Violent Extremism and Insurgency in Indonesia: a Risk Assessment
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Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
Charting a New Course: Women Preventing Violent Extremism
Charting a New Course I 2301 Constitution Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20037 www.usip.org © 2015 by the Endowment of the United States Institute of Peace. All rights reserved. First published 2015 To request permission to photocopy or reprint materials for course use, contact the Copyright Clearance Center at www.copyright.com. For print, electronic media, and all other subsidiary rights e-mail [email protected] Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standards for Information Science—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. II Charting a WOMEN PREVENTING VIOLENT EXTREMISM New Course 2 Acknowledgments 3 Introduction 7 Why Gender Matters 9 Women on the Front Lines by Alistair Millar 11 Exercise: Act Like a Woman/ Act Like a Man 12 Blindspots by Jayne Huckerby 13 Exercise: Spheres of Influence 15 Women and the Dynamics of Extremist Violence 17 Listen to the Women Activists by Sanam Naraghi-Anderlini 19 Exercise: Gendered Motivations 20 When Women are the Problem by Mia Bloom 21 Exercise: Multiple Interpretations: Who is Right? 22 Motivations of Female Fighters by Nimmi Gowrinathan 25 Engaging Communities in Preventing Violent Extremism 27 Building Resilience to Violent Extremism by Georgia Holmer 29 Exercise: Allies and Challengers 30 Charting New Ways with New Partners by Edit Schlaffer 31 Resource: Active Listening Techniques 32 Everyday Technologies Can Help Counter Violence and Build Peace by Nancy Payne 33 Resource: Enabling Technologies for Preventing Violent Extremism 34 Increasing Understanding through Words by Alison Milofsky 35 Resource: Debate versus Dialogue 36 Acronyms 36 Resources 1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS he creation of the thought for action kit, “Charting a New Course: Women TPreventing Violent Extremism,” has been a team effort. -
Strategic Cooperation Between Japan and UNODC -The Joint Plan of Action
Strategic Cooperation between Japan and UNODC -The joint plan of action- The Government of Japan (hereafter referred to as Japan) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (hereafter referred to as UNODC) have a long history of collaboration in countering illicit narcotic drugs, in crime prevention and criminal justice reform, as well as in countering terrorism. Japan has also been a leading provider of core support to the operations of UNODC. Japan and UNODC share mutual interest in further enhancing cooperation. During the first Strategic Policy Dialogue between Japan and UNODC, held in Yokohama on 2 June 2013 in the margins of the 5th Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD V), they identified regional, thematic and other areas for strategic cooperation, and developed a joint plan of action. They also agreed to hold Strategic Policy Dialogue at the senior level annually in Tokyo or Vienna (alternately). Japan and UNODC reviewed the progress of the implementation of the plan of action during the Strategic Policy Dialogue recently held, and amended it as follows. 1. Regional Cooperation (1) Africa Japan welcomes the participation of UNODC in the TICAD V in June 2013 and the TICAD VI in August 2016 in the TICAD process. Through the follow-up of TICAD VI, Japan and UNODC will enhance substantive and operational collaboration in Africa, in particular, in areas related to peace and security such as strengthening of criminal justice systems, countering transnational organized crime (illicit trafficking of narcotic drugs, firearms, and persons), corruption and cybercrime as well as combating terrorism, violent extremism and piracy. -
Mitigating Youth Radicalization and Violent Extremism
Journal of Strategic Security Volume 4 Number 4 Volume 4, No. 4, Winter 2011: Perspectives on Radicalization and Article 4 Involvement in Terrorism Disarming Youth Combatants: Mitigating Youth Radicalization and Violent Extremism Alpaslan Özerdem Coventry University, [email protected] Sukanya Podder Coventry University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss Part of the Defense and Security Studies Commons, National Security Law Commons, and the Portfolio and Security Analysis Commons pp. 63-80 Recommended Citation Özerdem, Alpaslan and Podder, Sukanya. "Disarming Youth Combatants: Mitigating Youth Radicalization and Violent Extremism." Journal of Strategic Security 4, no. 4 (2012) : 63-80. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.4.4.3 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol4/iss4/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Strategic Security by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Disarming Youth Combatants: Mitigating Youth Radicalization and Violent Extremism Abstract In the complex of motivating variables that define the push and pull factors behind recruitment and participation in civil conflict, "radicalization"—or "violent extremism"—is not conceived as a very strong motive, as is the case with studies on terrorism. As part of disarming youth combatants,the linkages between reintegration outcomes and possible rerecruitment into radical and extremist violence must be better understood to mitigate such risks. In our analysis, the policies guiding reintegration of child soldiers and youth should be better attuned to the relationship between recruitment motivations and reintegration outcomes, and must be approached from a political lens rather than a purely technical one. -
Violent Extremism in Indonesia: Radicalism, Intolerance
VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN INDONESIA: RADICALISM, INTOLERANCE WINTER 2017 AND ELECTIONS A PROJECT FROM THE INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE Violent Extremism in Indonesia: Radicalism, Intolerance and Elections Copyright © 2018 International Republican Institute. All rights reserved. Permission Statement: No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without the written permission of the International Republican Institute. Requests for permission should include the following information: • The title of the document for which permission to copy material is desired. • A description of the material for which permission to copy is desired. • The purpose for which the copied material will be used and the manner in which it will be used. • Your name, title, company or organization name, telephone number, fax number, e-mail address and mailing address. Please send all requests for permission to: Attn: Department of External Affairs International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20005 [email protected] VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN INDONESIA: RADICALISM, INTOLERANCE AND ELECTIONS WINTER 2017 International Republican Institute IRI.org @IRI_Polls © 2018 All Rights Reserved 2 IRI | WINTER 2017 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Approach hardship and its defense of free expression. • In late 2017, the International Republican However, members of the nationalist parties, Institute (IRI) conducted a series of focus group which control government, were less critical of discussions (FGDs) to gain insight into the the government and its overall representation of local political dynamics in West Java that are constituents and ability to address the country’s contributing to radicalism and intolerance, with primary challenges. -
Constructing” the Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist: a Preliminary Inquiry
No. 71 “CONSTRUCTING” THE JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH TERRORIST: A PRELIMINARY INQUIRY Kumar Ramakrishna Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies Singapore OCTOBER 2004 With Compliments This Working Paper series presents papers in a preliminary form and serves to stimulate comment and discussion. The views expressed are entirely the author’s own and not that of the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies The Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS) was established in July 1996 as an autonomous research institute within the Nanyang Technological University. Its objectives are to: • Conduct research on security, strategic and international issues. • Provide general and graduate education in strategic studies, international relations, defence management and defence technology. • Promote joint and exchange programmes with similar regional and international institutions; organise seminars/conferences on topics salient to the strategic and policy communities of the Asia-Pacific. Research Through its Working Paper Series, IDSS Commentaries and other publications, the Institute seeks to share its research findings with the strategic studies and defence policy communities. The Institute’s researchers are also encouraged to publish their writings in refereed journals. The focus of research is on issues relating to the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific region and their implications for Singapore and other countries in the region. The Institute has also established the S. Rajaratnam Professorship in Strategic Studies (named after Singapore’s first Foreign Minister), to bring distinguished scholars to participate in the work of the Institute. Previous holders of the Chair include Professors Stephen Walt (Harvard University), Jack Snyder (Columbia University), Wang Jisi (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) and Alastair Iain Johnston (Harvard University). -
MOE Steve Ijames
27-CR-20-12953 Filed in District Court State of Minnesota 1/14/2021 1:33 PM Steve Ijames EDUCATION • Bachelor of Science degree in Criminal Justice Administration, Drury University, Springfield, Missouri • Master of Science Degree in Public Administration, City University, Bellevue, Washington • Graduate, Missouri State Highway Patrol Law Enforcement Academy • Graduate, Missouri State Highway Patrol undercover narcotics investigator training program. • Graduate, Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) undercover narcotics investigator training program. • Graduate, Mid States Organized Crime Information Center (MOCIC) narcotic investigators Criminal Intelligence Techniques training program. • Graduate, Springfield, Missouri Police Department Academy • Graduate, 186th FBI National Academy LAW ENFORCEMENT/PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE Poplar Bluff, Missouri Police Department • April 1979 through February 1981-Patrol Officer • February 1981 through August 1982-Narcotics Detective Springfield, Missouri Police Department • August 1982-1000 hour Springfield Police academy training • January 1983-uniformed patrol officer • September 1985-undercover narcotics investigator and Federal Drug Task Force member-Commissioned Deputy Untied States Marshal • October 1987-uniformed patrol • July 1988-Detective-criminal investigations and undercover narcotics investigations • September 1989-Sergeant-criminal investigations • April 1990-Crisis Action Team leader/sergeant (SWAT) • December 1992-Lieutenant, Special Operations Commander-overseeing all SWAT and narcotics -
"Symbolic Politics", Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy
Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales www.caei.com.ar Islam “Symbolic Politics”1, Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy By Anak Agung Banyu Perwita “If someone is able to separate sugar from its sweetness, he will be able to separate Islam religion from politics” (Wahab Chasbullah)2 “The Islamic movement should detach itself from involvement in politics. Islam is a moral force, a way to promote morality” (Abdurrahman Wahid)3. Introduction. The two quotations, above, clearly suggest an endlessly debate about the political role of Islam in Indonesia’s politics. This article discusses the role of political Islam4 in Indonesian politics and the dynamics of the interaction between the Muslim society and the State in the Indonesian political system. It provides the domestic context of the role Islam in Indonesia’s politics, which serves as the platform of the position of political Islam in Indonesia’s foreign policy in the post- Soeharto era. It will also briefly elaborate the development of Indonesia’s external environment (globalization) as an integral element of foreign policy. However, the extent to which the Islamic—as a “religio-politics”5-- factor played a significant role in Indonesian foreign policy has been subject to debate. Therefore, this article will assess the hypothesis that “foreign policies are also influenced by the religious views and beliefs of policymakers and their constituents”.6 1 Symbolic politics can be defined as “collective process of construction, distribution and internalization of political symbols (Phrases, images, norms, rules etc) which present a significant influence on foreign policy during the democratization process”. See Corneliu Bjola (2000). -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
The War on Terror and the Future of Indonesian Democracy
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. The war on terror and the future of Indonesian democracy Tatik S. Hafidz. 2003 https://hdl.handle.net/10356/100095 Nanyang Technological University Downloaded on 26 Sep 2021 18:19:33 SGT ATTENTION: The Singapore Copyright Act applies to the use of this document. Nanyang Technological University Library No. 46 The War On Terror And The Future Of Indonesian Democracy Tatik S. Hafidz Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies Singapore MARCH 2003 With Compliments This Working Paper series presents papers in a preliminary form and serves to stimulate comment and discussion. The views expressed are entirely the author’s own and not that of the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies. ATTENTION: The Singapore Copyright Act applies to the use of this document. Nanyang Technological University Library The Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS) was established in July 1996 as an autonomous research institute within the Nanyang Technological University. Its objectives are to: Conduct research on security, strategic and international issues. Provide general and graduate education in strategic studies, international relations, defence management and defence technology. Promote joint and exchange programmes with similar regional and international institutions; organise seminars/conferences on topics salient to the strategic and policy communities of the Asia-Pacific. Research Through its Working Paper Series, IDSS Commentaries and other publications, the Institute seeks to share its research findings with the strategic studies and defence policy communities. The Institute’s researchers are also encouraged to publish their writings in refereed journals. -
Name and Address Supplied
CURRENT AND FUTURE DANGERS IN AUSTRALIA'S RELATIONS WITH INDONESIA ALL words and sentences in Red above and throughout this ciocament must he omitted ' from any publicly released documents. ;P1 ' I SUMMARYOF KEY ISSUES RAISED IN THIS PAPER: 1. Dangers to Australia's long-term security caused by a variety of factors influencing the course of events in Indonesia. 2. The probability of a large-scale refugee exodus to Australia within the next 3-5 years if oppression of minority groups left unchecked. 3. Recently discussions with a number of local Indonesian and overseas leaders regarding the concerns of Islamists controlling the national agenda 4. What can Australia do to help create better relations with Indonesia and to help Indonesia to be a more stable and reliable partner? 1. Dangers to Australia's long-term security caused by a variety of factors influencing the course of events in Indonesia. a. Despite the oflcial disbanding of the "Laskar Jihad" there are still ongoing & only partially restrained attacks by the Islamic "Jihad" and their trained followers in Central Sulawesi, Ambon, and North Maluku. The Islamic Jihad is a network or brotherhood consisting of numerous organizations whose goal is the establishing of Islamic Sharia Law throughout Indonesia and Indonesia becoming an Islamic State. Some of the more visionary radical elements aligned with "Jama 'ah Islamiyah " want to establish a S.E.Asian Islamic nation which would then set its goal on conquering, if necessary by force, other nations in the region, such as Australia, for Islam. To the present time these Islamic Jihad forces are acting with impunity and apparent immunity, although the Bali bombing seems to have caused a temporary halt to many of the major attacks, but in their place there has been a massive increase in the numbers of small bombings and bomb-threats throughout the country: 1. -
A REAL THREAT from WITHIN: Muhammadiyah's Identity
Suaidi Asyari A REAL THREAT FROM WITHIN: Muhammadiyah’s Identity Metamorphosis and the Dilemma of Democracy Suaidi Asyari IAIN Sulthan Thaha Saifuddin - Jambi Abstract: This paper will look at Muhammadiyah as a constantly metamorphosing organism from which have grown modernist-reformist, liberalist progressive, political pragmatist and potentially violent fundamentalist-radical Muslims. It will argue that the trajectory passed by and the victory of the radical-puritan element in the National Congress 2005 can potentially become an obstacle for Muhammadiyah's involvement in the process of implementing democratic values in Indonesia in the future. To keep watching Muhammadiyah’s trajectory is crucially important due to the fact that this organization is one of the powerful forces in the world toward the democratization process. In order to be on the right track of democracy, Muhammadiyah has to be able to cope with its internal disputes over democratic values. Only by means of coping with these internal disputes can this organization ensure its role in propagating and disseminating democratic ideas as well as practices in Indonesia. Keywords: Muhammadiyah, metamorphoses, identity, democracy Introduction: An Overview of Muhammadiyah To date, Muhammadiyah has been plausibly assumed to be a moderate Islamic organization which is in a similar position to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and does not have any connections with radical individuals or organizations that could be associated with radical Islamic ideology. This paper will I argue that there are some important 18 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 01, June 2007 Muhammadiyah and the Dilemma of Democracy factors that have been overlooked or ignored in this understanding of Muhammadiyah.