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2020

11 Trabajos de Egiptología Papers on Ancient Trabajos de Egiptología

Dos falsificaciones ramésidas y una propuesta de clasificación... Representaciones de deidades ofídicas... y Meretseger Miguel JARAMAGO Marta ARRANZ CÁRCAMO Ofrendas en el Inframundo: el Libro de las Doce Cavernas... Las mujeres de la elite en el Reino Antiguo, ¿un grupo social incapaz de actuar? Daniel M. MÉNDEZ-RODRÍGUEZ Romane BETBEZE Cleómenes de Náucratis: realidad, fuentes e historiografía La representación de la danza en las tumbas tebanas privadas... Marc MENDOZA Miriam BUENO GUARDIA Violencia física contra el infante... una realidad o una mala interpretación Choosing the Location of a ‘House for Eternity’... Hatshepsut’s Officials... Ugaitz MUÑOA HOYOS Juan CANDELAS FISAC El acto sexual como agente del (re)nacimiento de El hrw nfr en la literatura ramésida... Marc ORRIOLS-LLONCH María Belén CASTRO Of Creator and Creation... (BM EA826)... Papyrus Leiden I 350... (BM EA9999, 44) Los himnos Esna II, 17 y 31: interpretación teológica... Guilherme Borges PIRES Abraham I. FERNÁNDEZ PICHEL

As serpentes vindas do Médio Oriente nos Textos das Pirâmides... Trabajos de Egiptología Retorno a lo múltiple... la segunda sala hipóstila del templo de Seti I en Abidos Joanna POPIELSKA-GRZYBOWSKA María Cruz FERNANZ YAGÜE Apelaciones, deseos y mensajes para la eternidad... en las estelas abideanas... Más allá de la narrativa... la Segunda Estela de Kamose Pablo M. ROSELL Roxana FLAMMINI A iconografia de Petosíris no túmulo de Tuna el-Guebel El despertar de la “Bella Durmiente”... Museo Provincial Emilio Bacardí Moreau... José das Candeias SALES Mercedes GONZÁLEZ, Anna María BEGEROCK, Yusmary LEONARD, Dina FALTINGS Las estacas de madera de Haraga y la pesca en el-Fayum... Realignments of Memory... the Prophecies of Neferty María Teresa SORIA-TRASTOY Victor Braga GURGEL Parámetros de clasificación... la familiaAnatidae en egipcio y sumerio Alfonso VIVES CUESTA, Silvia NICOLÁS ALONSO

número 11 2020 Realignments of Memory: Legitimacy of Past in the Prophecies of Neferty Victor Braga GURGEL

The Prophecies of Neferty, whose sole complete copy is preserved on Papyrus Hermitage 1116B recto, has a narrative frame situated during Sneferu’s reign. A great part of it describes the time of chaos (isft) during the First Intermediate Period, with order () finally being redeployed by Amenemhet I. Considering the above, in this paper we aim to comprehend the ways maet is used to construct an idealized image of the past in Neferty. In order to pursue these tasks, we define our theoretical approaches to “ancient ”, as well as a brief introduction to cultural memory, according to Jan Assmann, settling its connection with Neferty. Subsequently, we give a description of the source, discussing the dating of the text, along with its content. Finally, we proceed with content analysis of the text, focusing on maet and its relation to the and an ideal vision of the past.

Rearranjos de Memória: legitimidade do passado egípcio nas Profecias de Neferti As Profecias de Neferti, cuja única cópia completa está preservada no Papiro Hermitage 1116B recto, possui um quadro narrativo situado durante o reinado de Sneferu. Grande parte do texto descreve o tempo de caos (isft) durante o Primeiro Período Intermediário, com a ordem (mAat) sendo finalmente reimplantada por . Levando isto em conta, neste estudo nosso objetivo é compreender como maet é usada para construir uma imagem idealizada do passado em Neferti. Para tanto, definimos nossa aproximação teórica à “literatura do Egito antigo”, assim como fizemos uma breve introdução à memória cultural, de acordo com Jan Assmann, estabelecendo sua conexão com As Profecias de Neferti. Em seguida, realizamos uma descrição da fonte, discutindo a datação do texto, bem como seu conteúdo. Finalmente, passamos para a análise de conteúdo do texto, nos focando na maet e na sua relação com o faraó e uma visão ideal do passado.

Keywords: Cultural memory; Prophecies of Neferty, Maet. Palavras-chave: Memória cultural, Profecias de Neferti, Maet.

Prophecies of Neferty constitutes a construction of an idealized memory of Egypt, The thriving example of ancient Egyp- “realigning” it.2 tian literature, widely studied by Egyptologists. Thus, we have 2 goals with this study: Without disregarding the recent discussions 1) To comprehend how Neferty exalts the Mid- about the dating of the text,1 this paper aims to dle Kingdom’s political values, related to the offer a historical perspective on it, focusing on the pharaoh’s strength and performance on the

1 Stauder 2013: 337–443. 2 This paper consists of a brief excerpt of our Master’s dissertation, entitled Ensino“ e Memória: uma perspectiva a partir de textos literários egípcios do Reino Médio - Teaching and Memory: a perspective from some middle Egyptian literary texts” – Universidade Federal da Paraíba, Brazil.

TdE 11 (2020) - Páginas: 151 - 166 Recepción: 19/8/2019 - Admisión: 7/7/2020 Victor Braga Gurgel — [email protected] Programa de Pós-Graduação em História / Centro de Ciências Humanas, Letras e Artes / Universidade Federal da Paraíba / Brasil http://doi.org/10.25145/j.TdE.2020.11.10

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maintenance of Cosmic Order (mAat), that is, contact with the collection of François Sallier, a very different reception of their texts than our system of writing, since its first occurrence, was how the text provides a royalistic advocacy;3 realizing “it contained non-funerary manu- modern view, ranging from support issues to connected with royalty, even before the unifi- 6 12 18 2) Show the normative―answering the question scripts”. F. Chaba’s impression on the similarity canonization. Some texts were also written out cation. After this event, in the Old Kingdom “What do we do?”―and formative―answering the of The Tale of the Two Brotherswith Biblical narra- of an administrative or religious scope, with a (c. 2575 – 2134 BC), it only appeared on the tombs question “Who are we?”―characteristics of the tives demonstrates the strength of Western con- clear entertainment purpose; on the other hand, of kings and the closest elites, and there was no text, from the perspective of the cultural memo- ceptions in textual interpretation. By that time, others were written with a prime utilitarian de- opposition between the domain of writing and 19 ry. By doing so, we intend to demonstrate the way the classicist approach of the texts made evident fined intention, later being elected, canonized, the nobility. By the Third and Fourth Dynasties 13 maet is connected not only with the pharaoh’s the scarcity of comprehension of the language. as “literary” by the Egyptians. (c. 2770 – 2575 BC), the evidence shows a trans- In the twentieth century, the positivist school image, but with the Egyptian society as a whole. Given the above considerations, a definition formation on the record, in a “more informal” of criticism had a major influence on the frames of “literature” applied to brings context, as e. g., marks on quarries.20 In this time, Since there is a debate inside about of interpretation of Egyptian literature. They some difficulties. A. Loprieno takes into con- the hieroglyphic code was capable of containing Egyptian literary texts and their use as historical supported the idea of a connection between liter- sideration the “fictionality”, “intertextuality” more complex sentences.21 By the Fifth Dynasty sources, we briefly introduce some observations ature and historical past. A romantic view of lit- and “reception” as categories for labeling a text (c. 2465 – 2323 BC), the were the in this regard. The reflections on cultural memory erature was present, for example, in Gardiner’s as “literature”.14 Quirke elected the “function”, most complex example of Egyptian writing. and literary texts are made at this time. After this, works related to Egyptian literary texts. “form” and “content”.15 R. Parkinson discusses The decrease in royal authority in the provinc- we discuss the source and its dating, and then we From 1950, G. Posener’s production on the the literary texts “as components of a coherent es was one of the main drivers of the political frag- proceed to the content analysis of the text. theme marked a turning point to an approach of corpus that can be defined in terms of fictionality, mentation that culminated in the so-called First In- Middle Egyptian literary texts. One of his works, genre and social and discursive context, and which termediate Period22 (c. 2134 – 2040 BC). This time 7 Littérature et politique, combined belles lettres and occupied a distinctive place in the mainstream of was characterized by an anti-centralizing action of 1 | Theoretical issues politics, whose vision was widely adopted by the Egyptian high culture”.16 Our understanding of power, which had a direct reflection in the writing 8 Egyptology community, but later criticized. literary texts here comprises those whose recep- that was now able to contain more complex sen- One of the difficulties in analyzing ancient W. Simpson noted that Posener intended to tion by the ancient Egyptians and by the mod- tences, and in the arts. The so-calledCoffin Texts Egyptian literary texts is the absence of their show that “several literary compositions had an ern―be it Egyptological or not17―understands reflected new ideas developed during this time. 4 9 original archaeological context, as is the case of element of royalist advocacy”, and we believe its aesthetic aspects, regardless of its genders. The reunification of Egypt by Mentuhotep II The Prophecies of Neferty. For this reason, “their that is the case of Neferty. Our understanding c 5 In this sense, interpreting Middle Egyptian ( . 2061 – 2010 BC) recentralized the power in role in their culture is uncertain”. The other con- does not deny that works of Egyptian literature literary texts demands a notion on their circula- Thebes. Egyptian culture was at its highest, and 10 cern is a definition of “literature”, or “literary”, had a main entertainment element. tion on Egyptian society. The Ancient Egyptian “literature” flourished, based on earlier genres.23 applicable to those texts, and their use as histori- This sense of beauty regarding the texts and cal sources of Egyptian mind and past. writings appears more specifically in Neferty, 7, 13, The Egyptological view of these texts began in mdwt nfrwt Tsw stpw, “goodly words and choice the nineteenth century, with J.-F. Champollion’s verses”.11 The ancient Egyptians, however, had 12 Vernus 2011: 22. 13 Vernus 2011: 116–134. For a discussion on “literature” related to ancient Egyptian texts, cf. Parkinson 2001: 22– 42. 14 Loprieno 1996: 43–54. 3 Simpson 1996: 438. 15 Quirke 2004: 24–28. 4 Exceptions are the “archives”, cf. Quirke 2004: 10–11. 16 Parkinson 2001: 4, our emphasis. 5 Parkinson 2001: 3. 17 A text that fits all those aspects isThe Dispute Between a Man with his Ba, canonized in Antiquity, elected as belles lettres 6 Parkinson 2001: 11. by the Egyptologists, being the most cited text outside the field (Assmann 1998: 387). 7 Posener 1969. 18 Baines 1988: 188. 8 Simpson 1996: 438. 19 Baines 1988: 191–192. 9 Simpson 1996: 438. For a discussion of propaganda applied to ancient Egypt, and ancient Egyptian literature, see: 20 Baines 1988: 194. Posener 1969; Simpson 1982: 266; Simpson 1996; Eyre 1996; Parkinson 2001: 13–16; Redford 2008: 32–33; Vernus 2011: 83–87; Castillos 2018. 21 Baines 1988: 194. 10 Morenz 2003: 102; Vernus 2011: 83–86. 22 Willems 2010: 83. 11 Morenz 2003: 102. 23 Morenz 2003: 102–103.

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Writing remained restricted to the pharaoh and The break in tradition brings with it a stimu- . The text is in Sneferu’s reign. He pHermitage 1116A (The Instruction for Merikarê), his court, although less restricted than before. lus for writing. According to Jan Assmann, in the asks his Royal Council to bring to his presence and a hieroglyphic transcription from the hierat- The literary texts, however, were primarily con- so-called First Intermediate Period such stim- someone who can speak “fine words, selected ic of tablet Cairo 25224.36 sumed by oral recitation,24 and their appearance ulus referred to writings related to the norms of speeches” (mdwt nfrwt Tsw stpw, 7, 13). Then, a lec- In 1970, W. Helck published a transcription was linked to this practice.25 social life.29 The tradition, formerly excarnated, tor-priest of is brought to the palace, and from hieratic to hieroglyph of the text as well, in- In this context, Jan Assmann’s cultural memo- becomes incarnated through writing. Here, asks the king whether he wishes to hear about novating by making the first eclectic text―that ry offers a theoretical lens capable of understand- our main focus is the way maet is thematized the past, the present or the future. The pharaoh is, a final text made through comparison among 37 ing the mnemotechnics employed by the Egyp- on Neferty. Taking into consideration the nega- chooses the last option, and then Neferty reports all the available sources ―ever published. The tian pharaonic elite in order to create an identity tive aspect of the text, we proceed to an analysis a time of generalized disorder, of social calami- most recent transcription was published in 2017 38 and normative unity. The cultural memory is a a contrario of the text.30 ty such that it affects not only the earthly but by K. Hassan, being a study of the tablet Cairo form of memory created by a group through A portion of Middle Egyptian literary texts also the cosmic plane, interfering with the ele- 25224, besides criticizing Helck’s transcription. the crystalization or symbolization of important that have survived into our days have come from ments of nature. The priest prophesies that the Regarding the dating of the text, the classical formative and normative elements.26 The sym- Late Second Intermediate Period or New King- order will only return to Egypt with the coming Egyptological view establishes it in the Twelfth Dy- bol has the power to contain a great quantity of dom copies of scribe apprentices, e. g., Testament of a savior king from the South, named Ameny― nasty. More recently, however, A. Stauder demon- ― information readily available to those belong- of Amenemhat, The Lamentations of Ipuwer, The seen here as Amenemhet I who will set the bor- strated that Neferty has linguistic grounds which ders of the country, expel the foreigners, and ing to the group, besides being an external com- Instruction for Merikarê and The Prophecies of extends the temporal range for dating it “from make the land prosper again. ponent of memory. The recovery of this form of Neferty, the last being the one we propose to ana- some point in the Second Intermediate Period The text has its most complete copy on a pa- memory occurs through ritualization, and, in the lyze here. The great number of copies, mainly (mid-Thirteenth Dynasty at the earliest) to the pyrus―pHermitage 1116B―dated in the Eight- 39 case of the literate societies, through the “schol- attested by ostraca found in pit deposits, is evi- early Eighteenth Dynasty”. eenth Dynasty.35 Other fragments can be found arly study of the written, foundational word”.27 dence of the canonization of these works. “Ca- At the same time, A. Stauder himself writes that: 31 in the tablet Cairo 25224, which contains the The formative character of the cultural mem- nonical texts cannot be changed”. They em- On the other hand, Neferty resonates with various lines 35 to 71, and on the tablet BM 5647, con- ory answers the group question “Who are we?”, body “the normative and formative values of a Middle Egyptian literary texts, some dating to the taining the lines 9 to 12. Apart from them, there and the formative texts have the knowledge that community”.32 Additionally, their “meaning can Twelfth Dynasty (e. g. Eloquent Peasant), some lat- are nineteen ostraca with few fragments of the ensures the identity of the group. The normative only emerge through a three-way relationship er but still earlier, or possibly earlier, than the early text. However, they have little relevance to texts, on the other hand, encode norms of so- between text, interpreter, and listener”.33 New Kingdom (Cheops’ Court, and Khakheperreseneb, the whole text, just helping to fill some gaps in 40 28 Prophecies of Neferty34 respectively. cial behavior, answering the group question The is a masterpiece of pHermitage 1116B. Due to the considerable “What do we do?”. the Egyptian writing and thought, written in amount of mistakes on that papyrus, it was prob- From these excerpts, Stauder tries to define ably written by an apprentice scribe. an ante quem nom to the dating of Neferty, posi- pHermitage 1116B has six “pages”, each of them tioning it in the late Second Intermediate Peri- with eleven lines, despite the last one that con- od and early New Kingdom. Nonetheless, from tains just ten, the width of each sheet measuring the same excerpts, we can see that Stauder him- 24 Vernus 2011: 51–52. from 15,6 cm to 15,8 cm. It was first published in a self situates the text as a transitional one, in 25 Morenz 2003: 102. facsimile edition in 1913 by W. Golénischeff, along some time during the transition from the Middle 26 Assmann 1995: 130; 2011: 6–7. with pHermitage 1115B (The ShipwreckedSailor ), Kingdom to the New Kingdom. 27 Assmann 2011: 71. 28 Assmann 1995: 132; 2008: 140–141. 29 Assmann 2008: 97. 30 Assmann 2010: 26–27. 31 Assmann 2011: 78. 35 Helck 1970: 1. 32 Assmann 2011: 79. 36 Golénischeff 1913. 33 Assmann 2011: 79. 37 Foster and Foster 2008: 221. 34 We resonate Lichtheim (1973: 139): “The readers, ancient and modern, are to understand that the ‘prophecy’ is a 38 Hassan 2017. literary disguise, veiling the contemporary character of a work composed in the reign of Amenemhet I, and designed 39 Stauder 2013: 419. as a glorification of that king. The work is a historical romance in pseudo-prophetic form.” 40 Stauder 2013: 419, our bolds.

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In addition to it, A. Stauder does not for- the way the text proceeds as a royal advocacy of spheres. The whole Egyptian society played a she has on Neferty. To do so, we pay attention to get to mention the fact that, despite the copy on Amenemhat I. role in the support of maet, and the pharaoh was references to lack of action and lack of communi- pHermitage 1116B dating to the Eighteenth Dy- The second component is the Egyptian reality primarily responsible for her maintenance.45 In cation. As Assmann states: nasty, “textual productions of the Middle King- between these two kings, occupying a great part this regard, we see maet in Neferty as the bound De toute évidence, ces deux catégories, l’action et dom and Second Intermediate Period have been of the text: the ruin of Egypt; the presence of the between the times of peace, order, justice, whose la parole, se réfèrent aux deux composantes princi- aAmw .TmHw lost, perhaps in higher numbers than early New Asiatics ( ) and Libyans ( ); and the di- establishment is a natural consequence of the pales de Maât, à savoir ‘justice’ et ‘verité’: la justice 41 Kingdom ones”. vision between its own inhabitants. We will fo- king chosen by the to restore Egypt. In oth- est la Maât que l’on ‘fait’ en agissant, la verité est la In this way, we agree with K. Hassan’s choice cus in this part on the social aspect of maet, rath- er words, we see maet here playing a fundamen- Maât que l’on ‘dit’ en communiquant.50 to follow the traditional Egyptological dating er than solely on how her relationship with the tal role in the uses of the past made by Neferty, of Neferty in the Twelfth Dynasty (Middle King- pharaoh is expressed in the text. being responsible for the links between the In the next moment, we proceed to the exami- dom), taking A. Stauder’s ideas into considera- The idea ofmaet (mAat) is fundamental for our past (Sneferu’s peaceful reign) and the “future” nation of such components of Neferty, through a 51 tion.42 Thus, the classic Egyptological view of interpretation, since the three moments of the (Amenemhat I’s arrival). For A. Almeida, the ref- content analysis. the text as political propaganda of Amenemhet I text listed above correspond to a maetic or isefetic erence to Sneferu is an endowment of historici- is our choice in our inquiry of the text.43 time: Sneferu’s reign (mAat); the terrible time of ty, whereby the author intends to consolidate the By doing so, we focus on two aspects of the chaos (isft) related by Neferty; and later restora- text in front of the audience.46 For J. Sales,47 the 2 | Content analysis of Neferty: maet as a link narrative, the first being a brief analysis of the tion by a king from the South, Ameny (reestab- utility of the past comes from its representations between past and future in Middle Kingdom way the figure of pharaoh is demonstrated: the lishment of mAat). as being a remote or closer time related to the Egypt; maet as Egyptian’s social justice pharaonic Old Kingdom, condensed in an ide- In general lines, maet (mAat) constituted a no- present, and its speculation is related to a process alized image of Sneferu; and the “saviour” king tion of eternal order in the cosmic and earthly of rejection/identification that integrates not Ameny,44 showed as a restorer of maet, related to world, needed for the maintenance of life (anx) only past and present, but also past and future.48 The content analysis provides supplementary 52 the attempt to establish a connection between and operation of Egypt in all spheres. Such idea In this sense, the “invention of the Old King- information to the critical reader of a message, him and the traditional pharaonic royalty of the encompasses what we nowadays call law, jus- dom” by the kings of the Twelfth Dynasty through inference or deduction. In this way, it Old Kingdom. By doing so, we pay attention to tice and religion, going beyond those modern (c. 1991 – 1783 BC) is based on a supposed bond enables the reader a contact with the latent as- 53 between them and the kings of the Fifth and pects of the text. Sixth Dynasties (c. 2465 – 2150 BC), taking the This methodology has three steps, namely, person of Sneferu―from the Fourth Dynasty― 1) the choice of documents to be analyzed; as their model.49 2) the formulation of hypotheses and objectives; 41 Stauder 2013: 419. Furthermore, we focus also in the maet’s 3) the elaboration of indicators which sup- 42 As K. Hassan asserts, “The discourse of Neferti is a widely copied literary text dating back to the Middle Kingdom, connections with the social sphere, in order to port the final action.54 pHermitage 1116B and which is regarded as a piece of political propaganda, glorifying the founder of a new dynasty” (Hassan 2017: 264, our achieve the normative and formative meanings its eclectic text made by Helck constitutes the bolds). “The exact date of the prophecy is still debated; however the most likely dating is to the Middle Kingdom, contemporary with Amenemhat I or later in the 12th Dynasty, or the Second Intermediate Period. Parkinson 2001: 304. For more detailed information about the dating of the composition cf. Stauder 2013, 337–443.” (Hassan 2017: 26, note 27). Moreover, in the first note of his paper, K. Hassan states that A. Stauder commented on his text before being published (Hassan 2017: 1). 43 Such perspective does not exclude A. Stauder’s ideas. In this paper we just intend to demonstrate a historical 45 Assmann 2010: 12; Teeter 2001: 319–321; Menu 2005: 8–9, 23. perspective to the interpretation of the Prophecies of Neferty. Just like K. Hassan (2017), we follow the interpretation 46 Almeida 2012: 32. that the text refers to Amenemhet I, A. Stauder’s discussion of its dating not definitely excluding the existence of 47 Sales 2015: 19. that hypothesis. 48 We emphasize that it is far from our goal here to make a discussion about time and temporality for the ancient 44 G. Posener’s point of view on Ameny being the hypocoristic name of Amenemhet I (Posener 1969: 26–29; Egyptians. For more recent discussions on the subject, vide. Pires 2019; Sales 2015; Servajean 2007; Winand 2003. 60) is reinforced by M. Lichtheim (1973: 139). More recently, J.-R. Pérez-Accino (2008: 1497) understands the prophetic tone in which Ameny’s (imny) arrival is announced as an intertextuality with the prophecy of the 49 Assmann 2011: 19; Wildung 1984: 38. goddess (msxnt) about the royalty of Ruddedet’s three children, in which both sentences are similar 50 Assmann 2010: 40. in the Westcar Papyrus (pBerlin 3033). A. Stauder’s reflections about the dating of Neferty take those reflections 51 Bardin 1977. into account (Stauder 2013: 339). “The reference in ‘Ameni’ is multi-layered; whether it also included a specific 52 Bardin 1977: 133. historical referent remains unclear. In view of the later date of Neferti, the reference to the ‘Walls of the Ruler’ is probably best interpreted as an echo to Sinuhe, be the expression fictionalizing or not in that composition” 53 Bardin 1977: 9. (Stauder 2013: 418). 54 Bardin 1977: 95–101.

156 157 TdE112020 Realignments of Memory: Legitimacy of the Egyptian Past in the Prophecies of Neferty Victor Braga Gurgel document, and the hypotheses were presented in r rdt Dar.tn n.i sA.tn m sAA sn.tn m iqr G. Pires,57 in the nHH cyclic eternity, maet was es- In order to facilitate the comprehension of the introduction. The indicators which support xnms.tn wdi sp nfr Ddty.f n.i nhy n mdwt nfrwt tablished after the Creation by the Demiurge, be- this portion of the text, we divide it in thematic 60 the final action, on the other hand, are the nor- T.sw stpw wDAy Hr n Hm.i n sDm st ing pharaoh’s duty to accomplish her in his daily sections, following T. Canhão. mative and formative qualities of the text, related It all occurred back when the Majesty of Egypt, rituals and attitudes. Then, in our eyes this mo- Ruin of the country in the face of general in- to our second goal―to analyze how the image Sneferu [true of voice], was a mighty King ment of Neferty is the establishment of maet as a difference (17–29): Neferty exposes his concerns of Amenemhet I was constructed in the text―, throughout the land. natural time, associated with the idealized Old about the eastern condition, what would hap- that is, indicative elements of action and identity And one fine day this happened: Kingdom. pen there, when the Asiatics (aAmw) advanced present in our analyzed text. The Royal Council made an entrance into the pal- After the Royal Court leaves the palace, with their curved swords (xpS), terrorizing the We chose the qualitative modality of content ace [life, prosperity, health!] to offer their respect, Sneferu asks the treasurer besides him to bring hearts of those at harvest (18–19). Then, the lec- analysis instead of the quantitative, because the Moving in ordered procession to report their con- them back, and search out for him someone able tor-priest speaks with his own heart (ib), “Be first does not require the exact reference to an cerns as was their daily custom. to speak “fine words, selected speeches” mdwt( stirred, my heart, that you may mourn this land 58 analyzed element―here, maet. The qualitative Then said his Majesty [life, prosperity, health!] to nfrwt T.sw stpw) to entertain him. That is the whence you have sprung!” (.xwsi ib.i rmw.k tA pn content analysis focuses on the semantic aspects the messenger beside him, time when Neferty is introduced into the nar- SAa.n.k im.f, 20). From the beginning of line 20 to of the analyzed particle instead of focusing on ‘Go. Bring the Royal Council to me, which has rative: “There is a , a high priest of the last part of line 24, he mourns the broken and the linguistic ones, as in the case of the quantita- come to pay obeisance on this day.’ Bastet, whose name is Neferty” (iw Xry-Hbt aA n infertile Egypt. From the end of the line 24 to tive modality. So, our search for maet on the text And those he brought were ushered in immediately. bAst ity nb.n nfrty rn.f, 9–10). the beginning of the line 29, Neferty shows that does not stay restricted to the presence of her Then they were upon their stomachs, prone in the Then, begins the longest part of the text, in the solar disc (itn) will be covered by the clouds, name. presence of his Majesty [life, prosperity, health!] which Neferty describes Egypt in chaos, disor- making life impossible. The course of life will be Our content analysis of Neferty takes as subject once more; der, famine, with the predominance of the lack turned into a riverbank, and the riverbank into 61 the ways maet appears on the text, seeking the And his Majesty [life, prosperity, health!] said to of social solidarity and greed above all else. flood, and the winds of Egypt will be reversed. associations between the times presented in the them, Neferty, speaking before Sneferu, denounces One interesting point in this part is the refer- ‘Comrades, I have had you summoned narrative with maet. We also take into consider- the violation of the commitment to social soli- ence to the chaos (isft) in such magnitude that so that you might search out for me a son of yours ation those references a contrario.55 By doing so, darity. That is, he denounces to the king that the creation itself will vanish: “what was made is with wisdom, a brother of yours with skill, we focus on the semantic instead of the linguis- maet no longer predominates in Egypt. In this become unmade, Ré (must) begin his creation” or a friend of yours to furnish entertainment, who 62 tic aspects related to maet. First, let us observe way, he speaks maet before pharaoh. Such in- (iryt m tmt iri SAa m grg, 22). We see this part shall offer me a bit of eloquence how the narrative frame in the past―the Old tention can be certified in Neferty’s speech as establishing the pinnacle of crisis in the narra- or some choice wisdom which my Majesty [life, ― Neferty pHermitage “Do not hold back! Set it before your eyes, that tive: the return to the uncreated state. Egyptian’s Kingdom is represented in ( prosperity, health!] delights to hear.’ 1116B, 1–8).56 you may stand against what rises in your pres- tradition was lost, the entire land was in chaos, This excerpt exposes the setting choice of the ence!” (m wrd mk st xft Hr.k aHa.k r ntt m-bAH.k, Ré withdrew from the land of Egypt. From now xpr.n swt wnn Hm nsw-bity snfrw mAa-xrw m nsw 21–22). Neferty’s narrative seeks to restore the on in the text, everything will get worse. mnx m tA pn r-Dr.fwa m nn hrw xpr narrative frame of the text in Sneferu’s reign be- world to an earlier state, not to create a new Foreign people invading Egypt (29–46): the aq pw iri.n qnbt nt Xnw r pr-aA anx wDa snb r nD xrt cause of his idealized image as a king. Such is reality.59 Asiatics (aAmw) are here associated with alien prt pw iri.n.sn nD.sn xrt mi nt-a.sn ntranb even clearer when we look at the passage above, Dd.in Hm.f anx wDA snb n sDAwty nty r-gs.f when he is declared as a “mighty King through- isy in n.i qnbt nt Xnw prt aA r nD xrt m hrw pn out the land” (nsw mnx m tA pn r-dr.f.). The en- stA ini.tw.f Hr-a trance of the Royal Council (qnbt) in the palace wn.in.sn Hr Xt.sn m-bAH Hm.f anx wDA snb m wHm-a (pr-aA) in their regular daily custom indicates a 57 Pires 2019: 145. Dd.in hm.f anx wDA snb n.sn narrative frame set in a time of an idealized or- mAat 58 Stauder (2013: 347) shows that this motif appears in other middle Egyptian texts, like in the Eloquent Peasant and in rHw mtn rdi.n.i iAaS.tw n.tn der, balanced, that is, maet ( ). According to Ptahhotep. 59 Almeida 2012: 34. 60 Canhão 2013: 157–166. 61 The Egyptians feared the inversion in all its forms. An example is the Spell 173 from theCoffin Texts, intended to protect the deceased from the threat of eating feces and urine (that is, eating what comes out the body, a radical 55 Assmann 2010: 26–28. example of inversion). 56 Henceforth, the translations quoted here are from Foster 2001: 76–84. The transliteration is taken from Helck 1970 62 Adapted from Quirke 2004: 136. Similarly, in the lines 38–39, we have “Let me offer you a land like sickness, where and Canhão 2014: 643–672. what should not happen does.” (di.i n.k tA sny mn tm xpr xpr).

158 159 TdE112020 Realignments of Memory: Legitimacy of the Egyptian Past in the Prophecies of Neferty Victor Braga Gurgel birds that will nidify in ’s Delta.63 The lec- tians. Neferty denounces the social injustice, One never knows when midday happens, Ameny, who will reestablish maet and isefet to tor-priest explains its causes as the neglect of the such as inconsistency in weights and measure- one cannot distinguish (his own) shadow.67 their respective places, causing the Cosmic and Egyptian themselves (29–30); foreigner’s search ments, basis of taxes on peasants’ plant and an- social order again, “reviving, “recreating” the A. Almeida associates Ré’s withdrawal with for food from Egypt (32); the lack of an effective imal products (15–36). world. the Myth of the Destruction of the Cosmos, with fortress in the East (33), culminating with the in- Then, Neferty emphasizes the silence and lack Announcement of the coming of a savior king one of its references appearing in Chapter 175 vasion of Egypt by this place. Such excerpt (29– of communication (pHermitage 1116B, 48–50): (58–70): Due to its central place in our analysis, of the .68 Therefore, in our eyes, 46) contains a significant number of references we will expose the entire section, excluding the tw r rdit xt m msdd r sgr r mdw the fact that an Egyptian cannot distinguish his to the lack of social solidarity of the Egyptians as colophon (pHermitage 1116B, 58–70). wSb.tw T.s a prw Xr xt own shadow indicates physical and metaphys- a cause of this time of misfortune. Funeral cere- mdw.tw m smA sw ical disorientation. According to J. Allen, the nsw pw r iit n rsy monies are not strictly followed, and murderers xn mdwt Hr ib mi xt shadow (Swt) was one of the main components imny mAa-xrw rn.f are a common thing. nn wxd.n.tw pri n r on the Egyptian concept of an individual, along sA Hmt pw n tA-sty The following passages are worth mention- msi pw n Xnw nxn Goods are given out only hatefully, to silence the with the ka (kA) and the ba (bA).69 It is notewor- iw.f r Ssp [HD]t ing, in which Neferty denounces the greed of the speaker’s mouth. thy that maet was connected to Ré and to royal- iw.f r wT.s dSrt Egyptians, pointing it out as one of the causes of The phrase is answered at the arm raised with a ty, representing the Universal order desired by iw.f smA sxmty cosmic disorder he prophesies (pHermitage 1116B, stick, the Demiurge, reflected both on the nature as in iw.f r sHtp nbwy 42–45): and people speak by murder. 70 the world. Moreover, she withdraws to the sky m mrwt.sn Speech alights on the heart like fire 71 ib n s m-sA.f Ds.f when isefet prevails. pXr- m fxa wsr m nwdt No-one can bear a word from the mouth.66 nn iri.tw sAmw After this long exposition of Egypt’s chaotic rSy rmT nt hAw.f ib sTni n Hr.s r-Aw It is interesting to note that the prevalence state, Neferty seems to have no hope. But: sA n s r irt rn.f The heart of a man will only be after himself. of the silence over speech (48–50) also appears Lorsque le desordre prévaut, Maât ne disparaît r nHH Hna Dt No mourning will be observed today – in many middle Egyptian literary texts, e. g. pas: chassée par Isfet du monde terrestre, elle se wAyw r Dwt kAy[w] sbiw the heart is turned entirely to itself. the Lamentations of Khakheperreseneb, the Dispute retire au ciel, auprès de son père, Rê. Il appartien- sxr.n.sn r.sn n snDw.f of a Man with his Ba, and the Admonitions of an dra alors aux hommes de faire apparaître un nou- iw aAmw r xr n Sat.f Selfishness will be so strongly present within timHw r xr n nswt.f Egyptian sage veau pharaon, un roi unique et puissant qui, par society that funeral ceremonies will be set aside. (Ipu-uer). des actes conformes à l’ordre voulu par les dieux, iw sbiw nw nDnD.f The passage also speaks of greed in the hearts of As discussed earlier, soon after in the text, fera revenir Maât sur terre pour le bonheur de XAkw-ib nw SfSft.f the Egyptians: it is noteworthy that this is a pre- Ré himself will withdraw because of such con- tous. La crise de la Première Période intermédiaire iw arat imy xnty ib 64 ditions in which Egypt was found (pHermitage Hr shryt.f XAkw-ib rogative of the heart ( ) which, as Neferty joue un rôle paradigmatique, à la fin du troisième 1116B, 51–52): tw r qd inbw-HqA anx wDA snb says, will no longer be concerned with its fellow millénaire.72 man but with his bearer (i. e., the individual), a iw ra iwd.f sw rmT nn rdit hAy aAmw r kmt sign of selfishness isefet( ).65 wbn.f wn wnwt In this way the final “prophecy” is spoken, dbH.sn mw mi sxrw Ssaw Such resonances with isefet bring with them nn rx.tw xpr mtrt about the coming of a southern king named r rdit swri awwt.sn dramatic consequences for the Egyptians: in To- nn tni Swyt.f tal disorder (46–58), we find several references Ré withdraws himself from mankind, so that he to the lack of social solidarity among the Egyp- shines down but fitfully –

67 According to Helck (1970: 45), there is a suffixf “ ..”, whose semantic consists of a singular masculine possessive pronoun ( ) after the t“ ” ( ) in Swyt, what made us opt for “one cannot distinguish his own shadow” instead of “one cannot distinguish shadows (Foster 2001: 83) or “shadows cannot be made out” (Quirke 2004: 138). Our option is closer to Lichtheim’s: “no one will discern his shadow” (Lichtheim 1973: 143) and Canhão’s: “ninguém 63 As noted by Stauder (2013: 430), the migratory birds indicate an intertextuality between Neferty and the Hymn to distinguirá a sua sombra” (Canhão 2014: 711). (2. 1–2): “The migratory Bird (qbHw) is descended (hAi) and finds the Southern Part as a lake; it settles on the 68 Almeida 2012: 20–30. tells of Upper Egypt, Chemnis having becoming theirsic nest (SA)”. 69 Allen 2001: 277–278. 64 Assmann 2010: 49. 70 Menu 2005: 11; 23. 65 Assmann 2010: 50. 71 Menu 2005: 23. 66 Quirke 2004: 137. 72 Menu 2005: 23.

160 161 TdE112020 Realignments of Memory: Legitimacy of the Egyptian Past in the Prophecies of Neferty Victor Braga Gurgel

iw mAat r iit r st.s and Seth pacified―what can be interpret- Then, pharaoh will finalize his pacification text relates the chaotic state in which Egypt and isft dr sy r-rwty ed as both the pacification of the people of the with the foreign people by giving them water, the Cosmos were after this balance time, located rSy gmHty.f desert―symbolized by Seth―with the people of letting them “beg for it according to custom”. in an idealized, mythical past: as a result of the wnnt.fy Hr Sms nsw Egypt―symbolized by Horus―as with the un- We see this as a reference to “Wild desert beasts collapse of the centralized state, Egyptian’s bor- But a king shall come from the South, ion of the Two Lands (smA tAwy). Mentuhotep II shall come to drink the water down by Egypt’s ders were invaded by foreign people, the inver- Ameny, blessed, his name, changed his royal protocol twice, and “his third river” (36), earlier in Neferty. The fact that they sion took place of the entire land, the solar disc Son of a girl of Ta-Sety, the Southland, Horus name smA tAwy, ‘Unifier of the Two Lands’, (the foreign people) will “beg for water accord- (itn) and Ré himself faded away, greed and - child of the palace at Hierakonpolis. would reflect a policy of reintegrating the two ing to custom” indicates a return to a previous tred took hold of the Egyptians. 73 And he shall seize the White Crown of the South, parts of Egypt”. Taking that into considera- state, in which the Asiatics and Libyans were de- Social justice has an important task to fulfill as and he shall raise up the Red [Crown] of the North, tion, we see those references to the Unification pendent on Egypt’s natural resources, having to well, along with the pharaoh: as demonstrated, And he shall unite the Two Mighty Ones, as not only an attempt to historicize the text, but beg for the king’s mercy in order to access them. the main sign in the text related to the absence of let Horus and Seth be at peace, and their fellows; also as an indication of the creation of the monar- That is, a return tomaet (mAat). maet in the hearts of the Egyptians is the silence/ And he shall gather the lands in his grasp, chy through the unification of the Two Lands, an Finally, “maet shall rise to her throne, isefet be lack of action. Neferty, thus, denounces the social strong since the days of his swaddling clothes! association with the “First Time” (sp tpy). utterly driven away”.76 In this way, Amenemhet I connivance with the statuos quo, for the Egyp- Joy shall be to the people of his time – Furthermore, pharaoh, with his power, will ends his creation process. “In fact, Creation is tians stand against each other, desecrating the for a worthy son who shall make his name defeat the Asiatics (aAmw) and the Libyans not the end of Chaos: it is only its relegation to traditions (which in our vision is also a way to to endure forever and forever. (TmHw)―associated in the text with isefet. The the peripheral boundaries of the Cosmos”.77 unbalance maet). In this sense, the “justice” and Those fallen to evil, those plotting rebellion – coming king is merciful and brings balance: “Re- Neferty’s narrative, then, seeks restoring the cha- the “truth”, the two main components of maet, they have silenced their mouths in fear of him; bels shall be given to him for instruction, the dis- otic world to a previous lost state (maet’s state), are expressed with its relations to the action and Asiatics shall fall to his sword, affected made to respect him again” iw( sbiw nw not creating a new reality.78 the speech in the following scheme: Libyans shall fall to his fire. nDnD.f XAkw-ib nw SfSft.f, 64).

Rebels shall be given to him for instruction, Theiaret cobra is commonly associated with Speech ↔ Action (to listen/to act according- ly to maet) Truth/Justice the disaffected made to respect him again – the idea of a deity who protects the pharaoh 3 | Final remarks ↔ And the serpent-goddess (arat) going before him against his enemies, through her spit fire. Here, Then, we see here an important normative as- shall soothe surviving antagonists. on the contrary, she appears as a “peacemaker” The following considerations take into ac- pect of cultural memory presented in Neferty: They shall build Walls-of-the-Ruler, the fortress – “soothing surviving antagonists” (iw arat imy count the restricted character of circulation of Egyptians as a whole shall not only speak about no more Asiatics to come down into Egypt! xnty Hr shryt.f XAkw-ib, 65). In our vision, this an- written texts in Ancient Egypt, made for and by maet but also act accordingly. Through listening, Let them beg for water according to custom tagonism reinforces an idea of a merciful king, the written elite, associated with pharaoh. Such the Egyptian understands what happens around to let their cattle drink. ready to treat well even those who oppose him. an aspect is fundamental to the understanding of him/her, and becomes able to sympathize with Justice (mAat) shall rise to her throne; On the other hand, the Nehri graffiti at Neferty others, speaking and acting in a maetic way. Wrongdoing (isft) be utterly driven away! the cultural memory related to . Hatnub provides evidence of war conditions in How fortunate those who shall see him, We understand Neferty as a literary text with a Thus, the Egyptian has a role in the mainte- Middle Egypt at the end of the Eleventh Dynas- royal advocacy content. In this way, pharaoh as nance of maet, not just pharaoh. By “Egyptian” who shall swell the train of that king! (Our bolds) 74 ty or at the beginning of the Twelfth, and some an institution is shown firstly as an idealized im- we understand an idealized vision of an Egyp- Here, Neferty “prophesies” about the com- consider that those events took place during age―through the narrative frame, during Snefe- tian that is present in literary texts. In histor- 75 ing of Amenemhat I. He so carefully specifies the Amenemhet I’s reign. ru’s reign, in which he appears as a benevolent ical terms, it is related to those who had access ways in which the savior king will establish maet: The construction of the “Walls of the Ruler” king―associated with maet. A great part of the to the texts, either in written form or through his use of the Two Crowns (HDt and dSrt); the ap- (inbw-HqA) in the Delta borders of Egypt appears peasement of the Two Mighty Lords (sHtp nbwy), in the as well (B17).

76 In our eyes, there is here an intertextuality with Khakheperreseneb (recto, 11): rdi.tw mAat rwty isft m-Xnw sH,“Maet was expelled out, isefet is in the Council Room” (our translation). The same word used to refer to maet’s expulsion (rwty) 73 Willems 2010: 87. appears referring to isefet’s leaving out the interior of the room. 74 Willems 2010: 90. 77 Pires 2019: 145. 75 Willems 2010: 90. 78 Almeida 2012: 34.

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164 165 TdE112020 Dos falsificaciones ramésidas Vernus, P. 2011 “«Littérature», «littéraire» et supports y una propuesta de clasificación tipológica d’écriture. Contribution à une théorie de la littérature dans l’Égypte pharaonique”, de las piezas dudosas EDAL 2: 19–145. Miguel JARAMAGO Wildung, D. 1984 L’Âge d’Or de l’Égypte, Le Moyen Empire. Fribourg. La verità è sempre rivoluzionaria. (Antonio Gramsci) Willems, H. 2010 “The First Intermediate Period and the El propósito de la presente comunicación es dar a conocer las investigaciones llevadas a cabo sobre dos piezas que se encuentran en sendas colecciones públicas madrileñas, una en el Museo Arqueológico Nacional de Madrid y otra en el Museo Middle Kingdom”, in: A. Lloyd (ed.): A Cerralbo. Ambas llegaron a España en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX a través de coleccionistas privados. La primera de ellas Companion to Ancient Egypt, Chichester: II, porta un del faraón Ramsés I, la otra una forma del praenomen de Sethi I. Como tendremos ocasión de comprobar, 81–101. pensamos que ninguna de ellas fue creada en el Egipto faraónico. Previamente se procederá a establecer una distinción tipológica básica de los materiales egipcios que pueden llegar a un museo (descartando los que proceden directamente Winand, J. de una excavación), clasificándolos en diez grupos principalmente en función de su mayor o menor grado de verosimilitud. 2003 “Réflexions sur l’anthropologie du temps: Two Ramesside Forgeries and a Suggestion of a Typological Classification of Dubious Objects le cas de l’Égypte ancienne. Questions et The purpose of this paper is to publish the research carried out on two pieces housed in public collections in Madrid, Museo méthodes”, in: V. Pirenne-Delforge and Arqueológico Nacional de Madrid and Museo Cerralbo respectively. The two objects came to Spain in the second half of the O. Tunca (eds.): Représentations du temps 19th century through private collectors. One of them carries a cartouche of the pharaoh Ramesses I, while the other displays dans les religions. Actes du Colloque organisé a form of the praenomen of king Sethi I. We think that neither of them was created in ancient Egypt, but the skilled artists par le Centre d’Histoire des Religions de l’Uni- who made them were inspired by ancient prototypes and ultimately contributed to the diffusion of a late form of Egyptomania versité de Liège reserved for a small circle of 19th century high society of Madrid. At the beginning, we will try to establish a basic typological , Liège: 17–35. distinction of the Egyptian materials that arrive at any museum (discarding those that proceed directly from an excavation), classifying them into ten groups mainly according to their greater or lesser degree of authenticity.

Palabras clave: Falsificación egipcia, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Museo Cerralbo, Ramsés I, Sethi I. Keywords: Ancient Egyptian forgery, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Museo Cerralbo, Ramesses I, Sethi I.

artículo consta de dos partes dife- 1 | Entre lo verdadero y lo falso: una tipología Este renciadas. En la primera de ellas básica de falsificaciones propondremos una tipología básica de piezas falsas (o presumiblemente falsas) egipcias, aun- Car si la question “vrai or faux” est simple et que se trata, como podrá comprobarse, de una spontanée, très souvent la réalité ne se réduit pas clasificación utilizable en cualquier otro tipo à cette alternative, et toutes sortes de nuances de falsificaciones arqueológicas. En la segunda s’imposent. Une longue familiarité avec des ob- parte estudiaremos dos falsos ramésidas, inclu- jets de musée démontre à l’envi qu’il n’existe pas yendo cada uno de ellos en una de las categorías simplement deux catégories, l’une toute blan- 1 propuestas en la primera parte. che, l’autre toute noire .

1 Hellmann 1991: 11.

TdE 11 (2020) - Páginas: 167 - 188 Recepción: 24/6/2019 - Admisión: 8/5/2020 Miguel Jaramago — [email protected] Investigador independiente http://doi.org/ 10.25145/j.TdE.2020.11.11 166 167 Consejo editorial Trabajos de Egiptología Director Papers on Ancient Egypt Miguel Ángel Molinero Polo Universidad de La Laguna, Tenerife, Islas Canarias

Secretaría de edición Lucía Díaz-Iglesias Llanos Alba María Villar Gómez Centro Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid Subdirección General de los Archivos Estatales (Ministerio de Cultura y Deporte)

Colaborador de edición English editorial assistant Kenneth Griffin Swansea University, Gales, Reino Unido Horizonte y perspectiva Estudios sobre la civilización egipcia antigua Consejo de redacción Antonio Pérez Largacha José Ramón Pérez-Accino Universidad Internacional de la Rioja (UNIR) Universidad Complutense de Madrid

Comité científico Marcelo Campagno Josep Cervelló Autuori CONICET Universidad de Buenos Aires Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona María José López-Grande Josep Padró i Parcerisa Universidad Autónoma de Madrid Universitat de Barcelona M.ª Carmen Pérez Die Esther Pons Mellado Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid Editado por Edited by

José Miguel Serrano Delgado Lucía Díaz-Iglesias Llanos Alba María Villar Gómez Daniel Miguel Méndez-Rodríguez Universidad de Sevilla Cruz Fernanz Yagüe Miguel Ángel Molinero Polo José Ramón Pérez-Accino

Fundadores de la revista Miguel Ángel Molinero Polo José Ramón Pérez-Accino Número 11 Antonio Pérez Largacha Covadonga Sevilla Cueva 2020 Índice. Contents

Representaciones de deidades ofídicas en los enterramientos privados de las necrópolis tebanas durante el Reino Nuevo: evidencia gráfica de las diosas Renenutet y Meretseger 7 Marta ARRANZ CÁRCAMO Las mujeres de la elite en el Reino Antiguo, ¿un grupo social incapaz de actuar? 29 Romane BETBEZE La representación de la danza en las tumbas tebanas privadas del Reino Nuevo egipcio 43 Miriam BUENO GUARDIA Choosing the Location of a ‘House for Eternity’. A Survey on the Relationship between the Rank of the Hatshepsut’s Officials and the Location of their Burials in the Theban Necropolis 63 Juan CANDELAS FISAC El hrw nfr en la literatura ramésida: algunas notas para su interpretación 81 María Belén CASTRO Los himnos Esna II, 17 y 31: interpretación teológica e integración en el programa decorativo de la fachada ptolemaica del templo de Esna 93 Abraham I. FERNÁNDEZ PICHEL Retorno a lo múltiple. Metodología y análisis del programa iconográfico Trabajos de Egiptología está producida por de la segunda sala hipóstila del templo de Seti I en Abidos 103 Isfet. Egiptología e Historia María Cruz FERNANZ YAGÜE con la colaboración del Centro de Estudios Africanos de la Universidad de La Laguna Más allá de la narrativa: y para este número de Egiptología Complutense aportes para una aproximación integral a la Segunda Estela de Kamose 125 C/ Blanco 1, 2º Roxana FLAMMINI 38400 Puerto de la Cruz Tenerife − Islas Canarias El despertar de la “Bella Durmiente”: pasado, presente y futuro de la Sala Egipcia España del Museo Provincial Emilio Bacardí Moreau, Santiago de Cuba 141 © De los textos: sus autores y Trabajos de Egiptología Mercedes GONZÁLEZ, Anna María BEGEROCK, Yusmary LEONARD, Dina FALTINGS

Diseño de arte y maquetación Realignments of Memory: Amparo Errandonea Legitimacy of The Egyptian Past In The Prophecies of Neferty 151 [email protected] Victor Braga GURGEL Imprime: Gráfica Los Majuelos Dos falsificaciones ramésidas y una propuesta de clasificación tipológica Depósito Legal: TF 935-2015 de las piezas dudosas 167 ISSN: 1695-4750 Miguel JARAMAGO Ofrendas en el Inframundo: el Libro de las Doce Cavernas en el Osireion de Abidos 189 Representaciones de deidades ofídicas Daniel M. MÉNDEZ-RODRÍGUEZ Cleómenes de Náucratis: realidad, fuentes e historiografía 215 en los enterramientos privados Marc MENDOZA de las necrópolis tebanas Violencia física contra el infante en el antiguo Egipto: durante el Reino Nuevo: evidencia gráfica una realidad o una mala interpretación 225 Ugaitz MUÑOA HOYOS de las diosas Renenutet y Meretseger El acto sexual como agente del (re)nacimiento de Osiris 241 Marta ARRANZ CÁRCAMO Marc ORRIOLS-LLONCH

Of Creator and Creation: Some Observations on the Cosmogonical Conceptions Durante el Reino Nuevo, la recurrencia gráfica a las diosas caracterizadas por la forma de serpiente fue un hecho patente in the Stela of Suty and Hor (BM EA826), Papyrus Leiden I 350, en los programas iconográficos desarrollados en el interior de los espacios funerarios de la élite. and the Hymn to of the “Great Harris Papyrus” (BM EA9999, 44) 263 A partir del estudio de su iconografía es posible acceder a la parcela de la religiosidad y pensamiento en las que estas entidades estuvieron presentes. Con el fin de conocer diversos aspectos con los que quedaron relacionadas, tales como Guilherme Borges PIRES el contexto pictórico, su naturaleza y significación o la vigencia de su existencia y veneración, se han analizado las distintas muestras iconográficas en las que estas divinidades fueron representadas. En este contexto, la iconografía analizada As serpentes vindas do Médio Oriente nos Textos das Pirâmides. específicamente ha tratado las imágenes de las diosas Meretseger y Renenutet. Reflexão sobre as relações egípcias-orientais nos textos religiosos mais antigos 285 The Representation of Ophidian Deities in Private Burials in the Theban Necropolis during the New Kingdom: Graphic Joanna POPIELSKA-GRZYBOWSKA Evidence of the Goddesses Renenutet and Meretseger During the New Kingdom, the graphic recurrence of the goddesses characterized by the snake form was a patent fact in the Apelaciones, deseos y mensajes para la eternidad. iconographic programs developed within the funeral spaces of the elite. El llamado a los vivos en las estelas abideanas del Reino Medio 297 From the study of its iconography, it is possible to access the areas of religiosity and thought in which these entities were Pablo M. ROSELL present. With the aim of understanding various aspects related to them, such as the pictorial context, their nature and significance or the validity of their existence and veneration, the different iconographical samples in which these goddesses were represented have been analysed. In this context, the iconography specifically analysed has treated the images of the A iconografia de Petosíris no túmulo de Tuna el-Guebel 313 goddesses Meretseger and Renenutet. José das Candeias SALES Palabras clave: Iconografía, tumbas tebanas, diosas-cobra. Las estacas de madera de Haraga y la pesca en el-Fayum durante el Reino Medio 331 Keywords: Iconography, Theban tombs, cobra-goddesses. María Teresa SORIA-TRASTOY Parámetros de clasificación zoológica comparados: tumba, entendida como un espacio sa- de la interpretación del medio por parte de la la familia Anatidae en egipcio y sumerio 369 grado para el transcurso de la eterni- cultura egipcia, muestran una serie de concep- Alfonso VIVES CUESTA, Silvia NICOLÁS ALONSO La dad, albergaba todo un simbolismo y concep- ciones en las que las decoraciones gráficas que- Crónica | Contemplar siglos y cumplir veinte años 391 tualización mágica que facilitaba y garantizaba daron en relación con conceptos de protección José Ramón PÉREZ-ACCINO el destino del difunto1. Los programas pictóri- y regeneración tras la muerte. cos albergados en su interior responden a un La decoración de la tumba quedaba definida Submission Guidelines 403 complejo entramado de concepciones con una por el propósito ritual con el que fue concebida, simbología concreta y específica determinada así como por la conceptualización conmemora- por la época en la que se produjeron. Estas es- tiva posterior que tendría lugar por parte de los tructuras simbólicas, que responden al resultado vivos que acudirían al lugar, proporcionando

1 Dodson e Ikram 2008: 77.

TdE 11 (2020) - Páginas: 7 - 27 Recepción: 15/8/2019 - Admisión: 25/3/2020 Marta Arranz Cárcamo — [email protected] Programa de Doctorado en Historia, cultura y pensamiento / Universidad de Alcalá / Madrid / España http://doi.org/10.25145/j.TdE.2020.11.01

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