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October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (Excepts)
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts) Citation: “Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts),” October 22, 1962, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Italian Senate Historical Archives [the Archivio Storico del Senato della Repubblica]. Translated by Leopoldo Nuti. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115421 Summary: The few excerpts about Cuba are a good example of the importance of the diaries: not only do they make clear Fanfani’s sense of danger and his willingness to search for a peaceful solution of the crisis, but the bits about his exchanges with Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlo Russo, with the Italian Ambassador in London Pietro Quaroni, or with the USSR Presidium member Frol Kozlov, help frame the Italian position during the crisis in a broader context. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Italian Contents: English Translation The Amintore Fanfani Diaries 22 October Tonight at 20:45 [US Ambassador Frederick Reinhardt] delivers me a letter in which [US President] Kennedy announces that he must act with an embargo of strategic weapons against Cuba because he is threatened by missile bases. And he sends me two of the four parts of the speech which he will deliver at midnight [Rome time; 7 pm Washington time]. I reply to the ambassador wondering whether they may be falling into a trap which will have possible repercussions in Berlin and elsewhere. Nonetheless, caught by surprise, I decide to reply formally tomorrow. I immediately called [President of the Republic Antonio] Segni in Sassari and [Foreign Minister Attilio] Piccioni in Brussels recommending prudence and peace for tomorrow’s EEC [European Economic Community] meeting. -
Quaderni D'italianistica : Revue Officielle De La Société Canadienne
ANGELO PRINCIPE CENTRING THE PERIPHERY. PRELIMINARY NOTES ON THE ITALLVN CANADL\N PRESS: 1950-1990 The Radical Press From the end of the Second World War to the 1980s, eleven Italian Canadian radical periodicals were published: seven left-wing and four right- wing, all but one in Toronto.' The left-wing publications were: II lavoratore (the Worker), La parola (the Word), La carota (the Carrot), Forze nuove (New Forces), Avanti! Canada (Forward! Canada), Lotta unitaria (United Struggle), and Nuovo mondo (New World). The right-wing newspapers were: Rivolta ideale (Ideal Revolt), Tradizione (Tradition), // faro (the Lighthouse or Beacon), and Occidente (the West or Western civilization). Reading these newspapers today, one gets the impression that they were written in a remote era. The socio-political reality that generated these publications has been radically altered on both sides of the ocean. As a con- sequence of the recent disintegration of the communist system, which ended over seventy years of East/West confrontational tension, in Italy the party system to which these newspapers refer no longer exists. Parties bear- ing new names and advancing new policies have replaced the older ones, marking what is now considered the passage from the first to the second Republic- As a result, the articles on, or about, Italian politics published ^ I would like to thank several people who helped in different ways with this paper. Namely: Nivo Angelone, Roberto Bandiera, Damiano Berlingieri, Domenico Capotorto, Mario Ciccoritti, Elio Costa, Celestino De luliis, Odoardo Di Santo, Franca lacovetta, Teresa Manduca, Severino Martelluzzi, Roberto Perin, Concetta V. Principe, Guido Pugliese, Olga Zorzi Pugliese, and Gabriele Scardellato. -
Marxism and Bourgeois Democracy. Reflections on a Debate After the Second World War in Italy
53 WSCHODNI ROCZNIK HUMANISTYCZNY TOM XVI (2019), No 1 s. 53-65 doi: 10.36121/dstasi.16.2019.1.053 Daniele Stasi (University of Rzeszów, University of Foggia) ORCID 0000-0002-4730-5958 Marxism and bourgeois democracy. Reflections on a debate after the Second World War in Italy Annotation: In this paper is illustrated a debate about the form of State and democracy be- tween N.Bobbio, some Italian Marxist philosophers and intellectuals. The debate took place in 1970s, that is in a period of intense philosophical confrontation, hosted by cultural reviews like „Mondoperaio” and marked by a strong ideological opposition linked to the world bipo- lar system. The paper presents the general lines of that debate, which highlighted the inad- equacies of the Marxist doctrine of State, consistently determining the end of any hegemonic ambitions in the Italian culture of those intellectuals linked to international communism. Keywords: Marxism, democracy, State, Italian philosophy, hegemony, Norberto Bobbio. Marksizm i burżuazyjna demokracja. Refleksje na temat debaty po drugiej wojnie świa- towej we Włoszech Streszczenie: W artykule przedstawiono debatę o kształcie państwa i demokracji, która toczyła się pomiędzy N. Bobbio i niektórymi marksistowskimi filozofami włoskimi w la- tach siedemdziesiątych XX wieku. Okres ten cechuje intensywna konfrontacja filozoficznа we Włoszech związana z sytuacją polityczną na świecie. Debata miała miejsce na łamach czasopisma „Mondoperaio”. W artykule zostały zilustrowane podstawowe tezy owej deba- ty, które podkreślają niedostatki marksistowskiej doktryny o państwie, konsekwentnie wy- znaczając koniec wszelkich hegemonicznych ambicji włoskich intelektualistów związanych z międzynarodowym komunizmem. Słowa kluczowe: marksizm, demokracja, państwo, filozofia włoska, hegemonia, Norberto Bobbio. Марксизм и буржуазная демократия. -
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks Dylan Riley Antonio Gramsci is once again moving to the center of debates in contemporary social theory. Sociologists have taken up the concepts of hegemony and civil society to analyze regimes and social movements (Riley 2010; Tugal 2009). Political theorists have used Gramsci as an inspiration for developing the idea of radical democracy (Laclau and Mouffe 1985). Scholars of international relations have found Gramsci’s focus on global processes useful for analyzing neo-liberalism (Morton 2004, 125-127). Gramsci’s work has also been central in the attempt to elaborate a “sociological Marxism” that moves beyond both the statist and economistic biases of more traditional forms of Second and Third International historical materialism (Burawoy 2003; Wright 2010). But despite this outpouring of recent interest, many of the key elements of Gramsci’s political theory remain obscure. In this context, this essay returns to the Prison Notebooks1 to ask a specific question: “How did Gramsci conceive of the connection between democracy and hegemony?” This question has already generated a substantial body of scholarship. But most of it can be placed into one of two positions. One interpretation views hegemony as a theory of revolutionary dictatorship: a “Leninism” for the West (Galli della Loggia 1977, 69; Salvadori 1977, 40-41). These writers tend to be highly critical of the various attempts by the Partito Comunista Italiano (Italian Communist Party, PCI) to use Gramsci as a symbolic justification -
The Vietnam War, the Church, the Christian Democratic Party and the Italian Left Catholics
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article The Vietnam War, the Church, the Christian Democratic Party and the Italian Left Catholics Daniela Saresella Department of Historical Studies, University of Milan, 20122 Milan, Italy; [email protected] Received: 6 March 2018; Accepted: 28 March 2018; Published: 3 April 2018 Abstract: Over the years of the Cold War, the conflict in Vietnam assumed the significance of a clash between two civilizations, the West and communism. Italian Catholics thus found themselves not only invoking the end of the conflict, but also expressing their evaluations on the choices made in international politics by the two superpowers. The positions assumed by the ecclesiastic Institution, the Christian Democrats and the Catholic world in Italy towards the war in Indochina were not identical: in fact, if—with a few exceptions—the ecclesiastic hierarchy was distinguished by its extreme caution, in the Catholic party different positions became manifest. It was mainly in Catholic associations, and in general amongst believers closer to the experience of the Vatican Council, that a radical sense of aversion to U.S. foreign policy developed. Keywords: Vietnam War; Italian Catholics; Cold War; Italian Church; Christian Democratic Party 1. The Italian Church The sixties saw a period of profound change, not only in the West but in other continents, too: the civil rights movement in the United States, the battles against oppressive regimes in Latin America, the cultural revolution in China, the upheavals in Eastern European countries and the leading role played by young people all enlivened the decade. The Catholic Church was also marked by radical innovations with the pontificate of John XXIII and from 1962 with the start of the Second Vatican Council. -
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks
Peer Reviewed Title: Hegemony, Democracy, and Passive Revolution in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks Journal Issue: California Italian Studies, 2(2) Author: Riley, Dylan J., University of California - Berkeley Publication Date: 2011 Publication Info: California Italian Studies, Italian Studies Multicampus Research Group, UC Office of the President Permalink: http://escholarship.org/uc/item/5x48f0mz Author Bio: Dylan J. Riley is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. His work uses comparative and historical methods to challenge a set of key conceptual oppositions in classical sociological theory: authoritarianism and democracy, revolution and counter-revolution, and state and society. His first monograph The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania 1870-1945 was published in 2010 by Johns Hopkins University Press. His current book project is entitled Knowledge Production or Construction?: A Comparative Analysis of Census Taking in the West (with Rebecca Jean Emigh and Patricia Ahmed) and is forthcoming in the Rose Monograph Series of the American Sociological Association. Keywords: Gramsci, Hegemony, Social Theory Local Identifier: ismrg_cisj_8962 Abstract: What is the relationship between democracy and hegemony in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks? Salvadori and Galli della Loggia argue that hegemony is best understood as a theory of dictatorship and is therefore incompatible with democracy. Vacca argues that hegemony is inconceivable in the absence of democracy. I bridge these divergent readings by making two arguments. First, hegemony is a form of rationalized intellectual and moral leadership, and therefore depends on liberal democratic institutions. Second, hegemony is established through revolution. Gramsci thus paradoxically combines a deep appreciation for liberal democracy with a basically Leninist conception of politics. -
Elezione Del Presidente Della Repubblica
ELEZIONE DEL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA Indice ELEZIONE DEL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA La Costituzione della Repubblica Italiana: norme che riguardano l’elezione del Presidente della Repubblica ..............pag. 5 Elezione dei delegati delle Regioni per l’elezione del Presidente della Repubblica ...........................................................................................pag. 13 Elenco delle legislature della Repubblica Italiana .......................................pag. 15 Dati sintetici delle elezioni del Presidente della Repubblica .......................pag. 16 I Presidenti della Repubblica – scrutinii ed elezioni - Enrico DE NICOLA...........................................................................pag. 19 - Luigi EINAUDI .................................................................................pag. 21 - Giovanni GRONCHI..........................................................................pag. 24 - Antonio SEGNI..................................................................................pag. 27 - Giuseppe SARAGAT.........................................................................pag. 32 - Giovanni LEONE...............................................................................pag. 43 - Sandro PERTINI ................................................................................pag. 54 - Francesco COSSIGA .........................................................................pag. 64 - Oscar Luigi SCALFARO...................................................................pag. 66 -
Dice Amato Psi, Unanimismo Fino Al Congresso?
GIOVEDÌ 2 l'Unità OGGI 5TEBBRAIO 1987 ROMA — Ad un passo dall'approvazione de te nel mercato editoriale* la posizione di un Ed è qui 11 nodo delta questione La nuova La proposta ha colto disarmata la maggio finitiva, la nuova legge sull'editoria ha subi soggetto II disegno di legge che 11 Senato legge per l'editoria si regge su un equilibrio ranza La prima reazione della De è consisti I radicali to Ieri una fermata nella commissione Affari stava per approvare considera «dominante» chi edita o controlla società che editano te faticosamente raggiunto a Montecitorio ta In una sorta di aut-aut o la legge si appro costituzionali del Senato A provocarla è sta Tutti 1 gruppi senatoriali sono consapevoli va cosi com'è, oppure — ha affermato Learco di nuovo to ti sottosegretario alla presidenza del Con state che superano Il 20% della tiratura com Editorìa, della delicatezza della questione tanto che plessiva del quotidiani, o II titolare dt colle Saporito — la De presenta emendamenti per siglio, Giuliano Amato, che ha sollevato la Ieri nella commissione lo stesso relatore, ti de la stampa periodica cattolica e per la stampa questione di una modifica della porte relati gamenti con società editrici di quotidiani la cu) tiratura superi 11 30% della tiratura com Germano De Cinque, aveva ritenuto 'priori all'estero Favorevoli a più precise norme an a congresso va alio norme contro le concentrazioni nella plessiva La nuovn normativa specifica an taria l'esigenza di accelerare II più possibile titrust I senatori comunisti 11 risultato -
Livio Maitan Bio-Bibliographical Sketch
Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Livio Maitan Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: Basic biographical data Biographical sketch Selective bibliography Sidelines, notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: Livio Maitan Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): Claudio ; Domingo ; Fausto ; Claudio Giuliani ; L.M. ; Libero ; Livio ; Claudio Mangani ; Mario Date and place of birth: April 1, 1923, Venezia [Venice] (Italy) Date and place of death: September 16, 2004, Roma [Rome] (Italy) Nationality: Italian Occupations, careers, etc.: historian, lecturer, journalist, translator, editor, party leader, professional revolutionary Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1947 - 2004 (lifelong Trotskyist) Biographical sketch This short biographical sketch is chiefly based upon autobiographical notes which Livio Maitan sent to me on request in 1996 and on some of the obituaries listed below (see Selective bibliography: Books and articles about Maitan, below). Livio Maitan – together with Ernest Mandel and Pierre Frank the European top-leader and chief the- oretician of the Fourth International (International/United Secretariat) during the 1950s-1980s – was born in Venezia (Venice) on April 1, 1923 as a son of a teacher and a housewife. Maitan got married in 1954 and was divorced in 1983; he had two sons, Gianni (b. 1959) and Marco (b. 1963). In 1942, when studying classical literature (Greek and Latin) at the University of Padua, he became active in the anti-fascist resistance movement and in 1943 he joined the illegal PSIUP (Partito So- cialista Italiano di Unità Proletaria, Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity). In 1944 he was sen- tenced by a fascist court, escaped to Switzerland and had to spent several months in internment camps there before he could return to Italy in May 1945. -
The Original Documents Are Located in Box 16, Folder “6/3/75 - Rome” of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 16, folder “6/3/75 - Rome” of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 16 of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library 792 F TO C TATE WA HOC 1233 1 °"'I:::: N ,, I 0 II N ' I . ... ROME 7 480 PA S Ml TE HOUSE l'O, MS • · !? ENFELD E. • lt6~2: AO • E ~4SSIFY 11111~ TA, : ~ IP CFO D, GERALD R~) SJ 1 C I P E 10 NTIA~ VISIT REF& BRU SE 4532 UI INAl.E PAL.ACE U I A PA' ACE, TME FFtCIA~ RESIDENCE OF THE PR!S%D~NT !TA y, T ND 0 1 TH HIGHEST OF THE SEVEN HtL.~S OF ~OME, A CTENT OMA TtM , TH TEMPLES OF QUIRl US AND TME s E E ~oc T 0 ON THIS SITE. I THE CE TER OF THE PR!SENT QU?RINA~ IAZZA OR QUARE A~E ROMAN STATUES OF C~STOR .... -
Historic Compromise’ with the DC, Which Responded with Aldo Moro’S ‘Strategy of Attention’
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 4, No. 2, 2012, 209-229 The DC and the PCI in the Seventies: A Complex Relationship Supervised by the United States Roberto Fornasier University of Padua Abstract: Relations between the Christian Democrats (DC) and the Communists (PCI) constituted the single most important political issue throughout the period of the Italian ‘first Republic’. A large number of studies have been devoted to the post-1968 years, in particular – years when the Communists, by projecting a new, reformist image of themselves under Enrico Berlinguer’s leadership, tried to reach an ‘historic compromise’ with the DC, which responded with Aldo Moro’s ‘strategy of attention’. What is less well known is the American view during these crucial years, the reaction of the Republican (Nixon and Ford) and Democratic (Carter) Administrations in Washington to the PCI’s overtures to the DC. This article, exploiting Italian, American and British archives, challenges the assumption that, in the late 1970s, the United States, with the change of Administration from Republicans to Democrats, moved from a position of absolute opposition to a benevolent indifference towards Communism in Italy. What emerges from the documents is that the US authorities consistently supported conservative Christian Democrats – like Mariano Rumor and Giulio Andreotti – and that Carter’s election promise to soften US attitudes towards the PCI was not kept. Washington’s official policy remained the one that had been modelled during the Kissinger era Keywords: Italian Communist Party, Christian Democracy; Political History, International History, historic compromise. Introduction Richard Gardner, America’s Ambassador to Italy during the Carter Administration once claimed that Enrico Berlinguer and other PCI leaders had, during his mission, ‘consistently affirmed their fidelity to Marxism- Leninism, praised the achievement of the Soviet Revolution of 1917, and advocated foreign policies favouring Soviet aims and threatening Western interests’ (Gardner, 2006). -
Il Craxismo Oltre Craxi? Traiettoria Di Una Parabola Politica E Culturale
75 IL CRAXISMO OLTRE CRAXI? TRAIETTORIA DI UNA PARABOLA POLITICA E CULTURALE Claudio Vercelli Dopo il Midas [...] non si poteva non dirsi “craxia- ni”. Ma con lo stato d’animo in cui vivevano i calvi- nisti del XVI secolo rispetto al loro imperscrutabile ma intransigente Signore: in un contesto in cui molti erano i chiamati ma pochissimi gli eletti; in cui, so- prattutto, la salvezza era il frutto della Fede e della Grazia e non delle buone intenzioni e delle opere.1 Una figura controversa La vicenda politica di Bettino Craxi2 e il manifestarsi del feno- meno del cosiddetto “craxismo”, stile di condotta e insieme di at- teggiamenti – ma anche e soprattutto modi di intendere la società e il suo rapporto con la politica – che demandano direttamente alla fi- gura del leader politico, datano agli anni a cavallo tra il 1976 e il 1992. Anni di profonde trasformazioni. L’Italia, ma più in genera- le, l’Europa della prima metà degli anni Settanta erano infatti radi- calmente diverse da quelle che, poco meno di due decenni dopo, occuperanno il proscenio internazionale. Anni di mutamento, quin- di, sia all’interno dei singoli paesi, dove cambiarono la composizio- 1 A. Benzoni, Il craxismo, Roma, Edizioni Associate, 1991, p. 11. 2 Bettino Craxi (1934-2000) si avvicinò fin da giovane alla politica. Dopo es- sere divenuto funzionario del Psi ricoprì diversi incarichi amministrativi nella sua città natale, Milano, fino ad essere eletto deputato al Parlamento nel 1968. Convinto sostenitore di Pietro Nenni, a lungo leader del partito, ne divenne anche il capo della sua corrente.