to Cen if the first vowel (CeD)

is stressed.

The sequence CeeD is maintained in 50 of the 163

occurrences.

Hiatus was maintained in 15 sequences closed by

/s/, 7 by /l/f 2 by /m/, 7 by /n/, one by /k/, one by /r/,

most occurring utterance medially. Seventeen of the second

syllables were unchecked. Examples; guCe^Ils fresca, Por

quCg^]l se demuestra, vivCe^mn Vicam, dice quCe^Jn veces, me sCg^ksIlplxcar, iCe^Ilr mucho. Examples in open syllables:

hacHe^llso, Creo gulle^3chg, Por quCg;^3l es serio,

porguCe^Jra de Mexico.

In regard to stress, hiatus was observed in 9 instances when both vowels were stressed, 16 times when

only the second vowel was stressed, 7 when only the first

vowel received the stress. Eighteen or 36% occurred with

2 unstressed vowels.

Sixty-four per cent of those Ce^D which conserved

hiatus had stress on one or both vowels. Stress was on one 279 or both vowels in 55% of those reducing to and in 32% of those reducing to Cell, not counting the /e/ plus estar forms.

Forms of ser maintained hiatus more often than not

(16 Ce^D, 10 ten), whereas forms of ese reduced more commonly (7 C^D., 4 CeeH). Este occurred only in the reduced form.

In /e/ plus forms of ser, hiatus is conserved more frequently. It is extremely rare for a form of estar to maintain hiatus after /e/, as seen in the following occurrences: ser ese este estar Occ.

Reduced 10 7 5 33 55

Hiatus 16 4 0 1 20

In a closed syllable Ce^D before /s/ tends to either reduction to CeD or maintenance, before /I/, toward reduc­ tion to Cell or the conservation of hiatus, before the nasals, C /m, n/ reduction to either vowel, or conservation occurs.

There are too few with /m/ to comment, as seen in the occurrences below;

/s/ /l/ /m/ /n/ A/ /r/ Ce§D > Cell 15 2 1 7 0 0 Cee3 > 1 7 2 8 0 0 C ee D P> C ee D 15 6 2 7 1 1 31 15 5 22 1 1

There is stress on one or both of the vowels in 32 of the 5Q instances of conservation of hiatus, in 16 of the 280

37 with reduction to CeD, and in 23 of 42 with reduction to

The patterns of stress and occurrences are seen here: ^1 >• 2 1 2 ,12, Occ. V V vxv (V V )

> ce: 37 8 7 1 (21) > Cg'J 42 1 22 0 (19) > [ee] 50 7 16 9 (18) c 129 16 45 10 (58)

I'f only the first vowel is stressed Ce^H is main­ tained half the time or reduced to CeD half the time. If only the second vowel is stressed, about half reduce to

35% maintain hiatus, and 15% reduce to Hell. When both vowels are stressed hiatus is almost always maintained. The

33 estar reductions to Ce: are not counted here, because loss of /e/ or /es/ of estar is common. Its inclusion would distort the picture of /ee/ phenomena.

When neither vowel has stress the results are about oneTthird each Cell, C^:, or Ce^:.

Of the 29 occurrences of the sequence Cee:, 19 reduce to Ce:, 4 reduce to the diphthong Cje:, and 6 main^ tain hiatus, one with Ce6 :, B's dCe0 Dlote, and 5 with Cee:. Of the 19 which reduce to Cell 9 occur in sequences formed by omission of /d/, as parte de became partCe:, puede became puCe3. Six were in combinations of que or de plus ellos cr ellas. Two occurred in cree. Telefoneg is said by M once as telefonCg: and once with the diphthong, telefonCj£:. Me he hecho reduced to mCe:^:cho. In addition to M's telefonCjell are three diphthongs found in the speech of L, waCksjg] twice and mapCjgJ.

The five /ee/ which are maintained as C ee] are in

A's lCereHchamos, X's siempr Heellcha, Z's dCe6]lla, and M's quierCeeHcir and quierCe:ePcir. Two examples are /VO/, 3 are /W/, but 2 of the 3 /W/ were from omission of /d/.

In summary, there were 29 occurrences of CeeD. Of the 11 formed by loss of intervocalic /d/, 9 reduced to Eel and 2 conserved hiatus. The combination /VV/ showed greater variation. Of those 5 in word final position, 1 reduced to EeD and 4 to CjeH. Of the 7 with que or de plus ellos(as) , 6 reduced to Cell and one maintained [ee],

Siempre echa maintained hiatus, too, whereas me he reduced.

The combination /VV/ is represented by two cree both of which reduced. The two examples of /W/ maintained hiatus. The two occurrences of became le gusta a ustC^HJL caf£, ustC^Ilstci. The 9 occurrences of CeeH were in quie(r)e, 8 of which were guiere decir. Five reduced to Cell, quiCeD, and

4 did not reduce, quiche3. All 8 were said with /d/ omitted, the first 4 being pronounced as guiCeDcir, the latter 4 as quiCieHcir. 282

2.2.3.1.3 /oo/:

Of the 70 occurrences of /oo/ 56 appear in todo(s) with the /d/ omitted. Six do not reduce to CoD, as seen below:

Inf. Occ, /oo/ >

A 16 2 B 16 1 C 5 1 L 2 0 M 2 0 N 4 0 X 6 0 Y 3 2 Z 2 0 Total 56 6

Hiatus was conserved in these six instances:

A: ... me hacen sentirme mSs bien de tCOoH.

A: Enchufar es una palabra que usan tCooDs, porque ...

B: ... pero la casa de nosotros tiene m

C; TCo°Ds me dicen que me llevo muy bien con nifios.

Y: Platicar y a ver qu£ bonito charliamos y tCool. Y; Y de tCo:°3s modos, pues, eh, no, no es un crimen. Reduction to CoH occurs in all the constructions of todo(s) Cin which /d/ is omitted) plus a monosyllabic article or possessive adjective plus a noun as: No es

Cto:]l tiempo, Porque tCo:eJl tiempo ando descalza, Y tira tCo:] sus papeles, Pues tCo;] tu cuerpo, A tCo:3 los clientes. 283

Of the other occurrences of todo(s) which reduce to

/o/, some have todo(s) at the end of the utterance, some toward the beginning, and some at the end of a thought group even though still utterance medial. Three occur as adjectives, as Estci tCo: 3 seco.

The remaining 14 of the 7 0 /oo/ appear in the speech of five informants, as seen here. In 4 of the informants hiatus is conserved.

Inf. No. /oo/ >

A 3 0 M 2 2 N 1 1 X 6 6 Y 2 2 Total 14 11 It appears that in those occurrences not with todo hiatus tends to be conserved. Only in the speech of A do the two vowels /oo/ reduce to /o:/, all three of which are pro­ longed, as in NtimerCo: 3cho. Examples of the other in­ formants show conservation of hiatus, as in YCooJigo un ruido. Fifty-three of the 70 /oo/ occurrences reduced to

Co: or CO}D. Six of 50 todo(s) and 11 of 14 other occur­ rences did not reduce. The three of the latter which were reduced were in the speech of A.

2.2.3.1.4 /ii/: Six of the 13 sequences of /ii/ reduce to /i/ or to a prolonged Ci:l, Five of the six are mi hija or mi 284

hi jo which were said by four women, and were their only examples of /ii/. The sixth case of reduction was B's muy importante. The same expression was said by A with hiatus.

Mi hijo occurred only once with hiatus, and this was in the speech of L. Of the five remaining occurrences in which hiatus was conserved, four were in combination with "y," thus at juncture, as Asi es que fuCilll lo dejg.

One occurred in a sequence caused by omission of a con­ sonant, in this case /d/ of dicen, SCiiDcen "Asi es," dicen

"Si. "

The last five instances are either at syntactic boundaries or examples of hesitation where it is not surprising to find hiatus.

There are few examples from which to draw generaliza­ tions, but in regard to individual performance, four women,

M, N, Y, and Z, had only reduction to one syllable, and this only in 1 or 2 examples; three women, A, L, and X, had only hiatus; one, B, showed one case of reduction and two examples of hiatus.

The average percentage of conservation of identical contiguous vowels /ee/, /oo/, and /aa/ is 22% for the group as seen on Table 45. The individual use ranged from 9% to

32%. This is based on numbers of occurrence in the speech of each individual. It does not represent the percentage of each set of vowels. Among the occurrences of Y, for example, 80% of her /oo/ are conserved, but only 9% C2 of Table 45. Hiatus Conserved in Identical Contiguous Vowels3

/ee/ /oo/ /aa/ Total Pet. Inf. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Conserved

A 12 (23) 2 (19) 5 (18) 19 (60) 32%

B 2 (19) 1 (16) 7 (43) 10 (78) 13% C 6 (23) 1 (5) 4 (19) 11 (47) 23%

L 8 (24) 0 (2). 3 (22) 11 (48) 23%

M 5 (13) 2 (4) 2 (21) 9 (38) 24%

N 3 CI 9) 1 (5) 0 (21) 4 (45) 9%

X 10 (.26.) 6 (12) 3 (22) 19 (60) 32%

Y 7 C27) 4 (5J 2 (23) 13 (55) 24%

Z 7 (29) 0 (2) 0 (13) 7 (44) 16%

Ave, 103 (475) 22%

aExcluding /ii/ and /uu/. 286

23 occurrences) of her /aa/ maintain hiatus. Her total 24%

is based on the total number of hiatus conserved divided by

the total number of her occurrences of the identical

contiguous vowels except /ii/ and /uu/>

Conservation of hiatus is seen to be related to (1)

stress, that is, it is maximal with. /W/, minimal with both

vowels unstressed, and definite patterns depending on

whether the first or second is stressed; (2) position in a

word, structure, or utterance, as, all of the occurrences

of todo with /d/ omitted in the structure todo plus article

or possessive plus noun reduce /oo/ to CoH, whereas con^

servation of hiatus is found when the word is used as a

pronoun, or as an adjective plus a noun; (3) certain words,

as estar loses /e/ or /es/ often (especially in utterance

initial position)? after /e/, the /e/ is lost 32 of 33

times, whereas the /e/ of ser forms is lost only 10 of 26

times; (4) open or closed syllables, as in the Ce^H

sequence there is more reduction with an open syllable than a closed syllable, and within the closed syllables there is more reduction to /e/ and maintenance of CegD

before /s/, whereas before /n/ the distribution is about even for the three resolutions CeD, C^H, Ce^D; £5) the quality of the vowel, that is, that most /oo/, except those in todo, conserve hiatus, most /aa/ reduce, and within the phoneme, 69% reduction occurs in the sequence Ce^H, and 80% with Ceel; (6J omission of intervocalic consonants, as seen 287

in todo above, para generally reduces to /a/, 9 of 11 /ee/ resulting from omission of /d/ reduce to Ce3; C7) indi­ vidual tendencies, that is, in general N reduced most and

A and X the least, and more particularly in the sequence

/£a/, A and B maintained /cia/ more commonly whereas it reduced to /a/ usually in the speech of M and Y; (8)

hesitation usually caused conservation, as 5 of 6 /ii/ were maintained as /ii/ whether utterance initial or medial; and

(9). syntactic boundaries tend to prevent reduction even though phonation occurs across the boundary. The effect of speed was not obvious, perhaps because there were too few similar occurrences for comparison.

2.2,3.2 Two Non-identical Vowels in Contact. The non

/uy/, /VtS/, /Vu/. The sequences /ae/, /ao/, /eo/, /ea/,

/oe/f and /oa,/ will be presented after the sequences with

/i/ or /u/.

2.2,3.2.1 /IV/: Hiatus was maintained in 183 (95%) of the 193 occurrences of stressed /i/ plus /a, e, o/. One diphthong occurred in L's asEj^Hs. Epenthetic /y/ occurred in Z's dClyaD. 288

Of the 7 reductions to CiD, 2 occurred in the speech of Y and the other 5 occurred one each in other corpora.

Four of the 7 occurred before forms of estar, a verb with a tendency to lose /e/ or /es/. Examples: movCi] el brazo,

NacCliDn la Meyer, SCinstg. In the 183 examples in which hiatus was maintained, the second vowel was shortened 27 times as in tenCia3, aquEle3n, dormCl°I].

Most of the occurrences of stressed /i/ plus a vowel are realized as two syllables as in ClaH, particularly the verbs as vivCfaHmos. The realization CiaH is also found in environments similar to the realizations CieD and

Cio3. In addition to the verbs, the other word medial occurrences are in mia, and in those sequences formed by omission of a consonant, of /d/ as in vestcioll, cuCiaDte, of /y/ as in amarCio1, tortCla](s), of /g/ as in dCiaH, and of /x/ as in fCiallte. Word boundary occurrences are common; ahUiaJfuera, mHwi^Jxtrafio. Two stressed vowels occurred only in the sequence /ie/ and were realized as or CieD. Examples: CigJs, a mCl^Js.

/fa/ is the most common occurrence, /le/ occurs moderately, and /fo/ infrequently. Six of the seven losses of a vowel after stressed /i/ were losses of /e/. 289

2.2.3.2.2 /IV/:

Of the 123 examples of unstressed /i/ followed by

/a, e, o/, hiatus was maintained in 56 (45%). Sixty-seven reduce to one syllable, 49 to a diphthong, 18 to Ci3.

The /i/ is found principally in 60 y, 44 mi, with less frequent occurrences of £i, ni, and in other single occurrences. Forty*-two of the 60 y occur utterance ini­ tially, 29 as [in or Ci::, 12 as [jD, and one as CyH.

Examples: Ci;^3s lo que, Cj^Dl otro, Cyan ml.

The conjunction y occurs utterance medially 11 times as tin and 7 as CjH in the six informants with, this sequence, e.g.; inql§s Hi^Ilspanol, batall6 conmigo CjaJsta el fin.

/i/ appears when the Hi] is prolonged, but other than that, its use is not predictable in this sequence in that it alternates with CjD.

Of the 44 occurrences of mi plus a vowel, 26 occur as a result of an omitted consonant, 20 in mamS and 6 in papS. About half of each are said with both syllabics

/ia/ as mCialmS, mCia]pS_. B says mCi3mci 10 times, twice with Cir. 1. These 10 are the only occurrences with Hi3.

Discounting B's 10 occurrences, 8 (80%) are said with two syllables, but with the /i/ or the /a/ shortened, which shows the tendency to diphthongization or loss.

X's mCiJpci grande is the only occurrence of mi

(p)apg with CiD for /ia/. She also says mCiaJpl and mCjaPpS. 290

Mi hermano(a) is said three times by A, once as mCi^Prraana, twice with Cj^P. N uses Ci^D twice; X uses

Cj^D once. CieD alternates with Cj^D in mi hermano(a).

There are no occurrences of CiD for the /ie/ in mi hermano.

Mi esposo is said by 4 women. Three use mCj^Dsposoy

M uses mCi Psposo three times; X uses m[jeDsposo and mCiPsposo once each. None said mCieDsposo.

In half of the occurrences of mi before (m)ami,

(p)apS, hermano(a), and esposo hiatus is conserved except with esposo. CieP never occurs in mi esposo. CiD, on the other hand, is used half of the time for /ie/ in mi esposo, although it only occurs in two informants. CiD never occurs for /ie/ in mi hermano, only once for /ia/ in mi papi, and the only occurrences in mi mamg are those of one inform­ ant, B.

Numerically the realization of /iV/ in mi plus those words is 14 CiD plus the vowel, 12 CjP plus the vowel, and 15 reduce to CiD. The most common pronunciations of the group are mCiaDmg, mCiaDpS, mCigDrmano, and mCjgPsposo.

All of the occurrences with si^ plus the vowel occur with CjD except one CiD before estS, sCiPst£. Examples: sCj^Pntra, sCjuPbiera.

If one does not count the occurrences of y, mi

(m)amS, mi (p)apct, and si_ plus a vowel, there are 6 occur­ rences of CiD plus the vowel as in sCi6Pn, nCiaPhi, and ten occurrences of CjD plus the vowel as crCjgP and others with 291

mi as mC jelidad, and B's two Hi3: Javier y el Ton Ci 3 stein, and

nCi]l olor ni nada.

In summary, the conjunction y preceding a vowel is

pronounced as CiD most commonly if it is utterance initial,

ClU or CjD if utterance medial. With the possessive

adjective mi, the pronunciation varies between CiD and [jn

plus the vowel if the sequence /iV/ was formed by omission of a consonant (as in mamS., papg) or before hermano(a) .

Otherwise CjD plus the vowel is the more common pronuncia­

tion. Hi] occurs most commonly for /ie/ before /s/ in estar forms and esposo.

More than half of B's /iV/ reduce to tin. A and

Y use CiD plus a vowel more than cj] plus a vowel, whereas

C, X, and Z do just the opposite. M uses either Hi: plus

a vowel or Cjl] plus a vowel. L has only 4 occurrences, and

N only 6, so it would be presumptuous to say on the basis of so few that L uses either tin plus a vowel or CjD plus a vowel whereas N uses Ci3 plus a vowel more commonly,

2.2.3.2.3 /VI/:

Stressed /i/ occurs 1Q4 times after /e, o, a/, 82 of which are realized as the vowel plus /i/, and 17 of which are reduced to one syllable, 2 to diphthongs, 15 to CiD, and there are 5 instances of epenthetic CyD, Examples of those except the two vowels in hiatus: cuandCwiUba,

; Dba, Coyilldo, 292

The most common occurrences of maintenance of hiatus

are in the many ahi, and in the forms of decir with /d/

omitted, and in forms of jLr. Examples: estaban Hal J,

lCelHje, estoy impuesta a nColJr. (Ahi variant Hail is

infrequent.) Of the 82 occurrences with hiatus, the first vowel

shortened in the speech of B, C, N, and Z, as, !CaiJja.

2.2.3.2.4 /Vi/i

In 52 of the 71 occurrences of a vowel plus an

unstressed /i/, hiatus was maintained. Of the 19 reduc­

tions to one syllable, 16 were diphthongs with CiJ, one

twin, and 1 each reduced to CiD and HeH.

Fifty-two of the 71 were y after a vowel. Forty-

two were realized as a vowel plus Hi:. Nine reduced to

a diphthong, one reduced to Cin, as yIIoil! la Mague,

emborracharsCil] todo. Hiatus was conserved in 9 of 17 other occurrences which were an unstressed vowel before unstressed /i/.

Eight reduced to one syllable, 6 to Cei3, one to CwiD, and one to Cell: yo mCeillmaqinaba, manCwi 1 zquierda, hombr He]gnorante.

The two occurrences of a stressed vowel plus un­ stressed /i/ were: yH6^]gnoro, muric6iJnstantemente.

Hiatus was maintained in, for example, tCeillrg

(dir6), purCoiUnglgs. 293 2.2.3.2.5 /GV/:

In the eight occurrences of stressed /u/ before another syllabic, hiatus was maintained in 7. All of L's five occurrences are tti plus eras, eres, or haces. Z's two were formed by omission of a consonant, of /n/ in Cu6ltro and of /d/ in Cpue] (pude). The second vowel is lost in

N' s que tCtillstSs hablando.

2.2.3.2.6 /uV/:

The two occurrences of unstressed /u/ before a vowel were in A's j CuciJr in which the /g/ was omitted.

2.2.3.2.7 /Vfi/: Hiatus was maintained in 95 (79%) of the 121

occurrences of a vowel plus a stressed /u/. In the 26

which reduced to one syllable, 8 were of the diphthong

Cju:, 7 of rwu:, 10 Cull, and 1 [on, M's comCofi:] de gstas

in which the /u/ is not heard, and the /n/ is syllabic.

Forty-one of the 121 occurrences appear with forms

of gustar which lack the /g/ and are stressed on the first

syllable, as mUefi3sta. Thirty-nine (95%) maintain both

syllables /eu/. The /e/ is lost in me gusta in the only occurrences of L and X. Thirty-two of the 41 are mCefiDsta.

The rest are with te, le_, les, and one Catllsto. Excluding the 41 occurrences with (g)ustar forms,

hiatus was maintained in 56 (70%) of the 80 remaining

occurrences, 294 Forty-four of the 56 precede forms of uno. Six precede forms of usar and six are isolated occurrences.

Examples of uno forms are presented in this order: masculine and feminine adjectives, pronouns, one of the examples with both vowels stressed: TengCouJn primo, Choc6 contrCaGHna piedra, Mi hermana erCaflUna tambi§n, durC6(j]n ano, nunca

1 CoGllso, lCa ja (aguja) , sCefillro.

Of the 24 which reduce, 23 are before uno forms and one before uso.

Of the 67 forms of a vowel plus forms of uno, 44

(.66%) maintain hiatus and 23 (34%) reduce, 15 (22%) to a, diphthong, EjtiD or Cwtall, 7 (10%) to CfiD, 1 (2%) to C6U, as_ in Es la hija dCju3n senor, comCwflllna colita, comCuJn ch-iste.

If one considers which, vowel precedes the stressed

/u/ (not counting the 41 cases of /e/ plus gusta), one notes definite patterns. Hiatus is usually maintained after /a/, except in three cases, one which reduced to CwfiH and two which reduced to CtaD . Stressed /u/ preceded by /i/ usually results in a diphthong as nC jflPno, except in two instances: Ci:u3na, and frf^ulln huevo.

Half of the 80 occurrences are after the mid vowels,

/e/ and /o/. Hiatus is maintained 63% and 48%, diphthongi- zation occurs 31% and 24%, there is reduction to CuD 1% and

24% of the occurrences, and /oil/ reduced to CoD once (4%), 295

The tendency to reduction before stressed /u/ is greatest

when preceded by the back mid vowel /o/.

All of the informants have at least one reduction.

L's only reduction is in mCfl]stan. Disregarding the gustar

occurrences, the other eight informants have from 1 to 5

reductions which represent from 11% to 50% of their occur­

rences. C, M, N, Y, and Z, for example, show over 38%

reduction each. A, B, L, and X, on the other hand, show

less than 17% reduction each.

Almost all the occurrences formed by omission of a

consonant show hiatus. Thirty-nine of the 41 gustar occurrences conserve hiatus, as do all of the other examples: frCiuDn huevo, Cafi3~ja, sCedHro. Hiatus also occurs in the three examples of both vowels being stressed.

2.2.3.2.8 /Vu/: Hiatus was conserved in 11 of the 18 occurrences of

a syllabic plus the unstressed /u/. Three reduce to a diphthong and 4 to CuH. Examples; prCeullnt§, comprad Eou 3 sted«

Of the 7 informants having /Vu/, three, B, M, and

Y, used only CuD, two, L and X, used only the vowel plus

CuD, and two, C and N, showed both reduction and conserva­ tion. Five of the 18 occurrences were caused by loss of

/g/ in forms of preguntar and gustar. Of those 5, 3 conserve hiatus. 296

2.2.3.2.9 /ae/:

Of the 211 occurrences of /ae/ 120 (57%) maintain hiatus, 19 with the first vowel shortened, C el, 13 with the second vowel shortened, Eae], 5 with both vowels shortened, Ha0D, but the majority, 83 (69% of the 120 with conserved hiatus, or 39% of the 211 total occurrences of /ae/) occur with Cae3.

One-^half of the 18 Cae] and the 13 Ca0] are with two unstressed syllabics, as: excusCaeHscrita, ahorCa^Hst£.

Half of the CaeD are stressed on the second vowel,

V^. Six of the 9 are es. The others are 1cag3cho, c6mo usarCa§3sa, cCae3ndo. Example with es: es[aels la. 0 Half of the Ca D receive stress on the first vowel,

V1. Of the 7 V"'", 5 are ^a_ with secondary stress, and 2 are

Ep^ti^n]. Other examples: y3stg, yCa^Jmpiece. Six of the 13 V 2 are in estar forms. a p Four of the 5 C 1 are with 2 unstressed vowels. The V fifth is with ya, yCa^:stoy. Other examples: parCa^]l nifio, oficinlIa^3n la seis.

The stress, then, correlates with shortening of a syllabic, as seen here:

yv vf vv W Total

C e 3 0 (0%) 9 (50%) 9 (50%) 0 (0%) 18

tae3 7 (54%), 0 (0%), 6 (46%) 0 (0%) 13

Cae: 23 (28%). 31 (37%) 17 (21%) 12 (14%) 83

:ae: 1 (20%) 4 (80%) 5 297

Comparing CaeH with Caen, both are found with stress on the 2 p second vowel, V , 50% and 37%. Comparing Ca D to Caen, both are stressed on the first vowel, V1, 54% and 28%. All combinations, CaeH, Caeli, CaeD, and Cae3, occur with two unstressed vowels, 50%, 46%, 21%, and 80%. Only CaeD is found when both vowels are stressed (14%). In the examples in which Caen is maintained as Caen, there are different stress patterns. Examples of Caen with one vowel stressed, with neither stressed, and with both stressed: yCg^nstg, mi hijCa|ns, parCa^lntonces, and papCciellra.

NinetyT-one (43% of the total /ae/) reduce to one syllable, 64 (70% of the 91 reduced /ae/, 30% of the 211 total occurrences of /ae/) reduce to Cen, 22 to Can, 3 to the diphthong Cain, and 2 are lost with a consonant becoming syllabic.

Eighty^six of the 91 reductions to one syllable are reductions to one vowel. Of those 22 reducing to /a/, 13 are before es:

7 estar forms, 2 es, 3 with e£ in a word, and 1 ese. Five of the /a/ precede the article el, 2 precede en, and two precede he. The first vowel is found once or twice in such words as ya, estS, para, (ah)orita, la, nunca, iba, afuera.

Examples; afuerCaJstaban, de manerEaDs que, estufCaJn.

Of those 64 reducing to /e/, the /a/ is found in

28 la, 6 una, and one to three times in other words. The 298 words which maintain the /e/ are 24 escuela, with one to five occurrences each of other words. Examples: lC^Hscuela, parC^Dstudiar, no me gustC^Dl cafg, manchC^Jn tu vestido, tazCeHcafg, unC^Hrmana.

The /e/ is lost sometimes before estar, el, en, es, he, and the /a/ is lost 39% in la., una.

The 3 reductions to Ca^H are in L's yCaiH buscado and 2 of Z's commands with trCaiH.^v- /ae/ are both lost in M's CstlfriOJ estg (el frlo).

Each informant has at least 5 examples of reduction and at least 8 of conservation in the 15-31 occurrences each has of the sequence /ae/. 2.2.3.2.10 /ao/: In 66 of the 85 sequences of /ao/ hiatus is main- cl O tained, in 52 cases as CaoD, in 8 as [ o3, in 2 as Ca D, in

3 as C 3Q 3, once as C £ en, C's era oscuro. In the speech of c one finds Ca6llra, Ca63ra, Ca^Hra, ca^lira. Ahora was the most common word among those which maintained hiatus. Other examples; unCagJlla, pgpCao3 (papago), unca°3ficina.

Of the 19 one-syllable realizations of /ao/ B was the only informant to diphthongize /ao/ to CauD (4 times) and these four were formed by omission of /d/ as casCauD, garantizCauH. 2 a— Reduction to CoD occurred 13 times, in such words as ahorita said by B, N, and X, and less frequently in lCoDra, unCoIficina, seC6llga. 299

Reduction to Call occurred twice, in garantisa (d)o

by B, and in vota(d)o by N.

2.2.3.2.11 /BO/:

Of the 108 /eo/ occurrences, hiatus is maintained in

96 occurrences. Of the reductions to one syllable, 5 were

with the diphthong CjoU and five reduced to Con, as

sC j63ye, se mCo3lvid6. Of the 98 conserved hiatus, in 14 cases the first

vowel was shortened. The three times the second vowel was

shortened were in luego, Clwe°D. Both vowels were shortened

in two instances of creo, Ckr SO D. The three examples ^ ^ 0 cr[_£]( £QuC 63ras son?, SC 6]ye occurred more often with CeoD, but the most common of the CeoH realizations were in

e(11)os, pue(d)o, creo, and mie(d)o.

2.2.3.2.12 /ea/:

In the 230 /ea/ sequences, 208 conserve hiatus, 135

as CeaH, 39 as CeaH, 20 as CeaD, 5 as CeaH, 9 as CiaH.

Among the examples of tea] one syllable is often stressed, but one also finds both syllables unstressed.

Ex.: mCegJcen, dCeaHrina. Once both vowels were stressed: guC65]go. Examples of the first syllable being stressed

predominate in e(11)a. 0 In those examples of C a], in which the first

syllable is shortened, the second syllable is often stressed, 6 6 as in sC 5imq, tc gjblan. Among the many occurrences of two 300 unstressed syllables are: mCea]guanto, lCea3yudaron. All cl 2 cl ^ He 3 occur with V unstressed, as: jalCg ]sl, mCe leuerdo. 03. Examples of C D are found with both syllables 0^ 0^ 6cl unstressed, as: dependC 1 que, quL 3ciamos, mC Dcuerdo.

CiaH as a manifestation of /ea/ occurs only only preceding stressed /a/, as: pelCiglmos, costurCigllr, pelCicillr.

N's vea as vCeyal was the only example of epenthesis in the sequence /ea/. Loss of /y/ caused /e/ and /a/ to come in contact in such utterances seen above, as those with ella, se llama, botella.

Of the 21 /ea/ reduced to one syllable, the 8 which became the diphthong CjaD were all examples of /e/ before stressed /a/, as in cumplCjgllno.

Those 9 /ea/ which reduce to Cell all occur before unstressed /a/ as in 1 CeHyudo, tCellsustates, mCeDblan.

There are 4 examples of reduction to Call, as in estCaJparato.

The sequence /ea/ occurred with varied pronuncia-

0 3 tions in forms of pelear: pelCg: alln, pelC £3r, peic€ ]n, pelCiMPmos, pelEjgJmos. One can note variations because of stress. Me acuerdo also occurs with variations due to an individual's word stress. The same words occur in each case: mCeallcuerdo, mC 0aUcuerdo, mCe Q Ilcuerdo, mC 02 Jcuerdo, all with hiatus. 301

When the stress falls on the /a/, a continuum is noted, from CeSll, to CeSll, Cicil], the diphthong Cj&D, to CaD. 2.2.3.2.13 /oe/;

In 126 (60%) of the 209 occurrences of the sequence

/oe/ hiatus is maintained; in 83, /oe/ reduces to one syllable.

In 14 of the 126, the first vowel is shortened to o e C eH and in 6, the second vowel is shortened to Co 3.

These 6 occur with either vowel stressed, or with both vowels unstressed. Examples: Co:i3so,6 nCoiJstoy,s G p hagCoUn. Although three of the six occur when both syllables are unstressed, there are too few occurrences to indicate a tendency.

Those 14 with the first vowel shortened occur half of the time with both vowels unstressed and half with the second vowel stressed, as in Hablamos muchC°^]n ingles, oreganC°^]s muy bueno. Eleven of the C°eD occurrences were in the speech of C. og oe The two examples of C D are: nific CDstci, mexicanC°€]n los domingos.

One hundred and four of the 126 /oe/ are realized as CoeD or Co^D, Forty occur with both vowels unstressed as, cuandCo^]stoy. Six of those 4 0 are formed by loss of a consonant, as duenCoeH la casa.

Twenty-r-seven of the 104 occur with the first vowel stressed. Of these, many are followed by en, as CoeDn, 302

Twelve of these 27 occur along with loss of a consonant.

Most are examples of to(d)o, as tc6:elll.

Twenty-two of the 104 occur with the second vowel stressed. None of these was formed by omission of a consonant. Example: quesCo^Js queso bianco.

Fifteen of the 104 occur with both vowels stressed, as in sacsa. There are no occurrences caused by omission of a consonant.

Of the 83 occurrences in which /oe/ reduced to one syllable, 43 (21% of the total occurrences of /oe/) reduce to the diphthong CweD, and one to Coin, M's lastimC6i3l pie.

The majority of CweD occurred when the second vowel received the stress or when both vowels were unstressed, as envuelvIIwe 1 ste, c6raCwgiist5s. Of the 3 9 (19%) which reduced to one vowel, 36 reduced to CoD, one to B's cuandC^Htcin, one to CoD,

B's cuando estoy Cot^iD. Twenty-one of /oe/ > CoD are /o/ plus (unstressed), forms of estar, as nCo]stamps. The rest occur with the first or second vowel stressed, as in esUols lo que.

2.2.3.2.14 /oa/: Eightyr-seven of the 151 occurrences of /oa/ (.58%) maintain hiatus, 65 as CoaH, 12 as C°aD, 8 as CoaD, one as

C°a3 (C's merC°a3garra), one as C^aD (X's tC^iaJvia). 303

Sixty-four (42%) of the 151 reduce to one syllable,

49 (32.5% of the total /oa/ occurrences) to the diphthong Cwa], 12 (8%) to CoH and 3 to Can.

Thirty-four (69%) of the 49 Cwal] are with two un­ stressed vowels, as algCwaJsl.

Twenty-one per cent of the diphthongs, 10 occur­ rences, are with the second vowel stressed, as in cuandCWei Undo. Three occurrences (6% of the diphthongs in CwaH) occur in the /oa/ sequence with the /o/ stressed, as in pienso yCwaHsina. Four per cent or two of the 4 9 Cwal diphthongs have stress on both syllabics, as nCwcillblo.

Of those 12 which reduce to CoH, 7 appear to be special types of loss of /a/. M, for example, uses guanto for aguanto, itiarillo for amarillo. L may not use the personal "a" before personas. The auxiliary infinitive for

Y may be ber rather than haber. They are considered as phonetic reduction from what is generally used here and in "standard" Spanish. Example: yCoHguanto, Three reduce to [a], as primerHa]bias, Srboles ... tenemos unCaJtrSs.

The twelve examples of C°a3 and eight of CoaD appear to alternate freely with CoaD and Cwall, as in C's tantCwcillcen, tantC°S3cen, X's quierCoaJblarte, muerdllo3] veces, and M's levantCoa3 las, tempranC°a] las .., . 304

In summary of non-identical contiguous vowels, reduction to one syllable or maintenance of both syllabics,

with or without shortening of one of the vowels, appears to

be in free variation, although certain sequences maintain hiatus more than others. Tendencies to patterns correlate

with such things as stress, quality of vowels, omission of

consonants, certain words, and, of course, individual

variation.

Of the non-identical vowels with /i, u/ hiatus is

maintained most in the /IV/ sequence (95%), but the second

vowel was shortened in 27 of the 183 occurrences. Of the

few reductions to one syllable, the second vowel was lost

most often, usually in the sequence /le/ although /ia/ was

the most common /IV/ sequence. Hiatus is conserved least (4 5%) in the /iV/ sequence. Variation is noted between EiH plus /V/ and EjH

plus /V/ as a resolution, there also being considerable reduction to Ei3. In utterance initial position EiD + /V/ is more common whereas utterance medially the tendency is to

the ascending diphthong, unless the contiguity resulted from

omission of a consonant in which case either conservation of

hiatus or reduction to the diphthong occurs. Half of B's occurrences are reduction to EiD. Conservation of hiatus is more prevalent in the speech of A and Y and diphthongiza- tion in the speech of C, X, and Z. M shows either in equal amounts. L and M have too few to comment. 305

In the sequence /Vi/ hiatus was maintained 79%,

albeit with the first vowel shortened in the speech of B,

C, N, and Z. Reduction almost always was to CiD and there

were 5 cases of epenthetic /y/.

In the /Vi/ sequence hiatus was conserved slightly

less (.73%) than in the /Vi/ sequence (79%). Whereas the

latter reduced to Cill, the reduction of /Vi/ was usually

to the descending diphthong.

There are too few occurrences of /uV/ and /(aV/ to

comment. Eleven of 18 /Vu/ were maintained.

Hiatus was maintained 79% in the /VG/ sequence.

Reduction was either to Cta• or to a diphthong with CwH or

Cj:. Generally if the first vowel is /a/ hiatus is con­

served; if /i/ it is destroyed; although, both /e/ and /o/

reduce to diphthongs C31% and 24%), only the back vowel /o/

is lost before /G/ in considerable amounts (24%).

Stress is an important factor in the resolution of

contiguous vowel sequences with /i, u/. Stressed /i/ maintains hiatus before or after the vowel (95%, 79%) and

less often reduces to Hill. Unstressed /i/ maintains hiatus more after the vowel C73%) than before (45%). Omitting the sequences of y_ C'and") plus a vowel conservation of hiatus

in /iV/ is even less. In the /iV/ sequence reduction to a

diphthong is very common (40%). Diphthongs occur less with stressed and unstressed /u/ and are insignificant in

the other sequences. Reduction to one vowel more than to a 306

diphthong is seen with stressed /i/ and with /Vu/ but with

/VtS/ there is slightly less, with /iV/ there is much less,

and in the other sequences reduction is minimal.

In the non-identical contiguous vowels without /i, u/, conservation of hiatus occurs often. In the /ae/ and

/ao/ sequences hiatus is maintained 57% and 78%. Of those

which reduce to one vowel, the /a/ is lost 30% and 15%

respectively, that is in 70% and 68% of the reductions.

Only 10% of /ae/ reduces to L"aH. The /a/ also shortens

before /e, o/ 9% and 12%. An example of correlation

between stress and patterns with the /ae/ sequence follows.

Shortening of the first vowel, CaeD, occurs if stress is on

the second vowel or neither vowel. Shortening of the second

vowel, Cae3, occurs with stress on the first vowel or on

neither vowel. When neither vowel was shortened, CaeD, the

four stress patterns were found: /Vt//, /t/V/, /W/, and /W/. Even though conservation of hiatus in /ea/ and /eo/

sequences is the rule, 90% and 89%, it is significant that

/e/ shortens before* /a, o/ 8% and 13%. One does not note much raising, diphthongization, nor loss. All /ea/ sequences which became Cja] had stress on /a/; those which became CeD not only did not have stress on /a/ but both vowels were unstressed. /oe/ and /oa/ conserve hiatus 60% and 58%, among the least of the strong vowel combinations. /o/ plus /e, a/ 307 diphthongizes 21% and 32.5%. Seventeen per cent of /oe/ reduce to HoD, as do 8% of /oa/.

More identical than non-identical contiguous vowel sequences are formed by omission of a consonant. Contiguity by consonant omission generally is favorable to conservation of hiatus. Omission of /m/ in mamS affects conservation of hiatus of /iV/ slightly. Decir forms affect the /Vi/ pattern in that they show more conservation of hiatus than is found in /Vi/ in general, 79%, except in Y's high fre­ quency le dije. Omission of /g/ of gusta creates the /VG/ pattern which shows 95% maintenance of hiatus whereas the other /Vfi/ occurrences maintain hiatus only 79%. Those sequences formed by omission of /g, d, y/ promote more than usual conservation of hiatus in the /eo/ sequence, as does omission of /y/ in the /ea/ sequence.

Hiatus was conserved in identical and non-identical sequences (disregarding those with too few occurrences) in the following percentages:

/iv/ 95% /ea/ 90% /eo/ 89% /Vi/ 79% /ao/ 78% /W 78% /Vi/ 73% /Vu/ 61% /oe/ 60% /oa/ 58% /ae/ 57% /iV/ 45% /ee/ 30% /oo/ 24% /aa/ 13% 308

Conservation of hiatus thus is seen to vary considerably, from 13% to 95% depending upon the sequence. In Table 46 the number of those conserved is to the left of the total number of occurrences in parentheses.

The range between the informants' total percentages is 67% to 8 8%, which is a smaller range than that between the sequences, 45%-95%« Individual differences are noted in the sequences. Most of the informants, for example, conserve half or less of /iV/ except A, N, and Y. The sequences /fiV/ and /uV/ are not considered below because of so few occurrences.

Arranged by the order of those which conserve hiatus most the percentages are:

/IV/ (95%) /Vi/ (79%) /Vfi/ (78%) /Vi/ (73%) /iV/ (45%)

Arranged by the order of those in hiatus which have one of the vowels shortened:

/IV/ (14%) /Vl/ (11%) /Vi/ (9%) /Vtf/ (9%) /iV/ (8%)

Arranged by the order of those which maintain hiatus with neither vowel shortened:

/IV/ (81%). /VH/ (69%) /VI/ (68%) /Vi/ (64%) /iV/ (37%)

As seen in Table 47 there is less variation between the general percentage of conservation of hiatus among the informants (55%-79%) than there is between each sequence (57%-9 0%) , which would indicate some homogeneity among the informants, and that differences are due more to the sequences themselves than to which informant says it. The Table 46. Hiatus in Non-identical Contiguous Vowels with /i/ and /u/

/lv/ /IV/ /Vl/ /Vi/ /uV/ /uV/ /Vu/ /Vu/ Total

Inf. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. Ho. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Pet.

K 12 (12) 13 (17) 6 (7) 6 (9) 2 (2) 30 (31) 0 (0) 69 (78) 88%

B 24 (24) 4 (19) 17 (22) 7 (12) 12 (13) 0 (1) 64 (91) 70%

C 24 (25) 6 (18) 8 (9) 1 (4) 10 (15) 2 (4) 51 (75) 6a\

L 19 (21) 2 (4) 5 (5) 6 (9) 5 (5) 8 (9) 3 (3) 48 (56) 66%

H 15 (17) 5 (12) 3 (6) 8 (9) 5 (9) 0 (1) 36 (54) 67%

N 22 (23) 4 (6) 6 (7) 4 (5) 0 (1) 11 (16) 4 (6) 51 (64) 80%

X 23 (23) 6 (18) 5 (6) 5 L7) 6 (0) 2 (2) 47 (64) 73%

Y 26 (28) 12 (15) 26 (33) 10 (11) 8 (13) 0 (1) 82 (101) 81%

2 18 (20) 4 (34) 6 (9) 5 (5) 2 (2) 5 (7) 0 (0) 40 (57) 701

Total 183 (193) 56 (123) 82 (104) 52 (71) 7 (8) 2 (2) 95 (121) 11 (10) 488 (640) 76%

a K 95% 45\ 79% 73% 87..5% 100% 78% 61% 76% 76%

sa 14% 8% 11% 9% 9%

va 81% 37% 68% 64% 69%

ftPcr cent: hiatus conserved 00, one vowel shortened (S), neither vowel shortened (V} , Table 47. Hiatus in Non-identical Contiguous Vowels without /i/ or /u/

/eo/ /ea/ /oe/ /oa/ /ae/ /ao/ Total

Inf. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Cons. No. Pet.

A 7 (7) 16 CI 9) 18 (24) 9 (17) 11 (21) 8 (8) 69 (96) 72%

B 13 CI 4) 17 (19) 16 (37) 18 (27) 11 (20) 6 (12) 81 (129) 63%

C 9 (11) 19 (20) 19 (22) 11 (19) 13 (26) 10 (10) 81 (108) 75%

L 11 CI 2} 27 (29) 11 C.20) 14 (19) 9 (15) 4 (4) 76 (99) 77%

M 5 (5) 17 (22) 12 (26) 7 (20) 8 (25) 11 (11) 60 (109) 55%

N 14 (20)_ 23 (27) 16 (20) 6 (12) 26 (31) 8 (13) 93 (123) 76%

X 9 (9) 26 (27) 10 CI 9) 6 (11) 14 (26) 5 (11) 70 (103) 68%

Y 21 (22) 23 (24) 16 (25) 10 (15) 15 (22) 8 (9) 93 (117) 79%

Z 7 tS) 40 (43) 8 (16) 6 (11) 13 (25) 6 (7) 80 (110) 73%

Total 96 (108) 208 (230) 126 (209) 87 (151) 120 (211) 66 (85) .703 (994) 71%

H3 89% 90% 60% 58% 57% 78% 71% 71%

sa 18% 28% 10% 15% 18% 16%

va 71% 62% 50% 43% 39% 62%

a Per cent: hiatus conserved (H), one vowel shortened (S), neither vowel shortened (V). 311

variation among the informants, however, is not insignifi­

cant. In the /ae/ sequence, for example, many show

conservation about half of the time, but M shows it a third

of the time and N, 84% of the time. C and N also have

unusual percentages of /oe/, as do B and X for /ao/ occur­ rences. Arranged by the order of those which conserve

hiatus most, the percentages are: /ea/ (90%). /eo/ (89%)

/ao/ (78%) /oe/ (60%) /oa/ (58%) /ae/ (57%).

Arranged by the order of those in hiatus which have

one of the vowels shortened: /ea/ (28%) /eo/ (18%)

/ae/ (18%) /ao/ (16%) /oa/ (15%) /oe/ (10%).

Arranged by the order of those which maintain

hiatus with neither vowel shortened: /eo/ (71%) /ao/ (62%)

/ea/ (62%) /oe/ (50%) /oa/ (43%) /ae/ (39%).

Each percentage is a relative number in Table 48.

The sum of percentages of hiatus maintained in three groupings (identical vowels, non-identical vowels with and

without /i, u/) was divided by three to give a point of

reference for comparison. The range among the nine

informants was 49%-64% conservation of hiatus, the group

average being 56%. Contiguous vowels will be discussed as described in

studies on Texas, then Southern Arizona, New Mexico, San

Luis Colorado, and East Los Angeles. Clegg (1969) finds 312 Table 48. Hiatus in Contiguous Vowels: Summary

Non-identical

With Without Inf. Identical /if u/ /if u/ Total No. Pet.

A 32% 88% 72% 157 (234) 64%

B 13% 70% 63% 155 (.298) 49%

C 23% 68% 75% 143 (230) 55%

L 23% 86% 77% 135 (203) 62%

M 24% 67% 55% 105 (201) 49%

N 9% 80% 76% 148 (232) 55%

X 32% 73% 68% 136 (227) 58%

Y 24% 81% 79% 188 (273) 61%

Z 16% 70% 73% 127 (211) 53%

Total 22% 76% 71% 1294 (2109) 56% 313 that it is more common to destroy hiatus in two identical contiguous syllables. In the case of reduction the newly formed syllable may or may not be prolonged. He found that non-identical contiguous vowels did not always reduce, although reduction is the more common realization. For

Clegg, reduction means (1) relaxation of one of the vowels which then forms one syllable with another syllabic, (2) the formation of a diphthong, or (3) the fall of either vowel. Both Clegg and Phillips (1967) refer to a shortened vowel plus another vowel as one syllable, whereas in this study the sequence is considered to be two syllables, two vowels in hiatus. Clegg gives no indication of how often each type of reduction occurs.

Sanchez (1972) finds that among her 3 0 Texas students generally identical vowels are reduced to one, and that hiatus is generally maintained with non^identical contiguous vowels, sometimes with epenthetic /y/.

Diphthongization of vowels in hiatus is shown for /ea/,

/ai/, /ae/, /oe/, /oa/, /eo/, but there is no indication as to frequency.

Coltharp (1965) generally found no modification of vowels in hiatus whether identical or non-identical. That is she found Cle^rD, and did not find reductions such as d'una, d'aqut. She did, however, find these reductions: in four of six informants /ae/ of trae diphthongized and the

/ao/ of ahorcado reduced to CoD. The /ae/ in caeremos 314

diphthongized in 5 of her 6 informants. Pasear was said by

3 informants with CiaH, and 3 with tea3. Post's (1934) description of contiguous vowels in

Southern Arizona Spanish is identical to the following by

Espinosa (1909) for New Mexico. Hiatus is rare, the

tendency being to destroy hiatus unless it was formed by

recent omission of a consonant, as in e(11)a. Word medially,

two like vowels become one, /&/ and /o/ before other

vowels diphthongize to CjD and Ew3 respectively. In regard to hiatus between words, Espinosa finds

that like vowels become one. Final /a/, whether stressed

or unstressed, falls before any vowel. Final /e/, stressed

or unstressed, is elided only before /e, o, i/. Final /e/ before /a, o, u/ is never elided, but rather becomes the

semi-consonant. Final /o/, stressed or unstressed, is usually elided before /o/ or /u/. Final /of, tonic or atonic, is never elided before /a, e, i/ but becomes a

semi-consonant. The final vowels /i, u/ are elided only when each is followed by a like vowel. Before other vowels they are semi-consonants. Final /a, i, o, u/ may some­ times remain, causing an initial atonic /e/ of the following word to disappear: 1'entregui or la'ntregug.

Hiatus is destroyed with the epenthetic consonant

/y/. In 1906 Hills described New Mexican speech. Of the vowels in contact, unstressed /a/ falls before another 315 vowel. Unstressed mid vowels /e/ and /o/ diphthongize before /a, u/ and each other. /e/ following a stressed vowel becomes the off^-glide, as does unstressed /o/ following a vowel. Final /e, o/ after a palatal consonant raise. /al/ becomes cSiD. /all/ becomes cSuD. /ei/ rs A becomes CjlD or CiD., /ol/ becomes Ewill, CuD, or Coy^H.

/a§/ becomes HaiD, Cayel, or CeD. Identical vowels Ce§D A reduce to L&J or are separated by /y/, as CeyeZU

Gustavo Gonzalez (1969) listed only the loss of the first syllable of estar forms, and the past participle in

-ado becoming a diphthong aw in describing Corpus Christi speech of six-year-olds. Marrocco (1972), describing speech in the same city, notes glottal stops in the maintenance of hiatus at times, and liaison in closed transition as cCoIlperar, crCe3, and occasional weakening of a strong vowel to a diphthong perCweUsa, rLjaJlmente.

Ross (197 5) did not deal with phonetic manifesta­ tion of the vowel phonemes. Phillips (1967) in his section on "addition of consonants" notes the addition of /y/ to break hiatus between vowels in such words as oir, oldo, caer, and in his section on omission notes mi am§, mi ap£, me usta, but does not comment on these vowels in hiatus. He does, however, deal extensively with contiguous vowels elsewhere. His results are based on word medial occurrences from his checklist, with additional comments from spontaneous speech. 316

Identical vowels are reduced to one, with no lengthening, as CdisaD, CmlhaD- Two vowels in contact are generally pronounced as one syllable although there is more hiatus in deliberate speech. As Clegg, he considers a weakly articulated vowel to be in the same syllable with a strong vowel. Each word on his checklist shows many realizations from among his 31 informants. According to his interpreta­ tion, there is more reduction than maintenance. By my

Interpretation of his data there is more hiatus than reduction to one syllable. By his own interpretation, separate syllables are preferred in /io/ in rio and tio , in /ai/ in ralz, and in /ol/ in oir. In the combinations /le/, /la/, and /ei/ he finds the one syllable to be more

common, but I find by his data, that 2 syllables are more

common, as in vivt en, tia, guia, reir. In the nuclei

without /i/ or /u/ ahorita always loses the first a. /oe/

and /oa/ tend to diphthongize, as does /eo/ in peor and in other occurrences, as in spontaneous speech. By his

interpretation /ea/ alternates between a one syllable CeaD

and tja:, as well as reducing to HiD or He:. By my inter­

pretation, the two syllable manifestation is predominant,

as in teatro, Cae shows conservation of hiatus in /ae/',

as does /ao/ of ahora by my interpretation. 317

2.2.3.3 Multiple Vowels in Contact. When there are many vowels in contact the same processes are observed that occurred with two contiguous vowels, as conservation of hiatus in Lucha VCiaeaeJs cantante, dque no? (Villa ella es)

Sometimes there is reduction to a diphthong or a triphthong, as in perCwal^Jstl, nCwcjjJ nada, cCwau3staba

(cuando estaba).

2.2.4 Unvo iced Vowels

As the devoicing of vowels involved consonants, the examples are taken from all the corpora, rather than from the limited selections used for the vowels. As capital letters are not used in my phonetic symbols to indicate, for example, an archiphoneme, the capital letters will be used here to indicate unvoicing of a normally voiced consonant or vowel.

Devoicing of sounds which are normally voiced occurred in the speech of each informant. The four informants A, L, N, and X have one to three occurrences of medial or final devoicing.

A fifth informant, Y, devoices 23 times in her oft- repeated le dije (yo) in utterance final position, but other than that, devoices only a few times in her other utterances. Y frequently uses le digo yo which she never 318

devoices, and le dije or le dije yo. The latter is used in

her English narration as well:

So you keep it up you'll find out what, what I can do Clihell I might not be big like you Cllhe^6D and people might not be scare of me Clihe^63 but anyway ElIhe^6D .•.

Y devoices le dije (yo) much less than she voices

it. When she does devoice, it is most commonly the whole

phrase, and most commonly before a pause, as?

IQu£ ya ni que nada, si apenas empecg! [Iihe3. Ahora que traigo ganas y luego ni ganas traigo, [llhe] £por qu§ me voy a dejar yo? (pause) Y si ella paga su renta, yo pago la mia C^IhED (pause) cQu§ se cree ella C^IhED (pause) Conmigo no va a jugar ClelD dque no le tiene miedo? (pause)

C^OkrEOD, but she also has a considerable number of other o o utterance final occurrences, as do B, M, and Z. The occur­ rences of these four women will be analyzed for position and consonantal environment. The number of occurrences are:

B C M Z

utt. init. 0 2 4 0 utt. med. 0 6 18 2 utt. final 17 38 118 24 319

Thirteen of the above occurrences are sequences with

several unvoiced vowels in utterance medial and final

positions only.

Utt. med. Oil 1 Utt. final 2 3 3 2 B's speech was rapid, clear, and nasalized, C spoke slowly, had been suffering sore throats, and had a

tonsillectomy three months after the taping, Z seemed to run out of breath. She started a sentence slowly and sped up. She had a tendency to semi^devoice utterance final consonants, but these occurrences are not counted here.

Also a release of air was noted after some of her final utterances. She did complain of congestion of the nasal

passages and sinus problems, M had a hoarse raspy voice.

The 6 utterance initial unvoicings are followed by a voiceless consonant, as seen here: C's CkUHchara, CkEH por gu§, and M' s CE^Jtci de dia, CAIH c6mo estci seco,

CspOJso de mi hija, and CpA^t03. Pasto was said in isolation. It was counted as one utterance initial, and one utterance final. Utterance medial devoicing occurs 6 times in the corpora of C, five times in que as in porCkEJ siempre, the sixth occurrence being the multiple sequence cabeza

CcIcIHta. Z's two occurrences are in the /s/ environment, puso llfesAs] aguChAs] and Hay veCsEs] que no. 320

All of M's 18 utterance medial occurrences are with

one unstressed vowel except in these two examples:

M: QuieCrEskEpOgUga el radio?

M: C^tlfriOD. (EstCL el frlo.)

On the word level 6 of M's 18 occurrences are in

the pretonic or posttonic syllable of a polysyllabic, the

position found to be favorable to shortening of a vowel.

Her examples: meChlllcana, muy CcIJquita, por el

preC si JdenCtEi].

Fourteen occur before a voiceless consonant,

6 before /s/, 6 before /k/, and 2 before /p/. The others are oCcQglnos, preCsIdHente, quieCrEskEpOgUga el radio,

CstlfrlOU.) o Fourteen or 78% occur after a normally voiceless consonant. Four or 22% occur after /s/, two of which are

/sVs/, as diLsEsD una palabra and para que CsEsHtgn calientes. Five or 28% occur after CcD, as muHncAll veces, grande o CcIHguito, me pasan muCcOsJ cora hEs . Three or

17% occur after /x/, in mexicanos, mexicana. Two or 11% occur after /l/: todos C^OsD coraChEsD, para E1A3 calle.

After /m, f, r, t/ there is one occurrence each: necesitaCMOsD carro, encima de la estuCfAH pues, and the two occurrences with stressed vowels shown above.

Most coramonly the utterance final unvoicing involved just one vowel as ratCOIl, partCE• s. Infrequently more than 321 one vowel was devoiced, as in the following examples of multiple surds:

B No s§ ni nada CdEsOtAmpOkOH

Me van a dar de dos reCkAmArAsD. C o o M est6[Imah03. (est6mago)

M No s§ qu£ eCsEsOD.

M Los ^nChElEsD.

Z ayudaCgOEsAs:.

Z comodita CcIkltAII.

Unvoicing in an utterance final syllable ending in a normally voiced consonant was rare. The four examples were C's tarmjEND, M?s TuCsOnl] and cSrCsEl], and Z's ayuCdAnH. Two of these had the stress on the last syllable whereas in all the other utterance final devoicings, the last syllable is unstressed.

Table 49 shows after which consonant the unvoicing occurs and the number of occurrences and what percentages of each informant's unvoicing occurred after each consonant. Following a normally voiced consonant, although the group average was 39.5%, M's unvoicing was less than a third and B's, almost half. Because of the relative number of occurrences M's percentages are more reliable than B's.

What the table does not show is the amount of un­ voicing proportionate to the amount of speech, nor does it show the number which were unvoiced after /s/, say, in comparison to the numbers which do not devoice after /s/. Table 49. Devoicing in Utterance Final Position

B C M Z Ave. After No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. Pet.

/P/- 2 (11.5%) 0 (0%) 2 (2%) 0 (0%) 3% /t/- 2 (11.5%) 9 (24%) 23 (19%) 2 (8.5%) 16% A/- 1 (6%) 2 (5%) 7 (6%) 1 (4%) 5% /t/ 3 (18%) 2 (5%) 8 (7%) 1 (4%) 8.5% /f/- 0 0 1 (1%) 0 0% /s/- 1 (6%) 9 (24%) 35 (29%) 8 (33.5%) 23% /x/- 0 2 (5%) 6 (5%) 2 (8.5%) 5% /b/- 0 1 (2.7%) 0 0 1% /&/- 1 (6%). 0 13 (11%) 3 (12.5%) 7% /g/<- 2 (11.5%) 1 (2.7%) 2 (2%) 1 (4%) 5% /y/- 1 (6%) 1 (2.8%) 1 (1%) 0 2.5% /m/- 1 (6%) 1 (2.7%) 3 (2.5%) 0 3% /n/- 0 1 (2.7%) 2 (2%) 0 1% /n/- 2 (11.5%) 1 (2.7%) 2 (2%) 0 4% 0 2 (5%) 6 (5%) 0 3% /r/r* 0 1 (2.7%) 3 (2.5%) 1 (4%) 2% /r/r- 1 (6%) 5 (13%) 4 (3%) 5 (21%) 11% VI. 9 (53%). 24 (63%) 82 (69%) 14 (58%) 60.5% Vd. 8 (47%) 14 (37%) 1 36 (31%) 10 (42%) 39.5% Total 17 38 118 24 323

B, who has the smallest corpus, had 16 final devoicings.

Of those with a medium-sized corpus, M had 118 devoicings whereas Z had only 24. In counting Z's devoicings, there were many partially devoiced final vowels which were not counted, so her tendency to devoice is greater than shown on the table. Regardless of the size of their corpora the other five informants have only rare occurrences of de- voicing.

Devoicing occurs most often after /s/, 23%, after

/t/, 16%, and /r/, 11%. Five to 10% are found after /c, d, g, x, k/, the occurrences after the other consonants being less.

Of the 194 unvoiced endings four occur before an unvoiced consonant, 41 occur before /s/, and in 150 occur­ rences the vowel is the final phone. Table 50 shows the utterance final occurrences terminating in /s/, and the consonant which preceded /Vs/. The percentages represent the number in proportion to all the devoiced occurrences after that phoneme for that informant, which means that 44% of C's occurrences after /t/ were followed by /s/. It is interesting that not one of B's 17 devoicings occurred before a final /s/r for which reason she is not on Table 50.

Although an average 23% of the informants' utterance final devoicings are after /s/, only an average

13.5% of those are of the pattern /sVs/, examples being veces, cosas, casas, clases, esas. Thirty-nine per cent 324

Table 50. Devoicing Before Utterance Final /s/a

After C M Z Ave.

/t/- 4 (44%) 5 (22%) 1 (50%) 39%

/S/T- 1 (11%) 6 (17%) 1 (12.5%) 13.5%

/e/- 0 3 (37.5%) 0

A/- 2 (100%) 4 (67%) 1 (50%) 72% /d/- 0 1 (8%) 0

/g/<- 0 1 (50%) Q

/n/- 0 1 (50%) 0

/l/- 1 (50%). 5 (83%) 0 /r/- 1 (20%) 1 (24%) 1 (20%)

/y/ 0 1 (100%) 0

Total 9 28 4

Percentages refer to relationship with data in Table 49. 325 of those after /t/ are followed by an /s/, a much higher percentage than for /sVs/. Examples: partes, dientes, cuentas, me asustCcitEsIl, muchachitos, estos, amarillitas.

A much higher percentage, 69%, after /x/ are of the pattern

/xVs/, the examples being lejos, ojos, corajes, aqujas,

Los AnChElEsD. lo Only one of M's 13 occurrences after /d/ is before

/s/: pintadas. The others are -yidCAJ, grandCE3, guardCOIl, radC J0I1 , todCQ], redondCOIl, puedCOD, buscandEOD , mundCQ], almost all of which end in /o/. Those after /l/ are soClOsD, cambiarCIAs], tamaClEsD, NogaClEsG, mueCvlEsD, and o o o o o the only one not before /s/, verClAD. o Many of those after /r/ are also not followed by

/s/, as M's recSmara, dinero, cuatro, some of which, as in cuatro, show /r/ after a voiceless consonant, and Z's maH^jED, cereC^-03, miHrAD, ahoCrAD. Those with /rVs/ are d6lares, pildoras, and mientras. In summary the unvoicing of vowels is found mainly in the speech of four informants. It usually occurs in a single utterance final syllable. Fully 60.5% occur after a voiceless consonant, 23% after /s/, 16% after /t/, 8.5% after /c/. Of the 39.5% which occur after a normally voiced consonant which devoices, 11% are after /r/, 7% after /d/. Forty-one of the 194 utterance final devoicings are before /s/, none of which occur in the speech of B. 326

Seventy-two per cent of the unvoicings after /x/, 3 9% of those after /t/, and 13.5% of those after /s/ occur before

/s/.

In the utterance medial occurrences, all six of C's examples, and 14 of M's 18 occur after a voiceless consonant.

The 6 utterance initial occurrences precede voiceless consonants.

Is the unvoicing of a vowel a step toward vowel loss? Do unvoicing and loss occur under the same conditions?

Utterance initial loss is common with forms of estar, explicar, with esposo and once or twice in hasta, escribes, and es Colorado. The /e/ of e£ is devoiced once, in M's estg.

Utterance; medial devoicing is not common. Six of the 26 examples occur after /s/. Of those six, four occur in the environment /sVs/. The two in Z's corpora are puso CEsAsH and hay veCsEsH. The, two from M are diEsEsll una and que CsEsJtgn calientes. Two occurrences from M which are in the environment /sV/ are: preCsiJdente, estSbamoCsEIlparados. Only 13.5% of the devoicings after

/s/ occur in the /sVs/ environment.

Utterance medial loss after /s/ but before a different consonant are seen in estgCsnJamorada, eCsnDaranjado. Loss of /a/ in /sVs/ environment occurs only in L's graCs:] a Dios and a veceCsrllta plancho. Loss of /e/ in this environment occurs in some of the many 327 occurrences of a veces and en veces and once in M's neCs:Hito.

Coincidences of environment of devoicing and loss are few, mainly with estar and veces. At present the stability of the single vowel in these nine women contrasts markedly with the loss of consonant phonemes and with reduction in the contiguous vowel sequences. The formation of the syllabic nucleus in Tucson would seem to be on the basis of vowels, and not on the basis of consonants as stated for Mexican Spanish in the article "Vocales caducas en el espanol mexicano" (.Zamora Vicente and Canellada

1960). The reduction of contiguous vowels shows the tendency to conform to the predominant /CV/ pattern in

Spanish, as noted by Hutchinson (1974:1) in "Spanish Vowel Sandhi" which she demonstrates as a "consequence of supra- segmental timing and syllable sequence type imposed over a two^syllable domain." In Tucson, however, hiatus was maintained much more frequently than lost, which supports the theory of the vowel as basis of syllabic nucleus in this study.

Unvoicing of vowels is not mentioned for Northern New Mexico and Southern Colorado (Espinosa 1909, Hills

1938, Ross 1975X, nor for Southern Arizona (Post 1934).

Coltharp (1965) does not find it in her study of El Paso youth, but Foster (1976). does find it in utterance final position among University students in El Paso. Marrocco 328

(1972) documents it for Corpus Christi speech, and Clegg

(1969) for general Texas speech. Clegg (1969) finds

/i, e, a, o/ devoice when the vowel is unstressed and

"relaxed.11 He states /i/ and /a/ occur unvoiced only once each, the voiceless /a/ after a voiced consonant in ninguna, and voiceless /i/ in the word dificulta. The /e/ is devoiced after a voiceless consonant, and /o/ after either a voiceless or voiced consonant. The /e/ is weakened to the voiceless stage in a few examples found by Phillips

(1967) in spontaneous speech and in his morphological eliciting for East Los Angeles. He states it seems to be found only in contact with /s/ and lists the words in which he noted the devoicing, which are escribo, est6mago, papases, pase, sofases.

Avila (1966-67), in discussing vowel loss in

Tamazunchale, Mexico, notes that que is the only unvoicing in utterance medial position. Before an /s/, utterance final devoicings occur most frequently after the consonants in this order: /sVs/, /tVs/, /pVs/, /kVs/. Often the vowel is the last phone. Avila thinks that some vowel loss may really be cases of devoicing.

In his article "En torno a las vocales caedizas del espanol raexicano" Lope Blanch (1963) finds that unvoicing of a weakened vowel is much more common between two voice­ less consonants than between a voiced and a voiceless.

Devoicing occurs only 2% between two voiced consonants or 329 utterance final after a voiced consonant. He mentioned unvoicing of a voiced consonant near /s/, as CanOsII, which he writes as Ca(n) s], the parentheses indicating voice- lessness. The article deals primarily with weakening and loss, which he concludes are most frequent in the utterance final position. Utterance final /e/ is almost always lost after /t/. CHAPTER 3

GENERAL SUMMARY

All of the phonemes have been treated but the. things which stand out are the presence of the phones CvD,

CsH, and the aspirate for /s/, the weakening of the fricatives and of the vibrants, the devoicing of utterance final vowels, maintenance of hiatus between contiguous vowels, and the fact that these nine women with similar backgrounds use so many allophones unpredictably and in such varying proportions.

The dominance of the labiodental CvD for /b/ was documented for bilinguals of Southern Arizona by Post (1934). The voiceless palatal fricative CssD used for the affricate /c/ is a relatively new phenomenon for this area as Post (1934) does not mention it, but Miller (1975) found it in his 65-year-old Sonoran. Phillips (1967) said although he had heard it a few times it was not used by his Los Angeles informants. Espinosa (1909) does not list it for New Mexico, but Duncan (1956) later describes for /£/, as do recent studies of Texas Spanish (Coltharp

1965, Gonzalez 1969, Marrocco 1972, SSnchez 1972). The aspiration of /s/ has evidently spread, for Post only mentioned ChiD as occurring sometimes for si, whereas

330 331 others document aspiration throughout the Southwest, the earliest mention being in Espinosa's (1909) New Mexico study.

As to frequency of usage of the three phones, the

CvD is well-established as the predominant allophone of

/b/ (Table 1), the USD is used moderately by most of the women (Table 11), and the aspiration is also moderate and, although it is most common preconsonantally, it appears to be invading most positions of /s/ (Tables 16, 17, 21, 22, and 23).

Maintenance of the stops, nasals, and the lateral by one allophone (although /n/ usually assimilates to the point of articulation of the following consonant) contrasts with the allophones occurring as a result of weakened articulation of the fricatives /f, s, x, y/ and those of

/b, d, b/ the latter of which are manifested as a regular fricative, fricative with inaudible friction, or by loss of the phoneme. Circumstances favoring loss of /b/ are the sequence

/buV/ and the word tambi^n.

Loss of /d/ in intervocalic position was very high in six high-frequency words, but not in the most common word, de, which has a high numerical loss, but not pro­ portionate loss. The past participles are low-frequency words in Tucson, and show less loss than the above- mentioned six words. Table 8 illustrated the effect of 332 rate of speech on the allophonic usage of intervocalic

/d/ in both regular and special words. As examples of individual variation in regular words, one may consult

Table 7. Informant X has the highest use of CdD and the lowest loss of /d/, whereas Y shows the opposite usage. el C has no CdD, the lowest LdD, the highest C 3, and moderate loss.

The immediate environment was particularly important for allophonic use of /g/ (Table 9). The loss of

/g/ ranges from most to least common in this order: inter­ vocalic /guV/; utterance initial /guV/; luego and gustar forms; other intervocalic occurrences of /guC/; inter­ vocalic occurrences not before /u/; /g/ preceding or following /l, r/. Intervocalic /g/ not before /u/ has a sufficient number of occurrences for comparison of speeds. An increase of omission of /g/ and decrease of Egn occurs as the rate of speech increases. An example of individual variation is taken from Table 10, intervocalic /g/. M, the only informant with CgD, has the lowest use of the highest of and is one of three not omitting /g/.

Seven of the women used CgD most commonly. The nsH is the major allophones for /s/ except before a voiced consonant, in which case regressive assimilation of voicing to tzD occurs frequently. Aspira­ tion and loss of /s/, then, are significant for their occurrence, not for their high percentages. The range of 333 aspiration is 0%-24.5% before the voiceless consonant, and

4%-46% before the voiced consonant. Loss in the two en­ vironments occurs less than aspiration, and has a smaller range, 0%-7.5%, and 6%-35%. The voiced consonant, then, exercises more alteration of the preceding /s/ phoneme than does the voiceless consonant; the average percentage of

HsD is 90% in _sg, and only 24% in -sC (Tables 16 and 17).

Increase of speed correlates with more frequent aspiration and omission of /s/, and lower use of CsH before a con­ sonant.

Aspiration of /fuV/ as shown by the informants is common in the Spanish-speaking world and was documented by

Post for this area. The informants did not show aspiration of other occurrences of /f/ (although there is one example of diCpJunta), nor of orthographic h. The individual usage merits comment because of the vast range in the aspiration of the sequence /fuV/ (Table 15). Two women do not aspirate at all, four have a few aspirate allophones besides chD, such as the voiceless bilabial, and the velar fricative, only three aspirate predominantly, and none has only the aspirate for /fuV/.

The main allophone of /x/ is ch], with lofcs a rarity (Table 24). Again the range varies among the in­ formants as there are three who show frequent use of the

CxJ allophone whereas the rest overwhelmingly prefer ChD. 334

This weak articulation of the fricative /x/ was noted in

Post's study.

The realization of the three voiceless fricatives

/f, s, x/ by a voiceless aspirate does not present a

problem of communication in the speech studied, mainly

because of the restrictions on the occurrences. /fuV/

occurs in relatively few words. /x/ occurs in syllable

initial position, reloj for all practical purposes termi­

nating phonetically in a vowel, whereas the aspirate

allophones of /s/, while sporadically heard in intervocalic

position, are usually preconsonantal. The few common words with /fuV/ in this study are f ue, fuerte, fuera,

afuera, for which there are no counterparts with ortho­ graphic jue, /xue/, but juego could be confused with fuego. With the intervocalic aspiration of /s/ (more common in word final than word medial position, and rare word initially) there is the possibility of confusion, such as could occur with the following examples of mini­ mal pairs, casa/caja, de esa/deja, suerte/fuerte, suera

(alternate of suSter)/fuera, but the grammatical functions and/or context preclude misunderstanding, with the excep­ tion of the first pair.

The main allophone of the voiced palatal fricative

/y/ is weakened to as documented by Post (1934). The /y/ is regularly lost in /eyV/ and /iyV/, with occasional intervocalic loss after other vowels. Intervocalic CyD 335

is used by no one more than 28%. Seven informants use

over 80%, and five show loss of -y- (other than that

preceded by /i, e/) from 1%-11% (Table 26).

The vibrants often show lessening of tension and

force in their production. A plethora of allophones is

found for each of the vibrant phonemes, there being eight

allophones each, a total of 10 different phones. Post

(1934) lists four.

Although the voiced trill is the most-used allo-

phone for the multiple vibrant, allophones with lesser

force as the voiceless trill, the voiced and voiceless mixed tap-fricative and the voiced and voiceless fricatives and even the tap and the voiced fricative with inaudible frication occur in the three positions in which the /r/ phoneme is found, as seen in Tables 38, 39, 40, and 41.

Intervocalically the fx/ is represented by the tap, the voiced fricatives and loss, the latter two showing a weakening of the tap, but in preconsonantal and utterance final positions one finds in addition to the above the voiced and voiceless trill (which do not show weakening of /r/), and the voiceless fricative as noted in Tables

30 and 32.

The only occurrences peculiar to the tap are the voiceless assibiliated fricative, the retroflex vocoid, and loss and those found only for the multiple vibrant are the voiced and voiceless mixed tap-fricatives. 336

In every single position of /?/ and /r/ (except

/r/ following a consonant in the same syllable), there are

allophones in free variation. There is no position where

any informant uses only one allophone throughout her

speech.

In spite of the many allophones, the percentages

of phonetic realizations well indicate the distinction

between the phonemes /r/ and /r/. (See pp. 246-249.)

Devoicing of the utterance final vowel is found in

the speech of four informants, more frequently after a

voiceless consonant (60.5%) than after a voiced consonant

(39.5%). Although the most common consonants preceding

the unvoiced vowels are /s, t, r, c, d/ in that order

(Table 50), /x/ and /t/ are the most common when the vowel

in the utterance final syllable is followed by /s/ (Table

51). That is, of the 53 devoicings after /s/, only 8

(13.5%) are before /s/, whereas of the 36 after /t/, 10

(39%) are before /s/.

B has no devoicing before /s/, nor has she utterance initial or medial devoicings. Z has no utterance initial devoicing, but both C and M have utterance initial and medial devoicings, almost all in contact with voiceless consonants.

Hiatus between two contiguous vowels is maintained very frequently between non-identical vowels and moderately between identical vowels. Many factors 337

influence the conservation of hiatus, such as stress,

position in the word or utterance, whether in an open or

closed syllable, the quality of the vowel, whether con­

tiguity was from adjacent vowels within the word or at word

boundary, and if it was formed by omission of a consonant,

certain words, syntactic boundaries, and individual

tendencies. The hiatus is usually maintained among non-

identical vowels 37%-81% with neither vowel shortened, 8%-

28% with one vowel shortened- Reduction to a diphthong

or to one vowel occurs 5%-55% in non-identical vowels and

71% to 88% with identical vowels. The patterns of vowel

reduction, such as those shown by Hutchinson (1974), only

appear in this study as tendencies, and, as is the case

with both vowels and consonants, there is little pre­

dictability.

In regard to vowel quality there is one main

allophone for /a/ and little difference between the open

and medial allophones of /o, i, u/, whereas that of /e/

is marked. Although all checked syllables with /e/ show

an open allophone, this is not so with /o, i, u/. In addition, there is fluctuation between medial and open variants in open syllables. All the vowels share three characteristics: nasalization can occur in contact with a nasal; length is dependent upon position; a single vowel is rarely lost. 338 The many tables in addition to giving the average

per cent of group usage attest to the numerous allophones

in free variation. We would like to point out the few

correlations found between phenomena, and between

phenomena and other factors, which will illustrate the

wide variations in their speech and the uniqueness of the

speech of each woman.

The Cvll and /s/ aspirate correlate in that three

informants show more than average use of both, and three

less. Two do not show either pattern, and visual verifi­

cation information on use of CvD is lacking for the

ninth informant. v The use of Cs• and the loss of /d, b/ in special

words show some correlation. Three informants show more

than average occurrence of both phenomena, and two show

less. M shows medium use of both. The other three have

varied results. In addition to the position influencing the usage

of vibrants, there is some correlation with the three age

groupings (A, B, C are about 20; L, M, N about 40; and X, Y, Z are about 60 years old) in that the tap decreases

in usage and the voiceless fricative increases in use with

age in the utterance initial and final positions. This is not extended to the vowels, however, as those who devoice

utterance final vowels are B, C, M, and Z. 339

The interviewer noted Spanish to be the language of the home for A, B, M, N, Y, and Z, four of whom are among the five who use the CvH the least, B uses [vD exclusively and M was not available for [vD analysis. All informants except B and C omit special /b/ extremely frequently.

Those with English as the language of the home, C, L, and

X, happen to be slow speakers, too. L and X use CvIl overwhelmingly. C and L have the lowest aspiration of /s/.

C, L, and X omit regular intervocalic /d/ the least.

Those who state Spanish is their preferred language, A, L, M, N, and Z, omit special /b/ the most, as do X and Y, who in our opinion are more fluent in Spanish than in English. B, C, X, and Y state English is their preferred language. B and C have in common much less omission of special /b/ than the other seven informants.

B and C are among the three with the least Us3. B, X, and Y aspirate /s/ along with N much more than the other five informants. In regard to relative rate of speech the fastest speakers, N, B, and Y, are among the top aspirators of

/s/, but so is the very slow speaker X. N, B, and Y are also among those who lose regular intervocalic /d/ most.

B and Y show high loss of /y/ and also of /s/ before the voiced consonant. B and Y also have the highest use of

CpaH for para. 340

The slowest speakers are C, X, then Z and L. All four are among the six who omit -d- least in both special and regular words. C, L, and Z are among the five who aspirate /s/ least and are the three who omit /s/ the least before the voiced consonant and are also among the six who omit /s/ less before the voiceless consonant. C and Z show the least CvD for /b/, but then X and L are among the three with the most Cv3 for /b/. L and X are among the three who do not omit intervocalic /g/ not followed by /u/.

A and N, who are mother and daughter, show more similarities than one notes between the other informants, particularly with the /d/. The most notable similarity is the pronunciation of fricatives for word final /d/. The other informants who pronounced anything at all in that position did so only upon reading, not in ordinary con­ versation, as did A and N. A and N also have similarities of usage in all the allophones of regular and special intervocalic /d/, in the use of Cv!l, in the omission of /b/, and in the loss of /s/ before the voiced consonant, but in that position the glaring dissimilarity is that N aspirates most of all the informants, whereas A uses CzD most of all the informants.

B, whose parents are from Mexico City, shows some unusual traits. She has the least (none) voiceless palatal fricative CsD for /c/, the most llvD for /b/ 341

(although this may be related more to her English ability than to her provenance), the highest omission of /y/, and most use of Cpal for para (84%). She aspirates /s/ frequently and has no CrD utterance initially.

Some unusual characteristics of other informants follow: Y also shows high use of CpaD for para, and the most trill for /r/; M is unique for her wide range of vibrant allophones, for her high use (11%) of CgD in intervocalic /g/ not before /u/, for her high use of CpaD for para, for much trill and loss of /r/ before the voiced consonant, for the second highest use of the assibilated fricative Ej?D in utterance final position; Z is unique in o having high usage of Cxi for /x/, much CyD utterance initially but not intervocalically, for her high use of the voiceless fricative Ha?] in utterance initial (45.5%) o v and final (68%) positions, and the most C3= 3 in utterance o final position. In conclusion, this detailed analysis of the speech patterns of a relatively homogeneous group of nine women shows features of Tucson Spanish and the diversity found in only a small segment of Tucson's Spanish- speaking population. APPENDIX A

PROFILES OF INFORMANTS la 2 3 _4 5 6 7 8_

A 17 5/73 3 Son. 9 No-R S S 2 Vicam, Son.

B 17 1/73 1 Mexico City 11-1/2 R E S C 19 12/72 1 Mag•, Son. 9-1/2 So E E

L 35 3/75 1 Mag., Son. 9-1/2 No-R S S CuiiacSn, Sin.

M 40 5/73 2 Son. 3 R S S

N 44 3/73 2 Son. 4 No S S X 54 12/7 5 3 Son. 3 R-No E E

Y 55 2/75 2 So. Son. 3 So E S Z 65 4/75 2 Unknown 8 SO S S

1 = Letter identifying informant; 2 = Age; 3 = Date of taping; 4 = Generation in Tucson; 5 = Mexican origin of progenitors; 6 = Education, years of school completed; 7 = Lived during childhood, So = south of La Reforma, R = La Reforma and north to downtown area, about 2/3 mile, No = North of downtown, in Barrio Anita or further north to Pascua Village, about 2 miles north of downtown; 8 = Preferred language, S (Spanish) or E (English), as stated by informant; 9 = Language spoken in home, S or E, as noted by investigator.

342 APPENDIX B

DISTRIBUTION OF ALLOPHONES

This easy-reference alphabetic listing of phonemes shows those allophonic realizations occurring 15% or more in a position. Because of this numerical limitation some important allophones are not listed, such as those just short of 15%, as 14,5% loss of /s/ in -sC, 13% CrU and 13.3'

in #r-, 14% Cra?• and 13% CrD in -rr~, 14% intervocalic

CyD, or those allophones which are significant by their v h mere presence such as 2% Ea?: and 3% CRD in -rC, 7% C D in o — -sC. The distinction between the fricatives with audible o and inaudible frication is not made here. These data are available in the preceding fifty tables. The main allo­ phones of the vocoids are listed except the shortened vowels and the nasalized vowels.

Phoneme Realization and Environment Examples

/a/ can trabajan

/b/ 'cb: # botellas, yen cv: f1 nasalj] un vaso, un beso

[labial stop}/# CuVD bueno [loss jj (labial fric^/f /uV/| una yuelta [loss 1*7=;I/a/ J trabajaba

'Zbl 1 elsewhere iba, habla, el vino LV1) 343 344

Phoneme Realization and Environment Examples

/a/-> tcn /c/_ mancha [SI] elsewhere muchacha /d/- cd: dolor anda, un dia humilde, el doctor

cd: desde, los dedos engordan, por Dios 1%1/r/ padre

loss word final verdad que si, -usted

nan elsewhere se despedazaron Iloss /e/—) Ce: 'monosyllabic /C/ ] se me fue word final / quedg, quiere plural /es/ J hombres

He: comprende, el joven materiales encerradas

elsewhere queso, lejos, seis, {&} siete, recSmara

/r/1 is not syllable final

/f/-» (tf: /uV/ fuerte, me fui f ch:] I Zfl elsewhere fuma, perfume, enfermas /g/—> loss /uV/ aguanto, gtlljolo, virgen / guadalupana

eg: gordo, grande [%/] tengo, con ganas /C]/_ algo, los gatos [clO

fn9: I /V/ /u/ seguro Iloss J 345

Phoneme Realization and Environment Examples

elsewhere agarra, conmigo, negra

Cx is any consonant but /n/.

/i/— > ci: cinco, sin carro, importante f-inf,c initivej'' i salir

/ on-glide /V^/ siete

Ci: j off-glide /V2/ mois

ci: elsewhere chiquito, vistas, quince is not /s/ nor CnD

V, is any vowel but /i/

V2 is /a, o, e/

A/—? ck: /v/_/c1/ doctor, explicar lossJ / /k/ elsewhere queso, j icama

C-^ is any consonant but /r, 1/

/I/ —> ci: la escuela, ingles, alguien

/m/- cm: mormada, como /n/- cm: un bols6n bien peinado

cm: conforme en veces

bien dicho cn:) /d/"l /J/t/j dentro ch: ancha /_j«) un llorfin cn: cinco, sin querer engan6, con quindo un joven, anaranjado 346

Phoneme Realization and Environment Examples

CnD 0loss | /in/ un mes, conmigo CnH elsewhere nacieron, su nana, horno, un rato

/n/—» Cn3 anos

/ o/—? C?3 corre importa, horno voy

Rosa co: ponga

Co D elsewhere otros, compr6

/P/—> /P/ puro pelear, impuesta /r/-> c*: /C/ dejarlas, porque cm

CgD a ver, mayor, hablar _cr 3

CrJ elsewhere cerebro

/?/- # rentar ~ES3' CF3 la ropa el ruido

Cr 3 elsewhere agarra

V1 is word final. /s/—> CzD tres dias, desmoralizo ft •/S'

CsH elsewhere sus papeles, eso

/t/ > /t/ todos, atarantas 347

Phoneme Realization and Environment Examples

/u/ Cull /r/ aburre 7c/ /CJ pregunte CwH j on-glide /V-^/ puede

Cu] / off-glide /V2/ causa

CuD elsewhere menudo, gusto, tu, usan C-^ is any consonant but /s/.

is any vowel but /u/.

is /a, o, e/. /x/- loss / relo j elsewhere gente, Mexico, el Jaime {£}

/y/—> loss f/i/ /v/ pastilla (/e/ ella, se llama

cy: elsewhere ya, llora, ayuda APPENDIX C

REPRESENTATIVE PHONETIC TRANSCRIPTIONS

The following are sample phonetic transcriptions

taken from the corpus of each informant. The intonation and

slight nasalization are not indicated. The shortest vowels

are indicated by the raised letter, the prolonged vowels by

C:D. The vowel lengths between the shortest and the longest

are not indicated but it is to be noted that they are of varying lengths. Other than the few occasions when a

labiodental or bilabial pronunciation is clearly understood from the tape, the fricative allophone of /b/ will be

presented as [Id which means a labial fricative without reference to the upper articulator. Cessation of phonation, whether a short break, pause, or utterance final position,

is indicated by the diagonal slash, / .

Informant A / kSr*nSl / ka^nSl / Akj^re es^r^mSno / ybt^: ka^nSl ke§smwf / mwikorahtfdo / porke^mv^s slepjilmos:a: / pwezle: /

pe^imoskeno^trSi^apa^alakSsaesukSsa / ppro / gzmwlkora hfi^oilsekesipprkgn6 / pp35 / pprkgno^damo^paraySsin6t§nimo^ / trans:pp rtasj6mpatrSs / pa^atrSspa^alakSsa / poJ?§son6metis ta§l / ,. . ilo^isemfisask6saIlkwa^dw^^tSnohS^0konos6tro / .. .

348 349 / vgrcino / me^u^tamtS^o^lvprSnopero:kwa^do£se nmtisokal£r /

n6mjawSnt°p£>rke: / pwezme£semta6oelkal£rami /

Informant B pS^to / aklnosepwSrkwi^Sr^lpa^top^ke / c: / t£t6:s§k° /

a^5!enel / ^nsegida / las?n6raE^mwI: / kofilna / itirat6:su h papules / isino / augkeloljunpjemos: / atrS delakSsA / auijkelol£mpjemos:e^nst5sjat6:^o / p^ro: lakSsaelo^6tro^ h d tjenemS pS^toket6os / la emSt^t6:s^ko / ... / dodlSr / gnlamananae^tS

^ea^gff / i / gnlatmafiana^stSda^oc!.l'a'ndola3f6: pA /

Informant C la££°^n^lsart^n / ^st^ydl^a / pS^tinratlto^ / ilweg°le

^&vw|lta / k^nun:unakucSra / ^smSsfSsil / iled£ivw£lta / ilw61w^°lad6vl° / v6 / ip6rj°laku&Sr^ntremgdjo / ikes0 / kesek£me / ke / sekal j^yt j^np6k° / ^s / y^tS^ovlci: latpr t5!av§sasl / ip£]Qg0la: / kUfiSrSd^tr0 / parakesek§dSci(i"^rt0 / ilad§hwaiunratft° / ilweg°lad£;tvw|lta / iyS^^tS§6akom° /

Informant L ^ I"1 ^ ^ pp keflatekelosarabre mwls^rjos / mrmta^okwi a I:to / ... / no^s^ldiso / lSwamSn / kwiate^el£wamansakelakek£re^asesci

1 cl a.,€1 3Sr k£lamerikSnon6:mwls6r oayl / k^lkeme ihisteskg amwls^ rjoak^lwaplto^l /

Informant M

m:pwest6amisam£gasnodIC!enakI^^tSngnlosSQhE^Es /

^onasi: nlaMeyer / ... / ld.amo^algskw§: lAirruij^losppl^ci: moskomwa^:rafi:f / ... nosjC^d^r^^mciko^eleaSrapCirop^: /

/ ... / ^6kwandwldal^skw^lanop0ljS:mo^nitantosI / ino^tci:mosh^ntosk6 nlosdedek0l6g / stS:mos:?parSdAs / ia6ra^st£^eatirot1asOg / mtii / t6:apnreda^O / ptirospl§itus / ri?6(is¥ / ladesindS / sepel§aQkontiino ... / ^6hwiakarlo / o enlaMain / alxwial^skwtsl / stglkwatrO /

Informant N

teir§k.eno / ndscidemTi^opp^kenSkj^rek°m^3? / ... k&nempokito / pp^oteigoken6s§^enS:/ ... / pwes / ^ / n6£zmwif l&kof lcikop^rwaslna^s£l / kek6mep°kit°^a / det6^Ij. tj£mpo/ tfisS^e / i^a^naturSldek6lk6masIna / ^6kr^° / n6semw^redeSrabre / .. . / pwe^d^

^a^emolci.id6 / ^emaj^ake / d^c!i at^n^a?l / lap&h^nA / ... / pa: ti'VIrtanoA j^dlgo^6t sSieske / ^nhe / good health / ne^slta{inot6;6s0 / p^ropw£e*1k°in^Jfem£is / ^lm^snSt^rj go^amftSo / 351

Informant X

poznouici^dlsem^ntado / lod^d^mpo^ half, you know /

lopwgeskomprS*5 / half menfido / tedanrmgdjapSnsai: d6spStas / d p^rosik6mpras: / t6 $n / pa^l :m£nCi:do / sorjkwStropStasila h v pSnsa / n61e / p6ne la6ya: / m£djade£:wa / kalj^:nte /

ilw^^okC^ta^lapSnsaem / p^asitokomote^iheai / il§caz

la^pS:takSvrfS^me^tcin / ilwe^ol6casel£:ho / you know /

^£sea|iho / „ .. /pwosase^tan^lmenlardo / ilwg^o:^t6: dolasSl / ilwoke^^st^elraenfidosikj^e^lepwS:/ la: sil^ntroola™ / o: elolasetiS^aiei^de / konelmenfi: do / ... / i rmticoznole^ta^ takons:kon:la / sed6^ajelsilSntro / solopwg:^pong^^nunlg:do

/ ikwando^Sr3?enm^n£idopwoslepweenescirgos: / sikj6ra:on6 /

Informant Y h. | ^ ^ infi^tSmos / in6^tSmo grac^rjdonS: aninS: an6 / weno / s:os:klenaturSln6 / plat1kSir" iadgrke^onltosa^l1 cLraosit6;o / iaslnamticadgsezd j§nesj^ydokomo: / w6no / nos6trosad§m:ta^askansj6nezn6 / ilw^o:alora:^eke^Smosasgrum party odcLraosI atr^tina^tci:raolo*Wi: sikoo£lcimosakaytcir^ste6tra

/ ikSkans j6mbamosakayt£irpwes / d&nosakaptSr^tal / ilwon6losakprdSmoelakansj6n / ni ^1 / nideloke^tSmosA: h 3 komoc!_alakansj6n:ilatonS;nila palSdraninJi:soilweopweskarit r£mos|stailwgosi^cLmosi^Wcil / deman^a^ke / pp^ol^lo^S kea^g dj^ra / po lode gradciot6 onaturSlm6nte^ndekeytr6 / astakesal^ / ) 352

Informant Z

^ ** ri A ay^rfwl / ... / pp lokefwimSrs / hw^ke: / medwelemu: co lakai£sA / p^roy6: / ^deledSe jesis^is£nostifr6elozdo

16rezekaci6sA / 1'6^tainfw^3?teldol6rdeka^gsakSi(igsesken6: / el €i i n6mepw§oniledantSrastay6:ro eldol6r ekac 6sA / p^rorloz k A ^ p do tdrezmea^dlcokenpijkasemekltakisArm / kSmoledlspn^sz dol6re^ekad(2sa / ... / ph/N' / Sic!§seskeme^tiratr§^di:as /

Sidgseskemedtira ;tindlat6 o^ldl: a^take: / boikonaig£indokt6rn6 Cl / 5tro iamaneskota^dSr^il / ken6kisjgranjale^aytS:rmei sjenpreineleilijJjitopwesa: / as0raiine^6: s jon6 / iyStt^s^*" diay£^t£3i

^dekaiesA / gsw|stodl: tolo^dlas: / kondol^rdeka^gsA / ... / «•* d _ kasi^on^i^kagSgo'ugisfrjci o / nu:i]ka / p^rwunadesal&no kwa^idol°agSgosfl°agSgO / orItat|fygom£in* 6ot jSmpoitgrjgo

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