The End of the Deadlock in Sweden: Policy Reforms in a Four-Party Agreement ESPN Flash Report 2019/09
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ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The 2018 Swedish Election of the Riksdag
The 2018 Swedish Election of the Riksdag POLICY PAPER / NOVEMBER 2018 AUTHORS: EMMA WELSINK LILEESHA BOYD The 2018 Swedish Elections of the Riksdag Policy Paper – Emma Welsink, Lileesha Boyd; November 2018 On Sunday the 9th September 2018 the Social Democrats were able to maintain Swedish voted on the political party that dominance in Sweden as a centre-left they believe should represent them in party, sometimes taking more than 50% of Parliament. Sweden has been a perfect the votes, sometimes going into a coalition example of the Scandinavian model of with leftist parties. Consequentially, the politics for decades, with a focus on social Social Democrats have had a big impact on welfare and progression. But for the first Swedish politics and society. The party is time in history, the 2018 election results especially well known for its establishment left Sweden with an uncertain path of the Swedish welfare system, also called forward as the populist Sweden Democrats ‘Social Democracy’. By implementing this party gained significant ground in expense system, the Social Democrats transformed of the traditionally powerful Social the Swedish health, education and pension Democrats. This paper focuses on the systems. Additionally, they also boosted its question of why Swedish politics have economy, thus providing people with jobs diverted from its established path, and and income. A downside to this impressive what the way forward may look like. welfare system is that during times of economic hardships it is more difficult for The Swedish Political System: the government to curtail (social) expenses Its Political Parties and their and mitigate negative economic Campaign Points developments. -
Capital on the Moral Continuum ERIKSSON Accepted21aug2020 Epublished 2020 GOLD
King’s Research Portal DOI: 10.24357/igjr.6.2.828 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Eriksson, M., Gunnarsson, Å., & Mumford, A. (2020). Capital on the moral continuum: The UK, Sweden, and the taxation of inherited wealth. Intergenerational Justice Review, 6(2), 40-51. https://doi.org/10.24357/igjr.6.2.828 Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. -
Between Populism and Socialism: Slovenia’S Left Party Alen Toplišek
This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in The Populist Radical Left in Europe on 14 March 2019, available online: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315180823-4 Between populism and socialism: Slovenia’s Left party Alen Toplišek Abstract This chapter offers the first in-depth study of both structural and agential factors behind the emergence and electoral breakthrough of a new radical left party in Slovenia, the Left. It defines the party’s ideological profile and it analyses its tactics of party competition through a selection of concrete examples. It concludes by outlining two possible trajectories for the future electoral and organisational development of the party. Introduction The Left (Levica) is a relative newcomer in the Slovenian party system and the European Populist Radical Left (PRL) party family more widely. Formally established in March 2014 as a coalition party under the name of the United Left, it managed to surpass the 4% electoral threshold in the July 2014 parliamentary elections with 5.97% of the popular vote. The electoral result translated into six seats in a 90-member National Assembly, putting the new party on a par with the traditional party on the Slovenian Left, the Social Democrats, which was their worst electoral result since Slovenia’s independence in 1991. The novelty of the United Left was notable not only in terms of its electoral breakthrough in July 2014, but also regarding its founding organisational structure and its organic ties with new left social movements. The United Left was a coalition of three smaller parties and the ‘fourth bloc,’ which represented social movements and individuals: (1) Initiative for Democratic Socialism (IDS); (2) Democratic Labour Party (DSD); (3) the Party for the Sustainable Development of Slovenia (TRS); and (4) civil society movements and individuals. -
The Illiberal Turn: Aid Conditionalis and the Queering of Sexual Citizenship
PIA LASKAR The Illiberal Turn: Aid Conditionalis and the Queering of Sexual Citizenship ON MARCH 5, 2014, Sweden’s Minister for International Development Cooperation, Hillevi Engström (from right wing ruling party, Mo- deraterna), declared that Sweden would withhold their aid to Uganda because of the country’s new anti-gay law, denoting that ”repeated ho- mosexual acts” can bring life imprisonment (Svenska Dagbladet 2014).1 The Netherlands had, directly after Uganda’s president Yoweri Mu- seveni had signed the anti-gay bill into law on February 24, 2014 (Mor- gan 2014), announced that they would freeze aid, while Denmark and Norway said they would redirect its bi-lateral aid to non-governmental organizations and human rights groups. In a poll linked to a feature on the Ugandan law, conducted by the Swedish gay-magazine QX on February 27, 2014, a majority (65 %) of QX’s readers voted to stop Swed- ish aid to Uganda immediately, whereas 28 % wanted to stop only the bi-lateral aid (QX 2014). Only 3 % believed it was the wrong way to go. That states threatens or chooses to cut aid, to push for LGBT rights, is not something new. Already in late 2011, both the British Prime Minister David Cam- eron and the U.S. Foreign Minister Hillary Clinton declared that Brit- ish and U.S. aid to countries that do not recognize LGBT rights would be suspended. However, Cameron and Clinton’s threats resulted in that many African political leaders, after the statements, made it clear that they would not allow themselves to be dictated by foreign powers in this lambda nordica 1/2014 © Föreningen Lambda Nordica 2014 matter. -
4 Polisspåret
SOU 1999:88 271 4 Polisspåret Kapitlets innehåll I detta kapitel redovisas vår granskning beträffande polisspåret. Inled- ningsvis diskuterar vi något kring begreppet, varvid vi gör en åtskillnad mellan polisspåret och de enskilda polisärenden, som förekommer i utredningsmaterialet. Vi har bedömt det som nödvändigt att uppehålla oss en hel del vid bakgrunden till den misstro som funnits mot delar av Stockholms- polisen, en misstro som enligt vår analys utgör en viktig del av diskussionen kring polisspåret. Kapitlet innefattar därför redogörelser för bl.a. den s.k. Norrmalmsutredningen och Stockholms polisstyrelses utredning angående högerextremism inom Stockholmspolisen. I kapitlet finns vidare en beskrivning av hur polisspåret på ett mer övergripande plan hanterats inom Palmeutredningen samt av den ut- redning som bedrivits och dess resultat. Vi har delat in framställningen i uppslag som är inriktade på enskilda polismän, teorier som berör polisen i allmänhet och sådant som inte nödvändigtvis behöver gälla polisen men som ändå kopplats till polisspåret. Polisspåret som term förekommer inte inom Palmeutredningen. En redogörelse för den utredning som kan sägas ha förekommit i denna del har därför inte någon självklar avgränsning. Vi tar upp sådant som vi uppfattat som någorlunda levande föreställningar i diskussionen kring polisspåret i den mån det återspeglas i Palmeutredningens material. Någon egen utredning av sådant som Palmeutredningen inte gjort men kanske kunde ha gjort har vi inte, här lika lite som i andra delar, engagerat oss i. Av det sagda följer att allt som sagts och skrivits om polisspåret inte tas upp i betänkandet. Det kan bero på att vi själva inte uppmärksammat det eller på att vi inte bedömt det som tillräckligt substantiellt för att beröra i ett sammanhang som detta och att det inte finns någon dokumenterad utredning att redovisa. -
The Radical Right and the End of Swedish Exceptionalism
Eur Polit Sci https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-018-0159-6 SYMPOSIUM The radical right and the end of Swedish exceptionalism Jens Rydgren1 · Sara van der Meiden1 © The Author(s) 2018 Abstract Fifteen years ago, Rydgren (Scand Polit Stud 25(1):27–56, 2002) asked why no electorally successful radical right-wing party had yet emerged in Sweden. In this respect, Sweden was a negative case. Rydgren posited four main explana- tions: (1) social class mattered more in Sweden than elsewhere. Working-class vot- ers identifed strongly with their social class and with the Social Democratic party, making them largely unavailable to radical right-wing mobilization; (2) socioeco- nomic issues still structured most politics in Sweden, and issues belonging to the sociocultural dimension—most importantly immigration—were of low salience for voters; (3) voters still perceived clear policy alternatives across the left-right divide; and (4) the leading radical right-wing alternative, the Sweden Democrats, was per- ceived as being too extreme. Since 2010, however, Sweden can no longer be con- sidered a negative case, and in this article, we argue that in order to understand the rise and growth of the Sweden Democrats, we should focus on changes in the factors enumerated above. Keywords Class voting · Radical right · Realignment · Sweden * Jens Rydgren [email protected] Sara van der Meiden [email protected] 1 Department of Sociology, Stockholm University, 10691 Stockholm, Sweden J. Rydgren, S. van der Meiden Introduction1 Over the past three decades, we have witnessed a resurgence of radical right-wing parties in Europe. -
Coversheet for Thesis in Sussex Research Online
A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details Party Organisation and Party Adaptation: Western European Communist and Successor Parties Daniel James Keith UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, April, 2010 ii I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be, submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature :……………………………………… iii Acknowledgements My colleagues at the Sussex European Institute (SEI) and the Department of Politics and Contemporary European Studies have contributed a wealth of ideas that contributed to this study of Communist parties in Western Europe. Their support, generosity, assistance and wealth of knowledge about political parties made the SEI a fantastic place to conduct my doctoral research. I would like to thank all those at SEI who have given me so many opportunities and who helped to make this research possible including: Paul Webb, Paul Taggart, Aleks Szczerbiak, Francis McGowan, James Hampshire, Lucia Quaglia, Pontus Odmalm and Sally Marthaler. -
Generations at War Or Sustainable Social Policy in Aging Societies?
Lindh, Thomas, Malmberg, Bo & Joakim Palme Generations at War or Sustainable Social Policy in Aging Societies? Forthcoming in the Journal of Political Philosophy, 14 (#3, Sept 2005) Arbetsrapport/Institutet för Framtidsstudier; 2005:15 ISSN 1652-120X ISBN 91-89655-73-7 Generations at War or Sustainable Social Policy in Aging Societies? THOMAS LINDH, BO MALMBERG and JOAKIM PALME1 Institute for Futures Studies, Stockholm 1 Authors wish to thank Bob Goodin and James Fishkin for very valuable comments, and Nic Southwood for excellent copy-editing. I. Intergenerational Justice: Judging the Unknown Future A popular legend recounts how a boy in ancient times accompanies his father and his grandfather as they embark on a ritual journey intended to end with the grandfather’s voluntary death, as he is no longer self-supportive. The boy takes pity on his grandfather and persuades his father to promise to support the old man until his natural death in exchange for a promise from the boy to do the same for his father when the time comes. The story reflects a social contractarian approach to generational equity based on reciprocity across generations. It is likely to have had little relevance for actual historical development. Anthropological and economic research indicates that the few persons surviving to old age in hunter-gatherer societies constituted a substantial asset to the community rather than a burden, not only supporting themselves but actually producing quite large surpluses to help care for young dependents. Following Laslett, we can observe that with the industrial revolution and the demographic transition people survived in increasing numbers into an age where capabilities had deteriorated to the point of becoming dependent on the younger generation.2 This created an old-age issue and contributed to the creation of statutory pension systems and other elements of what turned into the modern welfare state. -
What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making. -
Radical Left Party Success and the Two-Dimensional Political Space
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Krause, Werner Article — Published Version Appearing moderate or radical? Radical left party success and the two-dimensional political space West European Politics Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Krause, Werner (2020) : Appearing moderate or radical? Radical left party success and the two-dimensional political space, West European Politics, ISSN 1743-9655, Taylor & Francis, London, Vol. 43, Iss. 7, pp. 1365-1387, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2019.1672019 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/209753 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ www.econstor.eu WEST EUROPEAN POLITICS 2020, VOL. -
Utopias and Dystopias All Sessio
CES Virtual 27th International Conference of Europeanists Europe’s Past, Present, and Future: Utopias and Dystopias All sessions are listed in Eastern Daylight Time (EDT). June 2, 2021 1 Pre-Conference Side Events MONDAY, JUNE 14 Networking with Breakout Sessions (private event for fellows) 6/14/2021 10:00 AM to 11:30 AM EDT Mandatory for all dissertation completion and pre-dissertation fellows Through the Science Lens: New Approaches in the Humanities 6/14/2021 1:00 PM to 2:30 PM Mandatory for all dissertation completion and pre-dissertation fellows Moderator: Nicole Shea, CES/Columbia University Speakers: Dominic Boyer - Rice University Arden Hegele - Columbia University Jennifer Edmond - Trinity College Territorial Politics and Federalism Research Network Business Meeting 6/14/2021 1:00 PM to 2:30 PM Business Meeting Chair: Willem Maas - York University TUESDAY, JUNE 15 Mellon-CES Keynote Discussion: Crises of Democracy 6/15/2021 10:00 AM to 11:30 PM Keynote Sponsored by The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Mandatory for all dissertation completion and pre-dissertation fellows Chair: Nicole Shea – Director, Council for European Studies Speakers: Eileen Gillooly - Executive Director, Heyman Center for the Humanities, Columbia University Jane Ohlmeyer - Professor of History at Trinity College and Chair of the Irish Research Council 2 European Integration and Political Economy Research Network Speed Mentoring Event 6/15/2021 10:30 AM to 2:30 PM Networking Event Chair: Dermot Hodson - Birkbeck, University of London Knowledge Production and