Pottery and Mobility: a Functional Analysis of Intermountain Brownware

UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations

1-1-2004

Pottery and mobility: A functional analysis of Intermountain Brownware

Britt J Betenson University of Nevada, Las Vegas

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Repository Citation Betenson, Britt J, "Pottery and mobility: A functional analysis of Intermountain Brownware" (2004). UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations. 1758. http://dx.doi.org/10.25669/k0rw-6ngm

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. POTTERY AND MOBILITY: A FUNCTIONAL

ANALYSIS OF INTERMOUNTAIN

BROWNWARE

B ritt J. Betenson

Associate o f Science Cabrillo College, Aptos 1997

Bachelor o f Arts University of California, Santa Cruz 1999

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment o f the requirements for the

Master of Arts Degree in Anthropology Department of Anthropology College of Liberal Arts

Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas M ay 2005

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Thesis Approval The Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas

A p ril 11 .20 05

The Thesis prepared by

B r it t J. Betenson

E n titled

Pottery and M obility: A Functional Analysis of Intermountain Brownware

is approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

______Master of Arts in Anthropology

V Karen Harry, Ph.D. Examination Committee Chair

Dean of the Graduate College Barbara Roth, Ph.D.

Committee Member

_ - Daniel Beny/shek,

Examinçition Committee

SpèniCer Ste Ph. Graduate College Faculty Representative

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT

Pottery and Mobility: A Functional Analysis of Intermountain Brownware

B ritt J. Betenson

Dr. Karen Harry, Examination Committee Chair Assistant Professor o f Anthropology University o f Nevada, Las Vegas

Intermountain Brownware, is a late prehistoric ceramic type made by mobile hunter-

gatherers that is found throughout southern Nevada, western Utah and northern Arizona.

Most hunter-gather groups around the world are not pottery producers. Through

interdisciplinary analysis, I examine the physical and morphological characteristics to

understand the amount o f labor invested in the construction and production of

Intermountain Brownware. I then evaluate these results amongst environmental,

historical, ethnological, and archaeological data to conclude that Intermountain

Brownware possesses lower porosity, and is thinner and stronger than commonly

reported. Gas Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS) is performed to empirically

characterize food residues remaining in the pores of each sherd. Seed and root residues

were predominant in our archaeological samples and meat was not. This study

demonstrates that Intermountain Brownware ceramics are of better quality than

previously thought, that labor investment was significant, and that these vessels were

prim arily constructed for cooking seed and root stews.

Ill

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT...... iii

LIST OF TABLES ...... vi

LIST OF FIGURES ...... v ii

ACKNO WLEGEMENTS...... v iii

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 Scope o f Research ...... 3 Brownware Pottery Terminology ...... 3 Description of Intermountain Brownware ...... 4 Ethnographic Analogy...... 7

CHAPTER 2 ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS...... 9 Introduction...... 9 Environmental Setting ...... 10 Pottery Production Resources ...... 13 Climate and Ceramic Production ...... 16

CHAPTER 3 ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND ...... 20 Introduction...... 20 Great Basin and Colorado Plateau Hunter-Gatherer Research ...... 21 Hunter-Gatherer Ceramic Research ...... 23 History of Intermountain Brownware Research ...... 28 Archaeological Contexts of Intermountain Brownware ...... 30 Evidence for Intermountain Brownware Vessel Function ...... 34 Summary...... 36

CHAPTER 4 ETHNOLOGY BACKGROUND ...... 38 Introduction...... 38 Available Written Documentation ...... 40 Pottery Production and Use among the Southern Paiutes ...... 41 Summary o f Pottery Use among the Southern Paiutes ...... 47 Seasonal Resource Availability and Procurement ...... 48 Written Evidence of Horticulture ...... 53

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Settlement Patterns ...... 56 The Movement of Possessions...... 60 Fuel U se ...... 61 Summary...... 63

CHAPTER 5 RESEARCH DESIGN ...... 67 Research Orientation ...... 67 Research Questions ...... 72 Methodology ...... 80 Significance ...... 93

CHAPTER 6 RESULTS...... 96 Research Questions Revisited ...... 96 Conclusions...... 118 Future Research Recommendations ...... 124

APPENDIX ...... 127 A; Archaeological Site Summaries ...... 127 B: Raw Ceramic Analysis Data ...... 135

REFERENCES CITED ...... 164

VITA ...... 175

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.2 Historic Observances of Southern Paiute Pottery Use ...... 41 Table 5.1 Environmental factors and the pottery production process ...... 69 Table 5.2 Beneficial attributes of ceramic vessels ...... 74 Table 5.3 Summary of ceramic analysis methods and samples sizes...... 81 Table 6.1 Surface treatment variations ...... 99 Table 6.2 Correlation between surface treatment and other vessel characteristics 100 Table 6.3 Results of residue analysis by sample...... 105 Table 6.4 Inclusion types identified in this sample ...... 108 Table 6.5 Degree of sorting ...... 109 Table 6.6 Degree of rounding ...... 110 Table 6.7 Degree of sphericity ...... 110 Table 6.8 Correlation between degree of sorting and other vessel characteristics I l l Table 6.9 Exterior hardness levels of IBW analyzed for this thesis ...... 112 Table 6.10 Interior hardness levels of IBW analyzed for this thesis ...... 113 Table 6.11 Hardness levels from Brimhall and Bowman sites ...... 113 Table 6.12 Interior, exterior, and paste color ...... 115 Table 6.13 Range of apparent porosity ...... 117

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1 Map o f sample locations analyzed as part of this thesis...... 2 Figure 1.2 Intermountain Brownware vessel forms ...... 6 Figure 2.1 Map of the Great Basin, Colorado Plateau, and Transition zone ...... 12 Figure 4.1 Map of Southern Paiute Ancestral Territory ...... 39 Figure 5.1 Map of sample locations analyzed as part of this thesis...... 82 Figure 5.2 Photograph of apparent porosity testing station...... 90 Figure 6.1 Demonstrating GC-MS results of ratios (C 15+C17)/C 18) and (C 16:l/C 18;l) using discrimnant function...... 103 Figure 6.2 Demonstrating GC-MS results of ratios (C l 2/C 14) and (C16:0/C18:0) using discrimnant function...... 104

Vll

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEGEMENTS

Such a collaborative project as this would not be possible without the inspiration,

encouragement and support of others. If only every kid had a parent who said “do what

you love”. I am grateful to my father who has never stopped supporting my passion. To

my mom whose love is unconditional and who lives in the knowledge that this too shall

pass. To my friend and husband, Matthew, who with unfailing knowledge and support

rallied more than once during this wild ride.

To Rob Edwards and Charr Simpson-Smith of the Cabrillo College Archaeological

Technology Program in Aptos, California, always the champions o f the undergraduate.

Thank you for your time and attention. To Judith Habicht-Mauche, professor at the

University of California, Santa Cruz, such a warm, funny, and intelligent woman. I

cherish the time I spent measuring rim diameters in the ceramic analysis lab, actually it

was our conversations. Thank you for sharing your passion for ceramics with me.

Thanks to those I worked with at Zion National Park, Dawna Ferris, Matthew

Betenson, Tim Canaday, Sarah Horton, Laird Naylor, and Mark Herberger. A special

thanks goes to Dawna who offered me an opportunity in Zion and shelter in Las Vegas.

To Barb Frank, the curator of the Southern Utah University Archaeology Lab, who is

one hell o f a woman. Her open nature and boundless knowledge o f local archaeology is

priceless. Thanks to Marian (Omar) Jacklin, the Dixie National Forest Archaeologist for

entertaining my questions over the years. Her enthusiasm for ephemeral surface sites was

catching and encouraged me to pursue this research. To Doug McFadden and Gardiner

V lll

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Dailey who have recorded the most sites in Southern Utah and still want more. Thanks to

Diana Hawks whose enthusiasm has inspired many in the community to join the efforts to

preserve the past. Laureen Perry and Grey Seymore also shared their experience and

passion for brownware ceramics with me.

I must thank John Olsen, Larry Stout, and Steve W illis for sharing their knowledge of

prehistoric traditions. Utah Prehistory Week at Zion National Park was always a blast

with their participation. A special thanks to John for sharing his thoughts about the

hunter-gatherer pottery production process.

To Connie Reid for providing me with a tremendous professional opportunity at the

Kaibab National Forest and for supporting me in the balancing act o f work and

academics. To John Hanson, who spells his name wrong, for editing and laughs. I am

also grateful for the support of Jill Leonard, the North Kaibab District Ranger, in this

process. I would like to extend my gratitude to Angie Bullets, of the Kaibab Paiute Tribe

and the Kaibab National Forest for being open to my questions.

Thanks to W alt Fertig for the seeds used to create plant standards for GC-MS.

Dr Daniel Benyshek of UNLV Anthropology Department is a positive, kind-hearted

soul who has helped me fight my invisible tigers. I want to thank Dr. Martha Knack who

shared her thoughts about subsistence, pottery, and mobility. Her experience was vital to

the success o f this thesis. Thank you to Cindy McMillan, for the things you do everyday

that go unnoticed or unappreciated. I noticed and I appreciated all that you did.

I am grateful to Dr. Jelmer Eerkens for the efforts he has made to help me with GC-

MS methods and interpretation. Who knew brownware ceramics would become so

popular?

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Spencer Steinberg, Chair o f the

UNLV Chemistry Department, who ran the GC-MS samples for this project and provided

expertise that only a chemist could. He always made himself available and showed a

great interest in this project. Thanks to Dr. Allan Johnson, also of the UNLV Chemistry

Department for supplying me with plenty o f liquid nitrogen for the porosity analysis!

Thanks to Mavis Madsen and Jenny Harraden o f the Springdale Library for the

assistance with interlibrary loan. Thanks to Ruth Tanner at the St. George Library who is

in charge of Interlibrary Loans. The UNLV Interlibrary Loan staff was efficient and

speedy. A special thanks to Mrs. Seegmiller in the Special Collections Department o f the

Gerald R. Sherratt Library of Southern Utah University in Cedar City.

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my committee. Dr. Karen Harry, Dr.

Barbara Roth, Dr. Daniel Benyshek, and Dr. Spencer Steinberg, for their insights,

experience, and most importantly patience with the process. This, I have learned as well.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

“Pottery is formed and informed: pottery making is an additive process in which the successive steps are recorded in the final product. The shape, decoration, composition, and manufacturing methods of pottery thus reveal insights-lowly and lofty, sacred and profane-into human behavior and the history of civilizations. ” (Rice 1987: 25)

Analysis o f ceramic material holds great potential for elucidating the relationship

between prehistoric cultures and their subsistence practices. The manufacture o f ceramic

vessels is commonly attributed to sedentary groups, almost to the exclusion o f hunter-

gatherers, despite evidence that some hunter-gatherers of the world used ceramic

technology (Arnold 1985: 109-126). A body of ethnographic, historic and archaeological

evidence exists, suggesting that Intermountain Brownware pottery, found across the

southern Great Basin and southwestern Colorado Plateau, was produced and utilized by

the non-sedentary hunting and gathering Southern Paiutes (Altschul and Fairley 1989:

151; Kelly 1976: 77; Kelly and Fowler 1986: 375-377; Moffitt et al 1978: 107; Walling

et al 1986: 365). However, this relationship cannot be substantiated with the current

evidence. Given this, the Southern Paiute accounts provide an excellent case for

examining the utility o f ceramics within a non-sedentary society. This thesis evaluates

the functional role o f ceramic vessels produced by mobile hunter-gatherers in the western

deserts of the United States. Intermountain Brownware sherds from thirty-three locations

(figure 1.1) in southwestern Utah and northern Arizona provide the basis for this analysis.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 42WS1527, 42WS1528, 42WS1530, 42WS1531, 42WS1536 42M270 # • 42B«1102 428*624

Garfield County isolate 42in760 ^42in215 * 42WS1269 42Ka3485 42WS1226 s255 42Ka3484 42Ws1 ’ S Ê S o - 42Ka3695 42Ka2022 Lake Powell KPR-21 42VVS1022 . ARIZONA 42WS1558 42WS1557 42WS1515 GC-856 *

Lake Mead 42WS1518, 42WS1519, 100 42WS1521 Miles

Figure 1.1 Map o f sample locations analyzed as part o f this thesis.

Inherent constraints o f a mobile lifestyle may have significantly impacted the

production and utilization of Intermountain Brownware. In the Great Basin and Colorado

Plateau, the requirements o f a hunter-gatherer subsistence pattern may have left little time

for pottery production. A ll aspects of pottery production including scheduling, forming,

drying, and firing ceramic vessels would have been affected by a mobile lifestyle. Given

these parameters, non-sedentary populations may not have been able to make large

quantities of pottery. W ithin this context I pose several questions including how did

Intermountain Brownware vessels function, did these vessels possess physical

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. characteristics that were adaptive to a mobile lifestyle, and was this pottery used to cook

specific foods?

Scope of Research

Several different types o f analysis w ill be undertaken to understand Intermountain

Brownware ceramics more completely. These include a series of physical attribute

analyses recording or measuring surface treatment, coloring, rim form and diameter,

sooting, and those forming and finishing techniques used to make Intermountain

Brownware. The fabric of each sherd in the sample w ill be examined under a binocular

microscope and inclusions w ill be characterized by type, size and their overall

homogeneity amongst the other inclusions in the paste. A determination o f the degree of

sorting, rounding, and sphericity w ill be made to begin to estimate the amount o f time

invested in the production o f this pottery. The percent of apparent porosity w ill be

measured to gain an understanding o f how this pottery performed during activities such

as cooking. The most dynamic aspect o f this research is the residue analysis. This w ill

help us understand the overall function of Intermountain Brownware by providing

definitive evidence o f which foods were processed, cooked, or stored in these vessels.

Brownware Pottery Terminology

For the purposes of this thesis I w ill use the term “Intermountain Brownware” to

reference brownware pottery made during the Late Prehistoric, Protohistoric and early

historic periods which has been identified in southern Utah, northern Arizona, and

southern Nevada within the Southern Paiutes aboriginal territory. Within the contexts of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. this thesis chronologic periods are defined as follows: Late Prehistoric (c. A.D. 1200-

1600), Protohistoric (c. A.D. 1776-1850), and Historic (post A.D. 1849). The spatial

extent o f Intermountain Brownware is not limited to the regions discussed in this thesis,

as sites containing a general brownware type are also distributed across portions of

northern Nevada, Idaho, Colorado, and California. However, the ethnographic, historic,

and archaeological data collected and consulted for this thesis is restricted to southern

Utah and northern Arizona.

Although some distinct physical differences exist by region, the term “Intermountain

Brownware” is used to reference pottery thought to have been produced by the Southern

Paiutes, the Shoshones, the Utes, and the Goshiutes (Mulloy 1958: 196-199; Pippen

1986:19; Tuohy 1990:98). Efforts have been made to label this ware by ethnicity

represented by the common use o f terms such as “Paiute Ceramics” (W alling et al

1986:365), “Southern Paiute Utility Ware” (M offitt et al. 1978: 107), and “Southern

Paiute Brownware” (Altschul and Fairley 1989:151). In response to the varied labels

assigned to this pottery, Donald Tuohy (1990: 97-98) argued for the use o f the very

general and non-ethnicity specific classification o f Intermountain Brownware.

Description of Intermountain Brownware

Intermountain Brownware vessels are believed to have been primarily constructed

with coils of clay, and were thinned by scraping the vessel’s interior (Baldwin 1950: 53;

Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976: 14; Seymour and Perry 1998: 65-66), some

thinning with the paddle and anvil technique has been reported (Gifford 1928: 356). The

common Intermountain Brownware forms do not explicitly conform to the bowl and jar

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. definitions (Rice 1987: 216-217) therefore the three prevailing shapes may only be

loosely classified as pots. There are three common Intennountain Brownware forms that

have been identified in the archaeological record, though variations within these classes

exist. These include a large, open, conical-based vessel; a small, open, rounded vessel;

and a smaller, open, rounded globular vessel with an everted rim and a pointed base

(Euler 1972: 2; Fowler and Matley 1978: 32-33; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976:

14; M offit et al. 1978:4; Tuohy 1990: 57-59) (figure 1.2). Although the database is

incomplete and emerging, temper was probably not intentionally added to Intermountain

Brownware. The non-plastic materials are likely natural inclusions contained in the clay

(Eerkens 2002: 206), and consist of coarse quartz and mica, which are visible on the

interiors, though less often on the exteriors.

The absence o f slips or paints distinguishes this ware from others. Although

decoration can be completely absent, potters sometimes chose to incise the exterior with

their thumbnail, typically in one row below the rim or across the entire surface o f the

vessel (Baldwin 1942: 187; 1950a: 53-54 from Pippin 1986). Inaccurately,

Intermountain Brownware has been described as plain because o f the absence of

elaborate decoration.

Formed vessels were fired under variable, uncontrolled conditions which had a

tendency to produce fire clouds. This ware can be identified by a dull luster and

significant variability in color ranging from red to dark gray, grayish brown, and black.

The core texture is coarse and the core color is typically dark gray to black, though

occasionally dark brown. When fractured, some Intermountain Brownware sherds

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. crumble while some fracture cleanly. (Firor 1994: 36; M offitt et al 1978: 107; Westfall,

Davis, and Blinman 1987: 70-73)

Figure 1.2 Intermountain Brownware vessel forms: large open conical vessel with partially obliterated coils (top left) (from Tuohy 1986); globular rounded vessel with an everted rim and fingernail ineising (top right) (from Janetski et al. 1988); and a small, open, rounded vessel with fingernail incising (not illustrated) below the rim (center bottom).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ethnographie Analogy

Ethnographie and historic descriptions o f the production and use o f pottery in this

region during the Protohistoric and historic periods are morphologically consistent with

archaeological specimens identified at sites created by the Southern Paiutes.

Ethnographic accounts (Kelly 1974: 77; Kelly and Fowler 1986: 375-377; Sapir 1992:

801) describe a brown, thick-walled, sand-tempered pottery often in conical forms. In

these contexts, ceramic pots were always observed in use as cooking vessels.

Unfortunately, a firm association of ethnic affiliation is difficult to assert because o f

the limited way that pottery functioned in Southern Paiute society during the period when

ethnographic data was collected. Therefore, the ethnographic and historic information

w ill be used as a case study rather than interpreted as directly applicable to Intermountain

Brownware and evaluated with the archaeological and ceramic analysis data to

understand the ways in which Intermountain Brownware may have been produced and

utilized. Ascertaining the ethnicity o f the producers of Intermountain Brownware is not a

direct concern o f this thesis, and this knowledge is not necessary to improve the

understanding o f how these vessels functioned.

The ethnographies o f Sapir and Kelly conducted in the early 1900s and the 1930s,

respectively, reflect a greatly diminished Southern Paiute pottery tradition (Kelly 1974:

77; Kelly and Fowler 1986: 375-377; Sapir 1992: 801). Most of the informants at this

time gave information based on what their grandmothers or aunts had told them about the

process, though they themselves had not made a pottery vessel. Given the second-hand

nature o f these accounts, it is possible that recollections o f pottery being unfired or sun

baked (Kelly 1976: 37) may be a reflection of “memory culture” that was often recorded

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. by ethnographers of the early twentieth century. Alternatively, the knowledge o f how to

fire a pot may have been lost as it was no longer needed with increasing exposure to more

efficient cooking methods by the early 1900s.

The historic influx of Anglo settlers into the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau region

and the goals they pursued changed the way o f life o f the Southern Paiutes forever. In

addition to tremendous social upheaval, these events affected the Southern Paiute’s

subsistence strategy and their technologies (Powell and Ingalls 1874:41-42). The

knowledge o f pottery technology was lost during this transition while metal implements

usurped some traditional crafts (Fowler and Fowler 1971: 105).

Several successful attempts have been made to date Intermountain Brownware

through radiocarbon and thermoluminescence techniques. The dating o f Intermountain

Brownware has been spurred by the desire of researchers to determine the origin o f

Numic speaking groups including the Southern Paiutes, the Shoshone, and the Utes (Firor

1994: 36-39; Walling et al. 1986: 448; Westfall, Davis, and Blinman 1987: 191). The

earliest substantiated carbon 14 dates associated with the appearance o f Intermountain

Brownware correspond with Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric hunter-gatherer cultural in

the archaeological record at around A.D. 1200 while the most recent date is

approximately A.D. 1890 (Euler 1964: 379-381; Feathers and Rhode 1998: 306; Firor

1994: ii; Janetski 1990a: 59; M offitt 1978: 3; Rhode 1994:128; Walling et al. 1986: 369;

Westfall, Davis and Blinman 1987: 191). For the purposes of this thesis, chronometric

dating o f Intermountain Brownware pottery is not as important as investigating vessel

function through attribute analysis and the characterization of organic residues.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER 2

ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS, MOBILITY, AND CERAMIC PRODUCTION

Introduction

A characterization o f the natural environment including geomorphology, climate, and

the spatial distribution o f food and ceramic resources provides a background for

understanding the social and technological contexts in which Intermountain Brownware

ceramics were produced and utilized. These environmental factors affected resource

dispersal, which in turn influenced scheduling their procurement. This mobile lifestyle

was probably not conducive to the requirements of ceramic production.

The semi-arid environment that the producers o f Intermountain Brownware inhabited

contained widely dispersed resources that could not support high population densities.

Hunting and gathering in the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau region necessitated long

distance movements between resources and the knowledge o f when those resources

would be mature or available (Fowler 1982: 127). Most groups traveled 10 to 15

kilometers from their winter base camps periodically during the year. Annual trips o f up

to 60 kilometers to higher elevations were made to access large game and pinyon crops

(Fowler 1982: 127). An understanding of resource procurement and how it was affected

by spatial distribution is essential to deducing the effects of frequent movements on task

scheduling within hunting and gathering societies.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Pottery production by sedentary potters may have been more directly influenced by

the constraints o f the natural environment than among non-sedentary potters because

mobile populations could move their camps to a more favorable location (Arnold

1985:125). Hovyever, mobile hunter-gatherers did not typically build permanent shelters,

so they could not effectively mitigate unfavorable weather conditions and related

problems with scheduling pottery production. Sedentary potters who build permanent

homes and who spend signiflcant tim e in one location can offset the effects o f weather

with strategies such as stockpiling pots and moving ceramic production activities indoors

during inclement weather. Sedentary potters can also mitigate inclement weather by

constructing kilns that provide a controlled firing environment regardless o f weather.

A mobile, hunter-gatherer settlement pattern created unique circumstances for pottery

production. At the minimum, pottery production requires clay, temper, water and fire.

Resource collection, construction, and firing procedures were likely scheduled around

weather, subsistence activities, and the logistical movements related to resource

availability. Pottery production by mobile hunter-gatherers would have been greatly

impacted by frequent resource procurement excursions. To make a pottery vessel one

must be in a single location long enough to process clay and temper, to construct, dry and

fire the vessel. Great Basin and Colorado Plateau hunter-gatherers may have prioritized

basketry making over pottery production.

Environmental Setting

The study area follows Kelly’s (1976) delineation of the Southern Paiutes aboriginal

territory and is bounded by Sevier Lake to the north, the Colorado River to the south, the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Grand Canyon to the south and east, and the western edge of the Mojave Desert to the

west. High mountains and wide valleys, broad plateaus, and river-cut canyons

characterize this land. The study area encompasses portions o f the Great Basin, Colorado

Plateau, and Transition Geomorphic Provinces. These provinces possess unique

attributes that are reflected in topographic features (see figure 2.1). Long north-south

trending ranges and adjacent low-lying basins are characteristic features of the Great

Basin. The Colorado Plateau is actually comprised of a series of plateaus which

prominently stand above the surrounding lowlands. These provinces resulted from

distinct geologic events and their intersection creates complex topographic and climatic

patterns which are exhibited in the transition zone (Hamilton 1984: 96-101; Stokes 1986:

2). This complexity is evidenced by distinctive ecozones in which diverse plant and

animal species would have provided a variety o f food choices for the producers o f

Intermountain Brownware.

Based on analogous ethnographic data (chapter 3), it is likely that a multitude of food

resources were available to the producers o f Intermountain Brownware throughout the

year. Although an assortment o f foods could be collected, several primary resources

were available during particular seasons. Various grass seeds, roots, and bulbs were most

abundant in the spring and summer. A variety o f berries ripened in the summer. Large

game were readily available in the late summer and early fall. Pine nuts became

available in autumn but were not a dependable food source every year (Fowler 1986: 65).

Some resources, such as agave and rabbit, were available year round. These foods would

have sustained the producers o f Intermountain Brownware during periods when seeds,

nuts, berries, and large game were not available (Kelly 1976: 41-54).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. -h /

Colorado! Plateau

% u .

Miles Figure 2.1 A map o f the Great Basin, Colorado Plateau, and Transition zone Geomorphic provinces (as defined by the United States Geological Survey). Points represent ceramic sample collection locales.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Pottery Production Resources

The accessibility o f water and fuel were important factors affecting the success or

failure o f pottery production. Water, fuel, and clay resources could have been accessed

on-site, wherever camp was made during resource procurement trips if most clay deposits

were found to be suitable by these potters. Although previous research is limited, high

variability in clay types and temper is common in Intermountain Brownware vessels. If

production was infrequent these potters may not have been selective about which clays

they collected (Rice 1987: 117). Opportunistic clay collection during resource excursions

would have saved time and energy.

Water

Water is an essential element to sustain life and necessary to make pottery. Springs

and rivers were the primary sources o f water and were sparsely distributed across the

Great Basin and Colorado Plateau. Springs were the main source o f drinking water. The

main rivers of this region are the Virgin, the Muddy, the Colorado, the Santa Clara, and

the Sevier. Those waterways attracted a diversity o f wildlife and plants that were

procured by humans (Brooks Ed. 1972: 39,92, 97; Kelly 1976: 36; Kelly and Fowler

1986: 371; Warner, Ed. 1995: 95-96).

Oay

The producers o f Intermountain Brownware required knowledge o f the

géomorphologie features and the clay deposits the land possessed. Although this

knowledge was vital for any potter, the constraints of a mobile lifestyle may have made

this knowledge more valuable. It is likely that clay was collected during resource

procurement trips that would have reduced the amount o f time involved in the process.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Based on previous ceramic studies, Intermountain Brownware ceramics are classified

as low-fired. Ceramics that are not fired at high temperatures can be made o f clays fi*om

a wide range of sources (Rye 1981:29). If this holds true it would have given the

producers o f Intermountain Brownware more flexibility in the production process and

probably accounts for the variations in color o f clay and the hardness o f fired vessels.

Though clay sourcing is beyond the scope o f this project, a general understanding o f

the availability o f clay sources can be correlated with the results o f the attribute analysis

to discern patterns in the potter’s use o f raw materials. Clay is contained within

sedimentary soils that are available in a multitude o f locations in the Great Basin and

Colorado Plateau region, although every clay deposit may not be suitable to form a

ceramic vessel. Within tiie study area, there is limited depth to the soils filling the

alluvial canyon bottoms. Heavy clay deposits are present near rivers and streams. Sandy

soils are common in catch basins (Lance, 1963). The soils in the valleys and on the

plateaus are deeper and the content o f organic matter is much higher so suitable clay

sources are more likely to occur in these locations (Euler 1966: 17).

Collection o f clays and subsequent ceramic production may have occurred around

springs. Here both water and clay would have been available which would have made

collection o f raw materials and formation of these vessels more efficient. Based on

ethnographic data, spring locations in the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau were well

known by the hunter-gatherers who firequented these locations (Fowler 1982; 127; Kelly

1976: 6-21; Knack 2001: 13). The ethnographic record contains little information about

the pottery production process employed by the Southern Paiutes and provides even less

data regarding clay sources. However, Kelly’s ethnographic work with the Kaibab band

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. o f Southern Paiutes in the 1930s describes an informant whose uncle collected clay from

nearby “spring 46,” which was located near the Paria River in Utah (Kelly 1976: 77).

A regional understanding o f clay composition is complex and difficult to characterize

without specific geologic studies. Despite the generalizations that can be made about

locally available clay deposits, the clays o f this region have not been precisely

characterized, therefore the clays comprising Intermountain Brownware pottery cannot be

specifically sourced at this time. There is significant research potential for studying clay

composition in this region so that clay collection and other aspects o f pottery production

can be better understood within a mobile context.

Temper

Intermountain Brownware typically contains several types o f inclusions. They are

angular quartz, quartz sand, quartzite, feldspars and mica (Firor 1994: 44; M offitt et al

1978: 107). It is difficult to determine if these inclusions were added intentionally by the

potters to create more workable clay or if these inclusions existed in the clay naturally,

although research conducted in the western Great Basin, suggests that inclusions were not

intentionally added (Eerkens 2002: 206). Currently, further studies are necessary to

determine if inclusions are natural or intentionally added. Mica, a common mineral

identified in Intermountain Brownware pastes, appears to be part o f the parent clay so it

is likely that it was not added intentionally. If temper was intentionally added to the clay

it is likely that local sand, which contains high concentrations o f quartz, was collected

from perennial streams or river beds. As it is unclear at this time if specific temper types

were gathered and added to clay, it is difficult to assess how mobility may have affected

temper collection. It is possible that frequent food procurement trips to different

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. microenvironments afforded the producers o f Intermountain Brownware greater access to

quality tempering materials than more sedentary potters.

Fuel

Fuel wood for firing may have been the least limiting factor for the production o f

pottery in southern Utah and northern Arizona. Southern Utah and northern Arizona

were more abundantly vegetated than southern Nevada. Juniper and pinyon is plentiful in

the hilly regions o f the area at about 4500-6500ft. In the lower elevations woody plants

such as sagebrush(Artemesia spp.) and four-wing saltbush{Atriplex canescens) could

also have been used to stoke a pottery firing. Given the abundance o f potential fuel

wood, pottery production could have occurred nearly anywhere, however the factors

discussed previously in this chapter should be considered as well.

Climate and Ceramic Production

Although not the only factor, climate can affect the outcome of pottery production

both positively and negatively (Arnold 1985: 62). Precipitation, humidity, and wind

velocity are environmental phenomena that impact the scheduling o f pottery production.

Low precipitation and low relative humidity found in the Great Basin and Colorado

Plateau produce ideal weather for pottery production. Although wind may encourage

faster drying o f constructed ceramic vessels in wet or humid climates, extreme wind

velocity would create a highly unstable firing environment and subsequently create

undesirable vessels. More importantly, the dry climate experienced for most of the year,

with the exception of winter, early spring and late summer, in the Great Basin and

Colorado Plateau would not require high winds to further this process. These

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. environmental factors particularly affect this process during the stages o f drying and

firing (Arnold 1985: 62) (chapter 1), An understanding o f such impacts to pottery

production are important to address why Intermountain Brownware was made by mobile

hunter-gatherers, when most hunter-gatherer groups who practice a mobile lifeway as

described in this chapter did not make pottery.

The levels and frequency o f precipitation would have impacted Intermountain

Brownware potters. Palynological records suggest that the rate o f prehistoric

precipitation fluctuated about every 100 to 300 years (Altschul and Fairley 1989: 42).

Modem precipitation levels in the eastern Great Basin and Colorado Plateau are relatively

low, with most o f the precipitation falling as snow during winter or rain towards the end

o f the summer. The warm temperatures and low rainfall o f late spring and early summer

were probably the most suitable season for pottery production in this region.

The average maximum temperature in winter is mild at just below freezing at 28

degrees F (Hamilton 1992: 10). At this time of year water is plentiful due to the run-off

fi'om snow packs and the plateaus contained snow-filled potholes that which were melted

(Kelly and Fowler 1986: 371). Temperatures warm up considerably in the spring. Spring

rainfall is the lowest o f the year and the average high temperature ranges between 40 and

55 degrees F.

The extreme winter temperatures and high precipitation levels o f the Great Basin and

Colorado Plateau would have stifled any attempts at pottery production during this time.

Cold climates are not ideal for pottery production, but are particularly detrimental for

drying (Arnold 1985: 65-66). Wet weather is probably the most significant factor that

can obstruct or delay pottery production plans. Rain can inhibit the collection and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. processing of clay, specifically grinding, and drying formed vessels (Arnold 1985: 62-

66).

The early summer months are warm and dry, with a July and August maximum near

100 degrees F, but there is often a 30 degree F difference between the day time high and

the night time low (Hamilton 1992: 10). By mid July or early August, the monsoonal

moisture reaches the southeastern Great Basin, western plateaus and canyon country \

Monsoon downpours can be heavy and constant, lasting several hours. Although this

pattern o f precipitation produces only brief periods o f rain, sometimes every day during

this season, monsoons create an environment that is high in humidity, which is

counterproductive to drying pottery. Pottery vessels must be dried sufficiently before

they can be fired (Arnold 1985: 61). High humidity and afternoon rain showers ^

would have made pottery production a difficult task to accomplish in late summer. It is

unlikely that pottery was often produced under these circumstances.

After the monsoonal rains subside, much dryer weather can be expected in the fall,

although an occasional shower or early snow storm is common. Fall precipitation is

minimal and temperatures are mild to freezing in the higher elevations o f the ranges and

plateaus. Average low fall temperatures range between 40 and 60 degrees F (Hamilton

1984:11). The low autumnal moisture levels in the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau

region created an environment conducive to pottery production but decreasing

temperatures after September would have equalized that benefit.

The mobile settlement patterns influenced the way that pottery resource collection

and pottery production was scheduled but would not preclude the production o f a low-

* Monsoons are caused by the mixture of warm, moist Pacific air and Arctic front causing thunder clouds and afternoon rain in the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau (Hamilton 1984:8).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. fired ware that could be constructed fi'om local resources with minimal preparation.

However, the production of pottery was likely restricted to certain times o f year because

o f inclement weather, resource availability, and mobility patterns.

Mobility can present specific problems for the successful production o f pottery.

When time is limited in one location the process o f collection, processing, forming,

drying and firing w ill be affected. These steps take significant time to produce a sound

vessel. Although debated, when hunting and gathering is your main economy, there w ill

be conflicts with craft production.

Despite the potential for conflicts o f scheduling, the warm and dry climate o f this

region would have been positive factors for the production of pottery by hunter-gatherers.

At this point, based on the climatic characteristics o f each season, the best estimate for

the season in which pottery could be successfully produced is late spring and early

summer. Such an optimal climate could have supported small-scale pottery production

regardless o f the constraints o f mobility.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER 3

ARCHAEOLOGY BACKGROUND

Introduction

Across the world and throughout time, the use o f ceramics has been strongly

correlated with sedentary and agriculturally based societies (Arnold 1985: 109,120).

Despite the commonality of this pattern, the archaeological data suggest that the

producers o f Intermountain Brownware pottery were neither sedentary nor full-tim e

agriculturalists (Firor 1994: 6,60; Walling et al. 1986: 25; Westfall, Davis and Blinman

1987: 9). Current archaeological data support the hypothesis that Intermountain

Brownware vessels were produced and utilized by seasonally mobile populations who

adapted to the diverse landscape and sparse resources o f the Great Basin and Colorado

Plateau through the use o f a variety o f hunter-gatherer subsistence techniques. In this

chapter I review the archaeological record to evaluate the subsistence patterns of

Intermountain Brownware users to understand the ceramic production and how this

pottery type was utilized.

Great Basin and Colorado Plateau researchers (Altschul and Fairley 1989: 151; Kelly

1976: 77; Kelly and Fowler 1986: 375-377; M offitt et al 1978: 107; Walling et al.

1986:365), posit that the producers o f Intermountain Brownware were primarily engaged

in a mobile hunting and gathering economy, although there is minimal evidence that

limited horticulture was practiced (M offitt et al 1978: 180). A thorough understanding of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. subsistence and settlement adaptations by the producers o f Intermountain Brownware has

not yet been reached (Eerkens 2001: 40; Janetski 1990c: 2).

Unfortunately, regional research designs have yet to address functional questions

about the relationship between mobility and pottery production and use. However, the

Intermountain Brownware pottery database is expanding. Hunter-gatherer research is

incorporating the limited use surface sites, some o f which contain Intermountain

Brownware pottery sherds (Walling et al 1986: 28). This corresponds with emerging

global research on the effects o f mobility on pottery production and use (Arnold 1985;

Eerkens 2001 ; 2002a). In comparison to the studies o f archaeological manifestations of

the more sedentary ancestral puebloans in the region, hunter-gatherer archaeological

studies are rare.

Great Basin and Colorado Plateau Hunter-Gatherer Research

Hunter-gatherer subsistence studies in the Great Basin have been significantly

influenced by Julian Steward’s concept o f cultural ecology, which emphasized the affect

of specific ecozones upon hunter-gatherers (Bettinger 1991:49,215). The emphasis on

seasonal movements and subsistence activities in Great Basin ethnographies has further

entwined hunter-gatherer studies and cultural ecology. Early attempts to define

variability in hunter-gatherer subsistence strategies were often met with fhistration by

researchers (Bettinger 1991; Binford 1980; and Thomas 1983). In part, this resulted from

attempts to explain variability within a framework of normative generalizations. Lewis

R. Binford attempted to account for hunter-gatherer variability through his 1980 model,

which described subsistence strategies for non-sedentary resource acquisition systems.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Binford developed the forager-collector framework in which residential or logistical

mobility is influenced by the distribution o f critical resources. In this model, Binford

(1980) characterized two concepts o f mobility: residential, that includes the movement of

all individuals from a residential camp to a new resource location, and logistical, that is

characterized by temporary resource excursions by task specific groups from a residential

camp. These two mobility patterns form the core of Binford’s settlement-subsistence

systems. Low logistical mobility and high residential mobility are common to forager

subsistence strategies and conversely high logistical mobility with low residential

mobility is typical of the collector subsistence tactic (Habu & Fitzbaugh 2002: 1).

According to Binford (1980), the type of system employed by a population was a

response to how resources were distributed in their procurement area. Foraging is

selected in environments where critical resources are found within close proximity and

available year round while collecting is utilized where resources are widely distributed

across space or time (Habu and Fitzbaugh 2002: 1). Intermountain Brownware is found

in the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau where seasonally available resources are widely

dispersed. Based on Binford’s definition the mobility strategy o f the producers o f these

ceramics should initially, at least be perceived as collectors. However, the ethnographic

reports describing the Southern Paiutes procurement strategy during the late historic

period suggest application o f both the collector and forager models is appropriate

(chapter 4).

Great Basin archaeologists readily applied Binford’s model to local ethnographies

(Steward 1933,1938, 1941; Sapir 1992) and other cultural ecology frameworks that were

centered on the effects o f resource distribution within hunter-gatherer groups (e.g. Rhode

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1999; Thomas 1993, 1985; Zeanah 2002, Zeanah and Simms 1999). David Hurst

Thomas’ research, in particular, demonstrated that the autonomous Late Prehistoric and

Protohistoric Great Basin hunter-gatherer groups used a wide range o f subsistence

strategies (Zeanah 2002: 231). Importantly, the Binford model (1980) recognizes that

most hunter-gatherer groups did not use the forager or collector strategies exclusively;

both were utilized to varying degrees to accomplish a variety o f tasks.

Research by Robert L. Kelly (Kelly 1985, 1992) emphasized the need to recognize

variation when studying mobility patterns and clarified that Binford’s intention was not to

create specific mobility pattern types but to provide a “conceptual tool” for archaeologists

to utilize (Kelly 1992: 45). Models such as those presented by Binford (1980) can be

useful fi-ameworks from which to begin but they should not be interpreted as inflexible or

universal because mobility can be a fluid phenomena dependent on social and

environmental factors. Variability is the overarching pattern when examining hunter-

gatherer mobility.

Hunter-Gatherer Ceramic Research

Research focused on Formative Period cultural manifestations dating from

approximately A.D. 1 to A.D. 1250, has taken precedent over those o f the Late

Prehistoric (circa A.D. 1300 to 1600s) and Protohistoric period (A.D. 1776 to circa 1850)

in this region (Janetski 1990b: 222; Walling et al 1986: 28). The lack of research

generated about this region’s Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric archaeological sites may

be attributable to a bias towards prominent stone structures, deep middens, and painted

ceramics which are common attributes o f the ancestral puebloan archaeological sites.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Excavations have proven that ancestral puebloan sites contain significant subsurface

cultural deposits, which contrasts with the predominantly shallow deposits left by the

makers o f Intermountain Brownware pottery. Despite the current paucity of Late

Prehistoric and Protohistoric research in the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau, there is

growing interest in understanding hunter-gatherer settlement and subsistence through the

use of Intermountain Brownware ceramics and other archaeological materials (Eerkens

2001,2002a, 2002b, 2003; Firor 1994; M offitt et al. 1978; Walling et al. 1986; Westfall,

Davis, and Blinman 1987).

Although trends in ceramic research to study sedentary agriculturalists. Dean

Arnold’s (1985) cross-cultural compilation o f ethnographic data about pottery production

and the regulatory effects o f sedentism have provided ceramic analysts with a firmer

theoretical foundation. In his study, Arnold compared the effects of a range of settlement

and subsistence patterns, and environmental factors on pottery production fi'om various

cultures. The scheduling o f tasks within mobile and sedentary societies, specifically the

effects that those settlement patterns have on planning pottery production were also

addressed (Arnold 1985: 99-108). In particular, his research focused upon the effects o f

climate, precipitation, and wind velocity on all stages o f pottery production (Arnold

1985:61-98).

Editors Suzanne Griset (1986) and Joanne Mack (1990) each compiled instrumental

volumes that addressed the production and function o f pottery in a mobile hunter-gatherer

society. These collaborative efforts provide appropriate frameworks for hunter-gatherer

pottery research by incorporating aspects o f functional analysis and experimental

archaeology to better understand the relationship between pottery and mobility.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Contributors to the Griset volume (1986) described and synthesized Great Basin

brownware pottery data available at the time. This baseline data had never been

compiled in one inclusive volume of research. The work is comprised o f descriptive

discussions o f Great Basin hunter-gatherer pottery but does not include exploratory

research.

The contributors to the Mack volume (1990) were fortunate to work from the

foundation laid by Griset and others (Baldwin 1942,1945,1950; Harrington 1926, 1930)

so that more detailed analysis and hypotheses could be presented. Important data

collected regarding an array of hunter-gatherer pottery topics included efforts to clarify

Great Basin hunter-gatherer pottery typologies (Dean and Heath; Lockett and Pippin), a

discussion o f the effectiveness o f Great Basin typologies, ethnic labels and pottery

typologies (Janetski), beneficial performance characteristics o f hunter-gatherer pottery

and those attributes’ relationship to cooking strategies (Reid), and the analysis o f food

residues on Intermountain Brownware pottery (Tuohy). These hunter-gatherer pottery

volumes only scratch the surface of the information potential o f hunter-gatherer research.

They reflect the substantial physical variability present in Intermountain Brownware

ceramics and the difficulty experienced by researchers when trying to classify brownware

pottery (Eerkens 2001: 40).

Kenneth Reid’s research (1990) is particularly pertinent to the discussion o f the

degree o f porosity' in Intermountain Brownware pottery and how that relates to cooking

strategies. Reid examined hunter-gatherer cooking processes and how performance

Porosity is “the volume of pores contained within a solid, such as a ceramic object (Rice 1987: 480).’

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. characteristics o f unfired subceramic and underfired terra cotta pottery, ranging from the

northern Great Basin to the western interior o f Canada and Alaska, may have had more

utility as hot stone cooking containers than as open fire cooking vessels. Reid

hypothesizes that the high degree o f porosity present in unfired and underfired pottery

makes them better insulators, due to their high porosity, and would keep the contents o f

these pots hotter than higher fired vessels, but are most suited for hot stone boiling.

Conversely, Reid suggests that a pot fired to sintering^, requiring much higher

temperatures, is ideal for open fire cooking than unfired subceramic and underfired terra

cottas.

Functional research, combining methods used in chemistry and ceramic analysis to

ascertain vessel function, has been proven to be an effective method for determining

specific pottery uses by hunter-gatherers. In particular, recent studies have explored

different aspects o f hunter-gatherer ceramics including an examination o f mechanical

characteristics (Hally 1986; Reid 1984,1989, 1990) and cooking procedures (Reid 1989,

1990). Additionally, ethnological accounts have been applied as analogies to

archaeological material (Hally 1986; Reid 1984,1989,1990; Skibo and Schiffer 1995).

Hunter-gatherer studies have also included the examination o f women’s control over

pottery production to understand scheduling and vessel function (Eerkens 2001; Skibo

and Schiffer 1995).

Residue analysis and its applications to archaeological ceramics are a recent union

that offers new opportunities to decipher Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric hunter-

gatherer subsistence. The analysis o f pollens contained within visible residues adhered to

Sintering is the point at which ceramic material reaches fusion but not total vitrification (Rice 1987; 483).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vessel interiors was a precursor to the more finite chemical analysis o f organic residues,

which characterizes the chemical constituents of food residues trapped in the pore space

o f Intermountain Brownware sherds and vessels. Tuohy (1990), another contributor to

Great Basin pottery studies, investigated organic residues found on two, flowerpot-

shaped Intermountain Brownware vessels recovered from central and western Nevada.

One of the pot’s interior surfaces contained a sufficient amount o f residue to be analyzed

by a palynologist. The findings of the pollen analysis indicate that the sample from the

vessel found in western Nevada contained high concentrations o f pine with some

chenopodium, amaranth and sage (Tuohy 1990: 92)

Recent residue analysis studies (Bayman et al. 1996; Eerkens 2001,2002b; Charters;

Evershed, Goad, Leyden, Blinkhom, and Denham 1993; and Heron and Evershed 1993)

have broadened the scope o f ceramic research within diverse archaeological contexts

through the use Gas Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS)^. GC-MS is an

effective method for determining the composition o f organic residues on ceramics

recovered fi’om archaeological contexts. This analytical technique can be used by

archaeologists to address a multitude of functional research questions.

Jelmer Eerkens’ Ph.D. Dissertation research (2001) employed GC-MS technology to

examine hunter-gatherer pottery from the western Great Basin. Dr. Eerkens utilized GC-

MS methods to characterize food residues collected fi’om Great Basin Brownware pottery

vessels. His study incorporated Intermountain Brownware pottery which is analogous to

the collection analyzed for this thesis, from a broad region, including the Owens and

^ Gas Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry is an analytical method increasingly used by ceramic analysts to characterize specific compounds found in organic material such as food residues (Leute 1987: 135).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Death Valleys of California and the Nevada Test Site in Central Nevada. His dissertation

study was an intricate combination o f hunter-gatherer theory, ethnographic data, and food

residue analysis which ultimately led to the interpretation that seeds were primarily

cooked in the vessels analyzed, and that there was an intensification o f seed procurement

within his research area (Eerkens 2001; 182). Eerkens’ ongoing research (Eerkens

2002b) is the most technically advanced of Great Basin hunter-gatherer pottery studies

and is congruous with this thesis.

Research issues most investigated by Great Basin and Colorado Plateau hunter-

gatherer researchers have been primarily aimed at understanding subsistence strategies

through lithic material analysis (Janetski 1990b; 222; Mack 1990b: 2-30), e.g. Bamforth

1991; Holmer 1986; Madsen 1982; Thomas 1986: 247. Although hunter-gatherer

ceramic research is still developing and is overshadowed by such projects, ceramic

studies may not only address subsistence and mobility through functional studies, but the

organic contents o f these vessels can be identified to better understand the cooking and

storage practices o f mobile people. Through these studies the promise o f an alternative

understanding o f hunter-gatherer subsistence strategies is being realized.

History of Intermountain Brownware Ceramic Research

During the first half of the 20‘*' Century ceramic studies were largely centered on

stylistic analysis o f painted designs which were then seriated to date the archaeological

site from which the pottery was excavated. Archaeological sites were then placed within

a relative regional context and chronology (Cordell 1997: 158-159; Orton et al. 1993:

19), for example see Colton (1952). Perhaps, as a result of this research bias, the earliest

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. archaeological investigations o f Intermountain Brownware were, at best, descriptive and

the contextual placement of brownwares within the regional chronology was not well

understood.

M.R. Harrington (1926) and Gordon C. Baldwin (1942,1945, and 1950) were the

first anthropologists to identify and document Intermountain Brownware pottery. This

pottery was distinguished from earlier ancestral puebloan ceramics based upon physical

attributes such as color, thickness, and surface treatment. Intermountain Brownware

pottery has been described as brown to dark gray in color, generally thicker than ancestral

puebloan ceramics, and without painted design but exhibiting incised or impressed

exterior surfaces (Baldwin 1950: 52; Fowler and Matley 1978: 32-33; Lowie 1926: 225-

226; Seymour and Perry 1998: 65-66).

The current interpretation of Intermountain Brownware ceramics is chiefly derived

from archaeological survey and excavation projects conducted by government and private

agencies in compliance with Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act, a

federal mandate that requires the consideration of the potential effects o f a federally

authorized undertaking on cultural resources before the project is implemented After the

potential effects are considered, the project area is surveyed and cultural resources

discovered are documented. On rare occasions, where sites cannot be avoided, they are

excavated.

Though cultural resource management reports are not specifically focused on the

research questions posited in this thesis, they are the largest body of literature concerning

the archaeological contexts in which Intermountain Brownware ceramics have been

identified. Pottery studies included in these reports are commonly limited to physical

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. descriptions and quantification o f ceramics identified during survey and excavation (Firor

1994: 36; Walling et al. 1986: 356-373; Westfall, Davis and Blinman 1987: 70-73).

Although the current government literature is limited by the scope o f each undertaking, it

provides researchers with information about Intermountain Brownware, the

archaeological context within which it is found, and how it is distributed through time

and space.

Archaeological Contexts of Intermountain Brownware

Historically, hunter-gatherer populations in the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau

region generally traveled long distances and practice a subsistence diet rather than

maintaining large cultivated food surpluses (Winterhalder 2001: 12-13). These patterns

are reflected in the archaeological record by small, dispersed campsites, evidence o f

minor investment in long-lasting structures, and an absence o f deep trash middens

(Altschul and Fairley 1989; Firor 1994; M offitt 1978; Sweeney and Euler 1963: 6;

Walling et al 1986; Westfall, Davis, and Blinman 1987). This type of behavior produces

minimal evidence in the archaeological record (Nicholson and Crane 1991: 263), and

generally is manifested in ephemeral, shallow sites (Walling et al. 1986: 91,95). Some

o f the discarded and abandoned material such as basketry, clothing, or brush structures

left behind is not resistant to the elements and degrades rapidly in comparison to more

resilient materials like flaked stone tools, groundstone implements, and pottery. This ean

make site identification or cultural affiliation difficult for the field researcher. Whole

Intermountain Brownware vessels have rarely been found in archaeological contexts and

the majority o f these curated assemblages are comprised o f broken and refitted vessels.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Intermountain Brownware sites have been identified in sagebrush, oak, pinyon-

juniper, ponderosa and mixed conifer vegetation types (Aikens 1965; Altschul and

Fairley 1989; Baldwin 1950; Firor 1994; Hansen 2000; M offitt et al 1978; Sweeney and

Euler 1963; Tuohy 1990; Westfall et al 1987; Walling et al 1986, Walling 1993).

Interestingly, there is limited evidence that Intermountain Brownware vessels were used

in high elevation contexts, above 10,000 feet in southern Utah (Canaday 2001). On the

whole, the utilization o f these vessels appears to be unrestricted by environment or

elevation.

Archaeological sites associated with Intermountain Brownware rarely contain discrete

habitation structures. In archaeological contexts. Intermountain Brownware has been

found in association with rock shelters and, in a few instances, with brush structures

(Aikens 1965: 80; M offitt et al. 1978: 161). Brush structures do not resist weathering and

can be easily destroyed by fire. They are not often visible in the archaeological record so

little archaeological information exists about them. Ethnographic descriptions o f brush

structures are likely analogous to those made by the producers o f Intermountain

Brownware which were made by the Southern Paiutes and have been described as having

circular bases with walls made of juniper branches, which were leaned inward to create a

sheltered area. Summer shelters used by the Southern Paiutes reflect even less

investment and were built in various formations to provide shade fi'om the hot sun (Kelly

1976: 56-57).

Although most sites containing Intermountain Brownware have been interpreted as

temporary camps (Walling et al 1986: 369), excavations within the Great Basin and

Colorado Plateau indicate that some of these sites were occupied for extended periods on

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. an intermittent basis (Firor 1992; M offitt et al. 1978; Westfall, Davis, and Blinman 1987;

Walling et al. 1986). Intermountain Brownware sites have been located superimposed

over cultural deposits associated with ancestral puebloans. During the Quail Creek

Excavation, site 42Ws260 was found to contain Intermountain Brownware pottery in

subsurface association with a hearth (Walling et al. 1986: 76-79). The evidence for long

term occupations in association with Intermountain Brownware has yet to be discovered.

Currently the archaeological record suggests that Intermountain Brownware sites were

principally surface expressions.

The artifact types commonly identified in context with Intermountain Brownware

pottery include small triangular Desert Side-notched projectile points (Altschul and

Fairley 1989: 147; M offitt et al. 1978: 25-27; Westfall, Davis and Blinman 1986:42-43)

flaked stone debitage scatters, shallow metates and one-handed manos (Euler 1964: 379;

Sweeney and Euler 1963: 6). They are typically identified within the context of surface

scatters. Such sites firequently contain artifacts firom other time periods suggesting that

they were occupied during the Archaic (9000 B.P. to 650 B.P.) and Formative Periods

(700 B.P. (A.D. 1200) (Altschul and Fairley 1989) before the producers o f Intermountain

Brownware utilized them (Personal communication Barbara Frank 2004). Reuse of

particular sites over an 8000 year period is likely a function of the proximity of those

sites to consistent, critical food resources or a permanent water source.

Currently, there is an absence o f archaeological evidence to determine whether or not

Intermountain Brownware vessels were cached as tools and/or used for food storage.

Subterranean storage pits as reported in Southern Paiute ethnographies (Sapir 1992: 802)

have not been identified as a result o f excavation, although subterranean hearths and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. roasting pits are present at Intermountain Brownware sites (Altschul and Fairley 1989:

151 Walling et al. 1986: 76-79). Such storage pits are difficult to identify based solely on

surface surveys as indicators such as charcoal staining would not be present with these

features. There is little confirmed evidence which clarifies a possible storage function of

Intermountain Brownware vessels but this lack o f evidence should not be accepted

without further studies.

Frequently, Intermountain Brownware sherds belonging to the same vessel are

identified within small sur&ce scatters. Such artifact assemblages have been classified as

“pot drops”. This site type is different from sites containing more stratified layers o f

pottery representing different vessels and types commonly identified at ancestral

puebloan sites. The common Intermountain Brownware ceramic assemblages may

represent a single or expedient use o f each vessel or each pot drop may represent a

cached tool or curated use (Binford 1979). The relatively low number o f Intermountain

Brownware sherds on the surface o f such sites suggests that Intermountain Brownware

vessels were not broken with great frequency. A lack of broken pots could either indicate

that they were produced infi’equently and curated, either being transported during moves

to new resource areas or cached at resource procurement locales.

Gardiner Dailey and Doug McFadden, archaeologists for the Bureau o f Land

Management, have located two Intermountain Brownware vessels in cached rock shelter

contexts in southern Utah. They have observed Intermountain Brownware vessels in situ

that were apparently cached as tools not for food storage to be used during a subsequent

visit to that site and have since been broken (Dailey 2005). A similar phenomenon seems

to have occurred with metates that have been identified at sites containing Intermountain

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Brownware the groundstone was turned upside down as if to protect the grinding surface

for uses during a subsequent visit (Dailey 2005). This type of tool caching indicates a

deliberate intention to return to this location to access the same resource in a similar

manner (Dailey 2005; McFadden 2005).

Evidence for Intermountain Brownware Vessel Function

Archaeologically, there is a strong correlation between hunter-gatherers and food

storage in ceramic vessels (Skibo and Blinman 1999:179). Cross-culturally, hunter-

gatherers have produced a variety o f jar forms that were primarily used for cooking and

storage but served multiple purposes (Rice 1987: 13). Contrary to generalized hunter-

gatherer storage patterns, there has been no conclusive archaeological evidence that

would imply that Intermountain Brownware vessels were used for this purpose. The few

intact cached Intermountain Brownware vessels recovered from archaeological contexts

have not contained evidence o f food remains so their function cannot be assigned to food

storage (Dailey 2005; McFadden 2005; Westfall, Davis and Blinman 1987: 145-146).

However, there is more work to be done in this area of research that w ill serve to clarify

this issue.

Given this, it is still important to consider the suitability of Intermountain Brownware

vessels for all possible tasks. The most common vessel forms are open with conical or

rounded bases (chapter 1, figure 1.2). The open orifice of the conical shaped vessels, in

combination with their convex base, may have made them impractical for long-term

storage. An open orifice is difficult to seal and would not be as practical for storing

perishable items as a vessel with a restricted opening. If vessels with convex bases were

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to be used for storage they would have required external support such as a circular

“donut” made o f grass or bark placed underneath the conical base to maintain an upright

position, if their intended use was for storage. The convex base o f Intermountain

Brownware vessels would have inhibited efficient upright self-standing storage, the open

orifice would have been difficult to seal, and therefore the conical form may have been

more suited for cooking by positioning these vessels directly in the ashes o f a fire.

The absence o f evidence supporting the use o f Intermountain Brownware vessels for

storage suggests a lik e ly alternative purpose for this pottery type. There are several

possible hypotheses o f how Intermountain Brownware functioned. Based on the very

limited archaeological database. Intermountain Brownware vessels appear to not have

been used primarily for long-term storage, however further studies are needed to make a

definite determination. Pending the collection o f further archaeological data, the function

o f these vessels can only be estimated based on vessel form and attributes.

There is limited archaeological evidence delineating which foods may have been

processed, served, cooked, and stored in Intermountain Brownware vessels. Pollen

analysis o f soil samples collected from sites containing Intermountain Brownware pottery

demonstrate that a multitude o f plant species were used by the makers o f this pottery. In

particular, species in the chenopodium and atriplex families, e.g. goosefoot and four-wing

salt bush were prominent in the analyzed sample (Firor 1994: Appendix A: 2-4; Walling

et al. 1986: 458; Tuohy 1990: 93). Most pollen samples collected from Intermountain

Brownware sites were not taken directly fi'om organic residues adhered to the inside of

vessels but was collected from soil strata in which the pottery was identified. This

indirect association could be problematic because the pollen identified in association with

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Intermountain Brownware sherds may have occurred naturally in the soil. These

collection methods render interpretation o f the pollen data inconclusive and may not be

the most accurate method for determining which foods were processed, cooked, or stored

in these vessels.

Summary

The archaeological site types containing Intermountain Brownware pottery and

associated artifact assemblages indicate that the producers o f these vessels maintained a

mobile hunter-gatherer lifestyle (Firor 1994; 6, 60; Walling et al 1986: 25; Westfall,

Davis, and Blinman 1987: 9). The data obtained from the field observations and

excavation o f sites within the region containing Intermountain Brownware pottery

indicates that these locales are mainly shallow surface expressions with diffuse artifact

scatters and few features. Based on this it is likely that Intermountain Brownware sites

have minimal depth potential for subsurface cultural deposits.

These sites are likely representative o f short-term occupation based on the shallow

hearths (Altschul and Fairley 1989: 151), sparse artifact scatters and the lack o f

permanent structures. We would expect that if the makers of Intermountain Brownware

intended to maintain a permanent settlement, then archaeological evidence o f durable

habitation structures would be evident, which simply is not the case. The virtual absence

o f well-developed trash middens, stratified cultural deposits, or permanent structures does

not support a long-term occupation hypothesis. Therefore, it is unlikely that the

producers o f Intermountain Brownware pottery utilized at these sites for extended

periods.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Base upon the archaeological context that Intermountain Brownware has been

identified in, these vessels may have been used for cooking at campsites and they may

have been cached at these locations for subsequent use. This type o f tool caching

behavior, in conjunction with the site formation patterns observed in the archaeological

record may reflect logistical mobility. There is no compelling archaeological evidence to

suggest that these vessels were used for food storage. The limited archaeological data

base does not provide a firm base fi'om which to work and would benefit from further

research centered on Intermountain Brownware site formation processes.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER 4

ETHNOLOGY BACKGROUND

Introduction

In this chapter, the ethnological references documenting the production and use of

pottery by the Southern Paiute Tribes o f Utah and Arizona w ill be discussed within the

context of mobility. Anthropological and historic accounts o f Southern Paiute pottery

production and use w ill be used as an analogy to understand the circumstances under

which Intermountain Brownware pottery was made and how it may have functioned in a

hunter-gatherer society. The locations from which ceramic samples analyzed in this

collection are found entirely within the Southern Paiute’s ancestral territory (after Kelly

1976) (figure 4.1).

Thus far, researchers who have focused on Late Prehistoric archaeology in this region

have assumed that the Southern Paiutes were the producers o f Intermoimtain Brownware

ceramics (Altschul and Fairley 1989: 147; Baldwin 1950:51; Janestski 1990a: 56-61;

Tuohy 1990:94; Walling et al 1986; 365; Westfall, Davis, and Blinman 1987:10), and

limited ethnographic accounts support this interpretation (Baldwin 1950: 51; Harrington

1926: 70-71; Tuohy 1926:225-226). For the purposes of this thesis, however, the

ethnicity o f the ceramic producers is less important than their adaptation to their

environment and their subsistence pattern. Here, 1 examine ethnographic and historical

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M Southern Territory

I Rowell

I s %

Figure 4.1 Map o f Southern Paiute Ancestral Territory after Kelly 1976. Black dots represent sample locations used in this thesis.

accounts of the Southern Paiutes’ pottery use to develop expectations against which

to evaluate the archaeological data. As observed in the archaeological record, the

widely dispersed site locations, the lack o f stratified subsurface deposits and permanent

structures in combination with analogous ethnographic data (Kelly 1976; Sapir 2002)

indicates that the producers of the Intermountain Brownware ceramics were highly

mobile, maintained a hunting and gathering lifestyle, and subsisted o ff wild resources,

supplemented at times by horticultural products. Although many o f the Intermountain

Brownware ceramics predate the earliest available historical records, the historic data

suggest that the Southern Paiutes maintained a similar, though not identical, lifestyle to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the one lived during the Late Prehistoric period. For this reason, the Southern Paiutes’

settlement and subsistence patterns are considered appropriate analogies to use as a

foundation to examine the production and use o f Intermountain Brownware ceramics. I

wish to stress, however, that because differences do exist between the precontact and

contact period adaptations, the historical patterns w ill be used as an analogy against

which to test, rather than to interpret, the archaeological record.

Available Written Documentation

Most historical chronicles o f the Southern Paiutes were based on brief encounters

with early Spanish and Anglo-European explorers (Brooks Ed. 1972: 54; Fremont

1845:263) (figure 4.2). Unfortunately, these chronicles do not provide a foundation of

rich details. Descriptions of tool technology, pertaining to the function or production of

pottery vessels, baskets, and other cooking implements were seldom recorded in the

earliest literature. Additionally, these details were consistently under emphasized in the

early anthropological literature, as they did not directly pertain to social structure and

basic subsistence patterns. Despite the limitations o f the written record, significant

information can be learned about the Southern Paiutes use of pottery, which may be the

most accurate analogy to how the producers o f Intermountain Brownware utilized

ceramic vessels. This is possible because the archaeological record reflects the

subsistence strategy, associated patterns o f mobility, and the morphological

characteristics o f the pottery and is similar to those patterns described in ethnographic

and historic accounts o f the Southern Paiutes. Table 4.2 lists individual historic accounts

o f Southern Paiutes using pottery.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 4.2 Historic Observances o f Southern Paiute Pottery Use LOCATION DATE OBSERVER ACTIVITIES OBSERVED CITATION West of Virgin A p ril 25, J.C. Fremont “large earthen vessels were Fremont River Gorge in 1842 on the fire, boiling and 1845: 263 vicinity of stewing the horse beef’ Mesquite, NV or Littlefield, AZ Not Available 1849 Bolton “.. .an Indian lodge pot on Hafen and boiling,...” Hafen 1954: 185 Near Nov. 3, W illiam “Pot made of earthen ware Hafen and headwaters of 1849 Farrer being on the fire ...” Hafen 1954 Beaver dam Creek in Littlefield, AZ Ash Creek- June 1854 Thomas D. “.. .boiling a large potful of Brooks Ed. Chief Toquer’s Brown pottage—in a conical 1972:44 camp shaped dish made from clay and sand thin and hard.” Confluence of Jime 1854 Thomas D. “.. .a large thin earthen pot, Brooks Ed. V irg in and Brown ..., in which their seething 1972: 54 Santa Clara is done,...” Rivers

Pottery Production and Use among the Southern Paiutes

Function

The earliest account o f pottery utilization by the Southern Paiutes was recorded by

J.C. Fremont, a surveyor and explorer for the United States Government who passed

through the Great Basin region in the 1840s. While traveling through the area o f present-

day Mesquite, Nevada, near the southern end o f the Virgin River Gorge, Fremont

observed people later identified as the Southern Paiutes using an earthen ware pot. On

April 25*, 1842 Fremont wrote the following about his observation: “large earthen

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vessels were on the fire, boiling and stewing the horse beef’ (Fremont 1845: 263). This

suggests that pottery was still in use at the time o f the initial interactions between the

Southern Paiutes and settlers when horses were introduced to the area. Overall, the

details o f the description provide a situational context of the use o f pottery by the

Southern Paiutes which suggests how these vessels functioned. In addition, the reference

to horse meat being boiled in clay pots gives a temporal and historic context in which the

Southern Paiutes had been had engaged in horse trading with neighboring Shoshone’s,

Utes, and Navajos (Kelly 1976: 90).

The following 1849 observation made about the Southern Paiutes, by a reporter

named Bolton, substantiates the observations o f vessel form and cooking techniques

made by J.C. Fremont in 1842: “One party ‘found an Indian lodge pot on boiling, all their

effects in and about the lodge, the Indians having fled” (Hafen and Hafen 1954: 185).

Although the exact meaning of the term ‘Indian lodge pot” used by Bolton is unclear, the

statement indicates that the pot observed was used for heating things up.

W illiam Farrer observed a “pot made of earthen ware (being) on the fire ...”, near the

headwaters of Beaver Dam Creek in present day Littlefield, Arizona, on November 3,

1849 (Hafen and Hafen 1954: 204). In 1854, Thomas Brown, a Mormon recorder for the

Southern Indian Mission in Southern Utah, mentioned “conical vessels made o f red clay,”

(Euler 1966: 115) which also corroborates the characterization of construction material

and form given in other historical references.

The few references to the Southern Paiutes use o f ceramic technology suggest that the

vessels used by the Southern Paiutes functioned at least in part as containers for cooking

and heating things up. One documents the boiling o f horse meat (Fremont 1945:263)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. while the others failed to describe what was actually being boiled (Hafen and Hafen

1954:185,204). These accounts begin to substantiate the nature o f pottery use by the

Southern Paiutes, which has been poorly understood, and provides a loose time frame

that is analogous to Intermountain Brownware use during the historic period.

Additionally, the ethnographic and historic data enable us to get closer to understanding

the cooking methods practiced by the Southern Paiutes that is essential to comprehend

the purpose and functional role of this pottery.

Several preliminary conclusions can be drawn about function based on the historical

and ethnographic details o f the use o f pottery by the Southern Paiutes. Anthropological

and historical references to the Southern Paiutes using ceramic pots as storage vessels are

non-existent. A ll accounts detailing the Southern Paiutes food storage practices describe

the use o f sizeable bark-lined subterranean earthen pits to store large quantities o f food or

the use o f skin bags, containing small food caches that were placed in small subterranean

holes (Sapir 1992:802). Anthropological and historical accounts suggest that the

Southern Paiutes used pottery vessels to boil and simmer meat. A ll references to cooking

with ceramics indicate that stone boiling was not used; instead vessels were set into the

ashes o f a fire.

Technoloev

The leader of the Ash Creek Paiutes, Toquer, was visited by Thomas Brown in June

o f 1854 near present day Toquerville, Utah. During his visit Brown and otiier Mormon

missionaries observed the following: “We went over to their Wickeups after

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. our supper and found their women grinding seeds by the light o f the moon, and boiling a

large potful of pottage—in a conical shaped dish made from clay and sand thin and hard.”

(Brooks Ed. 1972:44)

Additionally, in June of 1854, at the junction of the Virgin and Santa Clara rivers.

Brown recorded detailed information about the size o f pottery vessels used by the

Southern Paiutes, gave a vague description o f what the pottery was made of, and an

estimation o f the volume of the vessels. Brown witnessed the following: “They have a

large thin earthen pot, as at Toker’s camp, in which their seething is done, would hold

about 2 gallons and is made o f red clay and sand about % of an inch thick and dried in the

sun...,” (Brooks Ed. 1972: 54).

Further temporal evidence o f the Southern Paiutes knowledge o f pottery production

can be found in the memoirs of W illiam Palmer, a Mormon Church official during the

late nineteenth century. Palmer spent considerable time with the Southern Paiutes

through his efforts to relocate them from what he perceived as sprawling impermanent

settlements to centralized housing in Cedar City, Utah (Knack 1997). During this time.

Palmer enlisted the Southern Paiutes to make non-traditional handicrafts to sell to

tourists. He also obtained examples of their authentic crafts including baskets and some

ceramic vessels. The knowledge o f pottery production by the Southern Paiutes o f the

Cedar City region during the time of their relocation was noted by Palmer but he

indicated that even in the late 1800s pottery vessels had ceased to be utilized (Euler 1966:

115).

Early ethnographers, documenting many aspects o f culture and subsistence, recorded

limited evidence o f use or knowledge of pottery production methods among the Southern

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Paiutes. This deficit of information could reflect either a decline in the production and

use of pottery by the Southern Paiutes or it could be indicative o f the ethnographers’

narrow perspective. It is likely that pottery production had waned significantly by the

early 1900s due to the migration o f American settlers to the western U.S. and the

technologies they brought with them. Pots and other tools were quickly replaced by

metal implements such as Dutch ovens (Fowler and Fowler 1971a: 105).

Anthropological literature of the early 1900s reflected this decrease in knowledge of

pottery production, as the references to pottery were very few (Kelly 1976: 77-78, 185;

Sapir 1992: 801-802). By the time ethnographers, W illiam Sapir and Isabel Kelly,

became interested in the Southern Paiutes’ culture, substantial changes had taken place,

and the knowledge o f production methods were all but forgotten, with the only memories

o f the craft recalled by the potters’ grandchildren (Powell and Ingalls 1974:41-42).

The Southern Paiutes way o f life had been altered by the early 1900s, although

Edward Sapir was able to record extensive details about culture and subsistence among

the Kaibab Paiute band. Sapir’s comments about the Kaibab Paiutes were written in past

tense, which likely signals that the knowledge of pottery production had diminished and

informants were describing things their ancestors had done, rather than from their own

personal experiences. Sapir addressed form and function in a vague manner that reflects

the second-hand nature of pottery knowledge by the Kaibab Paiutes at this time. “It

seems they had an old type o f earthen pot without a handle to boil meat in, not a basket or

box, which was placed on the ashes on the ground and a fire was built around it” (Sapir

1992: 801). Pot boiling is mentioned several times by Sapir (801-802). In addition, food

procurement and preparation are discussed in detail by Sapir and include cooking

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. strategies utilized by the Southern Paiutes (799-802) although the relationship between

subsistence and pottery was not explored in detail and was rarely mentioned.

Isabel K elly’s ethnographic work during the 1930s also reflects the loss of knowledge

o f pottery production by the Kaibab band o f Southern Paiutes. References to pottery

production are far removed from the actual event. A complete knowledge o f this process

had been lost, though memories and fragmented knowledge o f it remained at the time

when Kelly and Sapir conducted their research. In 1932 Kelly observed that “A very few

families seem to have cooked in an unfired clay vessel, set directly on the coals.” (Kelly

1976: 37) This reference to pottery as a vanishing tradition in these ethnographies

suggests that the knowledge o f pottery diminished certainly by the beginning o f the 2 0 *

Century but that the technology was used in limited quantities and may have begun to

subside as early as the 1850s.

Most o f the ethnographic details o f the pottery production sequence are vague;

however, several o f K elly’s informants from the Kaibab Band insisted that vessels were

not formally fired prior to use but were hardened by the fire during cooking (Kelly 1976:

77-78). Kelly recorded stories told by members of the Kaibab band of clay vessels which

were set directly in the coals of a fire. The details related in Kelly (1976) indicate that

these pots were primarily used for cooking.

The conical-shaped base commonly described in Southern Paiute ethnographies were

ideal for positioning in the ashes o f a fire. For that matter, conical vessels would require

support to remain upright unless they were oriented in this manner. The conical form

distinguishes the pottery produced by the Southern Paiutes from most other hunter-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. gatherer pottery types in the southern Utah and northern Arizona region (Janetski

1990a:57).‘

Summary of Pottery Use among the Southern Paiutes

An examination o f the historical and anthropological descriptions o f the Southern

Paiutes, their subsistence practices, technology, and patterns o f mobility, reveal several

significant consistencies. The extent to which pottery was an integral part of the

Southern Paiute’s culture is debatable. It is probable that differences existed between the

frequency with which ceramic vessels were used by the Southern Paiutes and the amount

o f knowledge they had o f this technology during the early historic period as opposed to

the ethnographic period o f the early 20th Century. Ethnographers’ records indicate that

by the early 1900s, the Southern Paiutes had lost much of their knowledge o f how to

make pottery as their need for this tool had greatly diminished. Significantly, there is

documentation that pottery was replaced by metal cooking pots rather rapidly, though the

basketry tradition was maintained during major cultural and technological changes

(Fowler and Fowler 1971: 105). The rapid adoption of metal implements and the

subsequent decrease in the use of pottery is evidenced by a photograph taken by J.K.

Hillers in 1873 of a Kaibab Paiute camp on the Kaibab Plateau in which a metal “Dutch

Oven” is hung under a tripod (Don D. and Catherine S. Fowler 1972; 40).

In summary, the ethnographic record clearly indicates that some, though not

necessarily all Southern Paiute bands produced and used pottery for cooking. These early

accounts indicate that, historically, pottery was used for boiling meat and cooking stews.

' A flat-bottomed, “flower pot” shape vessel was made by the aboriginal Shoshone o f northeastern Nevada and northwestern Utah. This form as well as the conical and globular shaped vessels is all considered to be

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ceramic vessel forms were commonly described as “conical” in the anthropological and

historical references (Hafen and Hafen 1954: 185, 204; Kelly 1976: 77-78; Lowie 1926:

225-226).

Although there are references to blended “mush” containing sunflower, pine nuts, or

pumpkin being boiled (Kelly 1976: 42), these accounts do not delineate it; the containers

used to boil mush were ceramic pots or baskets. However, a “large potful of pottage”

was observed boiling by Thomas Brown in 1854. This intimates that mush or porridge

was cooking in this vessel. As this historic account suggests, it is probable that a ceramic

vessel was required to boil carbohydrate foods such as seeds and nuts at high

temperatures in order to render them digestible.

Seasonal Resource Availability and Procurement

The majority o f written anthropological data compiled for this thesis are based on

ethnographies written about the Kaibab, St. George, and Cedar City Paiute groups (Kelly

1976; Sapir 1992). Although it is impossible to reconstruct the diet and subsistence

patterns o f all Southern Paiute bands, what is presented here is the best synthesis of the

ethnological references available for the Utah and Arizona Southern Paiutes. The

following is a characterization o f how the seasonal subsistence patterns o f the Southern

Paiutes may have been prior to 1849 when Anglo-European interaction increased

(Intertribal Council of Nevada 1976: 56).

Food resources were dispersed across the vast Great Basin and the western reaches of

the Colorado Plateau. The yield of these resources was not uniform from year to year.

Clearly the topography, elevation, and precipitation directly created each physical

examples o f the Intermountain Brownware type.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. microenvironment in which the Southern Paiutes lived. The flexibility o f the hunter-

gatherer based economy o f the Southern Paiutes enabled them to adapt to variations in

resource availability. Shifts in resource abundance and scarcity are correlated with

seasonal transitions. B y possessing such fle x ib ility , the Southern Paiutes could harvest

native plants and hunt animals throughout the year. These transitions most likely affected

the frequency and type o f movements made by the Southern Paiutes.

The Southern Paiute’s diet was primarily comprised o f various grass seeds, rabbit

{Lepus califomicus, L. Townsendii, Sylvilagus audubonii, S. nuttallii) , pine nuts (Pinus

edulis), large game including mule deer {Odocoileous hemionus), pronghorn antelope

(Antilocapra americana) and bighorn sheep {Ovis Canadensis)', agave (Agave utahensis),

and roots and berries (Fowler 1986: 92; Kelly and Fowler 1986: 370-371). Pine nuts

served as a staple that could be ground and prepared as porridge or baked into bread in

the ashes o f a fire. Agave could be collected several times a year, though it was

commonly gathered in the winter and spring when food was in short supply (Kelly

1976:44). An assortment o f roots and bulbs were regularly eaten in the spring and

summer and were obtained from the higher plateaus. Rabbits and other small game that

were available year-round were most commonly hunted in the valleys, while mule deer

and other ungulates were hunted on high plateaus during the late summer and fall (K elly

1976: 36-37).

Insects, including grasshoppers, locusts (Sapir 1992: 799), and ant larvae, as well as

birds and their eggs were eaten when more preferred foods were unavailable but were

infrequently collected throughout the year (Euler 1966: 113). Additional “starvation

foods” mentioned in the ethnographic literature include juniper berries (Juniperus

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. osteosperma), leaves of big or tall sage (Artemesia tridentata) Squaw Apple

(Peraphyllum Ramossissimum) of the Rose Family (Kelly 1976: 42-43), and lizards

(Folwer, Don D. and Fowler 1971: 48).

Although pinyon stands generally matured in the fall, exceptionally high yields were

common every 3 to 7 years providing more pine nuts than in other years (Fowler 1986:

65). Some pinyon stands yielded greater quantities of nuts or were more palatable than

others and these were monitored by the Southern Paiutes to determine which stand(s)

should be sought for collection that year. Large subsurface storage pits containing

collected food fimctioned as insurance against starvation during winter. This practice

was one way that the Southern Paiutes equalized the uncertainty associated with the

pinyon crop yield (Sapir 1992: 802).

Pinyon seeds were either stored inside caves within subterranean pits for use during

winter habitation or in strategically placed caches (Kelly 1976: 37-39). Based on the

ethnographic record there are no accounts that indicate that pinyon seeds were stored at

collection sites. Caching probably did not occur at collection sites because it was not the

Southern Paiutes intention to winter on snow covered plateaus preferred by pinyon trees.

By storing the seeds at the winter base or other locations that were easily accessible

during rough weather they could be accessed as needed.

In order to ensure survival through the winter season, the Southern Paiutes utilized

food caches that had been filled during the summer and fall. Although fresh food sources

were less attainable in the winter and cache technology was required to survive, rabbit

drives and agave collection supplemented the winter season’s stored food diet (Fowler,

Don D. 1986: 67). Winter habitation sites varied between groups and regions, the season

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. was typically spent either in the protection provided by the base o f hills or canyons.

Caves and rock shelters often served as winter habitation (Fowler 1982: 127). The

Kaibab Paiute did not live on high plateaus in the winter but preferred mountain slopes

and adjacent valleys as camp locations (Kelly 1976: 6) which were reoccupied year after

year (Fowler 1982: 127). However, Kelly and Fowler reported that other Southern Paiute

groups, who valued pinyon as a primary resource, would spend winters at higher

elevations (Kelly and Fowler 1986: 371). Water was also abundant at these higher

elevations as snow could be easily melted or obtained from natural rock catchments

(Kelly and Fowler 1986: 377).

There are no ethnographic references to clay pots being used for pine nut storage.

The absence o f references to vessels being used to store the large quantities o f food

collected during the summer and fall, which was intended for use in the winter and early

spring when fresh resources were scarce, is significant because pottery vessels were used

by other hunter-gatherers as primary storage containers o f perishables (Skibo and

Blinman 1999: 179). In contrast, the Southern Paiutes used subsurface storage pits that

allowed familial groups to collect large quantities o f food and store it for periods of

severe food shortage. Sapir wrote: “A cave was always selected (for storage) and a hole

about two or three feet deep (was) dug” (Sapir 1992: 802). Fowler also noted that “Raw

or processed seeds were stored in grass or bark-lined pits or in skin bags placed in pits”

(Fowler 1986: 65). Sapir reported that food was cached in a cave during autumn and

would be later retrieved during spring scarcity (Sapir 1992: 802).

W inter was a time o f reduced food options as the temperature dropped and lands

located at h i^ er elevations were often covered in heavy snow drifts. Movements were

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. restricted due to difficult climatic conditions. Communal activities such as storytelling

were common and probably served as entertainment during the winter months (Inter-

Tribal Council of Nevada 1976: 18). In the 1930s Kelly reported that “People from

practically all parts o f Kaibab territory forgathered at the communal grounds, at least

intermittently, during much of the fall and winter” (Kelly 1976: 23).

By the early spring stored resources such as pine nuts were often depleted. The

Southern Paiutes adapted to dwindling caches by consuming food not typically eaten

during the rest of the year. Extended procurement trips were made towards late spring if

food stores became extremely low (Inter-Tribal 1976: 12). Spring signaled the

emergence o f grasshoppers, crickets (Fowler Don D. and Fowler 1971:48), caterpillars

and ant larvae (Kelly and Fowler 1986: 370). The Southern Paiutes were able to collect

agave year-round. The availability of agave during all seasons was useful when pinyon

yields were low or during the lean months of spring (Kelly and Fowler 1986: 370).

During the summer, the Southern Paiutes harvested a myriad o f ripe seeds, berries,

and fruits. Seeds were plentiful in the valleys and on the plateaus while berries were

limited the pinyon-juniper and ponderosa pine belts in the higher elevations. The finits

o f various succulents and cacti were collected in the uplands as well. These foods were

collected in large quantities by using seed beater baskets to loosen seeds from their chaff

and conical baskets as receptacles for the collected seeds. The Southern Paiutes hunted

rabbits during this season just as they did during the remainder o f the year. Late summer

sparked the beginning of the hunting season. (Kelly 1976: 41-55; Kelly and Fowler 1986:

371).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. As summer waned and fall began, the Southern Paiutes actively hunted deer on the

plateaus. These activities required a great deal of mobility during the summer and fall

seasons. Large game was stalked by small hunting parties and deer specifically were

obtained on an encounter basis by a single individual. The Kaibab Paiutes used tactics

including following a hunting leader or chief to higher elevations, after which then the

chief would drive the deer towards the waiting hunters who would fell the animal with

bows and arrows (Kelly 1976: 48).

Although not a lush region, the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau were sufficiently

endowed with diverse food options, provided that populations adapted their movements

to coincide with seasonally available foods. By collecting specific foods during those

seasons when they were most abundant, the Southern Paiutes took advantage o f what the

environment had to offer while maintaining a balance with the ecosystem.

Written Evidence of Horticulture

Though not all Southern Paiute bands had vegetable gardens, there are

anthropological and historical accounts o f the Kaibab, St. George, Beaver, Santa Clara,

Panguitch, and some groups from the vicinity o f Cedar City and on the Ash and La

Verkin Creeks practicing limited horticulture (Kelly 1976: 36; Kelly and Fowler 1986:

371). The Southern Paiutes reportedly cultivated limited amounts o f com, pumpkin,

squash, sunflower, and an unidentified grass (Brooks Ed. 1972: 3 9 ,9 2 , 97). The earliest

accounts o f Southern Paiutes practicing horticulture were described by Dominguez

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Escalante, who observed cultivated plots in southwestern Utah along the banks o f Ash

Creek^ (Warner, Ed. 1995: 95-96) (figure 4.2).

On December 31, 1849, Thomas Brown, a Mormon missionary wrote: “Six more

Indians came into camp and we gave them something to eat, two o f them went to show us

the trail that led down to the Rio Virgin we saw many little Indian plantations where they

raise com they varied in size from a few rods and up to an acre, having their irrigation

ditches (Brooks Ed. 1972: 92).” On January 2, 1850, Brown wrote, “.. .there is some

cottonwood timber and willows on the river and some grass in the bottoms but they are

very small, some o f which the Indians cultivate, they grow com, pumpkins and squash. I

bought about a gallon o f com from an Indian and gave him some flour for it...,” (Brooks

Ed. 1972: 97).

Four and a half years later, in May of 1854, at Quail Creek, a tributary of the Virgin

River in the St. George Basin of Utah, Brown observed: “...an Indian patch of 1 acre

plants with wheat and com both in hills-the com was too thick and then after this and

amongst it was as many Pumpkins, squash &c, as was enough to cover the land had there

been no com” (Brooks Ed. 1972: 39).

Based on the accounts given by Brown and others, the Southern Paiutes used either

irrigation ditches to water their gardens from major rivers and creeks (Brooks Ed. 1972:

92) or dry farming techniques (Brooks Ed. 1972: 39) (Kelly and Fowler 1986: 371).

These accounts further indicate that the Southem Paiutes did not practice dry farming on

the upper plateaus and when horticulture was employed a consistent water source was

required. For the bands o f the Southem Paiutes who practiced horticulture, a small

portion o f the summer season was spent reaping their harvests while the majority o f their

^ Ash Creek feeds the Virgin River and is located west of La Verkin Creek in Washington County, Utah.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. time was spent hunting and collecting other wild resources (Fowler, Don D. and Fowler

1971; 49; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976: 13; Kelly 1976: 40; Steward 1938: 183).

Cultivated foods were shared or exchanged with other Southem Paiute tribes who hunted

and gathered but did not practice horticulture. “In late summer and fall, farmers and non

farmers gathered at the gardens for it was customary to share produce (Fowler 1986:

371).” Gardens were tended by elders and children while other members o f the group left

the crops to gather and hunt. (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976: 13)

Although there is substantial evidence that horticulture was practiced by the Southem

Paiutes, the ethnographic record indicates that their horticultural activities were

secondary to their hunting and gathering efforts. This characterization was partly

empirical as horticulture was not uniformly practiced across the Southem Paiute bands

while hunting and gathering was. Unfortunately, during the late nineteenth and early

twentieth centuries, the Southem Paiutes were stereotyped by explorers and settlers as

wanderers who carved out their existence in a desolate landscape (Bolton 1950: 204;

Brooks Ed. 1976; Fremont 1845).

The Southem Paiutes crafted their hunting and gathering lifestyle so that a

dependence on horticulture was never necessary for survival and was only a supplement

to the wild foods they ate. “Even before the harvest was completed, some people left for

the mountains to have an early start on pine nut gathering; others remained to finish

collection and storage o f crops (Kelly and Fowler 1986: 371).”

Anthropological accounts indicate that pottery was used for cooking meat, wild

plants, pinyon nuts, and various seeds. No mention is made o f clay pots being used to

cook domesticated crops such as com. It does not appear that pottery technology and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. domesticated plants were adopted as a package by the Southem Paiutes. Despite popular

maize adoption theories which associate the adoption o f agriculture in the Southwest with

the proliferation o f pottery (Crown and W ills 1995: 241), as the written evidence

suggests, pottery was used by most Southem Paiute groups independent o f horticulture

and ethnographic evidence indicates that pottery was commonly used to cook non

cultivated foods. In summary, the Southem Paiutes subsistence strategy emphasized

collecting and hunting wild foods while maintaining the flexibility for supplemental

small-scale horticulture.

Settlement Patterns

Mobility is paramount to the understanding o f the production and use o f pottery in

hunter-gathera" societies. Although descriptions o f seasonal movements are not

abundant, a characterization o f the degree o f mobility practiced by the Southem Paiutes

can be estimated from the ethnographic accounts. While a few maintained residences

year-round in one location, most had a w inta base camp, some had summer base camps,

and still others moved more frequently, at least three to four times p a year. The

Southem Paiutes strategy can be best described as variable with infrequent to frequent

residential mobility in conjunction with logistical procurement excursions (Binford

1980).

Given the restrictions o f mobility limiting time in one place, precipitation during the

w inta and late summa, along with the high mobility of the late summer and early fall

season, it is possible that the Southem Paiutes aeated caamic cooking vessels at base

camps between logistical procurement trips. The limited ethnographic and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. archaeological databases make it difficult to determine if caamic vessels were formed

and fired during short resource procurement trips or during periods o f sedentism at base

camps. It is unlikely that vessels were produced during resource procurement trips as

time would be focused on the hunting or collection task. These logistical forays may

have been maintained for the duration of one day to several weeks during at which time

resources were collected from 10-15 to 60 km distance from the base camps. Base camps

w ae located at springs and were reoccupied on a yearly basis and would have provided

an ample water source for ceramic production (Don D. and Catherine Fowler 1971: 49).

Most base camps served as storage sites for surplus food and were occupied during the

winter while some were used also in the summer (Fowler 1982: 127).

The Southem Paiute settlement pattem hinged upon the retum to certain locales each

year during the seasons in which resources were abundant, for this reason, tool caching

may have been an important adaptation. Camps were ephemeral but were sometimes

reused year afi;er year. Shelter was taken in rock alcoves, or was made out ofbmsh in the

form o f lig ht shade stractures and wickiups, depending upon the season. These houses

were lightweight and when abandoned, the fibrous materials degraded rapidly. (Kelly

1976: 55-58; Kelly and Fowler 1986: 371-373).

The many springs located at the base o f sedimentary cliffs were more vital to

Southem Paiute survival than creeks or rivers. Ethnographic evidence supports springs

as being the primary source of water. (Fowler 1982: 127; Kelly 1976: 6-21; Knack 2001:

13). The presence o f springs across the landscape, the only sources o f fi-esh drinking and

cooking water, allowed the Southem Paiutes to travel long distances to hunt and gather

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. food. In particular, springs provided refuge for the Southem Paiutes during the extreme

heat of the summer.

Kelly’s data collected on the Kaibab Band o f Southem Paiutes in the 1930s indicates

that base camps were located almost exclusively adjacent to springs (Kelly 1976: 6) with

the exception o f winter camps, which did not need to be positioned more near a spring

because snowmelt could provide the drinking water in winter (Fowler 1982:130).

Although ethnographic data is slim for other Southem Paiute groups, it is likely that this

pattem was found throughout their territory, as springs were the most dependable and

common water resource. The Kaibab people considered themselves to possess ownership

with one household owning up to five springs. Each household incorporated the springs

under their ownership into their resource collection rounds (Fowler 1982:127).

The Southem Paiutes population size varied greatly, as did the composition o f the

group. Based on Kelly’s Kaibab data, the population was typically between 10-15 people

per household but could be as few as two or as many as 50 persons during the winter.

The largest seasonal populations aggregated at winter base camps (Fowler 1982:127).

An accurate estimation o f the average distance traveled by the Southem Paiutes per

day is intricately related to the mobility and scheduling of pottery production. Catherine

Fowler suggests that variability should be considered common when it comes to

settlement pattems of the Southem Paiutes (Fowler 1982: 130). Since travelers, settlers,

and ethnologists focused primarily on subsistence activities not mobility, an accurate

depiction o f the degree o f mobility eludes the contemporary researcher.

Despite the imprecise ethnographic descriptions of the Southem Paiutes mobility

pattems, Catherine Fowler has compiled some o f Kelly’s records o f spring ownership by

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the Kaibab Band and writes . .except for an annual trip to the Kaibab Plateau, with not

all camps necessarily participating, most groups seem to have remained within 10-15 km

of their winter camp” (Fowler 1982: 127). The Kaibab Paiutes traveled once a year up to

60 km to the north rim o f the Grand Canyon for agave and to the Kaibab or Paria Plateaus

(10-20km) in late summer to hunt and collect pine nuts (Fowler 1982: 127). Among the

Kaibab Southem Paiute: “A chief (niavi) directed the seasonal movements of camps, and

usually but not invariably (Kelly 1976: 27).”

The fall season was characterized by the greatest degree o f continuous mobility

because this was the season during which the most abundant resources were available.

The food collected during this period would provide nourishment throughout the leaner

months o f the year, and was cached to preserve its freshness and guard against predators

and pests. The spring season would have required intermittent extended trips such as to

the Grand Canyon for agave by the Kaibab Band (Kelly 1976:44), and to available

collection sites as stored resources dwindled. The Southem Paiutes would have been less

mobile in the spring than during the summer and fall. Various cacti and juniper berries

were eaten only during the winter and early spring when food caches were emptied. Each

family group o f the Kaibab Band o f Southem Paiutes came back to their base camps

located near springs in the summer. Seeds were collected in the valleys at this time and

berries and other seed varieties were collected on the plateaus as summer waned (Kelly

1976: 22). The availability o f resources during particular seasons resulted in a seasonal

round which included extended residence at winter base camps, increased mobility in the

spring to access seeds and berries, and the greatest degree o f m obility in the fa ll due to

trips to the upland hunting and pine nut collection sites.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Based on the mobility strategy o f the Southem Paiutes, the seasonal availability of

resources, and the climate o f the study area, it is likely that pottery was produced in the

late spring and early summer. It is likely that it was made during more sedentary periods

in between resource procurement excursions when work loads would be low.

The Movement of Possessions

As discussed previously, the transportation o f personal belongings, such as ceramic

pots, by hunter-gatherers was precarious. Pottery is subject to breakage and frequent

movements might have aggravated this. Lightweight baskets were more suited to carry

during transport than ceramic vessels. It has been assumed in ceramic theory that

because ceramic pots are heavier than basketry, that they would inhibit movement and

that these vessels would have been cached rather than carried by mobile hunter-gatherers.

This may be supported by the archaeological evidence presented in chapter 3, however,

metates were reportedly transported and procured by the Southem Paiutes (Sapir 1992:

808), so the weight o f an item may not have been as much of a liability as has been

assumed.

Women’s conical shaped burden baskets were described as being used to carry

cooking and gathering implements (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976: 13). Even in

residentially mobile situations, the amount o f items owned by a person would be few

because they would all have to be moved in the case o f the Southem Paiutes, between

two-four times per year. The need to restrict belongings is apparent, however, the tension

between mobility and carrying heavy ceramic vessels may have been mitigated with tool

caching rather than transportation. However, the ethnographic record does not contain

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. information supporting Southem Paiute pottery being transported or cached. Nearly all

accounts describe these vessels as being used as cooking pots (Fremont 1845: 263; Hafen

and Hafen 1954: 185,204; Kelly 1976: 77-78; Lowie 1926: 225-226).

This concept o f ownership is important to tool caching in that if you know you w ill

retum to a given location then leaving tools requiring investment, such as pottery and

ground stone may be more desirable then transporting these items. As such.

Intermountain Brownware vessels may be best viewed as a resource specific tool. In the

same way that metates would have been produced and cached for subsequent visits, so

would pottery vessels.

Fuel Use

An understanding of the availability o f fuel is important to the discussions o f cooking

and pottery production (chapter 2). Fuel was necessary to fire clay vessels and its

availability could have been either a restricting or precipitating factor in a potter’s

success. Vegetal fuel in the Great Basin, though sparse in comparison with the Colorado

Plateau where vegetation received more precipitation, was still sufficient for the Southem

Paiutes campfire, cooking activities, and pottery firing. Where available, pinyon pine

{pinus edulis) (Sapir 1992: 808; 812) and Utah juniper (juniperus osteosperma) limbs

were ideal sources o f fuel. Steward remarked about the Las Vegas and Pahrump regions

that “.. .juniper and pinyon trees provided ample timber for houses and for fuel”

(1938:13). Sapir observed that, “The outside bark o f cedar (juniper) was taken and

wrapped and tied with the same fiber (perhaps a thin strip of bark) into a long bundle.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. This was carried along when traveling and glowed without burning quickly. Whenever

required for fire it was waived or blown at (Sapir 1992: 808).”

While the Northern Paiutes did not bum pinyon wood because pinyon nuts were such

an important food resource (Knack 1984: 76), there is ethnographic evidence (Sapir

1992: 812) that the Southern Paiutes did bum pinyon despite its consideration as a staple

food source. This may refiect of the abundance of fuel in the Southem Paiute’s territory

that was lacking in the region utilized by the Northem Paiutes. In fact, Sapir’s detailed

description o f winter house constmction suggests that every part o f the juniper tree was

used to construct the house while pine, presumably pinyon pine, based on references

elsewhere in the account, was the preferred fuel source o f the Kaibab Band o f Southem

Paiutes (Sapir 1992: 818-819). In Sapir’s Kaibab ethnography he supports Steward’s

claim by reporting that “pine is the best firewood” and that “‘pine’ ([from which nuts are

obtained]; [was] very good for fire” (Sapir 1992: 819; 812).

Fuel was also available in the form o f woody bushes such as four wing salt bush

(Atriplex canescens) sagebmsh (Artemesia spp.)(Sapir 1992: 797; Kelly 1976: 43),

greasewood (Sarcobatus vermiculatus), and rabbit bmsh {Chrysothamnus nauseousus)

(Dunmire and Tiemey 1997: 67; 72). These shmbs bumed hot, which was advantageous

to building a cooking or warming fire. Sapir remarked that the only use for rabbit bmsh

and scrab oak(Quercuspungens) were as a fuel (Sapir 1992: 797) and that the bark of

“cedars”, local vemacular for juniper, was used as kindling for fires (Sapir 1992: 808).

In 1842, J.C. Fremont observed the Las Vegas and Pahramp bands utilizing the fuels

that were available in their lowland desert environment: “The wild sage is their only

wood [in the valleys only], and .. .serves for fuel, for building material, for shelter to the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. rabbits and for some sort of covering for the feet and legs in cold weather,” (Fremont

1887: 491-492) The vegetation of southem Utah and extreme northem Arizona was for

the most part more plentiful than vegetation in southem Nevada; therefore there would

have been more fuel options in these regions and Fremont’s observation may more

accurately reflect the vegetation o f the hot desert rather than the cold desert environment

o f southem and northem Utah.

Fuel availability seems not to have been a limiting resource for the Southem Paiutes,

as pinyon and juniper trees were abundant in their territory. Ample fuel was available

year round in this region in the form o f evergreen trees such as pinyon pine and juniper at

(4500-6500 ft) and woody shmbs in the lower elevations. Based on the historical and

ethnographic information presented in this section, it is clear that several types o f woody

fuel were obtainable for use in cooking and for firing pottery.

Summary

The Southem Paiutes practiced a residentially mobile settlement pattem,

characterized by seasonal movements o f camp to specific resource areas with additional,

shorter, logistical forays to reach other resources as needed. Though mobility was

important to their subsistence strategy, it apparently did not negate craft production.

They typically inhabited one location during the winter sometimes in the summer while

some moved three to four times per year. Intermittent procurement excursions were

made to resources within this pattem of residential mobility. Most semi-permanent living

or working sites were used for brief periods but were reoccupied yearly. Shelter was

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. taken in caves or alcoves or in the open where lightweight and impermanent brush

structures were constructed.

The subsistence model employed by the Southem Paiutes would vary by the amount

and quality o f resources available. For example, in the case of pine nuts staple in the

Southem Paiutes diet, if it was an exceptional year then the population may move their

base camp to the resource. However, the same population may arrange logistical

excursions to the pine nut resource area in lean years rather than moving their entire

residence. The mobility level and associated subsistence model would reflect the level of

resource abundance at any given time.

The winter was a time of limited mobility and was when most socializing occurred.

During this season, Southem Paiutes subsisted prim arily on stored rather than firesh

foods. In the spring, the Southem Paiutes made short ventures to food sources, but did

not travel far from their home base. The late spring and early summer was a time of

increasing logistical mobility to collect seeds, roots, and berries and to begin planting

crops, although procurement trips were not as frequent then as in the summer and fall.

This may have been the season in which ceramic vessels were made because dry warm

weather is preferable for pottery production and logistical movements were not as

common at this time. Late summer and fall would have been the least conducive seasons

for pottery production because o f the constraints o f the sporadic moisture o f the monsoon

season and the heightened frequency o f logistical procurement trips to the uplands to hunt

large game and to collect pine nuts in preparation for the winter. However, time

conflicts between resource procurement and pottery production may have also existed

during the spring and early summer.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The historical and ethnological references presented in this chapter reflect a strong,

but varied correlation between the Southem Paiutes and the production and use of

pottery. Written ethnographic and historical accounts are lacking in descriptive details

but recognize a conical shaped brownware vessel form that was employed by the

Southem Paiutes for use as a cooking pot. The Southem Paiutes used pottery to cook

large game, pine nuts, and other seeds in stews or mushes (Fowler, Don D. and Fowler

1971:49). There is no direct ethnological or historical evidence suggesting that pottery

was used to cook cultigens.

Although the ethnographic records do not report during which season pottery

production occurred, I suggest that these vessels may have been produced during late

spring and early summer based on the relative dryness and warmth o f these seasons

which are required environmental conditions to produce pottery. Logistical excursions to

resources during this period would be less frequent than during the late summer and fall

so that mobility would be a lesser factor. Although there would have been multiple

demands on the potter’s time in the late spring and early summer, such as the collection

o f seeds, roots, and berries, this season would have been less structured than late summer

or fall when movements to thé plateaus for hunting and pine nut collection required a

greater degree o f mobility.

There is a wealth o f information about the Southem Paiutes culture and subsistence in

the chronicles o f explorers, traders, and missionaries as well as in the anthropological

records. Unfortunately, the details about the conditions under which pottery was

produced were not recorded at the time when the knowledge o f this craft was widely

possessed. Despite this, the Southem Paiute ethnographies describing how their pottery

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. functioned can be used as an analogy from which to draw conclusions about the

circumstances under which Intermountain Brownware was produced and utilized. Based

on such an analogy and on its physical attributes such as form and the presence o f soot on

their exteriors, it is likely that Intermountain Brownware pots were used, at least in part,

for the purpose o f cooking. By combining these lines of evidence, a more complete

depiction o f the how pottery functioned within the Southem Paiute’s subsistence regime

can be constracted.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER 5

RESEARCH DESIGN

Research Orientation

Historic period himter-gatherers who occupied the same region as the producers of

Intermountain Brownware provide analogous information about vessel function. The

ethnographic reports suggest that these vessels were used for cooking but not for storage.

These groups planned frequent resource procurement excursions, made short-term camps

along the way, did not construct permanent shelters, and did not create copious amounts

of artifacts. They subsisted on a wide variety of plants and animals which, with the

exception of a few foods available year-round, were acquisitioned during specific seasons

o f availability. They fashioned tools to serve every need and these tools were, for the

most part, light weight and portable to meet the needs of their mobile lifestyle. Previous

archaeological descriptions of this pottery suggest that in comparison with the vessels

made by more sedentary Ancestral Puebloan groups. Intermountain Brownware tends to

be friable and thick, frequently has a rough surface finish, and occurs in fewer forms.

The archaeological study o f pottery is most often undertaken from the normative

perspective, in which pottery production is associated with sedentism. Because o f this

research focus. Intermountain Brownware ceramics have been disregarded by some

archaeologists as crude examples o f southwestern pottery that were made by unskilled

potters. This thesis w ill take an alternative approach and investigate the notion that the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. attributes o f Intermountain Brownware are logical in terms o f the contexts within which

they were produced and used. In this chapter, I present a research design to evaluate the

hypotheses that the construction and firing methods o f Intermountain Brownware pottery

were affected by a mobile lifestyle. I attempt to understand why Intermountain

Brownware might have been adopted by hunter-gatherers and why these vessels were

constructed differently fi*om those made by ancestral puebloans.

Rather than evaluating this pottery in terms o f aesthetics, the functions o f hunter-

gatherer pottery may be better understood by evaluating the technological attributes o f

these ceramics within o f the subsistence and settlement contexts o f their production and

use. Through this approach, I w ill assess the pottery’s technological characteristics and

their compatibility with a mobile hunter-gatherer lifestyle, to determine if these attributes

would have enhanced the performance o f Intermountain Brownware vessels during use.

As discussed in chapters 2, 3, and 4 the production of pottery possesses significant

challenges for mobile people. This pottery can be better understood by evaluating the

production sequence o f Intermountain Brownware as a series o f compromises made

within a mobile hunter-gatherer subsistence pattem (Rice 1987: 224) using

environmental, ethnographic, and archaeological data. At each step in the pottery

production process it is likely that adjustments were made to mitigate the constraints o f

mobility. The results o f those compromises are apparent in the differences between the

forms, thickness, and decoration o f hunter-gatherer produced pottery compared to that

produced by sedentary groups.

Environmental factors including precipitation, climate, and wind velocity affect the

pottery production process regardless o f the degree o f sedentism o f the producers (Arnold

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1985: 120), although sedentary potters might be better equipped to make pottery under

these environmental conditions (Table 5.1). When climatic conditions were unfavorable

for pottery production a sedentary potter may have had more options to mitigate poor

production conditions than hunter-gatherers. For instance, sedentary populations erect

permanent structures that they can use for shelter during the production o f pottery and as

storage locations during the drying process.

Table 5.1 Environmental factors and the pottery production process (Arnold 1985). CLIMATE PRECIPITATION WIND Cold Hot Low High Low High Positive Factor for X Collecting Negative Factor For X Collecting Positive Factor for X X X Drying Negative Factor for XX X Drying Positive Factor for X X Firing Negative Factor for X X Firing X = positive or negative factor = not a significant factor

The Great Basin and Colorado Plateau possesses a favorable climate for pottery

production. The warm weather and low precipitation were positive factors that may have

supported pottery production in this region despite the constraints o f mobility, although

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. wind was both positive and negative depending on the circumstance. Overall, these

optimal environmental conditions may have contributed to successful production

allowing the producers o f Intermountain Brownware to spend less time making pottery

and more time meeting subsistence needs.

The archaeological data in combination with the ethnographic case study suggest that

the producers o f Intermountain Brownware made residential movements spending

portions o f each season in one place. Logistical excursions were planned to obtain

resources within a residential mobility strategy. It is typically necessary to stay in one

place to process clay and temper, age clay, and to construct, dry, and fire vessels. The

pottery production process requires access to workable, clays with high plasticity*, and

with adequate time to process, form, dry, and fire vessels. Since periods o f sedentism

were experienced during the time spent at base camp, a pattem o f residential mobility

may have allowed pottery production to occur, although moving your residence at least

twice a year includes transporting your belongings which would still have been

constraining on the process o f m , king ceramics.

L i^ t weight, portable tools are an adaptation to a mobile lifestyle. Stone metates

used for grinding clay and temper and ceramic vessels are heavy, cumbersome, and

difficult to transport. Ceramic vessels would have been subject to breakage during

movements. These factors suggest that pottery vessels were not ideal tools for mobile

people to transport. Given the Intermountain Brownware site formation data and the

weight o f these vessels, they were likely not transported but were either used expediently

' “Plasticity: the property o f a material that enables it to be shaped when wet and to hold this shape when the shaping force is removed (Rice 1987:480).”

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (Binford 1979) and discarded or were cached in strategic places along the resource

procurement routes.

The common attributes o f Intermountain Brownware may have been useful

adaptations which work well for mobile populations. A thick, low-fired vessel typically

has higher porosity than a thin vessel and may be more capable o f arresting cracks once

propagated because it is so porous (Rice 1987: 231). While there are benefits for cooking

with low-fired pottery there are also disadvantages which would have been likely

considered by the people who used these vessels, thicker vessels are less resistant to

thermal shock and slower to boil. The roughened exterior surface of Intermountain

Brownware vessels would have been advantageous for handling during cooking and the

transfer o f hot foods and liquids to other vessels. The costs and benefits o f thin or thick

vessel walls may be irrelevant to the discussion as one positive attribute often is negated

by another.

Contrary to a long-held assumption (Rice 1987: 232), vessels with roughened

exteriors may not be better heat conductors and cooking vessels. Studies conducted by

Pierce (1999) and Young and Stone (1990) suggest that the opposite may be true. The

exterior surface area o f a pot with a roughened exterior is greater than the surface area of

a plain vessel. As a result when used for heating, the liquid seeps through the permeable

ceramic body to the exterior and evaporates, ultimately this reduces the temperature of

the vessel. This process reduces the vessels heating effectiveness o f a vessel with a

roughened exterior more so than a plain vessel (Pierce 1999: 133).

The experiments conducted by Pierce demonstrate that corrugated, incised, or

punctuated vessels, possessing a high degree o f wall permeability, are less effective for

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. heating water. However, vessels created for this experiment and lined with pitch

neutralized the inadequate heating properties o f corrugated vessels and increased their

heating efficiency (Pierce 1999: 132, 160-161). When the same experiment was

conducted to boil com mush rather than water. Pierce found no differences between the

efficiency with which a pitch lined, unlined, corrugated, or plain vessel heated (132).

The results o f the Young and Stone (1990) experiments support Pierce’s conclusions that

a vessel with exterior surface treatment did not increase the rate at which a vessel heated,

and may have actually made it less efficient for cooking (202). The Pierce study is

relevant to this thesis because it demonstrates that at least when boiling water, a porous

vessel that has been previously used for cooking or lined with pitch, increases its heating

efficiency because the pores have become filled with residue and do not allow surface

evaporation o f the contents which results in unintended cooling.

Research Questions

1. How were the vessels used?

Although Intermountain Brownware functional data is the most abundant type of

information available, much has been assumed about this ware and never fully tested. A

more complete characterization of function w ill clear up some o f the misconceptions and

support other substantiated assessments. By understanding how these vessels functioned,

the scope o f mobility and its effects on the production of pottery can be discussed. In

order to understand vessel function, several primary attributes w ill be measured,

including vessel form, size, and thickness, a characterization o f inclusions, and surface

treatment.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Thus far, the ethnographic and archaeological data consulted for this thesis suggest

that Intermountain Brownware was used primarily for cooking, with the possibility of

some secondary uses. Interestingly, there is not ethnographic or archaeological data

available to support the idea that these vessels were used to store food. These

preliminary findings contradict what is typically thought to be a common function o f

hunter-gatherer pottery. It is possible that Intermountain Brownware vessels were used

differently by its makers than vessels utilized by other hunter-gatherers. This may be

surprising, but further exemplifies the variability observed in the patterns o f mobility and

the physical attributes o f this pottery and how the use o f Intermountain Brownware may

have diverged fi"om the norm.

2. Do Intermountain Brownware vessels possess physical characteristics that are

beneficial for processing, cooking, or storage?

An in-depth functional study w ill further our knowledge of why pottery was used by

these hunter-gatherers when most mobile people did not produce pottery. In addition, the

percent of apparent porosity w ill be calculated, which w ill allow for an understanding of

how well Intermountain Brownware vessels would have performed for processing,

cooking, or storage tasks. Table 5.2 lists a summary o f physical attributes which are

beneficial for processing, cooking, or storage. It should be noted that the situations

depicted in this table may be more complicated than presented and that there may be

negative aspects o f a beneficial attribute listed in the table. For example, a cooking

vessel with an unrestricted orifice may make stirring the contents easier but the same

opening speeds evaporation and slows the cooking process.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 5.2 Beneficial attributes of ceramic vessels for processing, cooking, and storage

PROCESSING COOKING DRY STORAGE FORM Open form Slightly constricted form Restricted form Few angles Few angles Few angles Flat, stable base Conical (cooking in fire) Flat, stable base Rounded (cooking over fire) Thicker walls Both Thinner and Thicker Thicker walls walls SIZE Smaller (sized Smaller (sized to handle and Larger (sized to store to handle and move frequently) surplus foods or move goods) frequently) SURFACE Not a critical Roughened exterior for Roughened exterior TREATMENT factor improved handling

TEMPER Homogeneous Homogeneous with clay Not a critical factor w ith clay body body

POROSITY Low Low (ideal for stone Not a critical factor boiling) / high (better for (except for liquid open fire cooking; reduces storage) risk o f thermal stress)

One o f the most notable differences between Intermountain Brownware and puebloan

pottery is the wide range o f puebloan vessel forms and the comparatively few

Intermountain Brownware forms (Plog 1979: 116) (see also chapter 1, figure 1.2). In

contrast, the Intermountain Brownware vessels found in the tri-state area were

constructed in prim arily three shapes: a large, open, conical-based vessel, a small, open

vessel with a well-rounded base and straight walls, a small, open globular vessel with a

slight neck constriction and a pointed base (Euler 1972: 2; Fowler and Matley 1978: 32-

33; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976: 14; M offitt et al. 1978: 4; Tuohy 1990:57-59).

The limited types o f Intermountain Brownware vessel forms may indicate that these

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vessels were designed for a range o f tasks rather than one vessel serving a specific

purpose.

Most ancestral puebloan cooking pots are restricted but Intermountain Brownware

vessels are open or just slightly restricted. This may be a function o f which methods of

cooking these vessels were used. A slightly restricted vessel may be best for reaching

boiling temperature rapidly while an open vessel could be efficiently used for sinunering

for hours and would not incur the risk of boiling over.

The measurement o f rim diameter w ill contribute to an understanding o f the range of

Intermountain Brownware vessel form and size. The way that a vessel functioned can be

inferred with diameter measurements that, in turn can be used to determine that vessel’s

size (Rice 1987: 212). The measurement of vessel size w ill aid in identifying any

patterns o f standardization or extreme variability that may be correlated to the amount o f

time invested in making these vessels.

An open, unrestricted vessel with a large orifice w ill have a larger rim diameter

measurement than a restricted vessel with a smaller orifice. Open, unrestricted forms

may be best suited to food preparation and serving but may not be the most efficient

cooking or storage vessel (Rice 1987: 237-240). A vessel with an unrestricted orifice w ill

take longer to simmer or boil than one with a restricted orifice. An unrestricted vessel is

also more difficult to seal, which is disadvantageous to keeping pests out o f stored food

supplies (Rice 1987: 241).

The beneficial vessel attributes for processing food are similar to those required for a

good cooking vessel. A vessel used for processing must be able to resist mechanical

stress. Grinding, pounding, and mixing foods w ill cause significant damage and possible

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. failure to a ceramic vessel. Low-fired vessels with higher porosity may be less durable

then higher fired vessels with low porosity. Low-fired vessels exhibit a high frequency

o f pores enabling increased fissure development which can lead to failure when the

vessel is impacted (Rice 1987: 362).

The roughened exterior o f cooking vessels provides a tactile surface for gripping

(Rice 1987: 232). Attributes of Intermountain Brownware pottery suggest that it was

used at least in part for cooking and incising present on the exterior o f some o f these

vessels may have aided handling. Although, surface treatment may be an indicator o f

utilitarian function, it should be used in conjunction with other lines o f evidence such as

vessel form, porosity, and residue analysis in determining function (Rice 1987:232). The

presence o f exterior surface treatment should not be regarded as positive evidence that a

vessel was used for cooking (Pierce 1999; Young and Stone 1990).

The type and size o f inclusions present in Intermountain Brownware pottery may

have affected the suitability o f these vessels for cooking and storage. Temper that is

homogenous in relation to the clay paste has a similar or lower coefficient of thermal

expansion to the clay and is advantageous for a cooking vessel because it w ill allow the

vessel to resist thermal stress (Rice 1987: 229). Ideally, inclusions should possess similar

thermal properties of clay (Rice 1987: 229). Pottery vessels made of clay and temper

with similar expansions properties are more resistant to thermal stress induced by

fi"equent events o f heating and cooling. The selection o f temper was probably not a

critical factor for creating storage vessels as it was for cooking vessels which would have

been exposed to extreme thermal fluctuations.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A vessel’s strength and ability to withstand crack propagation during cooking or

transport can be understood by measuring the percentage o f apparent porosity. Lower

fired vessels typically have a higher percent than higher fired vessels because they were

not fired hot enough to sinter (Rice 1987:351). For the purposes o f this thesis, a non

destructive liquid nitrogen method w ill be used to determine the percent o f apparent

porosity in order to maintain the integrity o f the collection (see Johnson and Harry 2004).

Porosity analysis has not been performed on Intermountain Brownware sherds but it

is likely that this ware is low-fired, as previously reported (Seymour and Perry 1998: 65-

66) then we would expect this pottery to have a high degree o f porosity as most low-fired

wares do (Reid 1990: 14; Rice 1987: 5). It may also hold true that if they were low fired

then they would be softer and less durable than higher fired pottery.

3. Which foods were processed, cooked, or stored in Intermountain Brownware

vessels?

Ethnographic accounts o f hunter-gatherer groups who lived within the study area

during the historic period and whose subsistence strategies may be analogous to those

employed by the producers o f Intermountain Brownware, suggest that this pottery was

used to boil meat and, to a lesser degree, to cook seed mush (Kelly 1976: 42; Sapir 1992:

801). Although ethnographic and historic sources suggest that Southem Paiute pottery

was primarily used for cooking meat, this is not direct evidence that can be applied to

Intermountain Brownware and remains an analogy. It is imperative to test these

assumptions with the existing archaeological data and the evidence derived from the

ceramic analysis conducted for this thesis. It is through the interpretations o f the residue

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. analysis results that Intermountain Brownware vessel function can be most accurately

understood.

Food cooked in ceramic vessels can adhere to a vessel’s interior, become carbonized,

and get trapped within the pores. Lipids, which are common to both plants and animals

and can be extracted and analyzed from these food residues. The Gas Chromatography-

Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS) analysis technique w ill be used to determine specific types

o f foods cooked in Intermountain Brownware vessels. These organic residue analysis

w ill ultimately provide an accurate characterization of the function o f Intermountain

Brownware vessels.

4. To what degree is labor investment reflected in the construction of

Intermountain Brownware vessels?

The time required to collect and process raw materials and to construct, dry, and fire

ceramic vessels should be considered within the mobile subsistence regime employed by

the makers o f Intermountain Brownware. Understanding the amount of labor that was

invested in the production o f this pottery furthers our understanding o f how mobility

affects pottery production. This portion of the study w ill attempt to explain the high

degree o f observable variability in the physical characteristics o f Intermountain

Brownware pottery from the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau. A characterization o f the

amount of labor invested in ceramic production by hunter-gatherers w ill be accomplished

through the use of attribute data collected for this thesis. These data w ill then be

scrutinized for patterns o f both consistency and high variability, including temper type

and size, degree o f sorting, and firing atmosphere to be estimated by the color o f each

sherd in the sample.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Past studies demonstrate that there is a significant amount o f variability in

Intermountain Brownware pastes (Walling et al. 1986: 369) and that inclusions in this

pottery are large, unsorted and were not well ground (M offitt et al. 1978: 107; Westfall et

al. 1987: 70). A characterization of the level o f sorting and rounding o f inclusions, and

the identification o f homogeneous or heterogeneous pastes are the most important factors

for assessing the degree o f labor invested. The presence o f a homogenous paste might

indicate greater labor investment went into collecting and sorting temper and grinding

clay. A heterogeneous paste may be interpreted as less labor was put into these

preparatory activities.

Previous examinations o f Intermountain Brownware inclusions suggest that temper

was not intentionally added. (Eerkens 2002:206). Although inclusions identified in

Intermountain Brownware may be naturally occurring, rock inclusions can reduce the

time needed to dry a vessel. The constraints of mobility may have limited the amount of

time spent in one place to process raw materials.

Visual inspections of Intermountain Brownware vessels indicate that it was fired at

low temperatures of approximately 600 degrees C (Seymour and Perry 1998: 66) and

more in depth investigations reveal that Intermountain Brownware pottery from the

western Great Basin has a high degree of apparent porosity (Eerkens 2003: 729).

Additional evidence indicates that Intermountain Brownware was likely hardened in an

open firing, where it was under a highly uncontrolled atmosphere in which oxygen levels

fluctuated greatly, resulting in oxidizing, reducing, and neutral firing environments

(Westfall, Davis, and Blinman 1987: 72). The variability observed in these fired clay

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. colors may indicate that the Intermountain Brownware firing process was inconsistently

executed which may be in part because of the high winds common in the study area.

Vessel shape and wall thickness also informs the degree o f labor invested in the

production o f Intermountain Brownware vessels (Arnold 1985: 62). The large size and

reported thick walls o f Intermountain Brownware vessels may have contributed to a

longer drying time than thirmer-walled puebloan vessels. However, the reported high

porosity o f this pottery may equalize the time added to the drying process if the walls are

thick. Even if thick vessel walls were recognized to extend the drying time, these potters

may not have been able to correct this problem through thinning due to large inclusions

present in these clays.

Methodology

Lab procedures included microscopic analysis o f clays and inclusions, the

measurement o f apparent porosity, the determination o f forming and finishing techniques,

a characterization o f surface treatment, the presence or absence o f sooting, and the

measurement o f thickness, hardness, and, when possible, rim diameter. The

determination o f the percent o f apparent porosity, thickness, hardness, and the presence

or absence o f sooting provides a basic characterization o f the chemical properties o f clays

and non-plastics selected for use by hunter-gatherer potters o f the southeastern Great

Basin and northwestern Colorado Plateau. A total o f 154 sherds representing thirty-three

locales were included in the physical attribute analysis. The results o f this analysis add to

the understanding of how Intermountain Brownware performed during firing, cooking

and its suitability as a storage container.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Thirty-two sherds were subjected to additional apparent porosity testing and the

organic residue characterization. Residue analysis (GC-MS) was conducted in order to

characterize the organic residues remaining within pores of the ceramic fabric. This

analysis aided in the determination o f the types o f foods that were cooked or stored in

Intermountain Brownware. A summary list of ceramic analysis can be found in table 5.3

and a complete set o f tables summarizing raw data is located in appendix B.

Table 5.3 Summary o f ceramic analysis methods and sample sizes. METHOD SHERD COUNT

Non-destructive Analysis: Thickness 154 Hardness 154 Rim Diameter 154 Rim Eversion 154 Sooting 154 Forming and Finishing 154 Color 32 Surface Treatment 154 Fabric Analysis 154 Apparent Porosity Analysis 32

Destructive Analysis: Gas Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry 32* *Note: An additional sample o f visible residue w ill be scraped from the interior surface o f sherd # 190-4 and analyzed with GC-MS for comparison with the ground sherd sample of # 190-4. A total of 33 GC-MS samples from 32 sherds w ill be used.

Collections used in this analysis were borrowed from the Southem Utah State

University Archaeological Archives and Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument.

These samples were collected by federal land management agency archaeologists and

have yet to be studied by a ceramic analyst. The collections are provenienced to the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. following counties in southwestern Utah: Washington, Iron, Kane, Beaver, and Piute; and

in Mohave County, Arizona. See figure 5.1 for a distribution o f the archaeological sites

from which these samples were collected.

The ceramic samples were collected from surface contexts. Locations where samples

were collected were generally described as open, limited use-campsites, although samples

were collected from rock shelters. The majority o f these locales did not contain

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Figure 5.1 Map o f sample locations analyzed as part o f this thesis.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. subsurface cultural deposits. The artifact assemblages common to these locales include

flaked stone, ground stone, and ceramic sherds. Features found at sample locations are

generally limited, but may contain hearths, grinding slicks, and rock art (W alling et al.

1986: 76-79). Further description of the context of the archaeological sites for the

ceramic collection involved in this study is described in appendix A.

Most o f the procedures conducted for this analysis were non-destructive and were

performed on the entire sample while the residue analysis, requiring consumption o f a 1 x

1 cm portion o f each sherd, and was limited to 32 selections. Samples selected from each

locale were chosen relative to the number o f Intermountain Brownware sherds collected

from each site. The non-destructive analysis was completed prior to the destructive

residue analysis so that the maximum amount o f information can be obtained. Because

the residue analysis is destructive, every effort was made to minimize impacts to sherds

and to maintain the integrity o f the collection for future research.

Attribute Analysis

A ll 154 samples were examined for physical attributes. Physical attributes o f each

sherd were collected before the 1 x 1 cm portions were removed for the residue analysis.

Each sherd was examined for paste, interior, and exterior color and was recorded using

the Munsell Color Chart (2000). An assessment of color w ill aids in the reconstruction of

the firing atmosphere in Intermountain Brownware pottery. An oxidizing firing

atmosphere, in which oxygen is plentiful, w ill typically result in clays with an orange or

reddish hue (Rice 1987: 345). A reducing atmosphere typically produces sherds with

dark colors ranging from dark brown to purple and from gray to black (Rice 1987: 345).

However, there are exceptions to these patterns, for example, a dark hue may occur as a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. result o f an open firing that was stoked with an inconsistent amount o f fuel rather than in

a reducing atmosphere.

Presently, Intermountain Brownware construction methods are less understood than

those used to make puebloan pottery in the region and have been recorded as coil-and-

scrape, paddle-and-anvil, as well as having a coiled form with paddle-and-anvil finishing

(Baldwin 1950: 53; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976: 14; Seymour and Perry 1998).

Coiling is accomplished by simply rolling clay into long coils and attaching the first coil

to the base and then wrapping each coil around successively. Coils are then smoothed to

various degrees to create the walls o f the unfired vessel. Methods o f forming and

finishing were determined to provide a better understanding o f the construction methods

used to make Intermountain Brownware. These forming and finishing techniques were

recorded through visual and microscopic identification methods. Examining the profile

o f each cleanly broken sherd can help identify the clay coils used to make these vessels.

The round cross-section o f each coil is visible in profile. The paddle and anvil finishing

technique can be discerned through the observation o f irregular, semi-circular

indentations on the vessel’s exterior walls.

Thickness measurements were recorded for all sherds to test the assertions made by

some archaeologists that Intermountain Brownware is thick in comparison to puebloan

pottery (Baldwin 1950: 52; Seymour and Perry 1998:66). By measuring the thickness of

each sherd in this diverse sample, a better understanding of the general characteristics of

Intermountain Brownware w ill be attained. Measurements were taken with electronic

calipers at several points on each sherd and averaged, resulting in one measurement per

sherd. These measurements were recorded to the nearest tenth o f a centimeter. Each rim

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. sherd was measured for thickness using techniques identical to those used on body sherds

with the addition o f a measurement o f the rim.

Hardness is related to durability and is determined in part by the temperature at which

the vessel was fired, the non-plastic composition o f the clay and the presence or absence

o f surface treatments such as burnishing, slipping, or glazing (Rice 1987: 354-355).

Classic strength tests, which measure the tensile strength of a sherd, are destructive (Rice

1987: 361) and require sherd samples greater than four centimeters in diameter to achieve

optimum results. Sherds in this collection do not generally meet these criteria, so this

type of strength test was not performed. In an effort to minimize the impact to the

archaeological collection utilized for this analysis, the Mohs Hardness was selected test

over classic strength tests.

The Mohs Hardness kit is comprised of eight minerals, which have an inherent

hardness, ranked on a scale o f one through eight; eight being the hardest and one being

the softest. Terra cottas, such as Intermountain Brownware should have a level o f surface

hardness between two and three, while higher fired vessels w ill have a surface hardness

of five or six (Habicht-Mauche 1997).

The ceramic analyst should be conscious o f the disadvantages o f using the Mohs

Hardness Test. First o f all, the points of the minerals used to scratch the sherds may be

unequally sharp, and thus may affect measurements. Hardness measurements cannot be

used to calculate a mean because the measurements are on an ordinal system.

Additionally, hardness tests used to infer firing conditions may not be accurate and

should be used in conjunction with refiring experiments (Orton et al 1993: 138; Rice

1987: 357). Finally, Rice (1987) advises measures to mitigate the drawbacks o f using the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Mohs test, the same person should perform all tests for any given experiment, that

smooth surfaces are selected and that both the interior and exterior surfaces be measured.

Surface hardness was measured by scratching each sherd once on its interior and once

on its exterior with minerals possessing inherent degrees o f hardness. A binocular

microscope using 2x magnifications was used to determine the difference between a

scratch and a smudge. A scratch occurs when the mineral is harder than the sherd while a

smudge w ill occur when the sherd is harder than the mineral. If a scratch is achieved

then the number associated with that mineral was recorded as the higher number o f the

level o f hardness. The higher number is recorded because the mineral that produced a

scratch is harder than the sherd, so the sherd lies between the number o f the mineral that

was used to scratch it and the next lowest mineral that did not make a scratch but

produced a smudge (Rice 1987: 356). If a smudge was achieved, then the next highest

numbered mineral was used to scratch the sherd, and so on until a scratch was achieved.

If the hardness of the exterior is found to be different from the interior this was recorded

as two different hardness levels. If the hardness level for both surfaces is found to be the

same then only one number was recorded.

To complement the techniques discussed above, a comprehensive fabric analysis was

conducted with the use o f a binocular microscope. Paste characteristics o f each sherd

was analyzed to further the understanding o f the general attributes and the degree o f

variability present in Intermountain Brownware pottery using the examples provided in

Orton et al. (1993). The following attributes was recorded: the types of visible inclusions;

average size o f inclusions; the frequency o f inclusions percentage; the degree of

rounding; and the degree o f sorting.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The paste of each sherd was examined to categorize the types o f inclusions contained

in each sherd. Table A.2 in Orton et al (1993: 236-237) was used as a guide for

describing inclusions present in this sample. Based on past ceramic research, the

inclusions type most commonly observed in Intermountain Brownware pastes is rock,

particularly quartz and mica. The inclusions were also measured. Based on previous

studies, this pottery may contain a heterogeneous mix o f inclusions, so the smallest and

largest non-plastic materials was described for each sherd and noted as a range.

The inclusions present in these Intermountain Brownware samples were characterized

to understand the high level o f variability observed by previous researchers. The size,

frequency, degree o f rounding, and degree o f sorting were assessed to determine if there

is any relationship between these variables or if variability is the only common attribute.

The size o f inclusions were then categorized as very fine, fine, medium, coarse, or very

coarse based on the standards o f sand grains provided by the United States Department of

Agriculture.

The frequency o f inclusions percentage was estimated by observing the amount of

non-plastic materials in comparison with the amount o f clay paste (plastic material) in

each sherd. The examples provided in Orton et al. (1993: 238) were used to classify the

frequency o f inclusions by size and percent, (e.g. containing 0.5 to 1.0 mm and 5 percent

o f the paste is comprised o f inclusions). This estimate provided a characterization o f the

amount o f temper that may have been added to the clay, or the amount o f inclusions that

are naturally present in this clay.

The average degree o f roundedness was determined for each sherd by examining the

inclusions for angular or round attributes which ranged on a scale from very angular.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. angular, sub angular, sub-rounded, rounded, to well rounded. The Powers’ Scale of

Roundedness illustrated chart in Orton et al. (1993: 239) was used as a guide during this

process. The degree o f sphericity is a corollary attribute of rounding and may be either

high or low. For instance, an inclusion may be categorized as angular, with low

sphericity or rounded with high sphericity.

The degree, with which the inclusions present in these samples are sorted, relative to

the paste, was assessed. The categories used to describe how well the non-plastics were

sorted in relation to each other are very poor, poor, fair, good, and very good (Orton et al.

1993: 239). If inclusions are poorly sorted there is a heterogeneous mixture o f minerals

with divergent orientations in relation to the other minerals. Determining roundedness

and degree o f sorting based on observations with a microscope has an inherent degree o f

subjectivity that should be considered.

Apparent Porosity

The percentage of apparent porosity present in 32 sherds was measured in order to

assess the degree that Intermountain Brownware pottery sintered, and to evaluate how

well this pottery preformed during cooking. An innovative apparent porosity method

(Harry and Johnson 2004) was used in this study. This method is similar to traditional

water boiling procedures (Shepard 1954:127) however the pore space is infused with

liquid nitrogen under normal atmospheric conditions instead of in boiling water. Similar

results can be achieved with the liquid nitrogen method as those obtained through the

traditional water boiling method in previous studies. The most beneficial aspect o f using

the liquid nitrogen method is that the samples are not boiled, which could have the

potential to damage specimens by releasing food residues. This was o f particular

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. significance to this study which sought to characterize food residues trapped in the pores

o f each sherd. By using liquid nitrogen, the integrity of the food residues is maintained

while meeting saturation requirements for the porosity analysis.

Prior to measuring the percentage o f apparent porosity, the 32 samples were dried in

an oven at 175 degrees F (approximately 26 degrees C) for two hours to extract moisture

so that an accurate calculation o f pore space could be made. A digital scale with a

weighing hook was used to weigh the sherds individually during the apparent porosity

experiment (figure 5.2). Liquid nitrogen was then be poured into a Dewar^. A webbed

Styrofoam sleeve was placed around the Dewar to enhance grip and protect hands fi'om

fireezing temperatures. A foam cap secured the opening o f the Dewar to minimize

evaporation of the liquid nitrogen. The following formula (adapted from Shepard 1956:

127 and Rice 1987: 353) was used to calculate the percentage o f apparent porosity

measured within each sherd:

% of apparent porosity = (Ww-Wd) x 100 (W w -W s)

Three weights were recorded, including the weight dry (Wd), weight wet (W w), and

weight submerged (Ws). The dry weight was measured by securing the sherd with

fishing line, tying a loop on the other end, and hanging the looped end o f the fishing

line from the scale hook, mounted to the adjustable stand. The sherd was then suspended

vertically. The arm o f the stand was adjusted so that the sherd hangs free within the

Dewar container above the liquid nitrogen. A circular opening was cut in the foam cap

so that the fishing line hangs fi-ee. After the dry weight is recorded the adjustable arm

^ A Dewar is a glass container that acts as an insulator and is capable of holding fteezing liquids without cracking.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Figure 5.2 Photograph of Apparent Porosity Testing Station with digital scale, Dewar, and adjustable stand.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. was lowered so that the sherd is completely submerged and was not touching the sides of

the Dewar or the edges o f the opening in the foam cap. The sherd was submerged and

until it reached its maximum weight at which point the weight submerged (Ws) was

recorded.

Then the adjustable arm was raised so that the sherd was again suspended above

the liquid nitrogen. The weight wet (W w) was recorded immediately after the sherd is

extracted from the liquid nitrogen to provide the most accurate weight. Rapid weight loss

w ill occur when the saturated sherd comes in contact with the air so every effort to weigh

the sherd quickly was made.

Residue Analysis

Residue Analysis was performed by Dr. Spencer Steinberg, an organic chemist o f the

UNLV Chemistry Department, using Gas Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS)

and chemopyrolysis to characterize lipids, fats contained in plant and animal residues,

extracted from pores in the pottery fabric. Lipids can become deposited during cooking,

processing, transporting, or storage (Eerkens 2001: 92). GC-MS is an organic analysis

method that uses a Gas Chromatography coupled to a Mass Spectrometer. Mass

Spectrometry differentiates between isotopes which are atoms o f differing mass (Leute

1987: 135).” The gas used in Gas Chromatography provides further precision by

transporting matter through a fractionating column to the Mass Spectrometer where each

type o f residue can be identified (Leute 1987: 136).

The residue analysis portion of this study was partially destructive. A 1 x 1 cm

portion of 32 selected sherds was pulverized into powder so that GC-MS analysis can

characterize the lipids contained in each sherd. To compare differences between using

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. GC-MS techniques on food residues adhered to a sherd surface compared to residues

extracted from ground sherd samples, a specimen o f adhered residue was scraped from

the interior o f accession # 194-4 and a portion o f this sherd was also broken o ff and

analyzed. The surface scrape specimen was analyzed separately from the 1 x 1 cm

sample cut from the same sherd that was ground.

A 1cm X 1cm sample o f each of the 32 sherds was cut out with a Dremmel tool. Each

cut sample was sanded down approximately 1 mm across all surfaces using a Dremmel

Sander attachment. The lowest possible sanding setting was used to prevent excessive

loss of material. The sanded sherd was handled with sterile tweezers while a small

amount of methanol is poured over all surfaces. The saturated sherd was then put under a

fume hood to speed evaporation o f the methanol. The application o f methanol rinses

away contaminants that may have existed in the lab or from handling.

After the methanol evaporated and the sherd appeared dry, it was placed inside a

sterile porcelain mortar. A porcelain mortar and pestle was used because this material is

non-porous and very hard which allows it to withstand repeated grinding and pounding.

A ll mortars and pestles were washed with hot water and alkaline soap between each

experiment to eliminate residues accumulated during the preparation o f each sherd for

analysis. If grinding surfaces are not sterilized between the preparations o f each sherd,

residues from one sample could contaminate the results of the next.

The sherd was then ground with a pestle until it is pulverized into a fine powder. The

hardness o f the rock inclusions present in each sherd affected the ease with which it was

ground. The pulverized sherd was placed inside a plastic specimen container that is

appropriately labeled for subsequent identification.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The residue analysis was performed with a Varian 3400 Gas Chromatograph with a

spitless injector, coupled to a Vairan Saturn 3 lon-Trap mass-spectrometry via a heated

transfer oven. A fused high temperature silica column (Supelco EC-5) was used.

Temperatures within the GC were programmed initially at 40 "C, 10 °C min-1 to 250 "C,

20 “C min-1 to 280 “C, and hold at 280 “C for 15 minutes. A CDS Pyroprobe 2000 was

used in conjunction with the Mass Spectrometer to pyrolyze the samples. A portion of

the sample, approximately 10-20 mg was inserted into a quartz tube and placed into the

pyrolysis probe by the chemist. The remainder o f the sample was stored in the specimen

container so it may be used in further trials if required. (Nemr 2004: 29,35).

Significance

This study is significant to archaeological practice and theory for several reasons.

This research w ill further the comprehension o f localized ceramic production, investment

o f labor, scheduling, and function o f hunter-gatherer pottery in the southeastern Great

Basin and southwestern Colorado Plateau. Currently, Intermountain Brownware pottery

and the functional role it served within the producers’ subsistence strategies are poorly

understood. This thesis w ill foster a better understanding of how mobility affects the

production and utilization o f ceramic vessels.

This research w ill strengthen the knowledge that exists o f the people who lived in the

Great Basin during the Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric period. The association

between Intermountain Brownware and the Southern Paiutes is an assumption established

by archaeologists that must be qualified. The combination o f anthropological references,

archaeological evidence, and the results o f this ceramic analysis study w ill further the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. understanding o f the relationship between Intermountain Brownware and the Southern

Paiutes by testing existing assumptions and by establishing a more complete framework

from which archaeologists can operate. The culmination of the ethnographic accounts o f

the Southern Paiutes knowledge and use o f pottery, the artifacts identified

ethnographically as Southern Paiute that are found in archaeological contexts in

association with Intermountain Brownware pottery are presented in this thesis serve to

clarify the nature o f this relationship. This type o f information has yet to be studied in

this manner.

A regional synthesis o f the Intermountain Brownware pottery observed in southern

Utah and northern Arizona would benefit all working for private cultural resource

management firms, government land-management agencies, and educational institutions.

There is certainly interest in this subject, although it is not typically a focus o f research

conducted in these areas due to temporal and monetary constraints. A regional

distribution o f sites containing Intermountain Brownware pottery and their relationship to

different resource areas w ill help archaeologists to understand how these vessels

functioned and w ill create a three-dimensional dialog about hunter-gatherer pottery o f the

Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric populations o f the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau.

Hunter-gatherer studies, as a whole, may benefit from a comprehensive analysis o f

this topic as pottery is often overlooked as a viable unit of analysis among hunter-

gatherer researchers. An analysis o f multiple physical attributes of this pottery w ill aid in

the development o f a better understanding o f the tremendous variability observed thus

far. Venturing into this promising research area w ill open new pathways of study within

the existing frameworks o f hunter-gatherer archaeology.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Globally, the conclusions drawn in this thesis may have wider applications to hunter-

gatherer studies. The ceramic adoption process may be better understood by focusing on

small-scale societies within which pottery serves a minor purpose. The adoption of

pottery technology and the occasional application o f that technology by hunter-gatherers

o f the Great Basin and the Colorado Plateau may have been similar to the initial adoption

o f pottery by hunter-gatherers around the world. The earliest pottery identified

archaeologically was produced for non-utilitarian purposes and subsequently produced

clay vessels that were used for cooking (Rice 1987: 13). Both early forms o f pottery are

thought to have been produced by hunter-gatherers. These hunter-gatherers had other

tools that were perhaps more useful to them than pottery vessels, resulting in pottery as a

secondary or specific purpose tool. However, a social or technological mechanism

prompted most people around the world to gradually establish pottery as their vessel o f

choice.

The production and use o f Intermountain Brownware may provide evidence for the

conditions under which the earliest pottery was adopted by hunter-gatherers because

production was small in scale and did not subsume other technologies. Although making

cross-cultural generalizations is tenuous, this study may contribute in a modest way to

one of the most posited research questions ever proposed by archaeologists.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER 6

RESULTS

"...variability in pottery encodes information on the strategies of production in much the same way as pottery decoration can be viewed as a stylistic code reflecting other structural-behavior involved in production and use (Rice 1987: 201). ”

The work for this project was guided by four research questions focused on the

function of Intermountain Brownware. In this chapter, I revisit these research questions

and evaluate the collected data within the framework established for this thesis. I then

present my conclusions and summarize my results. Finally, I discuss areas where this

research can be expanded in the future.

Attribute information was collected from a total of 154 samples including 100 body

sherds, fifty-two rim sherds, and two conical refitted bases. This collection represents at

least forty-three vessels from thirty-three locales. In the following section, I use these

samples to answer my research questions in order to understand which functions

Intermountain Brownware served.

Research Questions Revisited

1. How were the vessels used?

The commonality o f large open or slightly restricted orifices, and roughened exteriors

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the Intermountain Brownware vessels represented in this sample suggest that they

were used primarily for cooking, although they likely were used for additional tasks such

as mixing and serving . The results o f the GC-MS are supportive of a cooking function.

At this time the archaeological database is limited and does not provide enough

information to conclude i f these vessels were used for storing food. The ethnographic

reports do not support this notion and the archaeological record demonstrates cached

Intermountain Brownware vessels that do not contain stored food.

The results of the ceramic analysis support the idea that the primary function o f

Intermountain Brownware was for cooking. The GC-MS results demonstrated that each

sample contained large quantities of residue trapped in their pores and that they contained

seed and root residues but no meat residues. This supports the hypothesis that these

Intermountain Brownware vessels were primarily used for cooking. These residues are

not visible with the naked eye and were likely embedded into the pore spaces. The only

contrary evidence is that only nine percent of the sample sherds exhibited sooting on their

exteriors. Typically, sooting on the exterior o f a vessel is a good indicator o f open fire

cooking.

2. Do Intermountain Brownware vessels possess physical characteristics that are

beneficial for processing, cooking or storage?

Rim sherds from this sample exhibited rim diameter measurements ranging between

22 and 34 cm with most of the vessels falling within 26-28 cm. Openings o f this size are

classified as unrestricted or “open” (Rice 1987: 212). Restricted or slightly recurved

vessels are generally better suited for boiling, as an unrestricted vessel may loose steam

quickly and required extended boiling times. However, an unrestricted opening would

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. have been beneficial for stirring, serving and otherwise preparing food, especially in the

case of stews or mush which benefit from frequent stirring and supervision.

The high frequency o f straight rims characterizes these vessels as generally open,

unrestricted with straight sides. Eighty-six percent o f the rims in the sample were straight

(appendix B, table B.6). The everted rims had a very slight angle and comprised fourteen

percent of the collection. The large, open, conical. Intermountain Brownware form

exhibits walls that expanded outward from the base and has straight rims. Sherds with

everted rims possessed an outward turning lip and are likely fragments o f the smaller

globular form with a pointed base. See figure 1.2 for illustrations o f these forms. Both

conical bases in the sample were collected in association with straight rims.

It is unlikely that this open, unrestricted vessel form would have been suitable for

food storage. Such a shape is much more difficult to seal than a restricted vessel.

Certainly, for the storage o f food, restricted openings are preferred to protect the contents

from pests. Additionally, two o f the vessel forms identified as Intermountain Brownware

possess conical bases (figure 1.2). This would require additional support to maintain an

upright position and protect the contents of the vessel. Ethnographic descriptions of the

Southern Paiutes subsistence patterns, which here have been evaluated as a case study,

are detailed regarding the use of subterranean storage pits (Sapir 1992:802) but do not

mention the use of ceramic vessels for storage.

The surface treatment variations observed in this collection include plain, fingernail

incised, twig impressed, and partially obliterated coils (table 6.1 and appendix B, table

B .l). Sixty-two percent o f the sample exhibited a manipulated exterior surface by

incising, impressing, or partially smoothing the coils while thirty-eight percent of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. collection is comprised o f plain sherds with no exterior treatment. Upon close

examination, the vessel interiors had been scraped or smoothed although there was no

evidence o f decoration. One of the most recognizable physical attributes o f

Intermountain Brownware is fingernail incising. These markings were observed on the

exterior o f the body sherds and on rim sherds around the exterior, just below the lip.

Table 6.1 Surface treatment variations. METHOD FREQUENCY % OF ASSEMBLAGE Twig Impressed 12 8 Partially Obliterated Coils 35 23 Fingernail Incised 46 31 Plain 61 38 Total 154 100

Interestingly, small circular impressions were observed on the exteriors of eight

percent o f the sherds in the collection. These impressions appear to have been made with

the end o f a narrow twig. Both twig impressions or punctuations (Rice 1987: 145) and

fingernail incising were commonly observed in an evenly spaced design pattern which

would have covered the entire exterior body o f the vessels. This type o f surface

treatment has not yet been recognized as an attribute of Intermountain Brownware vessels

found in the southeastern Great Basin and northwestern Colorado Plateau. The

identification o f this surface treatment technique represents another interesting variation

and fiirther substantiates the idea that this ware’s hallmark is variability. These

roughened exteriors create more surface area to improve heating and are easier to grasp

during use (Reid 1990: 14; Rice 1987: 227).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In order to statistically test the hypothesis that a correlation exists between surface

treatment and cooking, several variables directly related to the suitability o f ceramic

vessels for utilitarian functions were used to see i f each are independent o f surface

treatment. The variables tested against exterior surface treatment were degree of

hardness, size o f inclusions, and rim form. Statistical analysis was completed by using

the Chi-square test o f independence. See table 6.2 for a summary o f the chi-square

results. Overall, the chi-square statistics demonstrate that there is no correlation in this

sherd sample between the types o f surface treatment exhibited and degree o f hardness,

inclusion size, and rim form. Since there is no statistical relationship between these

variables, and in combination with supporting paste analysis data, this pottery reflects a

high degree o f variability in its production. There is enough sample evidence to

demonstrate that the degree o f hardness and exterior surface treatment are independent.

To further test these results the phi-square test was performed. In all instances, Phi-

square was approaching zero, so there was no association between any of these variables

and exterior surface treatment.

Table 6.2. Correlation between surface treatment and other vessel characteristics. ATTRIBUTES x^ CRITICAL SIGNIFICANC df Phi SAMPLE VALUE EVALUE SIZE Hardness 4.8808E-22 24.996 P>.05 15 Nearing 154 0 Temper, 0.00000204 21.026 P>.05 15 Nearing 154 Minimum Size 0 Temper, 0.287 16.919 P>.05 15 .002 154 Maximum Size Rim Form 0.003 7.815 P>.05 8 .00006 52 Note: all chi-square operations were performed at the 0.05 significance level.

100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. We would expect cooking vessels to exhibit a high frequency o f soot on their

exteriors particularly i f the vessel was suspended over the fire during cooking. However,

based on analogous ethnographic data, the conical shaped Intermountain Brownware

vessels were positioned in the ashes o f the fire rather than suspended over the fire. This

emersion into the ash and coals of a fire may result in less sooting on their exteriors.

Positioning vessels in the fire w ill cause fire clouds on their exterior walls rather than on

their bases (Rice 1987: 235).

Contrary to expected results, very few samples analyzed exhibited soot on their

exteriors. O f the one hundred fifty-four samples inspected, only fourteen (nine percent)

exhibited carbon residues on their exterior. These sherds represent seven vessels, or

sixteen percent o f the total vessel count. These surprising results could suggest that these

vessels were not used for cooking. However, sooting may have existed at the time of

deposition but because these sherds were commonly recovered on the ground surface

exposed to the elements the soot may have weathered away. Hally’s (1986) influential

functional study of prehistoric ceramic vessels of the southeastern United States provide

some guidelines for interpreting how they may have functioned; soot on the exterior of a

vessel indicates that it was used over a fire.

All things considered, the physical characteristics of the Intermountain Brownware

samples analyzed for this thesis and analogous ethnographic sources strongly suggest that

the primary function of these vessels was cooking; although ceramic vessels are often

used for multiple tasks (Hally 1986: 275). This conclusion is reached by combining

vessel form, which is not conducive to storage due to large rim diameters and the high

101

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. frequency of straight rims, roughened exteriors, and the ample food residue found in

vessel pores.

3. Which foods were processed, cooked, or stored in Intermountain Brownware

vessels?

The historic and ethnographic accounts describe ceramic vessels being used for

cooking meat (Fremont 1845: 263; Hafen and Hafen 1954: 185,204; Kelly 1976: 77-78;

Lowie 1926: 225-226). Ethnographic reports also discuss seed porridge or “mush” but

does not state whether it was cooked in a ceramic vessel or a basket. The only evidence

to support the notion that ceramic pots were used to cook porridge is a historic

description by Thomas Brown, dating to 1854, which describes a “potful of pottage”

being cooked in a ceramic vessel (Brooks Ed. 1972: 54). These accounts provide a

model for how Intermountain Brownware vessels were utilized. These models were

tested in this thesis with the analysis of organic residues contained in the sherd sample.

GC-MS analysis of food residues provide empirical evidence for the type o f food

cooked in Intermountain Brownware vessels. A ll food residues contain fatty acids which

consist of a discrete combination of carbons that provide a unique GC-MS signature for

specific foods. Carbon chains contained in plant and animal fats are categorized as short,

medium, and long and can be identified using GC-MS (Steinberg 2003).

Thirty-three samples were incorporated in the GC-MS study; thirty-two ground

sherds and one visible residue sample. Each sample analyzed contained high

concentrations o f fatty acids common to plants and animals. See appendix B, table B.7

for GC-MS calculations and table B.5 for raw GC-MS data. The greatest concentrations

102

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. o f the fatty acids present in these samples are medium chained ranging from C12-C18:l,

though low levels o f both short chained and long chained fatty acids were also observed.

Greens 1 0 0 Roots I Ï Seeds & 0.1 Bernes Meat

0.01 0.001 0.01 0.1 1 10 C16:1/C18:1

Figure 6.1 Demonstrating GC-MS results of ratios (CIS + C17)/C18 and C16:l/C18:l using discriminant function (After Eerkens 2004).

An additional test was performed to determine i f differences exist in the analysis of

residues extracted from ground sherd and those rare residues adhered to the surface o f the

vessel interior. To accomplish this, two samples, one ground sherd and one adhered

residue, collected from the same sherd (190-4-A) were analyzed (table 6.3). Both

samples produced similar values for each ratio calculated, were determined to contain

seeds and roots but no meat residues. The values obtained for each sample are very

similar using the ratio C16:l/C18:l and resulted in most values ranging between .04 and

103

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 10

Seeds 1 Berries >

0.1 Greens M eat& Fish

0.01 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16

C16/C18

Figure 6.2 Demonstrating GC-MS results of ratios C12/C14 and C16:0/C16:0 using discriminant function (After Eerkens 2004).

0.6 for the adhered residue and ground sherd, respectively. This demonstrates the

effectiveness of GC-MS when used to identify lipids sealed in the pores o f pottery.

Based on these results we can feel confident in our use o f ground sherd residues collected

from archaeological contexts. Conversely, food residue attached to sherds, if present in

ample quantity, can be used to answer subsistence questions without destruction of the

ceramic material.

It is commonly believed that residues extracted from archaeological pottery represent

the first use of each pot (Deal and Silk 1988; Herron et al. 1991). These residues remain

in the pores throughout subsequent uses. Because all o f the samples contain plant

residues, it is clear that the primary uses, and perhaps the reason for construction of

Intermountain Brownware vessels was for cooking plant material. However, there is a

104

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 6.3 Results o f residue analysis by sample. FIGURE FIGURE 6.1 6.2 SAMPLESITE tC15:0+C17:0I C16:l C16:0 C12:0 ID NUMBER C18:0 C18:l C18:0 C14:0 55-1-A 42In215 RSNRSNBSNRSNB 55-1-B 42In215 RSNRSNBSNRSNB 89-1-1 Washington RSN RSNBSNRSNB Co., Toquerville 89-1-P Washington RSNRSNB SN RSNB Co., Toquerville 190-4-A RSN RSNBSN RSNB adhered residue GC856 190-4-A RSNRSNB SN RSNB ground sherd GC856 1538-1-C 42Wsl226 RSN RSNB SN RSNB 1551-1-A 42Wsl269 RSN RSNB SN RSNB 1551-1-C 42Wsl269 RSN SNB SN RSNB 1602-18- R RSNBRSNRSNB E 42Ka2022 1853-1-B 42Ws255 RSN SNB SNB RSNB 1888-29- R RSNB SN RSNB A 42P1270 1974-12- RSN RSNSN RSNB A 42Ws260 2056-1-A 42Wsl688 RSNRSNBSNRSNB 2056-1-B 42Wsl688 RSN RSN SN RSNB 2056-1-C 42Wsl688 RSN RSN SNRSNB 2420-1-A 42In760 RSN nd SNRSNB 2420-1-B 42In760 RSNRSNBSNBRSNB 2480-1-B 42B ell02 R RSNBSNRSNB 2702-1-D 42Wsl518 R RSNSNRSNB 2710-2-E 42Wsl531 R RSNBSNRSNB 2710-2-F 42Wsl531 RSN SNB SN RSNB 2710-2-G 42Wsl531 RSN SNB SN RSNB 2728-1-B 42Wsl604 RSN SNB SNRSNB 3260-1-B 42Be780 SNB SNB SN RSNB 3260-1-D 42Be780 SNB SNB SN RSNB 3274-1-A 42Be624 RSNRSNSNRSNB 3536-1-A 42Ka3484 RSNRSNBSN RSNB 3537-I-A 42Ka3484 RSN RSNBSNRSNB GSENM- Three mile RSN SN SN RSNB

105

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1-A creek GSENM- RSN G SN RSNB 2-A 42Ka5819 KPR-RSN RSN SN RSNB 506-A KPR-506 KPR- SNB RSN SN RSNB 521-A KPR-521 Note: R=roots, S=seeds, N=nuts, B=berries, G=greens

potential that meat was also cooked in these vessels after the pottery had become clogged

with residue. It is logical that there would be some amount of residue, however minute,

still present i f meat had been cooked in these vessels. The gas chromatographs indicate

that the samples contained elevated levels of C16:0, C18:0, and C18:l. No cholesterol

was contained in these samples. The combination o f the high C l 6 and C l 8 levels with

low levels of C l 2 and C l 4 in conjunction with the absence of cholesterol, an indicator of

meat, is solid empirical evidence that this collection o f ceramics had not been used to

process, cook, or store meat (Eerkens 2001: 102).

The methods used by Jelmer Eerkens to interpret GC-MS data (2001; 2004), modified

from Malainey (1999), were replicated for this study. Eerkens’ approach sought to

compare like with like, e.g. saturated fats to saturated fats, by using four ratios. The ratio

(C16:l/ C18:l) was compared against ((C l5 + C17) / C18) (figure 6.1). The ratio

(C16:0/C18:0) was compared against (C12:0/C14:0) to further distinguish the contents of

our samples. Both figures 6.1 and 6.2 strongly suggest that our samples contain primarily

seeds and roots and no meat residues. The most plausible interpretation o f these data is

that these vessels were used to cook seed and root stews. A complete list of results can

be found in table 6.3.

106

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. When compared with Jelmer Eerkens’ (2001) research findings from the western

Great Basin we find that the residue analysis results are virtually identical, with the

majority of samples in both studies containing seed and root residues. One difference

between the two data sets is that Eerkens found a trace amount of cholesterol in a small

portion of the western Great Basin sample which we did not find in our southeastern

Great Basin and northwestern Colorado Plateau sample.

4. To what degree is labor investment reflected in the construction o f Intermountain

Brownware?

Intermountain Brownware has been described as low-fired, thick, fiiable, and

undecorated (Baldwin 1950: 53; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976: 14; Seymour and

Perry 1998: 65-66). We would expect pottery vessels that were made with a high level of

labor investment to be higher fired, have thinner walls of consistent thickness, and be

more solidly built due to the additional time and effort given to sorting temper, clay

preparation and as a result the repetition o f these tasks would create a more skilled potter.

The firing process would also have been affected by the amount of time a pottery could

devote. More time and planning for ceramic production enables a potter to create a more

controlled firing atmosphere with more care, and through the selection o f choice fuel

wood and increased time spent building a fire. Pottery made with less labor investment

would be expected to have been fired more inconsistently and to exhibit a high degree of

variability in the paste characteristics. These pastes would appear more variable because

the temper and clay would not have been as processed and these raw materials may have

been collected firom varied sources. When a person makes pottery often, there w ill be

some degree of observable continuity that can be viewed in the paste, temper, and overall

107

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. finish of a vessel. Conversely a person who does not make pottery often w ill produce

vessels that are highly variable in their physical characteristics.

All of the ceramic samples contained rock inclusions, the most common being

angular quartz and muscovite mica which were found in over eighty percent of the

collection (table 6.4). Quartzite, feldspar, rounded quartz sand, and quartz sandstone

were also identified in significant quantities. The common occurrence o f quartz suggests

that the clays and/or temper were extracted from primary geologic clay sources or

residual rock formations (Rice 1987: 37). Although sherds containing quartz and mica

inclusions were observed with high frequency, ten percent of the sample contained mica

alone. It is likely that the mica contained in these samples were natural inclusions in the

clay, rather than intentionally added as temper. Inclusion sizes ranged between 0.1 and

up to 4.3 mm. However, most o f the inclusions were between 0.2-1.0 mm to 0.4-0.8 mm.

See appendix B, table B.2 for raw attribute analysis data.

Table 6.4 Inclusion types identified in this sample. TYPEFREQUENCY % OF ASSEMBLAGE Angular Quartz 135 88 Quartz sand 27 18 Quartzite 84 55 Quartz sandstone 22 14 Feldspar 56 37 Orthoclase 6 3 Muscovite 131 85 Biotite 26 17 Unidentified Black 14 9 Olivine 0 0 Sherd 0 0 Note: Most of the samples contained more than one inclusion type so many sherds are counted more than once and appear in multiple fields.

108

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The pastes of these samples were found to be heterogeneous and possessed no

particular pattern of mineral orientation. Sorting categories ranged from very poor to

very good with the pastes o f these samples predominantly, poorly (forty percent) or very

poorly sorted (forty-four percent) (table 6.5). In contrast, only fourteen percent o f the

sample was determined to be sorted at the fair level and a very insignificant amount (two

percent) matched the sorting category of good. Related to the previous discussion, the

pastes analyzed are heterogeneous and highly variable. This may reflect a lesser degree

of labor investment involved in the collection and processing o f temper and clays.

Table 6.5 Degree o f sorting. DEGREE OF SORTING FREQUENCY % OF ASSEMBLAGE Very Poor 68 44 Poor 61 40 Fair 22 14 Good 3 2 Very Good 0 0 Total 154 100

When examining rounding of inclusions only quartz and feldspars were considered

because mica (muscovite and biotite) is platy’ and does not exhibit roundedness or

angularity (table 6.6 and appendix B, table B.3). A related attribute of degree of

rounding is degree o f sphericity (table 6.7). Overall, these samples contained a wide

range of inclusion sizes and exhibited inclusions that were poorly sorted in comparison

with the paste.

' Platy: forming one plane.

109

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 6.6 Degree of rounding. DEGREE OF ROUNDING FREQUENCY % OF ASSEMBLAGE Very Angular 24 16 Angular 86 56 Sub-angular 15 9 Rounded 5 3 Sub-rounded 24 16 Well-Rounded 0 0 Total 154 100

Table 6.7 Degree of sphericity. DEGREE OF FREQUENCY % OF ASSEMBLAGE SPHERICITY High 53 34 Low 101 66 Total 154 100

In order to make sense of the variability demonstrated in the Intermountain

Brownware paste characteristics thus far, we tested the hypothesis that the degree o f

sorting does not differ by the inclusion size or by rounding. This was tested because it is

logical to think that sorting and rounding would be related and together with inclusion

size it may be possible to assess the degree of labor that was invested into collecting and

preparing raw materials for the production o f Intermountain Brownware vessels. To

further test these results the Phi-square test was performed for all three variables. In sum,

the chi-square test demonstrates that there is no relationship between the degree of

sorting and these variables (table 6.8). Therefore, a relationship does not exist between

degree o f sorting and rounding or inclusion size.

110

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 6.8. Correlation between degree of sorting and other vessel characteristics. Attribute Critical Significance df Phi Sample Value Value Size Temper, 0.0000714 21.026 p>.05 12 .008 154 Minimum Size Temper, 0.140413 16.919 p>.05 9 .006 154 Maximu m Size Rounding 0.000093 21.026 p>.05 12 .0000006 154 Note: all chi-square operations were performed at the 0.05 significance level.

The degree o f rounding and sphericity and the percent of inclusions were categorized

in an attempt to understand the amount of labor invested in the production of

Intermountain Brownware. Fifty-five percent o f the inclusions observed in this study

were angular. These samples contained inclusions that comprised five to twenty percent

of their paste. None of these samples contained inclusions comprising more than twenty

percent of the body relative to the paste. In addition, the inclusions were examined for

their degree o f sphericity, which was predominantly low. Out o f 154 samples, 101 and

were found to have low sphericity, accounting for sixty-six percent o f the collection.

These data further indicate a definitive lack of investment in temper types of temper

preparation during Intermountain Brownware production.

Pottery produced by hunter-gatherers is expected to be low-fired because simply

because hunter-gatherers probably did not invest significant amounts o f time or effort

into producing pottery. Low firing would produce relatively soft vessels resulting in a

low degree o f hardness. Terra-cottas such as Intermountain Brownware are expected to

score a two to three on the Mobs Hardness Scale while higher fired vessels are expected

to have a hardness level o f five to six (Habicht-Mauche 1997).

I l l

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The range of hardness for this ceramic sample was from two to three up to seven to

eight on the Mohs scale (appendix B, table B .l). The majority of the samples had an

exterior hardness of four to five (thirty-nine percent) or five to six (twenty-eight percent),

comprising a total of sixty-seven percent o f the collection (table 6.9). The interior level

o f hardness was found to be either the same as the exterior or one interval softer than the

exterior.

Table 6.9 Exterior hardness levels o f IBW analyzed for this thesis. EXTERIOR FREQUENCY % OF ASSEMBLAGE HARDNESS 2-3 8 5 3-4 18 12 4-5 60 39 5-6 43 28 6-7 8 5 7-8 17 11 Total 154 100

The results o f the hardness test indicates that these vessels are harder than expected

and are consistent with the hardness levels recorded for what has been perceived as

higher fired ancestral puebloan pottery. To further test this hypothesis, thirty

Intermountain Brownware sherds and thirty ancestral puebloan sherds were analyzed

from the Bowman site in Pahrump, Nevada and the Brimhall site in Overton, Nevada

(Hansen 2002). Each site contained roughly equal distributions of both pottery types. In

this sample, the exterior degree of hardness was between two to three up to six to seven

for both types. The Intermountain Brownware was typically between two to three and

112

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. INTERIOR FREQUENCY % OF ASSEMBLAGE HARDNESS 2-3 0 0 3-4 18 12 4-5 65 42 5-6 38 26 6-7 14 9 7-8 17 11 Total 154 100

three to four. The puebloan pottery ranged between three to four and four to five (table

6.11). Therefore, these data indicate that these vessels may have been fired at higher

temperatures than expected. Higher fired vessels are likely more durable throughout their

use life.

Table 6.11 Hardness levels from Brimhall and Bowman sites. MOHSINTERMOUNTAINPUEBLOAN SCALEBROWNWARE N % N % 2-3 18 60 7 23 3-4 10 34 11 37 4-5 1 3 9 30 5-6 0 0 1 3 6-7 1 3 2 7

It is expected that vessels made by hunter-gatherers were probably fired in an

uncontrolled environment because past studies reflect high variability (Westfall, Davis,

and Blinman 1987: 72). We would expect that fire clouds would be abundant on vessels

made in an uncontrolled environment. However, fire clouds were identified on the

exteriors of only nine percent o f the sherds represented in this sample (appendix B. table

113

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. B .l). The proportion o f vessels with fire clouds present in this sample is lower than

expected for vessels that were fired in an uncontrolled atmosphere where the levels of

oxygen varied greatly. The rarity o f fire clouds may suggest that this pottery was fired in

a more stable atmosphere than expected in which the levels o f oxygen did not fluctuate

significantly perhaps indicating that more time and care was devoted to the firing process

than is expected for mobile hunter-gatherers. This data suggests that the process used to

fire Intermountain Brownware pottery was planned and executed more precisely than

previously thought.

The results o f the Munsell soil color analysis demonstrate that exterior colors vary

significantly within this sample but fall within the range of pale yellow, reddish brown,

grayish brown, brown, gray, dark gray, very dark gray, and dark bluish gray but were

most frequently brown, reddish-brown, and gray. Vessel interiors were most frequently

brown, gray, and black. An examination of the internal paste color commonly revealed a

carbon core that was dark gray to black. Table 6.12 lists the observed colors o f these

samples based on the Munsell Soil Color Chart (2000).

These samples exhibited significant inconsistency in color which may reflect

variability in the original firing environment. Variability in production, as determined

through the physical characteristics mentioned previously, reflects the amount o f time

and energy invested in making a ceramic vessel. Fired clay vessels containing clay and

tempers that were processed with standardized construction and firing methods would

indicate a greater investment in the outcome because more effort would be required to

replicate results than to do something different each time. However, this examination of

Intermountain Brownware demonstrates a high degree of variability. Variability in these

114

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 6.12 Interior, exterior, and paste color. ACCN.# ID INTERIOR EXTERIOR PASTE INTERIOR EXTERIOR CORE CORE 89-1 I 5yr 6/4 light 5yr 4/2 dark Gley 1 3/N — — reddish brown reddish gray very dark gray 89-1 P Gley 1 3/N Gley2 4/5B Gley 3/N very —— very dark gray dark bluish dark gray gray 1538-1 C Gley 1 3/N Gley 1 4/N 5yr 3/1 very —— very dark gray dark gray dark gray 1551-1 A Gley 1 3/N 5yr 6/4 light 5yr 5/6 — — very dark gray reddish brown yellowish red 1551-1 C lOyr 4/1 dark 7.5yr 5/4 7.5yr 3/1 very —— gray brown dark gray 1853-1 B 5yr 4/1 dark 5yr 4/1 dark 5yr 3/1 very —— gray gray dark gray 1974-12 A lOyr 4/1 dark Gley 1 4/N lOyr 3/2 very —— gray dark gray dark grayish brown 2056-1 A lOyr 4/1 dark 7.5yr 5/3 Gley 1 3/N — — gray brown very dark gray 2056-1 B lOyr 5/3 lOyr 4/1 dark Gley 1 3/N —— brown gray very dark gray 2056-1 C lOyr 4/2 dark lOyr 5/2 Gley 1 4/N — — grayish brown grayish brown dark gray 2702-1 D lOyr 5/2 lOyr 5/3 7.5yr 3/1 very "— grayish brown brown dark gray 2710-2 E 2.5y 5/2 2.5y 5/1 gray 5yr 2.5/1 black — grayish brown 2710-2 F 2.5yr 5/2 2.5yr 7/4 pale 5yr 4/1 dark — — grayish brown yellow gray 2710-2 G lOyr 6/3 pale 10yr5/2 Gley 1 4/N — — brown grayish brown dark gray 2728-1 B 7.5 yr 5/3 7.5yr 6/4 light Gley 1 3/N —— brown brown very dark gray 55-1 A 7.5yr 5/2 7.5yr 5/1 gray Gley 1 2.5/N — — brown black 55-1 B 7.5yr4/3 7.5yr 5/3 Gley 1 2.5/N — — brown brown black 506 A Gley 1 2.5/N Gley 1 3/N 5y 3/1 very —— black very dark gray dark gray 521 A 2.5y 3/1 very 7.5yr 5/4 Gley 1 2.5/N -- — dark gray brown black 190-4 A 5yr 3/1 very 7.5yr4/2 Gley 1 2.5/N —— dark gray brown black 1602-18 E 5yr 6/4 light lOyr 4/1 dark Gley 1 2.5/N — — reddish brown gray black 1888-29 A Gley 1 4/N 10yr5/2 Gley 1 3/N — — dark gray grayish brown very dark gray 2420-1 A 2.5y 4/1 dark 10yr5/3 Gley 3/N very — — gray brown dark gray 2480-1 B lOyr 5/2 7.5yr 5/3 7.5yr 4/1 dark — — grayish brown brown gray 3260-1 B 7yr 2.5/1 black 2.5y 4/1 dark Gley 2 2.5 — — gray /5PB bluish

115

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. black

3260-1 D 10yr4/l dark Gley 1 2.5/N Gley 1 2.5/N " — gray black black

3274-1 A Gley 1 2.5/N 2.5y 6/1 gray Gley 1 2.5/N — — black black

(refit) 2.5y 4/1 dark 5yr 4/1 dark Gley 1 2.5/N — — gray gray black 3536-1 A 7.5yr 5/3 5yr 4/4 reddish Gley 1 2.5/N —— brown brown black 3537-1 A Gley 1 3/N 5yr 4/4 reddish Gley 1 2.5/N —— very dark gray brown black

GSENM- A Gley 1 2.5/N lGyr5/2 — Gley 1 2.5 N 7.5yr 5.6 1 black grayish brown black strong brown

GSENM- A Gley 1 2.5/N 7.5yr4.2 — Gley 1 2.5 N 5yr 5.6 2 black brown black yellowish red

attributes reflects the absence of a need or desire to produce standardized high quality

vessels among Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric hunter-gatherers in the Southern Great

Basin and Colorado Plateau and may reflect the social importance o f ceramic vessels in

these groups.

The results o f the apparent porosity analysis are somewhat unexpected. See appendix

B, table B.4 for a complete list of the percent o f apparent porosity samples. The lowest

percentage of apparent porosity measured was eleven percent while the highest was

27.6%.

The majority of samples run for the porosity experiment possessed a moderate to low

percent o f apparent porosity. Out of thirty-two samples, twenty-four had an apparent

porosity between eleven and twenty percent while eight out of thirty-two samples had a

higher apparent porosity between twenty-one to 27.6 %. See table 6.13 for a summary of

apparent porosity results.

116

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 6.13 Range of apparent porosity. PORISITY FREQUENCY PERCENTAGE 11-15.4 6 19% 16.2-20.7 18 56% 22-24.4 6 19% 26.5-27.6 2 6% Total 32 100%

The results o f this analysis demonstrate that the mean percentage o f apparent porosity

for this sample is lower than expected for low-fired pottery. A ll sherds had a porosity

measurement o f less than thirty percent. There are two possible explanations of these

results. The results from this aspect of the analysis may mean that these samples were

fired at higher temperatures than expected. Although the original firing temperature is

difficult to discern, the best estimation of firing temperature is between 400 and 600

degrees Celsius (Eerkens 2003: 729).

An alternative explanation for the low apparent porosity found in this sample may be

related to how Intermountain Brownware vessels were used. Based on the data collected

for this thesis, these vessels were used to cook food, specifically stews, which would

have clogged the pore space in each sherd. These food residues would have clogged the

pore space during the initial use (Deal and Silk 1988; Heron et al 1991) resulting in the

percentage of apparent porosity being lower than expected. I f pores were clogged the

liquid nitrogen used in the porosity analysis would not be able to completely penetrate

these spaces and would result in a lower apparent porosity. It is probable that the

samples included in this experiment had a relatively high porosity o f approximately thirty

percent when they were produced but became clogged during use. So, we can conclude

117

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. that archaeological pottery vessels that were used to cook food w ill have altered apparent

porosity results.

Conclusions

Although this pottery was characterized over 50 years ago (M.R. Harrington 1926;

Gordon C. Baldwin 1942,1945, and 1950) comprehensive study had not been undertaken

and much o f what was known about Intermountain Brownware was based on

assumptions. The results o f analyses performed for this thesis upholds some existing

assumptions but challenges others. The assumptions that Intermountain Brownware

pottery is friable, thick, poorly made, and undecorated are not well supported by my

results for the southern Utah-northern Arizona region. The data collected for this

research demonstrate that while aesthetically these vessels are less than “ideal”, they are

less thick and less soft than previous reports had indicated. The prominence o f these

qualities then indicate that this sample represents vessels that were higher fired and of

better quality, and more durable than previously expected. These attributes suggest that

this pottery was well suited for open firing cooking rather than stone boiling (Reid 1990).

This pottery also exhibits treated surfaces that likely served a primary fimctional purpose

and may have signaled individual style. These attributes likely served the producers o f

Intermountain Brownware well and were manifestations of their adaptations to a mobile

lifestyle.

The results of this attribute analysis challenge several of the assumptions common to

Intermountain Brownware. Most notably, the vessels represented in my sample are not

as thick as they have been described (Baldwin 1950: 52; Fowler and Matley 1978:32-33;

118

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Lowie 1926: 225-226; Seymour and Perry 1998: 65-66). The thickness measurements

recorded were basically consistent with those reported for ancestral puebloan sherds

although the Intermountain Brownware sherds were slightly thicker (Hansen 2002). The

mean thickness o f each body sherd in this sample was 7.34 cm while the mean for rims

was 5.52 cm. The Mohs scratch test produced thickness results that are also consistent

with that common to the Ancestral Puebloan sherds.

Our results demonstrate that on average, these vessels are thinner and possess a

greater degree o f hardness than previously reported. A few sherds were found to be

crumbly but overall, this assumption did not hold true for the whole sample. Based on

these analyses 1 can conclude that Intermountain Brownware vessels collected from

southern Utah and northern Arizona were better thinned and stronger than commonly

accepted. Therefore, it is likely that they were fired at higher temperatures than

previously depicted. Overall, the results of the analysis demonstrate that more time was

invested in making this pottery than was expected, although the variability o f paste

composition indicates little investment in material preparation. These vessels were made

with a greater degree o f care and effort than previously believed based on the thinner

walls and higher fired clay, which represents good craftsmanship.

The findings refuting the long-held assumptions that Intermountain Brownware is

thick and friable are most interesting. Many assumptions about this pottery have been

built on the assumption that these vessels were thick-walled, crumbly and low-fired.

Now that the results o f the analysis of sherds representing vessels found in southern Utah

and northern Arizona, disprove these assumptions, the old perspectives that categorize

119

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Intermountain Brownware as poorly made and barely fired should be replaced with a

fresh view which considers this pottery to be o f the caliber of formative period ceramics.

It is curious to speculate why this pottery was characterized this way. Certainly,

Intermountain Brownware possesses unique characteristics. These attributes may have

been exaggerated in order to distinguish this pottery from formative ceramics. These

common assumptions likely represent the archaeologists’ bias towards painted pottery.

Within this research focus, the unpainted brownware ceramics may have become lost and

relegated to a lesser status.

A thorough battery of analyses was performed so that the fimction o f these vessels

could be accurately determined rather than assumed. Our data demonstrate that

Intermountain Brownware vessels have open or slightly restricted orifices, are large in

size, have rounded and conical bases and may have higher porosity than expected for a

“low-fired” vessel. All of these attributes strongly suggest that these vessels possessed

physical characteristics that would be suitable for cooking but may not have been ideal in

all cooking scenarios. The majority o f sherds were direct representing an open,

unrestricted form. This form is best suited to rapid boiling while a more constricted

orifice may be better suited for simmering. Rapid boiling may have been most useful

with cooking down carbohydrates such as seeds and roots (Eerkens 2005: 96; Reid 1990).

Vessel form implies a stew-pot design for frequent stirring and rapid boiling.

A differentiation of individual food residues contained in each sample was successful.

Our samples contain a mixture o f seeds and roots which indicates that these vessels were

used to cook stews. Plant materials such as roots and seeds are high in carbohydrates and

would need to be boiled rapidly to be converted into a digestible food. The common

120

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. presence of these plant types in our sample indicate that Intermountain Brownware

vessels were used to boil such foods.

The results o f the GC-MS strongly demonstrate that all ceramic samples contained

plant residues and did not contain meat, which are supported by the absence of

cholesterol in our sample. The ethnographic record was used as an analogous model for

understanding function and for identifying which foods were consumed by the producers

of Intermountain Brownware. These data are in opposition to the ethnographic accounts

which report that primarily meat was cooked in these vessels.

Significantly, the results of the GC-MS contradict the Southern Paiute ethnographic

reports consulted for this thesis. The ethnographic accounts, although limited in number

and breadth concerning ceramic vessel use, clearly state that meat was chiefly cooked in

these vessels. In one account, porridge is mentioned but the vessel type is not

specifically described so it is unclear i f the reference is to a ceramic pot. The GC-MS

data strongly demonstrate that these vessels were not used to cook meat. The reasons for

this major discrepancy may be tied to the drawbacks o f using ethnographic data as an

analogy. However, it is more likely that there was a change in mobility and subsistence

patterns associated with the encroachment of settlers on the Southern Paiutes land and

resources after the 1850s when these reports were given. These changes may have

affected the types of foods that were consumed. Land conscription brought decreased

access to wide ranging plant resources. During the historic period animal meat may have

been more accessible than widely distributed plant resources, so the consumption o f meat

may have increased.

121

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Within far eastern California and the western Great Basin, similar studies by Eerkens

(2001,2004, and 2005) demonstrate that the use of pottery may have increased

coinciding with seed intensification. The results of the GC-MS study conducted for this

thesis are consistent with the conclusions drawn by Eerkens. The fact that the results o f

both studies are congruous suggests a broader regional pattern that was not previously

understood. These data seem to suggest that brownware vessels were used for the

specific purpose of cooking seeds and roots, both foods comprised primarily of

carbohydrates. These results are fascinating and contrary to what have been believed

about hunter-gatherer pottery use. Most hunter-gatherer ceramic studies have concluded

that ceramic vessels either were used to cook meat (Reid 1990) or were used for a variety

of purposes (Janetski 1990).

The results o f the paste analysis in combination with the archaeological settlement

patterns may provide the best data to understand the amount of labor invested in this

pottery. The size of inclusions and how well they were sorted amongst the paste were

analyzed to understand investment in materials. The inclusions are primarily large,

angular and are poorly sorted amongst the paste. These data reflect less labor investment

in raw material collection and may demonstrate how this process is impacted by mobility.

The most powerful statement I can make about labor investment based on these data

is that there is considerable variability is present in the color and fabric o f each sherd.

The colors of these fired samples are so wide-ranging that the term “brownware” does not

accurately reflect this range. The lack of uniformity in clay color is likely due to

variability in the clays and fluctuations o f oxygen levels in the firing environment. The

122

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. fabric analysis demonstrated high variability with no solid trends. This variability

reflects a lack o f standardization o f Intermountain Brownware production techniques.

We expected that porosity would be high in Intermountain Brownware vessels

because the vessels were reportedly thick and low-fired, however prior to this study these

assumptions had not been tested. Our results demonstrate that the opposite is true: the

apparent porosity o f each sherd is lower than expected for a “low-fired” vessel. This may

indicate that the vessels were fired higher than previously thought but it is also probable

that the presence of food residues in each sample have affected the results of this test.

Based on the findings of this analysis, clogged pores appear to lower the percent o f

apparent porosity; however this w ill require further testing. Therefore, some o f the

assumptions made about this ware’s performance during cooking based on its perceived

high level o f porosity may not hold true. The observed lower porosity would have

rendered these vessels better suited for cooking than previously believed.

The clogged pores identified in all sherds in this sample may have enhanced the

vessel’s suitability for cooking based on Pierce’s 1999 study in which corrugated vessels

with clogged pores boiled faster than those vessels without cogged pores. The porous

nature of Intermountain Brownware, which under other circumstances could have

inhibited cooking, may have been mitigated after the first use o f those pots. Therefore,

porosity should not be considered a significant factor inhibiting hearing of vessels that

were used to cook foods.

Perhaps one of the most interesting findings of this thesis is the understanding o f the

settlement-subsistence regime employed by the makers of Intermountain Brownware and

how that strategy directly affected the pottery production process. The practice of

123

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. residential mobility, with two to four transfers o f residence per year, provided adequate

time in one location to collect and process raw materials, and to form, dry and fire

ceramic vessels. The logistical forays initiated from the residential camps would have

provided opportunities to gather raw materials for ceramic production. Given these

parameters, a residentially mobile lifestyle would still pose restrictions on potters that

would require creative solutions.

The makers o f Intermountain Brownware practiced a mix of collector and forager

strategies corresponding with resource availability. Within this framework, hunter-

gatherers were able to use ceramic vessels as tools to convert raw plant materials into

usable food sources. Current site formation data (Dailey 2005; McFadden 2005) suggest

that these vessels were not transported long distances but were cached at resource

procurement sites for subsequent use. This adaptation mitigates the problems associated

with transporting heavy and awkward ceramic vessels which has long been an argument

for why hunter-gathers were not committed pottery producers.

Future Research Recommendations

The compilation of these data has contributed to a firmer Intermountain Brownware

framework that can be used as a catalyst for future studies. Although several important

questions have been answered about Intermountain Brownware ceramics in this thesis,

this work may also inspire future exploration of hunter-gatherer pottery. The following

recommendations are made with the hope that this type of research w ill continue.

The preliminary investigation undertaken for this thesis into the amount of labor

invested in the Intermountain Brownware production process is only a foundation for

124

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. future research. Two avenues for further labor investment and production studies are

recommended. First, specific clay sources should be characterized so that they may be

matched with Intermountain Brownware clay and so that these sources might be

identified. This will allow for a more comprehensive study of the distance traveled to

clay sources and how pottery production was negotiated in a mobile society. When this

is complete an accurate depiction o f the contexts o f raw material collection can be

investigated. It may then be possible to determine if the collection o f raw materials were

made during food resource procurement trips or if trips were plarmed specifically for clay

collection. Once this is determined, the time spent on the production process w ill be

better understood which w ill help clarify whether these vessels were utilized as expedient

or curated tools.

The results of this research indicate that the percent of apparent porosity recorded for

our samples were likely affected by the presence o f food residues in the pores o f each

sherd. In order to support these data, an additional study could be conducted with

ceramic test pots. The pots would be constructed and fired and then the unused vessels

would be subjected to the porosity methods used in this thesis. The pots would then be

used to boil likely food types, after which the apparent porosity would be measured

again. These results would then be compared to empirically determine if pores clogged

by food residue affects the outcome of porosity analysis.

The residue analysis could be better executed in the future by constructing small

ceramic test pots and cooking various plant and animal samples in them. Then the

residues left in these vessels can be analyzed with GC-MS and used to establish

standards, which w ill be compared with the levels o f lipids extracted during this

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. experiment. The fatty acids contained in older archaeological samples may loose the

strength o f their signatures and cooking in vessels w ill cause some organics to be

released. Therefore, a better match can be made between these standards and the

archaeological samples.

To further understand the time required to make Intermountain Brownware pottery, I

recommend that the production process be replicated as closely as possible based on

attribute data and ethnographic accounts. This process would include the collection o f

clay from probable sources identified previously in the geological clay characterization

study and temper found in this pottery. The vessel w ill be formed using the coil and

scrape method and it w ill be fired using local woody fuel in an open firing environment.

This experiment would clarify the Intermountain Brownware production process and help

us to understand how the process may have differed from the methods used by more

sedentary potters and further address the expedient versus curated tool debate.

To better understand if these vessels were cached as tools at procurement sites, a

study should be undertaken that investigates the common presence o f “pot drops” on

Intermountain Brownware sites and the absence o f this phenomenon on ancestral

puebloan and Fremont sites. This should be done to explore the strong possibility that

Intermountain Brownware was cached at resource procurement sites as a tool. This

would expand the understanding o f curated and expedient pottery technologies among

hunter-gatherers which has not been fully explored.

126

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX A

ARCHAELOGICAL SITE SUMMARIES

127

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Site 42Be624 is a lithic and ceramic scatter containing the base o f a conical

Intermountain Brownware vessel along with approximately 200 sherds belonging to the

same vessel. The site is located near Hawk’s Nest Spring at 6755 feet elevation. The

vegetation is oak and sage with some juniper.

Site 42Be780 is a lithic and ceramic scatter containing Intermountain Brownware

pottery (representing one vessel), a basin metate, a metate fragment, lithic flakes, a bone

flaking tool and two unidentified sherds from a separate vessel. The site is located at

6685 feet in gambel oak, pinyon, juniper, sage, near Salt Spring.

Site 42BeI 102 is a lithic and ceramic scatter with a few stone tools and a slab metate.

O f the ceramics over 300 are Snake Valley Gray (Fremont culture) and are 40

Intermountain Brownware sherds were identified. The Intermountain Brownware sherds

likely represent a single vessel. This site is located in the pinyon-juniper zone at 6720

feet near Ripgut Springs.

Isolate from Garfield County is located on the Grand Staircase Escalante National

Monument. This isolate is comprised o f a small collection of sherds. Nothing else is

known about this isolate.

Site GC-856 consists of several rock shelters with one Intermountain Brownware

sherd, several lithic tools with mano and metate fragments. A description o f the

vegetation and elevation was not provided.

Site 42Ka2022 is located on an alluvial plane near Kanab Creek. Artifacts include

Intermountain Brownware sherds, a scatter of lithics and possible groundstone. The on

site vegetation includes rabbit brush and snakeweed. The site is situated at 4840 feet

elevation.

128

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Site 42Ka3484 is a lithic, ceramic, and groundstone scatter containing several

Intermountain Brownware sherds, one hammer stone, one portable basin milling stone,

and one biface. The site is located in pinyon, juniper, and gambel oak on a mesa top near

Kanab Creek at 6400 feet elevation.

Site 42Ka3485 is a lithic, ancestral puebloan and Intermountain Brownware ceramic,

and ground stone scatter with a possible hearth stain. The site is located on a knoll in

pinyon and juniper, gambel oak and tall sage approximately 500m from Kanab Creek.

Site 42Ka3695 is a ceramic and groundstone scatter with an Intermountain

Brownware pot drop and a non-portable milling stone. The site is located in pinyon,

juniper, and sage at 5760 feet near Ladder Canyon Spring.

Site 42Ka5819 is an Intermountain Brownware pot drop located near Navajo Well

Spring in the pinyon-juniper belt at 5400 feet. The vessel was collected and

reconstructed as nearly 100 % of it was recovered from the site.

Site 42In215 is a short-term camp and tool manufacture location. Intermountain

Brownware was collected while one North Creek Gray sherd (Virgin Anasazi culture)

and several lithic tools were also observed. The Intermountain Brownware was located

near a hearth. The site is situated at 5800 feet. A description of the vegetation was not

provided.

Site 42In253 is a possible campsite containing a lithic scatter. Intermountain

Brownware sherds, and a basalt cobble mano. The site is located on bedrock with little

vegetation surrounding it at 5090 feet elevation.

Site 42In760 is a lithic and ceramic scatter with incised and plain Intermountain

129

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Brownware pottery. The nearest water source is Prohibition Springs in the pinyon-

juniper belt at 5740 feet elevation.

Site 2Mo486 (KPR-6) is a lithic, ceramic, and groundstone scatter with Kayenta

Anasazi and Intermountain Brownware pottery. It is located in an open pinyon-juniper

stand near Pipe Spring at 5000 feet elevation.

Site 2Mo501 (KPR-21) is a limited use area with ceramics and lithics including

Intermountain Brownware pottery. The site is located in sparse desert vegetation

surrounded by juniper trees at 5000 feet elevation. The site is located near Pipe Spring.

Site 42Pi270 consists o f historic and aboriginal components. The aboriginal

components consist of lithic debitage and Intermountain Brownware pottery. The site is

located near Weimer Spring at 6900 feet in ponderosa pine, pinyon and juniper

vegetation.

Isolate from the vicinity of Toquerville in Washington County, Utah. This isolate is

comprised o f a small collection o f sherds. Nothing else is known about this isolate.

Site 42Ws255 consists o f 40 Intermountain Brownware sherds, a lithic scatter,

anthropomorphic petroglyphs, and a grinding surface on a large basalt boulder. This site

is located on a terrace in creosote vegetation above Quail Creek at 2860 feet elevation.

Site 42Ws260 is a lithic, ceramic, and ground stone scatter with three hearths. The

site is located above (west) of Quail Creek on a bench at 2870 feet. This site contains

Desert Side-notched and Cottonwood Triangular style projectile points. Ceramics

include 37 Intermountain Brownware sherds.

Site 42Wsl226 is a rockshelter with a dark stained mounded midden. Artifacts

include several fingernail incised Intermountain Brownware sherds, burnt ungulate bone.

130

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. lithic flakes and charcoal. Depth potential is minimal. The site is located in blackbrush,

sand sagebrush, and creosote, at 3140 feet elevation near Cottonwood Spring.

Site 42Wsl269 is a sandstone shelter located near Grapevine Spring. The artifact

assemblage is comprised o f mostly Intermountain Brownware sherds including one

conical base. The vegetation type was desert shrub at 3225 feet elevation.

Site 42Wsl515 is as small rock shelter with six plain Intermountain Brownware

sherds, no lithic debitage, one mano or hamerstone fragment, and two quartzite choppers,

bone and burned sticks. The site is located at approximately 50m from an unnamed seep.

The on-site vegetation is creosote, mesquite, blackbrush, and rabbit brush. Elevation of

the site is 3000 feet.

Site 42Wsl518 is an artifact scatter consisting of approximately two dozen

Intermountain Brownware sherds, one chert scraper and several chert and quartzite

flakes. The on-site vegetati9on is sand sage, rabbit brush, and narrow leaf yucca and is

situated in sand dunes. The elevation o f this site is 3710 feet.

Site 42Wsl519 consists of over a heart with soil staining, 500 lithic flakes o f chert,

quartzite, and obsidian and two Intermountain Brownware sherds. The vegetation is sand

sage, ephedra, and rabbit brush. The site is located on a sandy bench at 3714m elevation.

Site 42WsI521 is a sparse lithic scatter with one Intermountain Brownware sherd,

one non-portable block metate, one mano fragment and one hammerstone. The

vegetation is sand sage, yucca, rabbit brush and blackbrush. The site is located on a

sandy bench at the base o f Pine Valley Mountain at 3650 feet.

Site 42Wsl527 consists of over 500 lithic sherds o f eight chert cores, 20 slab metate

fragments, and three Intermountain Brownware and four Virgin Anasazi ceramics (both

131

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. plain and corrugated). The on-site vegetation is sand sage, gambel oak, manzanita, rice

grass, and yucca. The site is situated at 3950 feet on a sand-covered bench.

Site 42Wsl528 is a hearth with soil staining, and a lithic and ceramic scatter

consisting o f approximately 100 chert and quartzite flakes, one core, one hammerstone,

five slab metate fragments, eleven puebloan gray wares, and nine Intermountain

Brownware sherds. The on-site vegetation is sand sage, oak, and bitter brush. The site is

located on a large sand dune at approximately 3910 feet.

Site 42WsI530 consists o f a fire pit-hearth and approximately 20 chert and quartzite

flakes, one quartzite chopper, two portable slab metate fragments o f sandstone, and one

Intermountain Brownware sherd. The on-site vegetation is gambel oak, black brush,

pinyon, snakeweed, and manzanita. The site is located at 3900 feet elevation.

Site 42Wsl531 is a rock shelter with a small associated lithic and ceramic scatter.

The ceramics are Virgin Anasazi and Intermountain Brownware for a total of five. The

on-site vegetation is ephedra, black brush, snakeweed, tall sage, and agave on site and is

surrounded by juniper and sand sage. The shelter is situated at the base of a low knoll at

3910 feet elevation.

Site 42Wsl536 is a very sparse scatter o f artifacts including three tertiary obsidian

flakes, one Intermountain Brownware sherd, and fragments of one block-basin metate

and one slab metate and two roasting pits. The site is located in a sandy, gently sloping

drainage at 3915 feet elevation.

Site 42Wsl557 is a small rock shelter with an associated artifact scatter containing

lithic flakes o f chert, quartzite, and obsidian, three mano fragments, two hammerstones,

and four Snake Valley Gray (Fremont), twelve Intermountain Brownware, and three

132

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. North Creek gray sherds. The site also contains a midden on the talus slope below the

rock shelter, the on-site vegetation is creosote, cheat grass, mesquite, and cottonwood and

it is located at approximately 2835 feet approximately 300m from Green Spring.

Site 42Wsl558 consists o f two sandstone shelters with an associated lithic scatter

including chert, quartzite, and obsidian flakes, one basin metate fragment, three mano

fragments (one-handed), two hammerstones, one chopper, and three scrapers, sixty-one

Intermountain Brownware sherds, three North Creek Black-on-gray, one Boulder Gray,

twenty-six North Creek Gray, and seventeen North Creek Corrugated. The site contains

a soil stain with fire-cracked rock on the slope below the shelter. Vegetation is creosote,

snakeweed, sand sage, ephedra, and blackbrush, and is located on a talus slope at 3220

feet elevation.

Site 42WsI588 is located in two sandstone rockshelters with various type o f Virgin

Anasazi and Intermountain Brownware pottery, lithic debitage, a basin metate fragment,

mano fragments, hammerstones, a chopper and several scrapers. The Intermountain

Brownware sherds represent at least two vessels. The site has significant depth potential

of 20-100cm. It is located in a creosote, snakeweed, sand sagebrush, ephedra, blackbrush

community at 3220 feet elevation near Warner Valley Spring.

Site 42Wsl604 contains over 500 pieces o f lithic debitage and approximately 150

Intermountain Brownware sherds with various lithic tools and groundstone. The site is

located west of the red mountains at 4620 feet elevation.

Site 42Wsl688 consists of a sandstone rock alignment, with three ceramic

concentrations, several lithics, 1 scraper, 1 biface, two slab metates and a one-handed

mano that had been ground on both sides. The pottery is entirely made up of

133

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Intermountain Brownware and estimated at 200 sherds. This site is located above the

Santa Clara River in blackbrush vegetation and is surrounded by juniper trees at 3700

feet.

134

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX B

ANALYSIS TABLES

135

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138

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~~139~~

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~~150~~

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. SAMPLE ID (C15+C17)/C18 C16:l/C18:l C16/C18 C12/C14 55-1-A 0.29 0.5 2.03 0.7 55-1-B 0.3 0.47 2.26 0.59 89-1-1 0.59 0.47 3.7 0.34 89-1-P 0.49 0.63 2.5 0.43 190-4-A adhered residue 0.22 0.14 1.17 0.3 190-4-A ground sherd 0.31 0.41 1.74 0.49 1538-1-C 0.67 0.43 3.7 0.35 1551-1-A 0.53 0.56 3.42 0.13 1551-1-C 0.39 0.07 3.18 0.38 1602-18-E 0.86 0.45 7.09 0.65 1853-1-B 0.35 0.07 5.49 0.41 1888-29-A 0.77 0.42 3.9 0.59 1974-12-A 0.57 0.82 3.4 0.25 2056-1-A 0.58 0.52 3 0.38 2056-1-B 0.44 0.55 3.6 3 2056-1-C 0.42 0.29 2.86 0.66 2420-1-A 0.59 nd 3.3 0.22 2420-1-B 0.84 0.5 4.19 0.48 2480-1-B 0.78 0.47 3.4 0.5 2702-1-D 0.44 0.73 3.51 0.23 2710-2-E 1 0.34 2.07 0.49 2710-2-F 0.28 0.04 3.3 0.31 2710-2-G 0.31 0.15 2.12 0.35 2728-1-B 0.45 0.08 3.8 0.33 3260-1-B 0.16 0.06 1.8 0.51 3260-1-D 0.18 0.06 2.45 0.4 3274-1-A 0.28 0.64 1.81 0.44 3536-1-A 0.28 0.34 2.4 0.35 3537-1-A 0.37 0.32 2.14 0.64 GSENM-1-A 0.24 0.4 2.1 0.19 GSENM-2-A 0.56 2.82 3.46 0.49 KPR-506-A 0.32 0.62 1.8 0.58 KPR-521-A 0.12 0.25 1.55 0.24

~~156~~

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table B 8 Archeological site and ceramic sample concordance list. ACCESSION SITE NUMBER 1538-1 42Wsl226 1551-1 42Wsl269 1602-1 42Ka2022 1602-12 42Kal022 1602-18 42Ka2022 1602-33 42Ka2022 1602-7 42Ka2022 1853-1 42Ws255 1857-1 42Ws260 1888-29 42P1270 190-4 GC856 1974-12 42Ws260 1974-20 42Ws260 1974-8 42Ws260 2056-1 42Wsl688 2420-1 421n760 2480-1 42Bell02 2701-1 42Wsl515 2702-1 42Wsl518 2703-1 42Wsl519 2705-1 42Wsl521 2706-2 42Wsl527 2707-2 42Wsl528 2709-1 42Wsl530 2710-2 42Wsl531 2713-1 42Wsl536 2725-2 42Wsl557 2726-2 42Wsl558 2728-1 42Wsl604 2856-22 Washington. Co. Iso. 2856-9 Washington Co. Iso. 3260-1 42Be780 3274-1 42Be624 3536-1 42Ka3484 3537-1 42Ka3485 4595-1 42Ka3695 506 KPR-506 521 KPR-521 55 421n215 89-1 Washington Co., Toquerville GSENM-1 Garfield Co. Isolate GSENM-2 42Ka5819

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~~Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. REFERENCES CITED~~

~~Aikens, Melvin C. 1965 Excavations in Southwest Utah. Anthropological Papers No. 76, Glen Canyon Number 27, Department o f Anthropology, University o f Utah.~~

Altschul, Jeffrey H. and Helen C. Fairley 1989 Man, Models and Management: An Overview of the Archaeology of the Arizona Strip and the Management of its Cultural Resources. Report Prepared for: USDA Forest Service, USDI Bureau o f Land Management by Statistical Research, Plateau Archaeology, and Dames & Moore, Inc.

~~Arnold, Dean E. 1985 Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.~~

Baldwin, Gordon C. 1942 Archaeology in Southern Nevada. A7va 7(4), Clara Lee Tanner, Ed., Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society, Arizona State Museum, Tucson, Arizona, pp. 13-16. 1945 Notes on Ceramic Types in Southern Nevada. American Antiquity 10: 389- 390. 1950 The Pottery o f the Southern Paiute. American Antiquity 16: 50-56.

~~Bamforth, Douglas B. 1991 Technological Organization and Hunter-Gatherer Land Use: A California Example. American Antiquity, 56 (2): 216-234.~~

Bayman, James M ., Richard H. Hevly, Boma Johnson, Karl J. Reinhard, and Richard Ryan 1996 Analytical Perspectives on a Protohistoric Cache of Ceramic Jars from the Lower Colorado Desert. Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology 18 (1): 131-154.

~~Bengeyfield, Pete 1996 Mountains and Mesas: The Northern Rockies and the Colorado Plateau .Northland Publishing: Flagstaff.~~

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Bettinger, Robert L. 1991 Hunter-Gatherers: Archaeological and Evolutionary Theory. Interdisciplinary Contributions to Archaeology Series. Plenum Press: New York and London.

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~~Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. VITA~~

~~Graduate College University o f Nevada, Las Vegas~~

~~Britt J. Betenson~~

~~Home Address: 163 North 200 West Kanab, Utah 84741~~

~~Degrees: Associate of Science, Archaeological Technology, 1997 Cabrillo College, Aptos California~~

~~Bachelor o f Arts, Anthropology, Emphasis in Archaeology, 1999 University of California, Santa Cruz~~

~~Special Honors and Awards: James F. Adams/GSA Scholarship 2002-2003 Summer Session Scholarship, 2003 Margaret Lyneis Anthropology Society Award, 2003~~

Professional Experience: Archaeologist, Kaibab National Forest 2002-present Teaching Assistant, University o f Nevada Las Vegas, 2001-2002 Archaeological Technician, Zion National Park, 1999-2001 Archaeological Technician, P III and Associates, 2000 Archaeological Technician, Bureau of Land Management, St. George, 1999 Archaeological Technician, Santa Fe National Forest, 1999 Student Conservation Assistant, Zion National Park, 1998 Publicity Officer, Santa Cruz Archaeological Society, 1997-1999

~~Thesis Title: Pottery and Mobility: a functional analysis of Intermountain Brownware~~

Thesis Examination Committee: Chairperson, Dr. Karen Harry, Ph. D. Committee Member, Dr. Barbara Roth, Ph. D. Committee Member, Dr. Daniel Benyshek, Ph. D. Graduate Faculty Representative, Dr. Spencer Steinberg, Ph. D.

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