The Phonetics and Phonology of San Martín Itunyoso Trique

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The Phonetics and Phonology of San Martín Itunyoso Trique The Phonetics and Phonology of San Martín Itunyoso Trique by Christian Thomas DiCanio B.A. (SUNY Buffalo) 2002 M.A. (University of California, Berkeley) 2004 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Dr. Keith Johnson, Chair Dr. Ian Maddieson Dr. Larry Hyman Dr. Johanna Nichols Fall 2008 The Phonetics and Phonology of San Martín Itunyoso Trique Copyright 2008 by Christian Thomas DiCanio 1 Abstract The Phonetics and Phonology of San Martín Itunyoso Trique by Christian Thomas DiCanio Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Dr. Keith Johnson, Chair This dissertation investigates the phonology and phonetics of San Martín Itunyoso Trique, an Otomanguean language spoken in Mexico. Along with describing the language’s phonological system, I examine two distinct aspects of the language’s phonetics: the fortis-lenis consonant contrast and the interaction of laryngeals with tone. The investigation of the phonological system focuses on the structure of the morphological word, which is characterized by final syllable prominence. I show that prominence is instantiated by increased duration, the final syllable’s ability to license all phonological contrasts, and its ability to license certain contrasts on preceding syllables. I analyze the fortis-lenis contrast in Trique, observing its primary correlates to be durational with an additional glottal spreading gesture in fortis obstruents. Articulatory strength has been both encoded in phonological theory as a distinctive feature, e.g. [TENSE] (Jansen, 2004), and as a constraint determining target attainment in consonant gestures, e.g. LAZY (Kirchner, 2000). Contra Jansen (2004), I argue that the contrast in Trique does not involve differences in effort. Contra Kirchner (2000), I argue that the observed patterns of lenition are best explained by the contrast’s phonetic correlates, not by abstract constraints on target attainment. With respect to tone and laryngeals, I observe that post-vocalic /h/ is often re- alized as a large magnitude increase in vocalic breathiness that is gradually phased across the rime duration. Breathy phonation does not perturb pitch on lower tones, but it does on higher tones. Laryngeal consonants and non–modal phonation are known to induce vocalic pitch perturbations. This may both cause tonogenesis in a language’s diachronic 2 phonology and condition certain distributional patterns of tones and laryngeals in a syn- chronic phonology. Since pitch perturbations cause listeners to misperceive tone on vowels, it has been hypothesized that speakers abruptly phase laryngeals and tones to avoid listener misperception (Silverman, 1997b). My findings argue against this abrupt phasing view of intergestural prosodic timing but are predicted in a body-cover model of F0 control (Titze, 1994). Dr. Keith Johnson Dissertation Committee Chair i To Paul, whose love and support energizes my every step. ii Contents List of Figures vii List of Tables ix 1 The Thesis and the Language 1 1.1 Introduction . 1 1.2 The Thesis . 2 1.2.1 Theoretical Orientation . 2 1.2.2 Strength in Phonology . 4 1.2.3 Laryngeals and Tone . 7 1.3 Language Background . 10 1.3.1 Genetic Background . 10 1.3.2 Geographic Background . 11 1.3.3 Previous Work . 13 1.4 Methods . 13 1.4.1 Fieldwork & Database . 13 1.4.2 Stimuli . 14 1.4.3 Subjects and Data Collection . 14 1.5 Chapter Summary . 15 2 Segmental Phonology 18 2.1 Introduction . 18 2.2 The Phonological Structure of Morphological Words . 20 2.2.1 Minimal and Maximal Words . 20 2.2.2 Syllable Structure . 21 2.2.3 The Phonological Status of Laryngeals . 23 2.2.3.1 Laryngeals in Itunyoso Trique . 24 2.2.4 Consonant Clusters . 27 2.2.5 Discussion . 30 2.3 Consonant Inventory . 30 2.3.1 General Phonological Patterns . 31 2.3.2 Obstruents . 33 2.3.2.1 Stops . 35 iii 2.3.2.2 Fricatives . 36 2.3.3 Nasals and Pre-Nasalized Stops . 36 2.3.4 Pre-stopped Nasal /cn/ . 37 2.3.5 Approximants . 38 2.3.5.1 Bilabial Glides . 39 2.3.5.2 Palatal Glides . 40 2.3.5.3 Liquids . 40 2.3.6 Glottalized Consonants . 41 2.3.7 Summary . 42 2.4 Vowel Inventory . 44 2.4.1 Vowel Sequences . 44 2.4.2 Nasal Vowels . 47 2.4.3 Nasal Spreading . 47 2.4.4 Mid-Vowel Licensing . 48 2.4.5 Summary . 52 2.5 Discussion . 53 2.5.1 Prosodic Licensing in Itunyoso Trique . 53 2.5.2 Final Comments . 54 3 The Phonetics and Phonology of Strength 56 3.1 Introduction . 56 3.2 Theories of Strength . 58 3.2.1 The Feature [tense] . 59 3.2.1.1 Voicing Control . 64 3.2.2 The Feature [fortis] . 65 3.2.3 Strength as Target Attainment . 66 3.2.4 Glottal Width as Primary . 68 3.2.5 Summary: Theories of Strength . 69 3.3 Phonetic Correlates of Articulatory Strength . 70 3.3.1 Articulatory/Aerodynamic Measures . 71 3.3.1.1 Pulmonic Force . 71 3.3.1.2 Laryngeal Height . 73 3.3.1.3 Laryngeal Tension and Voicing . 74 3.3.1.4 Constriction Degree . 77 3.3.2 Acoustic Measures . 79 3.3.2.1 Amplitude . 79 3.3.2.2 Speed & Formant Trajectory . 82 3.3.2.3 Summary . 85 3.3.3 Putative cues to articulatory strength . 86 3.3.3.1 Duration . 86 3.3.3.2 C/V Ratio . 88 3.3.3.3 Pitch . 92 3.3.4 Summary: Correlates of Strength . 94 3.4 Fortis-Lenis in Otomanguean . 96 3.4.1 The Phonology of Fortis-Lenis Contrasts in Otomanguean . 97 iv 3.4.2 The Phonetics of Fortis-Lenis Contrasts in Otomanguean . 99 3.4.3 Fortis-Lenis in Trique . 101 3.5 Discussion . 102 4 Acoustic and Articulatory Investigations of the Fortis-Lenis Contrast 105 4.1 Introduction . 105 4.2 Acoustic Experiment Methodology . 106 4.2.1 Stimuli . 106 4.2.2 Subjects and Data Collection . 107 4.2.3 Procedure: Acoustic Study . 107 4.2.4 Procedure: Lenition Study . 109 4.3 Acoustic Experiment Results . 110 4.3.1 Obstruent Data . 110 4.3.1.1 Duration Measures . 110 4.3.1.2 Preaspiration . 112 4.3.1.3 Amplitude Measures . 114 4.3.1.4 Formant Trajectory Measures . 115 4.3.1.5 Lenition Data . 117 4.3.2 Sonorant Data . 120 4.3.2.1 Duration Measures . 120 4.3.3 Discussion of Acoustic Results . 121 4.4 Laryngographic Experiment Methodology . 122 4.4.1 Stimuli . 122 4.4.2 Subjects and Data Collection . 122 4.4.3 Procedure . 122 4.5 Laryngographic Experiment Results . 124 4.5.1 Glottal Timing Strategy . 124 4.5.2 Oral-Glottal Phasing . 127 4.5.3 Discussion of Laryngographic Results . 127 4.6 Discussion . 129 5 The Phonology of Tone and Laryngeals 134 5.1 Introduction . ..
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