Post-Secular Philosophy: Between Philosophy and Theology
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Searching the Soul of Antitrust:What Is Competition Law For? Tim Cowen
Searching the soul of antitrust: what is competition law for? Tim Cowen 12 February 2020 outline What is competition law for? • Law and policy differ • Justice “ The Overriding Objective” in applying law, &, justice in a just society raises 3 policy issues: Welfare, Freedom and Virtue. • Outcomes: on industrial structure and distribution of wealth • Causes & History • Now & Future • Conclusions ….What do Intel, Microsoft and Google have in Common? Welfare Freedom & Virtue Summer of 2004: hurricane Charley hit Florida: 22 lives, $11billion damage. Orlando gas stations: (August & electricity and refrigeration failures) $2 dollar bags of ice = $10 dollars & generators usually selling for $250 = $2000 A 72 year old & her handicapped daughter charged $160 for a $40 motel room. USA Today: “After the storm come the vultures?” State AG Charlie Christ : “It is astounding to me the level of greed that someone must have in their soul to be willing to take advantage of someone suffering in the wake of a hurricane” Florida has a law against “Price Gouging”. 2,000 complaints Days Inn West Palm Beach had to pay $ 70,000 in penalties and restitution. Welfare, Freedom and Virtue Welfare: raising price attracts supply? Welfare at a time of duress impacts on the vulnerable Raised prices provide incentives for suppliers to switch production, reflect what willing buyers and sellers consider to be the value of the goods and services. Depends on open markets/absence of duress, and impacts on all: rich/poor, price sensitive non price sensitive, vulnerable or not. Free markets promote welfare by creating incentives for people to produce what others want: the price signal is important to fuel the engine of the economy. -
University of Groningen in Pursuit of the Postsecular Molendijk, Arie L
University of Groningen In pursuit of the postsecular Molendijk, Arie L. Published in: International Journal of Philosophy and Theology DOI: 10.1080/21692327.2015.1053403 IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2015 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Molendijk, A. L. (2015). In pursuit of the postsecular. International Journal of Philosophy and Theology, 76(2), 100-115. https://doi.org/10.1080/21692327.2015.1053403 Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 28-09-2021 International Journal of Philosophy and Theology, 2015 Vol. 76, No. 2, 100–115, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21692327.2015.1053403 In pursuit of the postsecular Arie L. Molendijk* History of Christianity & Philosophy, Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, Groningen, The Netherlands (Received 11 February 2015; final version received 18 May 2015) This article explores the various uses or – according to some authors, such as the sociologist James Beckford – misuses of the term ‘postsecular’. -
Jesuit Psychology and the Theory of Knowledge
Chapter 5 Jesuit Psychology and the Theory of Knowledge Daniel Heider 1 Introduction Although Jesuit philosophical psychology of the sixteenth and the first decades of the seventeenth century was mostly united against secular Aristotelianism, exemplified by “the sects” of the Alexandrists and the Averroists, doctrinal vari- ety conflating the panoply of Scholastic streams with important ingredients of the neo-Platonic and medical tradition can be seen as a typical feature of the early Jesuits’ philosophical syncretism.1 Despite this doctrinal heterogeneity, the goal of this chapter is to propose what I regard as an important “paradigm shift” in the development of the early (Iberian) Jesuits’ psychology. It has been claimed that Jesuit philosophers of the third generation, such as Pedro Hurta- do de Mendoza (1578–1641), Rodrigo de Arriaga (1592–1667), and Francisco de Oviedo (1602–51), substantially revived the Scholastic via moderna.2 This histo- riographical hypothesis about the crucial role of late medieval nominalism— there are, as yet, very few studies on the matter—will be verified on two issues typical of the period, both of which can be viewed as variants of the classical problem of “the one and the many.” First, there is the query about the char- acter of the distinction between the soul (the principle of unity) and its vital powers (the principle of plurality). Famously, critiques of the Scholastic theory of really distinct accidents (i.e., powers interceding between the soul and its acts; henceforth, the real distinction thesis [rdt]) constituted a representative piece of the philosophical agenda for early modern philosophers in general.3 1 For Jesuit syncretism, see Daniel Heider, “Introduction,” in Cognitive Psychology in Early Jesuit Scholasticism, ed. -
The Distributist Alternative
www.secondspring.co.uk/economy The Distributist Alternative Russell Sparkes When people think of G.K. Chesterton, they normally remember his literary achievements: the essays, the Father Brown stories, the wealth of aphorisms that are still widely quoted. However, I suspect that if you had asked the man himself what part of his work he was most proud of, he would have said something that is almost totally forgotten today: his advocacy of a social and political philosophy called ‘Distributism’. In my talk today I want to tell you what this was, what its antecedents and inspirations were, and its lasting value. Distributism’s main tenet was that property should be as widely distributed as possible, and business should be local. There was advocacy of the economy being centred upon the production of goods, and suspicion of the role of high finance. It was advocated principally by G.K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc from 1910 onwards, although others such as the Dominican priest Vincent McNabb, the artist Eric Gill, and the guild socialist Arthur Penty also contributed ideas. However, many of these latter had their own agenda, and while they were active in the Distributist movement, their advocacy of homespun craftsmanship or of the ‘social credit’ theories of Major Douglas.[1] They were peripheral to Distributism whose key texts are Chesterton’s Outline of Sanity published in 1926, and Belloc’s Essay on the Restoration of Property of 1936. In the depressed economic conditions of the 1920s Distributism became a political movement as well as an economic programme which was led and inspired by Chesterton through a little magazine that he edited and whose heavy losses he funded. -
Changing the Debate: the Ideas Redefining Britain About Respublica
Changing the Debate: The Ideas Redefining Britain About ResPublica ResPublica is an independent, non-partisan UK think tank founded by Phillip Blond in November 2009. We focus on developing practical solutions to enduring socio-economic and cultural problems of our time, such as poverty, asset inequality, family and social breakdown, and environmental degradation. Our research combines a radical, civic philosophy with the latest insights in social policy analysis, economic modelling, behavioural economics, management theory, social psychology and technological innovation to produce original, implementable solutions. We would like to foster new approaches to economic inequality, investment and group behaviour, so that the benefits of capital, trade and entrepreneurship are open to all. We believe that human relationships should once more be the centre and meaning of an associative society, and that we need to recover the language and practice of the common good. Our work seeks to strengthen the links between local individuals, organisations and communities that create social capital. We have had demonstrable success with innovative research that has been seen to make an impact on the policy landscape. Our reports have received widespread acclaim from policy-makers and practitioners, the media, and politicians from both sides of the political spectrum. We regularly host events and discussion forums that facilitate debate and extend our outreach. ResPublica is also a membership organisation, offering personal membership packages as a means for interested and like-minded individuals to engage with ResPublica in a way that is tailored to their own interests. The ResPublica Business Network is a programme for our organisational stakeholders, as a platform for elevated engagement with ResPublica and fellow network members with the common goal of innovative policy debate and solutions. -
Republican Tradition: RELOADED
Republican tradition: RELOADED Taras Plakhtiy [email protected] Key terms: political organizations, republican tradition, organizational ideal, hierarchical construction, variable structure, dynamic networks. Abstract: The detailed interdisciplinary analysis of all four components of the republican tradition in terms of social psychology, sociology, group psychoanalysis, ethology, organisation theory, organisational behaviour and other disciplines has allowed us to determine the conditions under which they can be fully realised in modern political parties as the organisational ideal. We demonstrated that the construction of a Republic should begin from the creation of crystallisation centres – multi-intelligent social model political organisations that allow for a systemic implementation of the four components of republicanism by changing the course of natural group dynamics in primary groups of all party units. Changing the course of natural group dynamics in units of political organisations is possible only through the use of appropriate organisational tools, such as the variable structure – dynamic network, for their creation and construction. As a result of their successful operation and growth of their authority, the entire society will restructure following the pattern of such successful crystallisation centres and will adopt their proposed values, which will enable the state to acquire all the qualities of a modern Republic. This version: December 22, 2016 First published in Ukrainian: January 27, 2016 (Електронний ресурс -
The 'Big Society' Will Not Necessarily Lead to Better Elderly Care Treatment
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/archives/24429 The ‘Big Society’ will not necessarily lead to better elderly care treatment Di Galpin looks at the Big Society from a philosophical standpoint and questions whether it can be achieved without encouragement from an active state. The Big Society has been vilif ied as a return to the politics of the New Right; a Trojan horse f or smaller government, and f eted as the anatomy of the new politics on which to establish the legitimate nature and limits of the relationship between the state and individual in a 21st century system of health and social care. Phillip Blond is a central f igure in the development of the concept of Big Society. Blond argues both the political Lef t and political Right have presided over a collapse of coherent cultural values and a shared commitment to a ‘common good’, suggesting a redistribution of power f rom the ‘top’ (state) to the bottom (individual) is required, aligned with a more compassionate f orm of capitalism, to re-establish the common good. For the current government, this rests on the empowerment of local communities f ounded on voluntary networks of trust and mutuality. From this perspective the purpose of Big Society appears to extend responsibility f or the care of older people to local communities, rather than extending the responsibility of the state. Policy programmes already implemented by the current government to develop Big Society include the National Citizen Service, which organise voluntary opportunities f or young people, and the creation of the Big Society Bank, which will act as a central source of investment income f or third sector organisations. -
What Next for Labour?
What next cover 6/9/09 9:48 PM Page 1 what next for Labour? what next Demos is grateful to all the contributors to this volume: Rushanara Ali what next for Associate Director at the Young Foundation Jessica Asato Acting Director of Progress Phillip Blond Labour? Director of the Progressive Conservatism Project at Demos Burks Peter Harrington and Beatrice Karol edited by Martin Bright Political journalist and founder of New Deal of the Mind ideas for the Philip Collins Chair of Trustees, Demos Jon Cruddas MP for Dagenham progressive left Alan Finlayson Reader in Politics and International Relations at Swansea University Maurice Glasman Director of the Faith and Citizenship Programme at London Metropolitan University A COLLECTION OF ESSAYS Lisa Harker and Carey Oppenheim Co-directors of the Institute for Public Policy Research Tristram Hunt Lecturer in History at Queen Mary, University of London Kevin Jefferys Professor of Contemporary History at Plymouth University Tessa Jowell MP for Dulwich and West Norwood. Minister for the Cabinet Office and the Olympics, and Paymaster General Sunder Katwala General Secretary of the Fabian Society Neal Lawson Chair of Compass David Marquand Chair of the Demos Advisory Council and Visiting Fellow, University of Oxford Michael Meacher Former Environment Secretary Richard Reeves Director of Demos Jenni Russell Writer, broadcaster and columnist for the Guardian Jonathan Rutherford Editor of Soundings and Professor of Cultural Studies, Middlesex University Stuart White Director of the Public Policy Unit at the University of Oxford ISBN 978-1-906693-17-6 £5 © Demos 2009 What next cover 6/9/09 9:48 PM Page 2 1 First published in 2009 © Demos. -
SECOND SCHOLASTICISM and BLACK SLAVERY1 Segunda Escolástica E Escravidão Negra La Segunda Escolástica Y La Esclavitud Negra
PORTO ALEGRE http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.2019.3.36112 SECOND SCHOLASTICISM AND BLACK SLAVERY1 Segunda Escolástica e escravidão negra La Segunda Escolástica y la esclavitud negra Roberto Hofmeister Pich2 Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, RS, Brasil Abstract In order to systematically explore the normative treatment of black slavery by Second Scholastic thinkers, usually placing the problem within the broad discussion of moral conscience and, more narrowly, the nature and justice of trade and contracts, I propose two stations of research that may be helpful for future studies, especially in what con- cerns the study of Scholastic ideas in colonial Latin America. Beginning with the analysis of just titles for slavery and slavery trade proposed by Luis de Molina S.J. (1535–1600), I show how his accounts were critically reviewed by Diego de Avendaño S.J. (1594–1688), revealing basic features of Second Scholastic normative thinking in Europe and the Americas. Normative knowledge provided by these two Scholastic intellectuals would be deeply tested throughout the last decades of the 17th century, especially by authors who sharpened the systemic analysis and a rigorist moral assessment of every title of slavery and slaveholding, as well as the requirements of an ethics of restitution. Keywords: black slavery, Second Scholasticism, commutative justice, probabilism, Luis de Molina, Diego de Avendaño. 1 This study was prepared during a stay as guest professor at the Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms- Universität Bonn / Germany, as first “CAPES / Universität Bonn Lehrstuhlinhaber”, from July 2018 to February 2019. I hereby express my gratitude to the remarkable support of the Brazilian Agency Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel) and the University of Bonn. -
Critical Social Policy
Critical Social Policy http://csp.sagepub.com/ A challenge to liberalism? The communitarianism of the Big Society and Blue Labour Daniel Sage Critical Social Policy 2012 32: 365 originally published online 22 May 2012 DOI: 10.1177/0261018312444411 The online version of this article can be found at: http://csp.sagepub.com/content/32/3/365 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for Critical Social Policy can be found at: Email Alerts: http://csp.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://csp.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://csp.sagepub.com/content/32/3/365.refs.html >> Version of Record - Jul 13, 2012 OnlineFirst Version of Record - May 22, 2012 What is This? Downloaded from csp.sagepub.com at University of Stirling on April 1, 2014 CSP32310.1177/0261018312444411SageCritical Social Policy 4444112012 Critical Social Policy Article A challenge to liberalism? The communitarianism of the Big Society and Blue Labour DANIEL SAGE University of Stirling, UK Abstract This article explores how in recent years both the Conservative Party and the Labour Party have begun to argue that the institutions of civil society and community should be reinvigorated and strengthened. Such argu- ments take inspiration from the theories of communitarianism, which stress the importance of community and civic life over the more liberal claims of individual rights. For the Conservatives, these ideas have been synthesized under the banner of the ‘Big Society’, while ‘Blue Labour’ – a relatively new political tendency – argues that Labour must stand for a more cooperative and reciprocal civil society based upon community action. -
Truth and Truthmaking in 17Th-Century Scholasticism
Truth and Truthmaking in 17th-Century Scholasticism by Brian Embry A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Philosophy University of Toronto © Copyright by Brian Embry 2015 Truth and Truthmaking in 17th-Century Scholasticism Brian Embry Doctor of Philosophy Department of Philosophy University of Toronto 2015 Abstract Some propositions are true and others are false. What explains this difference? Some philosophers have recently defended the view that a proposition is true because there is an entity, its truthmaker, that makes it true. Call this the ‘truthmaker principle’. The truthmaker principle is controversial, occasioning the rise of a large contemporary debate about the nature of truthmaking and truthmakers. What has gone largely unnoticed is that scholastics of the early modern period also had the notion of a truthmaker [verificativum], and this notion is at the center of early modern scholastic disputes about the ontological status of negative entities, the past and future, and uninstantiated essences. My project is to explain how early modern scholastics conceive of truthmaking and to show how they use the notion of a truthmaker to regiment ontological enquiry. I argue that the notion of a truthmaker is born of a certain conception of truth according to which truth is a mereological sum of a true mental sentence and its intentional object. This view entails the truthmaker principle and is responsible for some surprising metaphysical views. For example, it leads many early modern scholastics to posit irreducible negative entities as truthmakers for negative truths, giving rise to an extensive literature on the nature of negative entities. -
The Possibility of Politics
The Possibility of Politics: The Shape of Political Philosophy Given the Reality of Pluralism John Roger Baxter MPhil University of York Politics January 2016 In memory of Sidney Baxter 2 Abstract: This thesis sets out to make sense of what it calls the reality of pluralism – the idea that the fundamental state between two people is some form of debate or disagreement rather than agreement. To do so it uses three very different thinkers who coalesce around the idea of pluralism despite their disparate political philosophies – Hannah Arendt, Alasdair MacIntyre and John Gray. All of the thinkers address the issue of pluralism in some way, regardless of how positively they view it. This then leads to three different types of pluralism – a positive form of pluralism in the form of Arendt’s “action”, a much more negative form of pluralism in what MacIntyre calls emotivism, and the denial of pluralism that manifests itself in the form of totalitarianism. It also attempts to address the challenges that any politics based on pluralism almost has to face if it is to be a viable political status. Finally it address the question of whether there can be a politics based on the reality of pluralism by introducing a basic requirement for all those who might enter into pluralistic debate – a form of mutual respect based on accepting the other person in any discussion or argument has a right to their opinion, no matter how far that opinion, belief or general worldview might be from one’s own. 3 List of Contents Abstract 3 List of Contents 4 Preface 5