『言語研 究 』 第62号(1972)

The Origins of The Tsou Phonemes /b/ and /d/

Shigeru TSUCHIDA

Summary

It is suggested that some initial b's in Tsou are the regular re- flex of the cluster *km-. It is further suggested that some d's in the same position, parallel to b-, seem to have originated from *kN-, although the latter change is less certain because of the paucity of data.

0. Tsou is an Austronesian language spoken by approximately 3, 000 people in Central . It is believed1) that Tsou, together with Kanakanabu and Saaroa, constitutes a subgroup called Tsouic, as against Atayalic (Atayal and Sedeq) and Paiwanic (Paiwan, Rukai, Puyuma, Ami, Bunun, Saisiyat). Three dialects of Tsou have been reported2): Tfuea, Tapane, and Diihtu. The dialectal differences are very slight, and the speakers of the different dialects face no problem in communicating with each other. The dialect treated here is Duhtu, spoken by about 150 people at Choumei Village (/mamahavana/) in Hsinyi County, Nant'ou Province (南投 縣信 義 郷久 美). The data were collected by the writer at the village during the summer of 1969.

1. Tsou phonemes are as follows: : /p, b, f, v, m; t, d, n; c, s, z; k, h, n;?; r/;

1) Ferrell 1966 and 1969, Dyen 1963 and 1965. 2) Ogawa & Asai 1935, Tung 1964.

24 The Origins of The Tsou Phonemes /b/ and /d/ 25

Vowels:/i, e, a, o, u, a/; Stress:/'/. /c/ is voiceless alveolar [ts]. /c/ and /s/ are palatalized [tf, f] when immediately followed by /i/. /h/ is a voiceless velar []. /r/ is a retroflex non-fricative continuant, and corre- sponds to /e/ in other two dialects. /b/ and /d/ are preglottalized [?b, ?d], and are phonemically interpreted as single phonemes rather than a cluster of ? and b or d, because (1) [?b, ?d] are acoustically shorter than other clusters, and (2) there are clusters including [?b, ?d] as one of the members, clusters comprised of three consonants being otherwise not found in Tsou.

2. All Tsou consonants but /b/ and /d/ can be considered the re- flexes of Proto-Austronesian sounds as follows3) p<*p: pitu seven<*pitu, cdphe palm of the hand, sole of the foot<**DapaN4),

3) The have changed in rather complicated ways. They will be dealt with in a separate paper. Dyen's symbols are used for the phonemes of the proto-language except *e instead of his *e. See Dyen 1965, and also 1953. Subclassifi- cation of proto-phonemes proposed by Dyen is ignored in this paper ex- cept for *S2 and *x2. Abbreviations of the names of the languages compared and the sources are as follows: Ami: Ami (Ogawa 1933); Aty: Atayal (Ogawa 1931); Bkl: Bikol (Lisboa 1865); Bun: Bunun (Tsuchida); Hlg: Hili- gaynon (Kaufmann 1935); Ilk: Ilokano (Vanoverbergh 1957); Itb: Itbayaten (Yamada 1966); Jav: Javanese (Pigeaud 1948); Kan: Kana- kanabu (Tsuchida); Kpp: Kapampangan (Bergano 1860); Mag: Maga dialect of Rukai (Tsuchida); Mal: Malay (Wilkinson 1932); Mar: Maranao (McKaughan & Macaraya 1969); Pai: Paiwan (Ferrell 1970); Png: Pangasinan (Cosgaya 1865); Sar: Saaroa (Tsuchida); Sed: Sedeq (Tsuchida); Sng Sangirese (Steller & Aebersold 1959); Sst: Saisiyat (Tsuchida); Tag; Tagalog (Laktaw 1914); Tha: Thao (Li et al. 1956); Tso: Tsou (Tsuchida). 4) A double asterisk (**) indicates that the from is not reconstructed by Dempwolff, but can be reconstructed on the basis from Formosan and non-Formosan forms. Cf., Sar sapale, Mag Dpale, Sst rapal foot, Pai djapal thigh, Aty rapal; Ilk Png dapan, Bkl dapan sole of the foot. 26 Shigeru TSUCHIDA

hup-a hunting ground<**qaNup5); f<*b: fatu stone<*batu, fuu ashes<*qabu, cefe dead-fall trap for rats<**qaCeb6); v<*w-: voru eight<*walu; *-w-: cd-cvo< laugh<*Ca-Cawa; *u (when < preceded or followed by a consonant in an un- accented ) vroce blood-vessel,: tendon<*uRaC, tra-vto vomit<*utaq; m<*m: mcoi die<*maCey, amo father<*ama,amo chumu water<*[dD]aNum; t<*t: turu three<*talu, mdto unripe, raw<*mataq, septe four<*x2epat; *T: m?o-t?ut?u< nod in affirmation<*TukTuk; n<*n: ino mother<*ina, m-envene weave<*tine?un; c<*C: cou person<*Cau, mcoo eye<*maCa, rici tuber-peelings<*kuliC; <*d: t-m-a-cnecne<*d: dry by fire<*dandap , mua-rovcu blow down the mountains<*laHud; *D: cmecma clouds<*DamDam < na-sico he, she, they<*siDa; < : cro-a earth, soil<**zaReq7);

5) Cf., Kan ?antipu, Sar ?alupu hunting ground, Bun hanop, Pai q-m- alup, Aty q-em-alup; Ilk anup, Png anop hunt. 6) Cf., Sar ?acava, Bun hatob, Sst ?aseb; Bkl atob rat-trap, Sng atabe? trap. 7) Cf., Sar saree, Bun dalah, Mag a-doo, Sst ra'i?; Bkl daga earth, Hlg daga clay. The Origins of The Tsou Phonemes /b/ and /d/ 27

<*Z: crone road , path<*Zalan,

m-echa rain (v.)<*quZaN;

s<*s: sio nine<*siwa8),

fsuru bow<*busuR,

ferse husked rice<*beRas; *S: na-su/su you/your < (sg .)<**Su9),

rsee•`see tears<**luSeq10),

tresi rope<*taliS; *x2: septe < four<*x2epat;

z<*y(intervocalically, and in final position when preceded

by *u)

zome bird<*qayam,:

fuzu wild pig<*babuy; *i (when preceded< of followed by a consonant in an un-

accented syllable)

tahzucu mulberry<**taNiu[D]11);:

k<*N (when preceded by a fricative)

fkoi snake<**buN[e]y12), :

m-dski salty<*qasiN;

h<*N (elsewhere)

: h?o-h?o tumor<*Nuka,

me-?ho (Passive eh-a) hit the mark<*kaNa,

frohe moon<*bulaN; <*n

: n-ohcu adrift<*qanud;

*rj: nroi saliva<**nal[e]y< ,

8) With an inexplicable zero reflex for *w. 9) Cf., Kan ii-ka-su/-su, Sar Mag mu-su/-su, Bun soo/i-so you/ your (sg.); Tag iy-o yours (sg.). 10) Cf., Kan asa?a, Sar lee?e, Mag rsee, Pai lusep, Sst osi? lusuq; Tag lu:ha?, Jav luh tears. 11) Cf., Kan taniucu, Sar taliusu, Itb tanud mulberry. 12) Cf., Kan vunai, Sar, Itb volay snake. 28 Shigeru TSUCHIDA

m-onsi weep<*tanis, suhnu mortar<*Nasun13); *k (in medial?< and final posision)14) : cfu?o stomach<*biCuka13), me-ah?o give birth<*aNak; *q (when followed< by *i in intervocalic position) : Pee excreta, te?i defecate<*taqi, pa?ici bitter cucuber<*paqiC; r<*1: rimo five<*lima, e-pri choose<*piliq, f?iri f?iri goiter<**biqil15); *R; rome < molar tooth<*Raqam , vri-na left<*wiRi, oru a typeoru of bamboo<*qauR.

3. The origin of Tsou /b, d/ has not been properly accounted for in spite of the fact that they appear in such basic words as bone eat, baito see, borce bite; dudku finger, tmade hear, rede smell. Nevskij16) compares Tsou b and d with Indonesian p and d/j/l, respectively, as in Tso beyo (Duhtu bero), Mal parut belly; Tso boki penis, Mal puki vulva; Tso abuyu (Duhtu aburu) crimson, Indonesian languages apuy fire; Tso dudku finger, Mal tunjuk finger; Tso podo earthworm, Mal ular snake. His comparison, however, is not con- vincing either in forms or in meaning, or both.

4. Tsou initial b morphophonemically alternates with initial zero or

13) With metathesis. 14) *k, in most cases, became zero in initial position: evi tree, wood< *kaS2iw; re?re language , speech<**kaRi-kaRi (cf., Kan kaari, Sar kari, Pai kai language; Ilk kari promise, Kpp cayi such, it is said). 15) Cf., Kan vPili, Sar vi?ili, Bun bihi?; Ilk biel goiter. 16) Nevskij 1935, pp. 35-36. The Origins of The Tsou Phonemes /b/ and /d/ 29 medial . At the same time it is interesting to notice that several forms with b- resemble in some way proto-forms with *k-: (1) bond (Passive dna)17) eat (cf., *ka?en); (2) baito (Pass. aiti) see (cf., *kiTa); (3) borca (Pass. ro?roca) bite (cf., *kaRaC); (4) bohne (Pass. hona) recognize at a glance (cf., *keNan); (5) berne (Pass. rena) bake in coals (cf., *kaRan); (6) birbini (Pass. ri?ma) seek; (7) borpono lay a snare, orpona snare,h? trap (in general); (8) borzazoma lay a snare for catching birds, orzazome a snare for catching birds.h?

5. There is an Active Formative Infix-m- in Tsou, which is from **-um-; c-m-dpo (Pass. cdp-i) roast over a slow fire (<*Capa); c-m-uhu (Pass. chu-a) roast, broil (<*CuNuH); s-m-opro (Pass. spor-a) spread a mat (<*SapaR); t-m-e?si (Pass. t?es-a) sew (<*taqiS);

6. It is supposed that in Proto-Tsouic a supporting developed after a syllable-final consonant, and then dropped in proto-Tsou vowel in the even-numbered but final counting from the accented syllable.

Thus: dandan>*danadana (cf., Kan c-um-a-canacana,

Sar s-um-a-saasane)•¨*t-um-a-danadana

>*tumacanecana>tmacnacne dry by fire .

7. It will be safe to assume, therefore, that at least some of the initial b's in Tsou came from a cluster of *k and *m (<**-um-) in

17) Terms such as " active " and " passive " are used only in the conven- tional sense. The term " focus " would be more appropriate in the case of . 30 Shigeru TSUCHIDA that order, taking the feature from *k and the labial/voiced feature from *m. The morphophonemic alternation between b- and zero or medial glottal stop can be better understood on the basis of such an assumption. The following shows schematically the process of the phonemic changes which are supposed to have taken place in the words in section 418):

(1) *k-um-a?an>*kumdene>*kma?ne>bone eat, *ka?an-a>*ka?ene>ka?na>ana (Passive);

(2) *k-um-a-kiTa>*kumakita>kmakita>baito19) see, *ka-kiTa-i>*kakitai>*kakitei>aiti19) (Passive);

(3) *k-um-aRaC>*kumarace>*kmarce>borce bite, *kaRa-kaRaC-a>*kardkaraca>*krdkraca>ro?roca

(Passive);

(4) *k-um-eNan>*kumehane •¨*kumdhene13)>*kmahne >bohne recognize at a glance, *keNan-a>*kahana>*khana>hona (Passive);

(5) *k-um-eRan>*kumerane>*kmerne> berne bake in coals, keRan-a>*karana•¨*karana13)>*krena>rena

(Passive);

(6) +k-um-iRim20)>*kumirimi•¨*kumirini21)>*kmirni >*birni•¨bi-birNi22)•¨birbini seek ,

18) The relative chronology of the changes in each phoneme is not clear. Vowels, for example, are left unchanged until the final stage, but it is not claimed that this is what actually happened historically. 19) Zero appearing for medial *k, as well as the non-dropping of the first vowel *a, might suggest that the reduplicated first syllable with *a functioned rather as a kind of proclitic in this language. *-ei>-i is inexplicable. 20) A raised plus sign (+) indicates that the proto-form is reconstructed on the evidence of only. Cf., Kan k-um-kirimi, Sar u-a-ki-kirimi, Bun kilim-on, Ami,mi-kirim, Sst k-om-i'im seek. 21) By dissimilation. 22) By . The Origins of The Tsou Phonemes /b/ and /d/ 31

+kiRim -a20)>*kirima•¨*rikima13)>*rikma>ri?ma23)

(Passive);

(7) *k-um-aR-pana>*kumarapana>*kmarpana>borpono lay a snare, *Ni-kaR-pana-a>*hi?arepanaa>*h?arpanaa>h?oripona

snare in general;

(8) *k-um-aR-qaya-qayam>*kumareazaazame>*kmarzaazame

>borzazoma lay a snare for catching birds, *Ni-kaR-qaya -qayam>*hi?areazaazame>h?orzazome

a snare for catching birds.

8. As stated in footnote 14, *k in the initial position became zero.

In a couple of words, however, there is observed a fluctuation be- tween the form with glottal stop and that with zero-reflex for *k- preceding a consonant, which is due to the loss of a vowel: ?cuu•` cuu head louse<*kuCu; ?ruu•`ruu wax-tree<+kuRu24). There is a series of words with an initial cluster composed of glottal stop, which is from *k, and a consonant including m. These words have no alternate forms without glottal stop: ?conza the first month, ?rosa the 2nd month, ?turva the 3rd month, ?septa the 4th month, ?rema the 5th month, ?pitva the 7th month, ?vorva the 8th month, ?sia the 9th month, ?mdska the 10th month. It is supposed that *km- did not become b- in this particular word because of an analogy.

Thus: coni (<+Cani)25 one: ?conza (<+ka-Cani-a)26= ruso (<*Dawsa)27 two: ?rosa (<*ka-Dewsa-a)27=

23) See section 9. 24) Cf., Kan kuuru, Sar kuru?u wax-tree. 25) Cf., Kan u-cani, Sar u-cani one. 26) Cf., Sar ka-cani-a the first month, ka-rusa the 2nd month, ka-tulu-a the 3rd month, ka-pata-a the 4th month, ka-lima the 5th month, ka- neme-a the 6th month, ka-pitu-a the 7th month, ka-alu-a the 8 th month, ka-sia 9th month, ka-maala-a the 10th month. 27) The reflex of Tso Sar r for *D is inexplicable. 32 Shigeru TSUCHIDA turu (<*talu) three: ?turva (

9. In the medial position there are many words with the cluster -?m-: ma?mio lazy, ormi?mi dried, su?mu soft as cotton, mu?mu?u?u grunt (of pigs), o/mese bite one's lips in anger, etc. Although most of them have no cognates, the Passive form ri?ma of (6) in section 7 shows that *-km- became -?m-, not -b-. On the other hand there are also many words with medial b, whose developments are not known: karba glad, happy, brébca fart, reobako (Pass. reobdka) hit or strike (in general), mreobdno (Pass. preobdna) run after, tibkoca (Pass. tibkoca) break (a branch, etc.).

10. It may be expected that d, parallel to b, came from *kn- or

*kN- . The fact that there is no initial cluster ?n or ?h seems rather promising. Unfortunately, however, no cognates have been found for most of the Tsou words with d, and no morphophonemic alter- nation has been observed.

The following might be considered the supporting examples of the above hypothesis, although there remains some difficulty in each case:

(9) *k-aN-uS2kuS230) nail•¨*kaNu-kaNuS2kuS231)

28) With an inexplicable o-reflex for *a. 29) Cf., Kan mdane, Sar maale, Bun mas?an ten. 30) Cf., Pai k-al-uskus-an, Ami k-an-o?os (see footnote 32), Sst ka-k-l-okoh; Mar k-an-oko nail. 31) Doubling of the first two syllables. The Origins of The Tsou Phonemes /b/ and /d/ 33

> *kaNukaNuS2ukuS2t>*kNukNuS2kuSzu >*duduku>dudku finger . The difficulty here is that Tso dudku means finger, while its cognates all mean nail, and that this is the only example which shows the change of *-S2k- into -k-32). If Ami ma-lo?ndeaf, lo?enearwax is cognateto Tso doenedeaf, the following development would be conceivable: (10) +ka-Nuqen>*kaNuqene>*kNoen33)>*doene doene deaf. The difficulty is that there is no internal or external evidence to support the existence of *ka- in this particular word.

11. In the medial position *-kN- became -?h-: (11) *ma-keNa>*mákaha>*mekha>ma?ho hit the mark, *keNa-a>*kehaa>eha (Passive); (12) *t-um-a-keNan>*tumakehane>*tmakhdna>tma?hone understand a foreign language, *ta-keNan-i>*takehdni>*takhdni>ta?honi(Passive); (13) +C-um-akaN-a34)>*cumekaha>*cmekha> cme?ho come. There are many words with -d-, but their developments are not clear: kddi knee, podo earthworm, smoudodone loose, etc.

References

Bergano, Diego: 1860 Vocabulario de la Lengua Pampanga en Romance. Manila. Cosgaya, Lorenzo Fernandez: 1865 Diccionario Pangasinan-Espanol. Manila. Dempwolff, Otto:

32) The glottal stop in Ami kano?os nail is also inexplicable if it is not the reflex for *-S2k-. 33) With inexplicable non-dropping of *a. 34) Cf., Tso sa-c?ehe, Kan maka-ceken-a arrive, Sar mu-a-cakale come. 34 Shigeru TSUCHIDA

1934-8 Vergleichende Lautlehre des Austronesischen Wortscha- tzes. Berlin. Dyen, Isidore: 1953 The Proto-Malayo-Polynesian Laryngeals. Baltimore. 1963 The position of the Malayopolynesian languages of For- mosa. Asian Pespectives Vol. 7, Nos. 1/2: 261-271. 1965 Formosan evidence for some new Proto-Austronesian pho- nemes. Lingua Vol. 14: 285-305. Ferrell, Releigh: 1966 The Formosan tribes: a preliminary linguistic, archaeologic- al and cultural synthesis. Bulletin of the Inst. of Eth- nology, No. 21: 97-127. 1969 Taiwan Aboriginal Groups: Problems in Cultural And Linguistic Classification. Inst. of Ethnology, Academia Sinica Monograph No. 17, Taipei. 1970 Paiwan Stem Vocabulary (Draft). Taipei. Mimeograph. Kaufmann, J.: 1935 Visayan-English Dictionary. Iloilo, ca. 1935. Laktaw, Pedro Serrano: 1914 Diccionario Tagdlog-Hispano. Manila. Li, Fang-kuei, et al.: 1956 Notes on the . Bulletin of the Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, National Taiwan Uni- versity No. 7: 23-51. Lisboa, Marcos De: 1865 Vocabulario de la Lengua Bicol. Manila. McKaughan, Howard P. and Batua A. Macaraya: 1967 A Maranao Dictionary. Honolulu. Nevskij, N. A.: 1935 Materialy po Govoram Jazyka Cou. Moskva. Ogawa, Naoyoshi: 1931 Atayaru-goshu [Atayal Vocabulary]. Taihoku, Taiwan. The Origins of The Tsou Phonemes /b/ and /d/ 35

1933 Ami-goshu [Ami Vocabulary]. Taihoku, Taiwan. Ogawa, N. and E. Asai: 1935 Gengo ni yoru Taiwan Takasago-zoku Densetsu-shu [The Myths and Traditions of the Formosan Native Tribes]. Taihoku, Taiwan. Pigeaud, Th.: 1948 Javaans-Nederlands Handwoordenboek. Groningen. Steller, K.G.F. and W.E. Aebersold: 1959 Sangirees-Nederlands Woordenboek met Nederlands-San- girees Register. 's-Gravenhage. Tsuchida, Shigeru: 1964 Preliminary reports on Saisiyat: phonology. Gengo Ken- kyu No. 46: 42-52. n.d. Unpublished data on Tsou (Duhtu dialect), Kanakanabu, Saaroa, Bunun (Ishbukun dialect), Rukai (Maga dialect), Saisiyat, and Sedeq. Tung, T'ung-ho: 1964 A Descriptive Study of the , Formosa. Inst. of History and Philology Academia Sinica, Special Pub- lications No. 48, Taipei. Vanoverbergh, Morice: 1957 Iloko-English Dictionary (Rev. Andres Carro's Vocabulario Iloco-Espanol, 1888, revised, augmented, translated by M. Vanoverbergh). ca. 1957. Wilkinson, R. J.: 1932 A Malay-English Dictionary. Mytitene, Greece. Yamada, Yukihiro: 1966 A Preliminary Itbayaten Vocabulary. Inst. of Asian Studies, University of the Philippines, [Quezon City].

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