Scepticism, Atheism and Libertinism: a Study of the Polemic Between
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Travels of a Darwin Groupie Miscellany
Travels of a Darwin Groupie Miscellany Saddleback tortoise stud Diego at the Charles Darwin Land iguana on North Seymour Island Research Station, Santa Cruz Island Blue-footed booby on North Seymour Island Marine iguana at Punta Espinoza, Fernandina Island Sea lion pup awaiting its mom at Las Bachas, Santa Cruz León Dormido Colorful Place Names in Cambridge Recommended Reading Jesus Lane, Maids Causeway, Midsummer Common, Charles Darwin: Charles Darwin: Voyaging and Charles Darwin: The Power of Mud Lane, Parsonage Street, Drummer Street, Christ's Place by Janet Browne, Darwin and the Barnacle by Rebecca Stott, Darwin Lane, Lion Yard, Trinity Street, King's Parade, and the Science of Evolution by Patrick Tort (suitable for young readers) Trumpington Street, Magdalene Street, Christ's Pieces, Erasmus Darwin: Erasmus Darwin: A Life of Unequalled Achievement and Bridge of Sighs Erasmus Darwin and Evolution by Desmond King-Hele, Erasmus Darwin by Patricia Fara, The Lunar Men by Jenny Uglow A Colorful Reaction Other topics: 40 Years of Evolution by Peter and Rosemary Grant, The In response to Robert Chambers's anonymously authored Prometheans by Max Adams, Scenes from Deep Time by Martin Rudwick, Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, geologist Adam The Man Who Found the Missing Link by Pat Shipman, The Tragic Sense of Sedgwick wrote, "I cannot but think the work is from a Life by Robert Richards, Athanasius Kircher: The Last Man Who Knew woman's pen. [It] leaps to a conclusion, as if the Everything edited by Paula Findlen, Chrysalis by Kim Todd, The Devil's toilsome way up the hill of Truth were to be passed over Doctor by Philip Ball, The Seashell on the Mountaintop by Alan Cutler, with the light skip of an opera-dancer. -
Remarks on Subversive Performance at the Trial of Giulio Cesare Vanini (1618-1619)
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Remarks on subversive performance at the trial of Giulio Cesare Vanini (1618-1619) AUTHORS Horsley, A JOURNAL Modern Language Review DEPOSITED IN ORE 22 March 2018 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32196 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication 1 REMARKS ON SUBVERSIVE PERFORMANCE AT THE TRIAL OF GIULIO CESARE VANINI (1618-1619) AM version of Adam Horsley, ‘Remarks on subversive performance at the trial of Giulio Cesare Vanini (1618-1619)’, Modern Language Review, 110: 1 (2015), 85-103, in accordance with Modern Language Review open access policy on 22nd March 2018.The full published version of this article with correct pagination is accessible via http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5699/modelangrevi.110.1.0085 …on examine les paroles, on devine les pensées, on suppose des desseins. Si on parle, on prend pied sur des mots innocents, on donne un sens préfix à des paroles indifférentes. Si on se tait, on impute le silence à crime, estimant qu’on couvre quelque chose qui ne se dit point. Richelieu, Mémoires (1618)1 For if a Man have that Penetration of Judgment as he can discerne what Things are to be laid open, and what to be secretted, and what to be shewed at Halfe lights, and to whom, and when […] to him A Habit of Dissimulation is a Hinderance and a Poorenesse. -
1 Shakespeare, the Critics, and Humanism 1
N OTES 1 Shakespeare, the Critics, and Humanism 1 . Virgil Heltzel, for example, in his “Introduction,” to Haly Heron’s The Kayes of Counsaile, A Newe Discourse of Morall Philosophie of 1579 (Liverpool: University of Liverpool Press, 1954), p. xv, describes the work as “bringing grave and sober moral philosophy home to men’s business and bosoms.” 2 . W i l l i a m B a l d w i n , A Treatise of Morall Philosophie . enlarged by Thomas Palfreyman , 20th ed. (London: Thomas Snodham, [?]1620), in Scholars’ Facsimiles and Reprints (Gainesville, Florida, 1967), with an introduction by Robert Hood Bowers. For the editions, see STC 1475–1640, Vol. I, 2nd ed., 1986, Nos. 1253 to 1269; and STC, 1641–1700 , 2nd ed., Vol. I, 1972, Nos. 548, 1620. Also see Bowers, “Introduction,” pp. v–vi. For the purposes of the present work, I will refer to the treatise as Baldwin’s rather than Baldwin- Palfreyman’s. The volume appears as “augmented” or “enlarged” by Palfreyman only with the fifth edition of 1555 (STC 1255.5) and the 1620 edition (first of the two in that year) says it is “the sixth time inlarged” by him but there has been no comparative study of what was originally Baldwin’s and what was Palfreyman’s and what the successive “enlargements” entailed. Baldwin’s treatise, along with Thomas Crewe’s The Nosegay of Morall Philosophie , for example, are purported sayings and quotations from a great num- ber of scattered Ancient and more recent writers, but they are organized into running dialogues or commentaries designed to express the compiler’s point of view rather than to transmit faith- fully the thought of the original writer. -
Race in Early Modern Philosophy
Introduction I.1. Nature In 1782, in the journal of an obscure Dutch scientific society, we find a relation of the voyage of a European seafarer to the Gold Coast of Africa some decades earlier. In the town of Axim in present- day Ghana, we learn, at some point in the late 1750s, David Henri Gallandat met a man he describes as a “hermit” and a “soothsayer.” “His father and a sister were still alive,” Gallandat relates, “and lived a four- days’ journey inland. He had a brother who was a slave in the colony of Suriname.”1 So far, there is nothing exceptional in this relation: countless families were broken up by the slave trade in just this way. But we also learn that the hermit’s soothsaying practice was deeply informed by “philosophy.” Gal- landat is not using this term in a loose sense, either. The man he meets, we are told, “spoke various languages— Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French, High and Low German; he was very knowledgeable in astrology and as- tronomy, and a great philosopher.”2 In fact, this man, we learn, “had been sent to study at Halle and in Wittenberg, where in 1727 he was promoted to Doctor of Philosophy and Master of Liberal Arts.”3 On a certain understanding, there have been countless philosophers in Africa, whose status as such required no recognition by European institu- tions, no conferral of rank.4 On a narrower understanding, however, Anton Wilhelm Amo may rightly be held up as the first African philosopher in modern history. Gallandat tells us that after the death of Amo’s “master,” Duke August Wilhelm of Braunschweig- Wolfenbüttel, the philosopher- slave grew “melancholy,” and “decided to return to his home country.” 1 Verhandelingen uitgegeven door het Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen te Vlissingen, Negende Deel, Middelburg: Pieter Gillissen, 1782, 19– 20. -
Virtue and Civic Values in Early Modern Jesuit Education
journal of jesuit studies 5 (2018) 530-548 brill.com/jjs Virtue and Civic Values in Early Modern Jesuit Education Jaska Kainulainen University of Helsinki [email protected] Abstract The article suggests that by offering education in the studia humanitatis the Jesuits made an important contribution to early modern political culture. The Jesuit educa- tion facilitated the establishment of political rule or administration of civic affairs in harmony with Christian virtues, and produced generations of citizens who, while studying under the Jesuits, learned to identify piety with civic values. In educating such citizens the Jesuit pedagogues relied heavily on classical rhetoric as formulated by Cicero (106–43 bc), Quintilian (35–100), and Aristotle (384–322 bc). The article de- picts the Jesuits as civic educators and active members of respublica christiana. In so doing, the article emphasizes the importance of Jesuit education to early modern po- litical life. Keywords Jesuit education – civic values – virtue – rhetoric – Cicero – Renaissance humanism This article takes its cue from the observation that Jesuit education was based on the example laid down by the humanist educators of the Renaissance.1 The 1 For this argument, see John W. O’Malley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge, ma: Harvard University Press, 1993), 13–14, 208–12; Paul Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learn ing, 1300–1600 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 376–78; Marc Fumaroli, L’Âge de l’éloquence: Rhétorique et res literaria de la Renaissance au seuil de l’époque classique (Geneva: Droz, 2009), 175–76; Robert A. Maryks, Saint Cicero and the Jesuits: The Influence of the Liberal Arts on the Adoption of Moral Probabilism (Farnham: Ashgate, 2008), 77. -
Utiles Et Necessarias: Early Modern Science and the Society of Jesus
Utiles et Necessarias: Early Modern Science and the Society of Jesus Sister Mary Sarah Galbraith, O.P. A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Unit of History and Philosophy of Science, Faculty of Science University of Sydney March 2021 Utiles et Necessarias 2 Utiles et Necessarias 3 Utiles et Necessarias: Early Modern Science and the Society of Jesus Sister Mary Sarah Galbraith, O.P. This thesis treats of the contributions made by the Society of Jesus to Early Modern science, amidst the complexities of the post Reformation, post Copernican era. Its focus is the life and work of the Jesuit Christopher Clavius (1538-1612), the architect and founder of a mathematics academy at the Collegio Romano. Using extant correspondence, pamphlet, prefatory dedications and commentaries, I show that Clavius created a strategy to recruit and train Jesuit priests in mathematics to be exported throughout Europe and to remote missionary outposts. As a specially trained corps of priest mathematicians, the Jesuits used the truths of mathematics and the mathematical sciences to draw potential converts to the truths of faith and religious conversion. The approach was initially successful. As the scientific and religious culture shifted in the sixteenth century, however, reliance upon traditional sources of authority, knowledge and belief came under scrutiny. As priests and mathematicians who were invested in both sacred and secular realms, members of the Society struggled to adhere to the tenets of traditional natural philosophy and to promote the new sciences, for the purposes of religious conversion. The approach that substituted the truths of mathematics for the truths of dogmatic faith was intended to engender confidence. -
History of Free Thought in Reference to the Christian Religion by Adam Storey Farrar
The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Free Thought in Reference to The Christian Religion by Adam Storey Farrar This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license Title: History of Free Thought in Reference to The Christian Religion Author: Adam Storey Farrar Release Date: November 19, 2009 [Ebook 30499] Language: English ***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF FREE THOUGHT IN REFERENCE TO THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION*** History of Free Thought in Reference to The Christian Religion Eight Lectures Preached Before The University of Oxford, in the year M.DCCC.LXII., on the Foundation of the Late Rev. John Bampton, M.A., Canon of Salisbury. By Adam Storey Farrar, M.A. Michel Fellow of Queen's College, Oxford. New York: D. Appleton And Company, 443 & 445 Broadway. 1863 Contents Will of Rev. John Bampton. .2 Preface. .4 Analysis of the lectures. 34 Lecture I. On The Subject, Method, And Purpose Of The Course Of Lectures. 52 Lecture II. The Literary Opposition of Heathens Against Christianity in the Early Ages. 91 Lecture III. Free Thought During The Middle Ages, and At The Renaissance; Together With Its Rise in Modern Times. 129 Lecture IV. Deism in England Previous to A.D. 1760. 172 Lecture V. Infidelity in France in the Eighteenth Century, and Unbelief in England Subsequent to 1760. 221 Lecture VI. -
Christian Mortalism
chapter 5 Christian Mortalism De religione, non ratione, sed affectu iudicare . captivandam mentem in obsequium fidei. Sarpi, a letter to Isaac Casaubon, 22 June 1610 (One judges religion not with reason, but with affection . one has to delude the mind to obey belief.) Faith and Religion Due to the enthusiastic work of Renaissance humanists many classical authors enjoyed a revival in the course of the sixteenth century. Whereas Plato was accepted as a philosopher who acknowledged the immortality of the soul, Aristotle was far more problematic with his notion of eternal world and his alleged theory of the soul’s mortality. Pagan philosophers and poets such as Epicurus, Lucretius, Leucippus and Democritus were automatically rejected as impious and dangerous sources of heresy and atheism. During the Counter- Reformation period it became increasingly common to accuse dissidents of atheism, no matter how ill-justified such accusations truly were. In 1639 the Dutch Calvinist theologian Gisbertus Voetius (1589–1676) declared to his stu- dents that there were ‘practical’ and ‘speculative’ atheists, the first consisting of people who—like Epicureans, deists and libertines—considered religion useless; or practiced a wrong religion; or did not observe the rites and the ceremonies; or, like the Machiavellians and the politiques, did so merely on political grounds. ‘Speculative’ atheists in turn denied divine providence, downplayed the significance of the Bible, doubted natural light and the divine attributes, and rejected the idea of the resurrection of the body.1 Later in the seventeenth century writers like Gottleib Spitzel, Anton Rieser and Gabriel Wedderkopf traced the origins of atheism to the infamous writings of figures such as Giromalo Cardano, Jacques Vallée, Pierre Charron, François Rabelais, Lucilio Vanini, Robert Fludd and Tommaso Campanella, in the notorious De Tribus Impostoribus, and in many clandestine manuscripts in circulation. -
Imagination Between Physick and Philosophy Koen Vermeir
Imagination between Physick and Philosophy Koen Vermeir To cite this version: Koen Vermeir. Imagination between Physick and Philosophy: On the Central Role of the Imagination in the Work of Henry More (1614-1687). Intellectual History Review, Taylor & Francis (Routledge), 2008, 18, pp.119-137. 10.1080/17496970701819418. halshs-00641633 HAL Id: halshs-00641633 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00641633 Submitted on 16 Nov 2011 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Vermeir, Koen. 2008. “Imagination between Physick and Philosophy. On the Central Role of the Imagination in the Work of Henry More (1614-1687).” Intellectual History Review 18: 119-137. IMAGINATION BETWEEN PHYSICK AND PHILOSOPHY On the central role of the imagination in the work of Henry More1 Koen Vermeir ‘Thus far, Madam, I have presum’d to be a physician’ Henry More to Anne Conway, April 4 1653 Abstract I argue that the imagination plays a central role in the thought of the Cambridge Platonist Henry More. First, physiological descriptions of melancholy and imagination were at the heart of his attack against enthusiasm and atheism. Second, in order to defend his metaphysical dualism, he had to respond to traditional accounts of the imagination as a mediating faculty between body and soul. -
Paolo Sarpi and the Colloquium Heptaplomeres of Jean Bodin
Jaska Kainulainen Paolo Sarpi and the Colloquium heptaplomeres of Jean Bodin It is already well established, that Paolo Sarpi was influenced by certain writings of Michel de Montaigne and Pierre Charron.1 Some scholars have brought up also the name of Jean Bodin, but the connection between him and Sarpi has remained somewhat dubious, at least regarding to the Heptaplomeres. To be honest, there is a myriad of authors, to whose writings Sarpi makes references – praising or criticizing them –, whereas about Bodin there is not even a slightest mention. Federico Chabod has even claimed that Sarpi did not read Bodin.2 Luisa Cozzi, instead, while stating the modernity of the method which Sarpi used in examining the religious phenomenon, includes the Heptaplomeres among the writings that helped Sarpi to develop further his introspective capacity. It is not surprising, that the two other works Cozzi identifies are the Essays of Montaigne and De la sagesse of Charron. Consequently, Luisa Cozzi seems to promote the Heptaplomeres to the same rank with these two books, so unequivocally established as readings of Sarpi. A little later, however, Cozzi maintains that Sarpi studied religions with a method which was analogous to that of Bodin, “whether or not Sarpi knew his Heptaplomeres.”3 According to Marion Leathers Kuntz, Bodin completed the Heptaplomeres in 1588. Having quickly gained a notorious fame as an impious text, it was published for the first time only in 1857.4 This does not exlude the possibility of Sarpi having read one of the manuscripts, which circulated as a latin original or as a French translation already toward the end of the sixteenth century. -
Natural Theology and Natural Philosophy in the Late Renaissance
Natural theology and natural philosophy in the late Renaissance Thomas Woolford Trinity College This dissertation is submitted to the University of Cambridge for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2011 Declaration This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text. This dissertation is also not substantially the same as any that I have submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at any other University. The length of this dissertation is under 80,000 words. Thomas A. Woolford November 2011 i Acknowledgements Many thanks to the Arts and Humanities Research Council for providing a studentship bursary to enable me to undertake research and to Cambridge University, Trinity College and the School of Humanities for providing an outstanding work environment. I am most grateful for the support, guidance, encouragement and friendship of my supervisor Richard Serjeantson. I’d also like to mention here friends and family who have cared for and supported me: my wonderful wife Julie, Dad, sister Kim, brother-in-law Doug, brother Sam, parents-in-law Margaret and James, friends Tim, Alex, Jon and Chrissy, and our hospitable neighbours Christine and David. To fulfil a twenty-year-old promise, this is dedicated to my cousins Alison and David, but they have to share the dedication with my late mother, Mary. SDG ii Natural theology and natural philosophy in the late Renaissance T. A. Woolford Despite some great strides in relating certain areas of Christian doctrine to the study of the natural world, the category ‘natural theology’ has often been subject to anachronism and misunderstanding. -
Descartes, Husserl and Radical Conversion
Durham E-Theses Descartes, Husserl and radical conversion MacDonald, Paul S. How to cite: MacDonald, Paul S. (1996) Descartes, Husserl and radical conversion, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5244/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk DESCARTES, HUSSERL AND RADICAL CONVERSION Paul S. MacDonald Phenomenology has been one of the most influential and far-reaching developments in 20th Centur>' Philosophy and has had a great impact on the disciplines of philosophy of logic and math, theory of knowledge, and theory of meaning. The most profound influence on Edmund Husserl (1859 - 1938), the founder of phenomenology, was Rene Descartes (1596 - 1650), whose radical rethinking of philosophy's overall project provided Husserl with both the historical and conceptual point of departure for his foundation of prima philosophia. Despite this explicit and well-known influence, there is no book- length study of their thematic parallels; numerous journal articles focus almost entirely on the phenomenological reduction and, aside from this, are fairly unsatisfactorv .