David F. Graf F. Graf University of Miami Theodorus of Gadara

Among Arabia’s most noteworthy citizens Seleukeia” = Billerbeck 2006: G9). The visible is Theodorus of Gadara, a prominent luminary ruins are primarily from the Late Roman of the who was from the Greek and early Byzantine settlement, including City of Gadara (modern Umm Qays). the city walls and gates, the shops along the The ruins are located in north-west on the decamunusmaximus, two theaters, several edge of the Balqāʼ plateau some 350 m above temples, a nymphaeum, baths and a tunneled sea level, just east of the Jordan rift, about 10 aqueduct system beneath the acropolis. German km south-east of the southern end of the Sea of excavations since 1974 have been clarifying the Tiberias, separated from the Heights in ruins of the ancient settlement (Weber 2002), the north by the . The ruins of exposing theearlier Hellenistic and early Roman ancient Gadara are surrounded by the modern settlement (third to first centuries BC) to the town of Umm Qays and a fertile agricultural north-westof the tall, including a large early region. The Greek name Gadara reflects the Roman building with a cistern (Wieweger and Semitic origins of the settlement, the name Häser 2005: 12-13; 2007:17 and 25; 2010:17). representing Semitic *Gadar ‘wall’, with the More details about the native city of Theodorus addition of the locative –a ending, typical of are therefore emerging and the early urban many Semitic toponyms preserved in Greek settlement becoming better known. (Mershem and Knauf 1988: 129). Already in But there is still much we do not know the third century BC, Gadara is characterized about Theodorus himself, whose life and career as the “strongest town in the district” ( remain rather obscure in spite of his high 5.71.3), when it was probably a Ptolemaic status in Augustan (see Rawson 1985 military colony, without the institutions of a in general). He bursts suddenly on the scene typical Greek civic foundation. According to in mid-life in a rather oblique reference in Stephanus of Byzantium, Gadara later had the Jerome’s Chronicle,which lists him in the 186th titles of ‘Antiocheia’ and ‘Seleukia’, suggesting as one of several prominent Greek honors it had received under Antiochus III and teachers of rhetoric who were operating in Seleucus IV in the second century BC (Stephan 33/32 BC in the Roman world (Granatelli 1991: of Byzantium, s.v., Gadara = “city of Koile 13-14, Test. 6). The others named are equally , which was also called Antiocheia and obscure. Nicetes is known only from his pithy

– 519 – DAVID F. GRAF and passionate judgments recorded by Seneca ascribes this senatorial descendant to the time the Elder (Controversiae 1.4.12; 1.5.9; 1.7.18; of Hadrian, the compiler may have confused 1.8.13.9.2.28;9.6.18;10.5.23), which reflect the GadareneTheodorus with another person of his passionate and trenchant style (9.2.23) that the same name, not uncommon in the Suda. stood in contrast to that of Theodorus (Suasoriae At any rate, there is no reason to doubt 3.6-7; withWeissenberger 2006: 717). Hybreas his relationship to the Emperor , of Mylasa in Caria was the greatest orator of as there are allusions to his instructing the ’s time (Geog. 13.4.15 [630]). He was of future emperor (Suet. Tib. 57), both when he humble origins, but managed to study briefly wastwelve in 30 BC (Stegeman 1934: 1847) with Diotrephes at , returning to serve and later, when Tiberius was living in exile on as ‘market-clerk’(agoranomos) before rising Rhodes between sixth BC to second AD. At this to become the lord of his city and a powerful later time, he probably attended Theodorus’ orator (Weissenberger 2005: 594-5). In 40 BC, lectures. The presence of Theodorus on Rhodes he was forced to flee to Rhodes to avoid the at this time perhapspartially explains Tiberius’ Parthian invaders in Syria, and rebuilt his native reason for his self-imposed exile on the city of Mylasa (14.2.24 [659-60]). Although island (Diodorus 55.9. 5 and 8). Tiberius was a supporter of the , he honorably obviously fond of Theodorus and attracted to rejected ’s demands for excessive his rhetoric style, rather than that of his rival tribute as the spokesman for the cities in Nicetes (Seneca the Elder, Suas., III.7). While Minor (, Antony 24.7-8). The most on Rhodes, Tiberius is described as interacting obscure of the four is Plution, who is mentioned with Greek intellectuals, even adopting their by the Elder Seneca (Suasoriae 1.11) and is cited dress (, Tib. 11 and , Annals later by Dio Chrysostom (18.12), but nothing is 2.59.2). Later, during Tiberius’ reign, he was known of his origins or activities (Stegemann surrounded by a number of patrons of noted 1951: 988). None of these rhetoricians are Greek philosophers and literati, displaying the particularly ‘household’names, even among emperor’s philhellenic sympathies (Rutledge specialists of the early Roman Empire. 2008: 455-64). A Greek inscription from the Agora at may possibly be connected to The Career of Theodorus Theodorus, indicating a statue was erected in Theodorus of Gadara’s life and career is his honor in the Agora, preserving his patronym, equally vague.In order to fill in Theodorus’ Eisidorou, perhaps better understood as previous life, one must resort cautiously to Isidorus (Vanderpool 1959: 366-8). One wishes the Byzantine compilation called the Suda (or we knew more about his father and family, but ‘Souda’), which informs us among other things it consists of this one paltry fact: the possible that Theodorus was a “Sophist” who taught the name of his father. Emperor Tiberus, and was of “servile birth.” The literary production listed for Theodorus Since the Suda also indicates Theodorus had in the Suda is primarily rhetorical treatises, a descendant named Antonius, it has been but includes some historical works, such as suggested that Theodorus may have been a a treatise “On History”, which was probably supporter of Mark Antony in and a manual for orators on how to use history in later capitulated to Octavian, like another their speeches,and a treatise on Koilē Syriaor Theodorus who served as the tutor of Antyllus, ‘Coele-Syria’,which was also brief, so not a Antony’s son by , who was later full-fledged history of the region. But since crucified for treachery (Plutarch, Antony 81; no known fragments survive of this essay, it is with Bowersock 1965: 35-6). Since the Suda difficult to ascertain the precise geographical

– 520 – THEODORUS OF GADARA focus or contents of this work. In fact, none of transforming the pedantic comment into a Theodorus’ writings survive. slander against the future emperor based on his It is as a rhetor that Theodorus is primarily later tyrannical behavior (Heurgon 1985: 401- known. During the Late Republic and Augustan 5). A less compelling case is the suspicion that Age, two rival schools of rhetoric developed, a lengthy anti-tyrannical diatribe delivered by a the ‘Apollodoreans’ and the ‘Theodoreans’ Syracusan named ‘Theodorus’ against the ruler (Quintillan, Instit. 2.11.2; see Schanz 1890). The Dionysius I of in 396 BC and preserved first related to Apollodoros of Pergamum, who by Diodorus of Sicily (14.64.5-69) was actually became prominent as early as 64 BC (according derived from a rhetorical treatise of ‘Theodorus to Jerome, Chronicle, 179th Olympiad = of Gadara’ that Diodorus revised and inserted Granatelli 1991: Apollod. T 4) and was the into his denigrating account of the Syracuse teacher of the young Octavian (Strabo 13.4.3 ruler (Caven 1990: 5). In essence, with the [625]) by arrangements of in 45 BC exception of these conjectures and speculation, (Suet. Aug. 89). His opponent was his younger nothing actually survives of Theodorus’ literary contemporary, Theodorus of Gadara, teacher work to impress us with his rhetoricalskill. of the future emperor Tiberius. The difference In spite of Theodorus of Gadara’s opaque between the two schools seems to have been background and context, several pressing the former was more rigid withregard to the questions emerge from these brief facts of his structure and terminology of the speech, whereas life and career that deserve further inquiry. They Theodorus was more flexible and practical. The also have provoked some recent proposals about conflict between the two schools of rhetoric his origins that deserve further examination. and their methodology was fierce, even if the These matters providethe raison d’être for this differences from our distant perspective seem essay. to be rather minor and superficial (Quintillan, Instit.5.13.59; cf. Strabo 13.4.3 [625]), a mere When was Theodorus Enslaved? splitting of hairs to even a modern scholar of Explaining Theodorus’ ‘servile origins’ has rhetoric (Kennedy 1989: 272). Just what made been a problem. Over 125 years ago, Cichorius Theodorus’ rhetoric style so popular in Rome proposed it took place after the destruction of remains mystifying, but it may have involved Gadara by the Hasmonean ruler Alexander his more charismatic personality as much as his Jannaeus, resulting in Theodorus or his parents personal rhetorical philosophy. being taken to Rome as war-prisoners, probably None of his writings are extant, but a few during the Mithridatic Wars, and subsequently possible fragments of Theodorus’ rhetoric freed (Cichorius 1888: 63). During the Roman or philosophy have been proposed. One is wars against Mithridates VI of Pontus (88- possibly preserved by Suetonius, who says that 81and 73-63 BC), the Decapolis cities of while teaching the young Tiberius in 30 BC, Syria- were being attacked as part Theodorus castigated him as being “mud steeped of the expansionistic Hasmonean policies of in blood” (pleonhainatipephuramenon), which in . As a result, the he interpreted as a premonition of his legendary Greek cities of were being besieged; savage nature (Suet. Tib. 57). If this is the many were occupied by the Jews, their citizens case, it may be suspected the statement is post being either slaughtered or enslaved. A possible eventu, rather than a prediction, but it is also parallel for the Theodorusscenario is found in possible that Suetonius confused and corrupted ’s freedman Demetrius, also a native Theodorus’ original statement on the nature of of Gadara, whose city had been “demolished man from one of the pre-Socratic philosophers, shortly before”, which inspired the Roman

– 521 – DAVID F. GRAF legate to have his native city rebuilt in 63 BC likely subject of Alexander Jannaeus’ campaign (, AJ 14.75; BJ 1.155). of ca. 100 BC, but there are more compelling The real problem we face is to coordinate reasons why this must be the case. Theodorus’ enslavement with the expansionistic First, in his earlier account of this episode campaigns of the Hasmonean ruler Alexander in the Jewish War, which is devoid of his Jannaeaus.According to Josephus, after forcing later misleading editorial addition of ‘Coele the Ptolemaic army of Ptolemy IX Lathyrus Syria’,Josephus makes it clear that the primary and Cleopatra III from Palestine in 102/101 objective of Jannaeus’ military campaignin BC, Alexander Jannaeus conducted a ten- ca. 100 BC was to capture the “treasures” of month siege of Gadara in ‘Coele-Syria’, finally Theodorus, son of Zenon, which he had stored capturing the city in ca100 BC (AJ 13.356). in his fortresses west of Gerasa and Philadelphia The inference drawn from this language is (BJ 1.86). This Zenon is the son and successor that‘Gadara of the Decapolis’is meant, and of ZenonCotylas, the “tyrant” of Philadelphia most commentators have followed Josephus’ (BJ 1.60; AJ 13.235), who probably also implication in this regard (Schürer 1973: 221; controlled Gerasa at the time (cf. Gatier and Weber 2002: 64-67; Fitzgerald 2004: 360-363; Seigne 2006: 172-179). Amathus and Gadara Cohen 2006: 283). But the details ofJosephus’ (modern Salt) were fortified points strategically account are inconsistent with this interpretation. placed to protect the western flank of Gerasa His narrative herehas been characterized and Philadelphia. These fortresses provided as “confused and incomplete” (as noted by security for Theodorus’ prizedpossessions. It Jones 1971: 455 n. 39). In the same context, also explains whyJannaeus’ attack triggered Josephus mentions that at the time Janneaus Theodorus’ rapid response, in which he also tookAmathus on the banks of the az-Zarqāʼ recaptured his stolen treasure, seized Jannaeus River, “the greatest stronghold beyond the baggage trainand slew over 10,000 Jews in the Jordan.” This suggests, as Jones surmised (1971: process (BJ 1.87; AJ 13.356). A few years later, 255), that Janneaus was interested in subduing in ca. 93 BC, Janneausmanaged to conquer the and Judaizing the region “beyond the River”, territories of and Galaaditus, imposed later to become known as the Peraia, as the tribute on them and at that time “demolished” Hasmoneanshad earlier subjected and Judaized the fortress atAmathus, unopposed by Iturea and Idumea. Furthermore, as Smallwood Theodorus (BJ 1.89; AJ 13.374). After a six- acutely observed, Pella remained independent year conflict with the Nabataean king Obodas at the time, yet lying vulnerable in the Jordan II,which followed and in which 50,000 Jews Valley between Gadara of the Decapolis to the were slain, Jannaeus was forced to relinquish north and Amathus to the south (1981: 15 n. the territories of Moab and Galaalitusback to 38). It is then highly likely that another fortified the Nabataean king (AJ 13.375-376 and 382). city named Gadara is at stake in Jannaeus’ There is no indication in these early conflicts campaign, not Gadara of the Decapolis. The that any of the Decapolis cities were under most likely possibility is its ‘namesake’, the attack at the time. “Gadara of the Peraia”(Piotrkowski 2011: 266- Secondly, there is epigraphic evidence that 88).This Gadara is identified with modern Salt, suggests ‘Gadara of the Decapolis’ was still in 30 km south of Amathus, the major of the hands of the Seleucids during this time. An Peraia, and a “city of some strength”at the time inscription found at Gadara in the southern wall of the Jewish Revolt in 68 AD (Jos. BJ4.413), of the acropolis dating to 85/84 BC indicates as it must have been earlier.The proximity of that a “Philotas and [the polis/community of these fortresses in the Peraia makes them the the] Sele[uk]eians” were in control of the city

– 522 – THEODORUS OF GADARA at the time (Wörrle2000: 267-71; cf. Mittmann This is implied by Josephus’ language: when 2006: 24-54 and Weber 2002: 281, IS1). This Pompey liberated Gadara in 64 BC, the city new inscription militates against any earlier was in ruins, after having been “demolished Hasmonean control of the city. In addition, shortly before” (BJ 1.155; AJ 14.75; cf. Weber against any earlier major disruption of the city, 2006: 193-205 for evidence of the rebuilding), a temple of erected in the second century suggesting a recent destruction in 83-80 BC, BC remained undamaged and continued rather than in the muchearlier campaign in ca. to function throughout the Hasmonean era 100 BC.The excavations at Pellaconfirm that (Hoffmann 1999: 795-831). There are also no the city was destroyed by Alexander Jannaeusin signs of destruction in the recently excavated 83/82 BC (McNicoll, Smith and Hennessy Hellenistic settlement on the north-westpart 1982: 67-73 and McNicoll1992: 114-117; for of the tall at Gadara (Wieweger and Häser the numismatic evidence of Jannaeus at Pella 2010: 1-28, esp. 17-18). However,in the years see Shachar 2004: 5-33 esp.7, 20-23). This following the Gadara inscriptiondated to 85/84 must be the same campaign in which Gadara BC, there were major changes in the politics of (Umm Qays) suffered destruction by Alexander Transjordan. The pivotal episode was the defeat Jannaeus. and death of the Seleucid ruler Antiochus XII If Theodorus was active in Rome in 33 BC, Dionysos in 84 BC by the in the as one of the leading rhetoricians of the city, battle of Cana/Qanawat in the Syrian he was seemingly in middle age at the time (Jos. BJ1.99-102; AJ 13.387-91; for the and probably not alive at the time of either of date seeBellinger 1949: 77). Afterwards, the these campaigns. The campaign in 83/81 BC Nabataean king Aretas III gained control of would have been a half-century earlier.Since (BJ 1.103; AJ 13.302). The impact Theodorus was still active apparently into the of these developments created the opportunity period of Tiberius’ residence on Rhodes in for Alexander Janneaus to begin his attacks on sixth BC to second AD, the capture of Gadara the Decapolis cities. must have happenedbefore his birth.Although Between ca. 83 and 81 BC. Alexander it is possible he was a child in 83-80 BC, his Jannaeus led a campaign into ‘Coele-Syria’, career suggests he had probably not yet been conquering the Decapolis cities of Pella, Dium born at this time. In this case, it was his parents and Gerasa; he then swept north across the who were the casualties of Alexander Jannaeus’ Jordan valley to the north, overtaking the Golan conquest of Gadara, not Theodorus himself. In and taking control of the area as far as the Huleh all likelihood, Theodorus was born after his Valley (JW 1.104-5; AJ 13.393-4; cf. Maoz, parents had been enslaved and when they lived 2013: 78-82). His assault on Gerasais again in their master’s household (verna), as Treggiari assigned to his desire to capture the treasures has compellingly proposed (1969: 246). A date of Theodorus (BJ 1.104). Although Gadara is for the birth of Theodorussometime between 73 not mentionedin Josephus’ account, such an and 70 BC therefore seems likely (Weber2002: extensive campaign across the Decapolis region 69; Woerther 2013: 97, T4). This would by Jannaeus must have included Gadara of the makehim forty years of age when he emerges Decapolis, as it appears he made a broad sweep into prominence at Romein 33/32 BC. north from Pella into the Golan, including the Just how disruptive Alexander Jannaeus’ Decapolis cities on the plateauwhere Gadara is conquest of Gadara in 83/81 BC was on the located. The destruction of the walls of the city Gadarene population (cf. Jos. AJ 13.397) is must be assigned to this date (cf. Hoffman 2000: indicated by a number of inscriptions in the 175-233 esp.181-201; 2002: 98-124 esp.104-5). Aegean. A stringof Gadaraenes appear at

– 523 – DAVID F. GRAF Athensand Delos in the mid- /late first century BC (Diogenes Laertius 6: 99-101). The next BC, almost all of them women. At Athens, notable on the list, Meleager, datesto more than Epikaria, daughter of Eunous (IG II2 8449 = a century later, to the first decade of the first IG Attica III2 2400), and probably Anassa, century BC (Athenaeus 11.502c).Philodemus daughter of Athenodorus (IG II2 8449a, (ca. 110-40/35 BC) is slightly later, in the G[adarē]nē), are known as Gadarenesand, middle of the first century BC, with Theodorus from Delos, another Gadarene namedIsion active in the first half of the same century. It son of Dineos offered a dedication to Artemis is another century before another Gadarene Sosikolonos, “savior of colonies” (ID 2377). In intellectual emerges, Oenomanus the Cynic, addition, there is a mythical charm that refers to but the context is now completely different, a woman from Syrian Gadara in a Hellenistic with the Decapolis city now fully integrated papyrus (Maas 1942: 33-8). Finally, an undated into the Roman provincial system. inscription from Rome mentions a Diodorus That Gadara,‘their fatherland’, constituted Heliodorus from Gadara in the “Syrian the ‘progenitor’ of their intellectual careers Decapolis” (IGUR IV 1675 = SEG 30: 1801); has other problems. First, their intellectual this can perhaps to be assigned to the first specialties are rather diverse; and century AD. It can be reasonably surmised that Meleager are identified as ‘Cynic’ philosophers, the other Gadareneswere probably casualties of Philodemusas an ‘Epicurean’ and Theodorus a the Hasmonean conquest of Gadara, in which Rhetorician. Oenomanus the Cynic is separated thecitizens of the Decapolis citywereenslaved by two centuries from his predecessors. or driven into exile, including probably the Second, the diversity of their intellectual parents of Theodorus (Weber 1996: 10-7). pursuits and occupations makes us suspect that their training was elsewhere and probably Was there a Gadraene Hellenic school? abroad, not at Gadara, as we know was the In his Geography, Strabo lists a number case for most. Third, it is then not surprising to of notable natives of Gadara, namely: find that Menippus and Meleager spent much “Philodemus, the Epicurean, and Meleager of their lives in exile, perhaps because Gadara and Menippus, the satirist, and Theodorus and the Decapolis were the scene of political the rhetorician, of my own time” (16.2.29 turmoil in the struggles between the Ptolemies [759]). This impressive string of noteworthy and Seleucids at the time and later came under Gadareneswho arewell-known literati, some the imperialistic thrust of the Hasmoneans. of them his contemporaries like Theodorus Furthermore, Menippus was a “Phoenician” (see Pothecary 1997: 235-46), has led to the slave of an aristocrat named Baton of Pontus suggestion that Gadara was an intellectual (Diogenes Laertius6.99), so was also called and philosophical center par excellence in the “Sinopean” (D.L. 6.95); after he secured his Hellenistic and Roman Near East, a virtual freedom he became a disciple of Crates of “Athens in Syria” as it has been described Thebes (D.L. 6.95). As for Meleager, he was (Geiger 1985: 11-12; 1990: 144). However, a educated in Tyre and spent his later life in closer examination of the list exposes problems where he died at an advanced age (Branham and with this hypothesis of a local school of high- Goulet-Cazé 1984: 397). Philodemus was also level Greek culture operating in the Decapolis educated abroad, studying with the Epicurean city of Gadara in the Hellenistic era. First, there Zenon of in Athens; by the mid-70s he is chronological disparity in these individuals: was in Italy, finally settling at Herclaneum Menippus’ activity dates to the late third (Dorandi 2007: 68). There is no indication that century BC, with a flourit between 230-200 any of them ever returned to their ‘fatherland’.

– 524 – THEODORUS OF GADARA Nevertheless, because Menippus, Melaeger Cynics we know are highly individualistic and and the later Oenomasare regarded as Cynics, do not comprise a cohesive group. it has been argued that Gadara was the location The same problem exists for connecting of a local Cynic tradition (Luz 1992: 46-50), Theodorus of Gadara with the third century serving as “a crucible for thinkers of a Cynic AD rhetorApsines of Gadara (Geiger 1994: disposition” (Luz 2003: 102). It is even been 223-224), namely the gapof three centuries suggested that Gadara rivaled Athens as a between the age of the HasmoneanJanneaus hotbed for in the , and the Severan dynasty of Rome. Theodorus its influence extending into and was active at Rome and Rhodes, and Apsines, influencing even of Nazareth, as reflected who also was called a “Phoenician”, was in the “Q” gospelsource tradition (Downing active at Smyrna with deep roots in Athens 1992: 148). But the Galilee of Jesus’ time (Oliver 1941: 260-261; with Bowersock 1969: was hardly a center of Hellenic urban culture, 5 n. 5). Even if their occupations were similar, beingbetter characterized as a region of rural they were geographically and chronologically villages, making it difficult to transform the worlds apart. image of Jesus as Jewish peasant from Nazareth into an itinerant Cynic philosopher (as noted Was Theodorus Jewish? by Betz 1994: 453-475). Later, at least in On the basis of the Judaizing policies the second century AD, it is evident that the during the conquests of the Hasmonean Jewish Gadarene Cynic Oenomaus was interacting kings, it has been proposed that Theodorus with Jewish sages at the academy of Tiberius was a convert to Judiasm (Sider 1977: 5). on the south-western edge of the , However, this reads too much into the account if his identification with the episodes and of the Hasmonean campaigns in the Decapolis anecdotes of the filosofos named Abninos ha- region. The presumedforced conversion of Gaderin the Talmud are correct (Luz 1986; ‘Gadarenes’ to Judaism is never mentioned by 1992: 49-80). As these passages about Abnimos Josephus. The city was obviously exposed to make clear, he is “a great heathen philosopher” the Jewish community; already in the second who was active in the time of Rabi Gamaliel century BC, Meleager expresses knowledge (fl. c. 80-116) and a friend of Rabbi Meir (ca. of Jewish customs (Anth. Pal. V.160.3 with 135 AD), but he cannotbe identifiedas a Jew Jacobson 1977: 71-72). Nevertheless, there is (contra Goule-Cazé 2007: 54). The interactions no evidence for a Jewish community at Gadara between Jewish rabbis and pagan philosophers in the Seleucid period. Much later, during the is not surprising, as it appears many rabbis Jewish Revolt of 66-70 AD, there are only scant were “open to dialogue” with a wise heathen references to Judaism at Gadara (BJ 2.478; (Labendz 2013: 146-172, esp.171; see Weber 3.542; cf. Goodman 1992 and Andreade 2010) 2007 for the relations of Gadara and Galilee). and even much later the evidence is slim (see But connecting him with the activities of Weber 2002: 124-126, and 392, 52G and Tab. Menippus and Melaeger centuries earlier in a 90G for a third/fourth century menorah). If chain of intellectual cynics (Geigner 1985: 11- Theodorus’ parents were Jewish, it would be 12) is difficult to accept. Furthermore, the nature ironic for them to be sold into slavery by the of ancient Greek cynicism was that it was never Hasmonean Jewish ruler Jannaeus. Obviously attached to any specific urban setting or school. their sympathies were with the Greek city of In spite of Sepphoris and Tiberius, Galilee Gadara. was dominated by small villages and ethnic The only evidence offered to suggest that diversity in the early Roman era. The various Theodorus was Jewish is that some other rhetors

– 525 – DAVID F. GRAF operating elsewhere in the Mediterranean were then annexed to Syria along with Gadara and Jewish. There was a Jewish grammarian named other Decapolis cities (BJ I. 156). Diogenes who lectured only on the Sabbath at As a consequence, after Pompey’s expedition, Rhodes and refused to lecture on the other days both cities regarded the Roman legate as their of the week, even when requested by Tiberius “liberator” (cf. Spijkerman 1978: 15). The (Williams 1995: 625-33). Other evidence for lingering discontent of the Gadarenes about the Jewish scholarly presence on the island may be previous Jewish Hasmonean destruction of their reflected in Herod’s frequent benefactions to city seems to preclude any genuine conversion Rhodes (Jos. AJ 14.377-8; cf. BJ I. 280; and AJ of the citizens of Gadara to Judaism, including 16.147; cf. BJ 1.424). There is also the Jewish Theodorus’ parents. Moreover, any patriotism scholar who lectured on the Law of Moses to by Theodorus to his native city (cf. Geiger. an aristocratic group at Rome that included 1990: 143-144; 1994: 224; cf. 2014) conflicts Fulvia, wife of a friend of Tiberius (Jos. AJ with his preference to be calleda “Rhodian”, 18.81-82), but none of this evidence pertains to rather than a Gadarene (Quintillan, Instit. Theodorus, or suggests he was Jewish, and the 3.1.17). Like other notable Gadarenes before circumstances of 83/81 BC and afterwards defy him, Theodorus never seemed to look back on such a suggestion. his native city with any favor, much less darken During the first century BC, Gadara was its gates and streets. adamantly in opposition to the emerging Hasmonean state. After Jannaeus’ brief Bibliography occupation of Gadara, its citizens remained Andreade, N. 2010.Ambiguity, Violence and Community defiant against the Jewish rulers. Although in the Cities of Judaea and Syria. Historia 59: 342- 370. added Gadara to Herod’s Bellinger, A. R. 1949. The End of the Seleucids. administration in 30 BC (BJ I.396), the Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts opposition of the Gadarenesto the decision and Sciences 38: 55-102. was registered swiftly. As early as 23-20 BC, H. D. Betz, H. D. 1994. Jesus and the Cynics: Survey and Analysis of a Hypothesis. Journal of Religion Gadarenes were lodging protests against the 74: 453-475. rule of Herod to Marcus Agrippa in Mytilene Billerbeck, M. 2006. Stephan ByzantiiEthnika, Volume (AJ 15.351), and again in 20 BC to Augustus I = Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae XLIII/I during his visit to Syria (15.354-359). Although Berlin. Bowersock, G. W. 1965. Augustus and the Greek World. unsuccessful in gaining independence from Oxford. Herod’s rule, the reactions indicate that their Brahman, R. B. and Goulet-Gazé, M. (eds.). 1964. The dissatisfaction with Herodian administration Cynics: The Cynic Movement in Antiquity and Its and their complaints must have continued. Legacy. Berkeley. Caven, B. 1990. Dionysius I, War-Lord of Sicily. New At Herod’s death, Gadara and Hippus were Haven. detached from Herod’s son Archelaus and Cichorius, C. 1888. Rom und Mytilene.Leipzig. annexed to the province of Syria (AJ 17.320; Cohen, G. M. 2006. The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, BJ 2.57). The anti-Jewish sympathies of Pella the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa.Berkeley: University of California Press. also provide a parallel. Like Gadara, Pella Dorandi, T. 2007. Philodemos. Brill’s New Paul 11: 68- was demolished and occupied by Alexander 73. Jannaeaus in 83/80 BC, because they would Downing, F. G. 1992.Cynics and Christian Origins. not adopt “Jewish customs” (Jos. AJ 13.397). Edinburgh: Clark. ––– 1993.Cynics and early Christianity. Pp. 281-304 After Pompey’s settlement of the Jewish crisis in Marie-Odile Goulet-Cazé and Richard Goulet in 63 BC, Pella was detached from Hasmonean (eds.), Le Cynisme ancienets esprolongements, . territoryand restored to its original citizens, and Paris.

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